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NATO Library: Journal Titles: J - O

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- ORBIS

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 25, no. 1, January 2020

Record

Results

1.

Pillars not Principles: The Status of Humanity and Military Necessity in the Law of Armed Conflict by Winter, Elliot. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p1-31, 31p; Abstract: Humanity and military necessity are often said to be ‘principles’ of the law of armed conflict (LOAC). However, for Dworkin, a concept must satisfy certain criteria in order to earn the status of a principle. First, principles carry different weightings to each other so that one may triumph in the event of a clash. Secondly, principles are capable of superseding positive rules so that coherence in the regime over which they preside is maintained. This article contends that neither criterion is satisfied by humanity or military necessity. Consequently, it argues that these concepts are not truly principles and that, instead, they are better viewed as ‘pillars’ of the LOAC.; (AN 53511336)
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2.

Cyber Operations and Collective Countermeasures under International Law by Haataja, Samuli. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p33-51, 19p; Abstract: This article examines international law on the use of countermeasures against peacetime cyber operations that fall below the armed attack threshold. It focuses on collective countermeasures— ie, measures taken by states which have not been affected by the cyber operation but which have been requested to assist by the state victim to these operations. While a general right for non-injured states to take countermeasures has not been recognised in international law, this article demonstrates that there is some support for this right in circumstances where the injured state requests assistance from a non-injured state. It argues that a limited right of collective countermeasures should be recognised in the cyber context. This is warranted as it expands the remedies available to states subject to cyber operations and offers a way for less technologically advanced states to obtain assistance when subject to malicious cyber operations from their adversaries; (AN 53511340)
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3.

Insufficient Knowledge in Kunduz: The Precautionary Principle and International Humanitarian Law by Marchant, Emma J. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p53-79, 27p; Abstract: The targeting protocols applied by forces during armed conflict are some of the most secretive documents held by any military. However, their role in applying principles of international humanitarian law (IHL) means that they are key to understanding their development. This piece is primarily concerned with practical and operational application of the precautionary principle under IHL; how much knowledge is sufficient to carry out an attack lawfully during modern armed conflict. In order to establish if a standard has developed with the increase in intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance technology, this piece uses the framework of an investigation into an incident in Kunduz, Afghanistan in 2009. I explore the difficulties of obtaining information post-incident, the differential standards expected by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Bundesgerichtshof (German Federal Court of Justice), and the manner in which these can be evaluated through the principles of proportionality, distinction and precautions in attack. The piece looks at the interrelated issues raised by the Rules of Engagement and Tactical Directives, as well as the problems surrounding the clarity of intelligence available. I argue that this case is demonstrative of the failings inherent in the application and practical use of the precautionary principle outlined by IHL. The lack of transparency afforded in, and after, incidents of this nature prevents objective analysis and so the development of IHL can be obfuscated. I conclude that the lack of information following incidents of this kind confuses any intelligence standard that exists under IHL.; (AN 53511342)
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4.

Betrayal in War: Rules and Trends on Seeking Collaboration under IHL by Galvis Martínez, Manuel. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p81-99, 19p; Abstract: The article analyses the legal regime applicable to military operations seeking to gain the collaboration of enemy elements under International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Apart from addressing the prima facielegality of these practices, the article addresses some trends forming in state practice regarding limitations to its general permission. Throughout the review of academic opinions, treaty provisions, state practice and examples from armed conflicts, the author evaluates the evolution of the legal framework applicable to such tactics and provides some possible interpretations that can guide the developing process of the conduct of hostilities in the near future.; (AN 53511334)
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5.

The Common Approach to Article 1: The Scope of Each State’s Obligation to Ensure Respect for the Geneva Conventions by Robson, Verity. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p101-115, 15p; Abstract: Common Article 1 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 is foundational, but not exceptional: the duty to respect and ensure respect for the Conventions must be considered within the framework of public international law as a whole. The Article obliges each High Contracting Party and its organs to respect the Geneva Conventions, and to ensure respect for these Conventions by the population over which it exercises authority and any other persons or groups whose conduct is attributable to it. This scope is demonstrated by the ordinary meaning of the term, subsequent agreements, subsequent practice and other relevant rules of international law, and confirmed by reference to the travaux preparatoires. In particular, erga omnesstatus does not affect it. As a matter of good faith performance of the Conventions, each High Contracting Party also has a duty not to encourage violations by others. Common Article 1 does not require, as some authors have argued, the prevention or termination of breaches of the Geneva Conventions by other parties to conflict, but High Contracting Parties may choose to take steps toward doing so, as a matter of policy.; (AN 53511341)
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6.

Designing the Organisational Structure of the UN Cyber Peacekeeping Team by Almutawa, Ahmed. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p117-147, 31p; Abstract: Neither the UN Charter nor other UN documents provide for the establishment of cyber peacekeeping missions. By largely ignoring the cyber dimension, the UN reduces the effectiveness of the modern peacekeeping operations which may, in many cases, require cyber intervention. Hence, there is a pressing social need for the establishment of a separate organisation of UN peacekeepers responsible for keeping the peace in cyberspace. The article aims to facilitate the establishment of a UN cyber-peacekeeping team by proposing its organisational structure and examining the qualifications of the cyber peacekeepers, their legal relationship with the UN, and the location of the cyber peacekeeping team. The organisational structure is important because it impacts how the organisation concerned learns, acts, and evolves. The proposed structure consists of two departments and four sub-departments. Each of them is responsible for specific peacekeeping responsibilities, ranging from assessment of cyber-security risks to facilitating the development of e-commerce in post-conflict countries. Although the proposed structure is currently merely theoretical, it can be empirically tested by creating prototype versions of the departments included in it and measuring their effectiveness on the basis of various criteria, such as reducing levels of violence between belligerent parties, protecting civilians from violence, and compliance with ceasefires.; (AN 53511344)
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7.

The Rulings of the Israeli Military Courts and International Law by Ramati, Nery. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p149-169, 21p; Abstract: International humanitarian law (IHL) provides the occupying power extensive legal tools in order to allow it to control and govern the local occupied population, with the possibility of establishing a military law system being one of the most influential. The military law system gives the Military Commander of the occupied area an immense power as a potential legislator and judicial authority, but what happens when this legal system encounters the limitations placed by IHL in general and Occupation Law in particular? To examine this question, this article will present the case of the Israeli Military Court system in the Palestinian Occupied Territories and its use, abuse and misuse of international law norms. Based on the 5565 published rulings of the Military Court of Appeals, this research identifies all of the cases that refer to international law. This article suggests that the evolving approaches of the courts to international law are, in fact, a tool to justify and advance Israeli interests over the rights of the Palestinian defendants. Moreover, the article presents the potential impact these rulings have on the law in Palestine, the law in Israel and customary international law.; (AN 53511337)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 65, no. 7, August 2021

Record

Results

1.

Reassessing the Role of Theory and Machine Learning in Forecasting Civil Conflict by Beger, Andreas; Morgan, Richard K.; Ward, Michael D.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 7-8 p1405-1426, 22p; Abstract: We examine the research protocols in Blair and Sambanis’ recent article on forecasting civil wars, where they argue that their theory-based model can predict civil war onsets better than several atheoretical alternatives or a model with country-structural factors. We find that there are several important mistakes and that their key finding is entirely conditional on the use of parametrically smoothed ROC curves when calculating accuracy, rather than the standard empirical ROC curves that dominate the literature. Fixing these mistakes results in a reversal of their claim that theory-based models of escalation are better at predicting onsets of civil war than other kinds of models. Their model is outperformed by several of the ad hoc, putatively non-theoretical models they devise and examine. More importantly, we argue that rather than trying to contrast the roles of theory and “atheoretical” machine learning in predictive modeling, it would be more productive to focus on ways in which predictive modeling and machine learning could be used to strengthen extant predictive work. Instead, we argue that predictive modeling and machine learning are effective tools for theory testing.; (AN 57241104)
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2.

Is Theory Useful for Conflict Prediction? A Response to Beger, Morgan, and Ward by Blair, Robert A.; Sambanis, Nicholas. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 7-8 p1427-1453, 27p; Abstract: Beger, Morgan, and Ward (BM&W) call into question the results of our article on forecasting civil wars. They claim that our theoretically-informed model of conflict escalation under-performs more mechanical, inductive alternatives. This claim is false. BM&W’s critiques are misguided or inconsequential, and their conclusions hinge on a minor technical question regarding receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curves: should the curves be smoothed, or should empirical curves be used? BM&W assert that empirical curves should be used and all of their conclusions depend on this subjective modeling choice. We extend our original analysis to show that our theoretically-informed model performs as well as or better than more atheoretical alternatives across a range of performance metrics and robustness specifications. As in our original article, we conclude by encouraging conflict forecasters to treat the value added of theory not as an assumption, but rather as a hypothesis to test.; (AN 57223119)
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3.

Does Insurgent Selective Punishment Deter Collaboration? Evidence from the Drone War in Pakistan by Bauer, Vincent; Reese, Michael; Ruby, Keven. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Scholars of civil wars have long argued that non-state actors can use selective punishment to reduce collaboration with state adversaries. However, there is little systematic evidence confirming this claim, nor investigation into the mechanisms at play. In this paper, we provide such evidence from the drone war in Pakistan. Militants in Pakistan’s tribal areas engaged in a brutal counterespionage campaign with the aim of reducing collaboration with the United States. Our analysis combines a novel dataset of collaborator killings with data on drone strike outcomes. We find that strikes killed half as many militant leaders and fighters following collaborator killings and that this suppressive effect likely works by deterring spying in the future. Beyond providing an empirical confirmation of the selective punishment hypothesis, our paper suggests an unacknowledged vulnerability of the drone program to reprisals against local allies and collaborators that limits its effectiveness as a long-term tool of counterterrorism.; (AN 57944662)
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4.

Revisiting Opportunism in Civil Conflict: Natural Resource Extraction and Health Care Provision by Conrad, Justin; Reyes, Liana Eustacia; Stewart, Megan A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: What is the relationship between natural resources and rebel governance? Previous studies have argued that resource rich groups have fewer incentives to provide social services. We argue, however, that even well-funded rebels may have incentives to provide some social services to civilians. Specifically, rebel groups profiting from the extraction of natural resources should be more likely to offer health care services as a means of ensuring a dependable civilian workforce than groups who do not profit from natural resources. Using data on both the extraction of natural resources and social service provision by rebel groups, we find strong empirical evidence to support our argument. We conclude with implications for scholars and policymakers.; (AN 57180605)
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5.

Sticks and Stones? Connecting Insurgent Propaganda with Violent Outcomes by Cremin, Maura R.; Popescu, Bogdan G.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: In this paper, we analyze the relationship between ISIS propaganda content and ISIS-inspired attacks by those outside of the group’s control. We examine the content of ISIS’ English language magazines, as well as speeches by two of its top leaders. We find that statements made about enemy countries in most contexts are not associated with a higher likelihood of violence in those countries. However, when a country is mentioned in ISIS propaganda in the context of its participation in the air campaign, this corresponds to an increased likelihood that the country will experience a violent attack. This suggests that propaganda highlighting key military adversaries may play a role in directing attackers that are outside the control of the organization’s hierarchy to the group’s preferred targets.; (AN 57012007)
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6.

Measuring Human Rights Abuse from Access to Information Requests by Ellington, Sarah A. V.; Bagozzi, Benjamin E.; Berliner, Daniel; Palmer-Rubin, Brian; Erlich, Aaron. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Existing measures of human rights abuses are often only available at the country-year level. Several more fine-grained measures exhibit spatio-temporal inaccuracies or reporting biases due to the primary sources upon which they rely. To address these challenges, and to increase the diversity of available human rights measures more generally, this study provides the first quantitative effort to measure human rights abuses from textual records of citizen-government interactions. Using a dataset encompassing over 1.5 million access-to-information (ATI) requests made to the Mexican federal government from June 2003 onward, supervised classification is used to identify the subset of these requests that pertain to human rights abuses of various types. The results from this supervised machine learning exercise are validated against (i) gold standard ATI requests pertaining to past human rights abuses in Mexico and (ii) several accepted external measures of sub-national and sub-annual human rights abuses. In doing so, we demonstrate that the measurement of human rights abuses from citizen-submitted ATI request texts can provide measures of human rights abuse that exhibit both high validity andnotable spatio-temporal specificity, relative to existent human rights datasets and variables.; (AN 57944664)
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7.

A Liberal Peace?: The Growth of Liberal Norms and the Decline of Interstate Violence by Gill-Tiney, Patrick. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: How have understandings of fundamental norms of international society changed over time? How does this relate to the decline of interstate violence since 1945? Previous explanations have focused on regime type, domestic institutions, economic interdependence, relative power, and nuclear weapons, I argue that a crucial and underexplored part of the puzzle is the change in understanding of sovereignty over the same period. In this article, I propose a novel means of examining change in these norms between 1970 and 2014 by analyzing the content of UN Security Council resolutions. This analysis is then utilized in quantitative analysis of the level of violence dispute participants resorted to in all Militarized Interstate Disputes in the period. I find that as liberal understandings of fundamental norms have increased, that the average level of violence used has decreased. This points to a crucial missing component in the existing literature: that institutions can only constrain when political actors share the right norms.; (AN 57944666)
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8.

Indirect Governance at War: Delegation and Orchestration in Rebel Support by Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim; Mehrl, Marius. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Instead of attacking their adversaries directly, states often do so indirectly by supporting rebel groups. While these support relationships vary considerably, existing research lacks a comprehensive account thereof. To explain states’ choice of support, we suggest differentiating between two modes of support relationships according to the control opportunities they offer states over rebels: while delegation enables “hands-on” control, “hands-off” orchestration allows for plausible deniability and does not harm rebels’ local legitimacy. We argue that sponsors prefer orchestration when “hands-on” control can be substituted by goal alignment or competition; and they prefer delegation when the conflict is highly salient. Tests using global data for the period 1975-2009 support the first two expectations. Surprisingly, states’ capabilities also render “hands-off” orchestration more likely. The paper advances the understanding of external rebel support by transferring insights from indirect governance theory to the study of indirect wars and putting it to statistical test.; (AN 57204031)
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9.

Quick on the Draw: American Negativity Bias and Costly Signals in International Relations by Kim, Seok Joon. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: States signal their intentions to domestic and foreign audiences but are not always believed. Why do people believe some state signals but not others? Using a survey experiment on a representative sample of the US public, this study finds that individuals have a negativity bias when assessing the credibility of state signals. They take other states’ aggressive actions as evidence of deep hostility but are skeptical of the credibility of conciliatory gestures. The experimental result shows that the mobilization of a small proportion of an army is perceived credible enough as an aggressive action, while the removal of even a large proportion is not perceived as conciliatory. The psychological mechanism found here is a strong foundation for theorizing about how individuals process information embedded in state signals and can improve our understanding of signaling.; (AN 57944668)
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10.

Deterrence and Restraint: Do Joint Military Exercises Escalate Conflict? by Kuo, Raymond; Blankenship, Brian Dylan. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Multinational military exercises are among the most notable demonstrations of military cooperation and intent. On average, one is initiated every 8.9 days. But it has often been argued that joint military exercises (JMEs) increase the risk of war. Using a relational contracting approach, we claim that formal military alliances mediate the effect of JMEs. Exercises and alliances serve complementary functions: The former allows targeted responses to military provocations by adversaries, while the latter provides institutional constraints on partners and establishes a partnership’s overall strategic limitations. In combination, alliances dampen the conflict escalation effects of exercises, deterring adversaries while simultaneously restraining partners. We test this theory using a two-stage model on directed dyadic data of JMEs from 1973 through 2003. We find that JMEs in general do not escalate conflict, and that JMEs conducted with allies in particular reduce the probability of conflict escalation.; (AN 57223120)
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11.

Politics or Performance? Leadership Accountability in UN Peacekeeping by Lundgren, Magnus; Oksamytna, Kseniya; Bove, Vincenzo. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: International organizations face a trade-off between the need to replace poorly performing leaders and the imperative of preserving the loyalty of influential or pivotal member states. This performance-politics dilemma is particularly acute in UN peacekeeping. Leaders of peacekeeping operations are responsible for ensuring that peacekeepers implement mandates, maintain discipline, and stay safe. Yet, if leaders fail to do so, is the UN Secretariat able and willing to replace them? We investigate newly collected data on the tenure of 238 civilian and military leaders in thirty-eight peacekeeping operations, 1978 to 2017. We find that the tenures of civilian leaders are insensitive to performance, but that military leaders in poorly performing missions are more likely to be replaced. We also find evidence that political considerations complicate the UN’s efforts at accountability. Holding mission performance constant, military leaders from countries that are powerful or contribute large numbers of troops stay longer in post.; (AN 57656128)
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12.

Collective Risk and Distributional Equity in Climate Change Bargaining by Mahajan, Aseem; Kline, Reuben; Tingley, Dustin. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: International climate negotiations occur against the backdrop of increasing collective risk: the likelihood of catastrophic economic loss due to climate change will continue to increase unless and until global mitigation efforts are sufficient to prevent it. We introduce a novel alternating-offers bargaining model that incorporates this characteristic feature of climate change. We test the model using an incentivized experiment. We manipulate two important distributional equity principles: capacity to pay for mitigation of climate change and vulnerability to its potentially catastrophic effects. Our results show that less vulnerable parties do not exploit the greater vulnerability of their bargaining partners. They are, rather, more generous. Conversely, parties with greater capacity are less generous in their offers. Both collective risk itself and its importance in light of the recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report make it all the more urgent to better understand this crucial strategic feature of climate change bargaining.; (AN 57295016)
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13.

Atomic Ambiguity: Event Data Evidence on Nuclear Latency and International Cooperation by Mattiacci, Eleonora; Mehta, Rupal N.; Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: How does dual-use technology influence cooperation? This study explores how the development of nuclear latency (the technological precursors to nuclear weapons) affects U.S. cooperative overtures toward its possessors. We argue that the ambiguous nature of nuclear latency creates uncertainty about the intentions of its possessors and impacts cooperation. Using event data, we find that a state’s possession of overt lab-scale enrichment and reprocessing facilities is significantly correlated with greater cooperative overtures from the United States toward that country. These overtures may serve as effective tools to counter nuclear proliferation among these states. Yet, when latent states engage in a concerted effort to keep their facilities secret, both at the lab and a more advanced “pilot” stage, this relationship is reversed. These results carry important implications for the impact of emerging, dual-use technologies on international security broadly.; (AN 57625741)
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14.

What’s Fair in International Politics? Equity, Equality, and Foreign Policy Attitudes by Powers, Kathleen E.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Brooks, Deborah J.; Brooks, Stephen G.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: How do concerns about fairness shape foreign policy preferences? In this article, we show that fairness has two faces—one concerning equity, the other concerning equality—and that taking both into account can shed light on the structure of important foreign policy debates. Fielding an original survey on a national sample of Americans, we show that different types of Americans think about fairness in different ways, and that these fairness concerns shape foreign policy preferences: individuals who emphasize equity are far more sensitive to concerns about burden sharing, are far less likely to support US involvement abroad when other countries aren’t paying their fair share, and often support systematically different foreign policies than individuals who emphasize equality. As long as IR scholars focus only on the equality dimension of fairness, we miss much about how fairness concerns matter in world politics.; (AN 57944667)
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15.

Putting Terror in Its Place: An Experiment on Mitigating Fears of Terrorism among the American Public by Silverman, Daniel; Kent, Daniel; Gelpi, Christopher. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: An American’s yearly chance of being killed by a terrorist attack sits at roughly 1 in 3.5 million. Yet, over 40 percent of Americans consistently believe that they or their family members are likely to be a terror victim. Can these inflated estimates of the risks of terrorism be brought closer to reality? With trillions of dollars spent on the “War on Terror,” this question is not just theoretically but practically important. In order to investigate, we use an experimental approach assessing whether people update their beliefs about terrorism when given factual information about the relative risks it presents. We find that public fear of terrorism and demand for countering it can be sharply reduced with better information, dropping essentially to pre-9/11 levels after the treatment and staying that way two weeks later. These results suggest that countering the indirect costs of terrorism may largely require providing more context and perspective.; (AN 57409217)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 15, no. 4, August 2021

Record

Results

1.

Evaluating the Pitfalls of External Statebuilding in Post-2003 Iraq (2003–2021) by Mako, Shamiran; Edgar, Alistair D.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p425-440, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPeacebuilding and transitional justice are viewed as integral components of statebuilding in post-conflict spaces. This Special Issue critically evaluates statebuilding and peacebuilding in Iraq through macro and micro-level analyses of Iraq's political development following foreign-imposed regime change. In line with the articles in the Special Issue, this introduction critically examines Iraq's post-2003 trajectory as an outcome of the failure of securitized statebuilding and the absence of legitimacy in externally-imposed democratization. It concludes by highlighting the impact of expedient and exogenous statebuilding on transitional justice and post-conflict peacebuilding.; (AN 57354629)
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2.

Demobilization Minus Disarmament and Reintegration: Iraq’s Security Sector from the US Invasion to the Covid-19 Pandemic by Al-Marashi, Ibrahim. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p441-458, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that ethno-sectarian exclusion undermined the post-invasion attempts at security sector reform (SSR) in Iraq by the US and successive local governments. While corruption, poor management, improper training, and lack of equipment contributed to the collapse of the Iraqi military in the face of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria invasion in 2014, this article primarily examines how the exclusion of Arab and Turkmen Sunnis from the new security sector resulted in this failure. This event led to the rise of militias in Iraq, complicating SSR, but emerging as a de-facto strategy in maintaining domestic security.; (AN 57354633)
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3.

‘The Failure of Peacebuilding in Iraq: The Role of Consociationalism and Political Settlements’ by Dodge, Toby. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p459-475, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that an informal consociational elite bargain was placed at the centre of post-invasion attempts at transition and peacebuilding in Iraq. It is this informal consociationalism that undermined the coherence of the state and delegitimized the political system. The article critically examines the consociational and political settlement literature. It concludes that Pierre Bourdieu's approach to competition in the political field can be used to create an analytical framework that identifies the weaknesses in both tranches of literature and explain how the application of a consociational political settlement destabilized Iraq.; (AN 57354626)
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4.

Subverting Peace: The Origins and Legacies of de-Ba’athification in Iraq by Mako, Shamiran. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p476-493, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLustration, as an instrument of transitional justice, determines the extent to which members of the former regime or combatant groups can be reintegrated into a democratizing state. This article examines the effects of de-Ba'athification in the lead up to and following foreign-imposed regime change in Iraq. I demonstrate that exclusive and unconstrained lustration created an institutional mechanism that targeted and excluded key segments of the population as perceived regime collaborators, which subverted peacebuilding during the transitional period of the occupation. I conclude by illuminating the enduring effects of exclusionary lustration on subsequent attempts at state-and peacebuilding in divided, post-colonial societies.; (AN 57354647)
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5.

Religious Peacebuilding in Iraq: Prospects and Challenges from the Hawza by Alshamary, Marsin Rahim. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p494-509, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the potential for Shiʿa clerics to engage in religious peacebuilding in post-2003 Iraq. By drawing upon theoretical insights from other post-conflict settings and interviews with clerics, I demonstrate that there are two key challenges facing clerics who seek to engage in peacebuilding. First, the association of the Shiʿa religious establishment with political actors has created a crisis of legitimacy for clerics. Secondly, the structure of authority within the religious establishment has made it difficult for activist clerics to introduce theological reforms to aid peacebuilding efforts. I argue that these challenges are neither insurmountable nor unique.; (AN 57354625)
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6.

Storytelling: Restorative Approaches to Post-2003 Iraq Peacebuilding by Ali Al-Hassani, Ruba. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p510-527, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTop-down national reconciliation initiatives overlook the significance of, and connection between, story and culture in social conflict resolution. They have thus failed to emerge in post-2003 Iraq. This article draws on the theoretical insights from social constructionism to examine the potential of centreing storytelling within a bottom-up restorative peacebuilding process. It posits that integrating storytelling-based practices, such as restorative justice dialogue and restorative education, within Iraq's legal and educations systems can promote an inclusive, cross-communal public discourse and facilitate bottom-up and inclusive peacebuilding practices.; (AN 57354638)
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7.

From Recognition to Redistribution? Protest Movements in Iraq in the Age of ‘New Civil Society’ by Ali, Zahra. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p528-542, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBased on in-depth fieldwork, this article explores protest movements in Iraq drawing on theorizations on NGOization, civil society and social movements. I situate the protests within the country's social, political and economic contexts. Then, I look at women and youth's involvement showing the importance to consider the traumatic experience of sectarian and political violence to understand their organizing and demands. I argue that Iraqis have experienced the collapse of a strong authoritarian welfare centralized state, a process that started in the 1990s and was accelerated by the 2003 US invasion. Thus, instead of neoliberal politics, the country has experienced ‘shock doctrines’ with aggressive privatizations coupled with exacerbated militarization.; (AN 57354636)
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8.

Imagining Localism in Post-Conflict Syria: Prefigurative Reconstruction Plans and the Clash Between Liberal Epistemology and Illiberal Conflict by Abboud, Samer. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2021, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p543-561, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe liberal epistemology of prefigurative post-conflict reconstruction plans for Syria sits in tension with the messiness and materiality of Syria's illiberal conflict ontology. I argue that this tension has three principal consequences for Syrian reconstruction and post-conflict interventions more broadly. First, the clash reinforces authoritarian state power through interveners continued cooperation with the Syrian regime. Second, knowledge production continues to peripheralize messy conflict ontologies for legible ones, effecting the norms and practices of intervention. Finally, the marginalization of liberal interveners and practices provides space for the emergence of authoritarian models of peace-making and conflict.; (AN 57354646)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 20, no. 2, April 2021

Record

Results

1.

JME and Afghanistan Twenty Years On by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p91-92, 2p; (AN 58143575)
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2.

In Search of the Virtuous Propagandist: The Ethics of Selling War by Herbert, Roger G.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p93-112, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBefore they can commit their states to war, leaders who believe that war is necessary must first secure public commitment to collective action and sacrifice. The chief instrument for achieving this is propaganda, an activity generally understood as morally problematic. Yet if we concede that some wars are morally permissible or even morally required, must we not also concede that propaganda campaigns orchestrated to marshal the public will to fight those wars are likewise morally permissible or required? Focusing on the content of presidential speeches and the strategic context in which they were delivered, I seek to isolate the morally blameworthy aspects of propaganda in two campaigns: the George W. Bush administration’s effort to marshal public support for the Iraq War and the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration’s attempt to draw the US into the Second World War. I conclude by offering a sketch of conditions under which propaganda may be understood as morally permissible.; (AN 58143572)
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3.

Hume’s Law as Another Philosophical Problem for Autonomous Weapons Systems by Boyles, Robert James M.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p113-128, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article contends that certain types of Autonomous Weapons Systems (AWS) are susceptible to Hume’s Law. Hume’s Law highlights the seeming impossibility of deriving moral judgments, if not all evaluative ones, from purely factual premises. If autonomous weapons make use of factual data from their environments to carry out specific actions, then justifying their ethical decisions may prove to be intractable in light of the said problem. In this article, Hume’s original formulation of the no-ought-from-is thesis is evaluated in relation to the dominant views regarding it (viz., moral non-descriptivism and moral descriptivism). Citing the objections raised against these views, it is claimed that, if there is no clear-cut solution to Hume’s is-ought problem that presently exists, then the task of grounding the moral judgements of AWS would still be left unaccounted for.; (AN 58143574)
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4.

Resilience as the Road to Mental Readiness? Reflections from an Ethics-of-care Perspective by van Baarle, Eva; Molendijk, Tine. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p129-144, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOver the last decade, moral injury in the armed forces has captured the attention of mental health care providers, policy makers and the general public. Military organizations endeavor to prevent and reduce moral injury among their personnel to minimize the tremendous costs incurred on military readiness, government budgets and the well-being of soldiers. This is reflected in training programs that promise to deliver mental readiness and mitigate risks of mental health problems. Our concern is that by focusing on “resilience” as positive policy language, the complexities of situations, including “negative” emotions such as sorrow or fear and the values underlying these emotions, are disregarded. An overly optimistic focus on resilience while overlooking these complications may be counterproductive, and may actually do soldiers harm.; (AN 58143570)
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5.

Targeted Killing for Retribution Only Is Practically Impossible: A Rejoinder to Christian Braun by Le, Anh. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p145-151, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article critically engages with Christian Braun's article “The Morality of Retributive Targeted Killing” from the Journal of Military Ethics. Braun argues that retributive targeted killing can be justified within a Thomistic framework of Just War Theory. Importantly, however, this must be tempered by the virtue of charity and cannot result in any collateral damage. I argue that while punishment-as-retributivism is possible in theory, in practice, we cannot rule out the deterrent aspect and, thus, any retributivist justification is also necessarily deterrent in nature. Furthermore, following Braun's embrace of the virtue of charity, assuming that we know with certainty that a suspect would not pose any future threats, we ought not to proceed with the targeted killing. This means that the justification of retributive targeted killing is justified by its deterrent nature.; (AN 58143571)
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6.

Targeted Killing in-between Retribution, Deterrence, and Mercy: A Response to Anh Le by Braun, Christian Nikolaus. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p152-157, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article responds to Anh Le’s critique of my Journal of Military Ethicsarticle entitled “The Morality of Retributive Targeted Killing.” Le argues that while retribution can in theory function as justification, purely retributive targeted killings cannot be found in practice. Moreover, pointing to the virtue of charity, which partly underpins my right intention argument, Le holds that it would be unmerciful to kill wrongdoers for past crimes if the acting state knows that those individuals do not pose a future threat. In response, I demonstrate that whilst focusing on the retributive rationale, I did not deny that other rationales play a role in targeting decisions. Rather, my intention was to direct attention to retributive uses of force that are nowadays oftentimes justified as self-defence. Additionally, I started from a different understanding of the relationship between charity and justice, which has an impact on the risk assessment just combatants should make in capture attempts.; (AN 58143568)
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7.

The Good Kill: Just War and Moral Injury by Patterson, Eric. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 2 p158-159, 2p; (AN 58143567)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 34, no. 1, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

Emerging as the ‘Victor’(?): Syria and Russia’s Grand and Military Strategies by Miron, Marina; Thornton, Rod. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p1-23, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe war in Syria, given its complexity and geopolitical importance, has received much recent analytical attention. Although many perspectives have been covered, there is still a need in Western sources to view the conflict more through Russia’s lens. This article thus looks at how Russia has designed and executed its military strategy in Syria to fit into its overall grand strategy. It examines exactly how the Russian ‘strategy of limited actions’ has been employed and why Russia has now been proclaimed as the one true ‘victor’ in the whole Syrian imbroglio.; (AN 56947847)
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2.

A Conventional War: Escalation in the War in Donbas, Ukraine by Käihkö, Ilmari. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p24-49, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe War in Donbas was in its early phases largely fought between non-state volunteer battalions and separatist forces. Yet unlike the expected theories of non-state actors, the war witnessed limited and symmetrical acts of escalation and rather conventional warfare. Building on primary Ukrainian sources, I argue that this limited escalation stems in part from shared cultural and military norms — a common normative framework — possessed by the belligerents. The contribution of this article is an empirical chronology of the War in Donbas, as well as a discussion of the influence of culture and norms in escalatory dynamics and use of force.; (AN 56947856)
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3.

Between Russia’s ‘Hybrid’ strategy and Western Ambiguity: Assessing Georgia’s Vulnerabilities by Nilsson, Niklas. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p50-68, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussia’s ‘hybrid’ strategy vis-à-vis neighboring countries highlights the importance of a comprehensive understanding of Russian methods of influence and how these approaches target domestic as well as external vulnerabilities in target states. This article examines the various resources that Russia deploys against Georgia in terms of military, economic, political/subversive and informational resources, displaying how material sources of power are reinforced through an anti-Western narrative, seeking to discredit the country’s integration within NATO and the EU. The article concludes that the current attention to narrative promotion in research on Russian foreign policy risks diverting attention from addressing strategic vulnerabilities, represented in this case by the West’s ambiguous strategy toward Georgia and other states in the EU’s Eastern neighborhood.; (AN 56947857)
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4.

Defending a River line: The Soviet World War II Experience by Grau, Lester W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p69-82, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLarge rivers, canals, and lakes dominate Eurasia and serve as major arteries of commerce and industry, defensive barriers, lines of communication, and avenues of advance. During the Great Patriotic War (the Soviet Union’s War with Germany during World War II), the Soviets conducted defenses that integrated large rivers. During the defensive phase of the War (1941–1942), they defended along the Don, Northern Donets, Volga, and Neva Rivers, as well as smaller rivers. The most famous is the Volga-Don River defense, which incorporated the Battle of Stalingrad. In the Russian view, the river is often the determining factor in selecting the forward line of defense when establishing a durable and stable defense. Engineer preparation of the battlefield in front of that forward line is critical, as is a well-organized and integrated system of fire. Both banks of the water obstacle are usually prepared for the defense. Forces permitting, the operational defense of a water obstacle is conducted in two echelons or by maintaining a strong combined arms reserve.; (AN 56947851)
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5.

Reflections on the Limits of the Possible: Admiral Z.P. Rozhestvensky as assessed by Russian historians by Likharev, Dmitrii V.; Likhareva, Oksana A.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p83-101, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the disputes between Russian memoirists, historians, and naval writers over Admiral Z. P. Rozhestvensky that have taken place for more than 100 years. After the Battle of Tsushima, Admiral Rozhestvensky came in for sustained criticism from several generations of pre-revolutionary and Soviet historians. They were inclined to put all the blame for the Tsushima defeat on the Commander of the Second Pacific Squadron. However, a complete revision of attitudes toward Rozhestvensky began in the time of Perestroika from the late 1980s, when censorship and ideological barriers to alternative viewpoints were finally lifted. During the 1990s–early 2000s, the personality of Rozhestvensky became the subject of heated debate. The authors of this article claim that modern Russian historians are no less politically motivated in their opinions of Rozhestvensky than their predecessors.; (AN 56947844)
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6.

Why the 1955 Austrian State Treaty Bans U-Boats by Hickman, John. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p102-114, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy the 1955 Austrian State Treaty that restored Austria’s sovereignty to its landlocked 1938 borders also bans it from deploying submarines is a foreign policy puzzle submerged in a political joke. The idea that Austria would deploy U-boats in the Danube was as preposterous in 1955 as it is today. A political joke is successful when it elicits amusement at awareness of some unrecognized or unspoken truth about power by exposing the contradiction between narratives or interpretive scripts. That Article 13 of the penultimate peace treaty of the Second World War in Europe prohibits submarines along with a list of other more plausible weapons performs the work of a political joke because further investigation reveals important material about the post-war settlement during the early Cold War. Analysis of this penultimate peace treaty of the Second World War in Europe indicates that the submarine ban was likely the product of traumatic recent historical memory, overwrought historical and geopolitical anxiety, and a determination to burden Austria with an arms limits nearly identical to those in the 1947 peace treaties with Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary, even though the burden was entirely symbolic. The 1947 peace treaty with Italy included no comparable submarine ban. The drafters of the 1955 treaty appear to have been trapped, seemingly compelled by irrational motives, to include a provision that offered no additional security to the victorious powers but instead required an empty sacrifice. The irony of the submarine ban symbolically burdening Austria is it that may have been aimed indirectly at (West) Germany, whose U-boats were iconic weapons in both world wars and which deployed and exported military submarines during the Cold War. Moreover, Germany was not subjected to a submarine ban in the 1990 Final Settlement with Respect to Germany or ‘Two Plus Four’ Treaty, the final peace treaty of the Second World War.; (AN 56947849)
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7.

Non-Science Fiction on Stalin and Norway by Holtsmark, Sven G.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p115-131, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFrom the Editors: Due to an administrative error during the transition from the editorship of Alexander Hill to Martijn Lak, Mikhail Suprun’s article ‘The Liberation of Northern Norway in Stalin’s Post-War Strategy’ was published in The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Volume 33, Number 2 (2020) as sent to peer reviewers and therefore without having fully cleared the peer review process. The author of the article should have been asked to address at least the most significant of the reviewers’ concerns. The resultant exchange that follows is between one of the peer reviewers and the author of that article.Alexander Hill and Martijn Lak; (AN 56947855)
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8.

A Conceptual versus positivist approach? by Suprun, Mikhail. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p132-138, 7p; (AN 56947852)
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9.

Review Essay: “We Carried Out Our [International] Duty!”: The Soviet Union, Cuito Cuanavale, and Wars of National Liberation in Southern Africa by Hill, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p139-158, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis review essay examines the nature, extent, and significance of the Soviet military commitment to Angola from 1975 onwards and at the same time surveys the highlights of the Russian-language literature on the subject and reviews the recent publication, ‘Mi svoi dolg vipolnili!’ Angola: 1975–1992from the Russian Union of Angola War Veterans.; (AN 56947846)
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10.

The Croatian view of the Katyn crime by Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p159-163, 5p; (AN 56947850)
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11.

A Military History of the Cold War, 1962–1991 by Hill, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p164-166, 3p; (AN 56947845)
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12.

Walter. Leningrad: The Advance of Panzer Group 4 by Stahel, David. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p167-168, 2p; (AN 56947853)
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13.

Last German Offensive in the East by Lak, Dr. Martijn. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p169-170, 2p; (AN 56947848)
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14.

Letter to the Editor by Hill, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p171-171, 1p; (AN 56947854)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 44, no. 5, July 2021

Record

Results

1.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p637-639, 3p; (AN 57680536)
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2.

So many butterflies: Isaiah Berlin and the challenge of strategy by Stone, John. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p640-660, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIsaiah Berlin has not attracted much attention from academic strategists. This is unfortunate, because his concept of value pluralism helps explain why strategic decisions are burdened by uncertainty. It also highlights the importance of political judgement in reducing this uncertainty and the role of history in educating political judgement.; (AN 57680535)
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3.

In the shadow of the war: Bolshevik perceptions of Polish subversive and military threats to the Soviet Union, 1920–32 by Whitewood, Peter. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p661-684, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines Soviet perceptions of subversive and military threats from Poland to the Soviet Union in the 1920s and early 1930s. Drawing on archival materials from the Soviet foreign ministry, Communist Party leadership and security organs, it shows how the Soviet leadership held exaggerated fears about Polish threats to the Soviet western border regions and military intervention. A pattern of misperception stemmed from the Bolshevik defeat to Poland in the 1919–20 Soviet-Polish War, which rather than moderating the early Soviet regime ultimately encouraged more widespread use of state violence and provided further rationale for Stalin’s ‘Revolution from Above’.; (AN 57680541)
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4.

‘My task is to get into the French army’: Soviet strategy and the origins of Soviet-French military cooperation in the 1930s by Vershinin, Aleksandr. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p685-714, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is about the first attempts of Soviet-French rapprochement in the military sphere in the early 1930s. It is based largely upon unpublished documents from the Soviet foreign policy (AVPRF), military (RGVA) and the communist party (RGASPI) archives in Moscow. It contends that for the top leadership of the USSR the political rapprochement with France did not necessarily lead to making a fully-fledged military alliance. Despite the attitude of Soviet diplomats in Paris, Moscow remained distrustful of the French. It considered military cooperation with them as a way to reinforce the Red Army and strengthen international positions of the USSR without taking excessive obligations.; (AN 57680538)
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5.

‘The special service squadron of the Royal Marines’: The Royal Navy and organic amphibious warfare capability before 1914 by Seligmann, Matthew S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p715-736, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is usually maintained that before 1914 the Royal Navy had abandoned interest in amphibious warfare. This article argues otherwise. It shows that prior to 1914 the Admiralty sought to reconfigure the Royal Marines as an organic maritime strike force. The idea was advanced by junior officers and taken up by the naval leadership, who appointed a high-level committee to elaborate the details. Significant steps had been taken before war broke out, thereby showing that modern British amphibious warfare doctrine pre-dates the ill-fated Gallipoli operation and needs to be understood in a broader context than is currently the case.; (AN 57680540)
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6.

Britain’s armed forces and amphibious operations in peace and war 1919–1939: A Gallipoli Curse? by Heaslip, Matthew. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p737-759, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGallipoli left a lasting impression upon both the countries that participated and many that did not. It has been argued that the campaign negatively influenced Britain’s interwar amphibious preparations. Instead, this article will show that Britain’s armed forces were largely unaffected by such memories, and maintained their relative global standing in theory, equipment and training exercises for landing operations. The paper also highlights the role of amphibious warfare in fighting the many ‘little wars of Empire’ during the period.; (AN 57680539)
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7.

‘The deflection of strategy by politics’. British grand strategy, a German Island and the Dardanelles debacle by Lambert, Andrew. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2021, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 5 p760-773, 14p; (AN 57680537)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 14, no. 3, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ narratives of non-compliance with norms: Shaming and escaping a narrative trap by Grzywacz, Anna. Media War and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been responding to external demands and expectations, including moderate steps towards becoming a more norm-oriented organization, and developing its image as a responsible actor engaging in international and regional relations. For example, it has been issuing statements addressing relevant challenges, most often by criticizing them. A growing body of literature proves that this type of critical communication may bring desirable outcomes, e.g. the name and shame strategy. This strategy, however, does not align with ASEAN’s silent diplomacy. Thus, the aim of the article is to analyse how ASEAN structures its communication when criticizing others and their actions. Does ASEAN, considering its ‘uniqueness’, name and shame? And, if so, what is the pattern of the criticism? The author argues that ASEAN produces three types of critical narratives: universal shaming, reasonable criticism and considerate affirmation resulting from a narrative trap of responding to international and regional pressure. Each narrative explains and improves the organization’s image, although not comprehensively, and is utilized to strengthen its role as a peace promoter. But this image is tarnished by the questionable performance of ASEAN in the area of peace promotion. The article’s argument is substantiated by an analysis of ASEAN’s narratives of non-compliance with norms.; (AN 58179090)
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2.

‘Scribbled hastily in pencil’: The mediation of World War I Unit War Diaries by Ramsay, Debra. Media War and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: In World War I, the British Army implemented daily record keeping throughout its organization. Despite being crucial to the army’s operational effectiveness and essential for historiography, the history of Unit War Diaries as mediated artefacts has been largely overlooked. This article investigates the interplay of culture, institutional practices and hitherto unnoticed technologies of writing involved in the mediation of operational record keeping. It reveals Unit War Diaries as not just containers or conduits in the army’s practices of Information Management but as the nexus of tensions between bureaucracy, technologies and individuals that have shaped the understanding of warfare.; (AN 57294870)
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3.

Book review: European Identity and the Representation of Islam in the Mainstream Press: Argumentation and Media Discourse, by Salomi Boukala by Zhao, Wenting. Media War and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 58179045)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 26, no. 5, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

MENA political science research a decade after the Arab uprisings: Facing the facts on tremulous grounds by Bank, André; Busse, Jan. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p539-562, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis introductory article to the Special Issue MENA Political Science Research a Decade after the Arab Uprisings: Facing the Facts on Tremulous Groundstakes stock of MENA political science research a decade after the Arab uprisings. Engaging with key contributions from social movement and protest studies, comparative politics, and International Relations, we discuss three overarching questions that we consider as particularly important today: First, does ‘2011’ represent a critical juncture for the respective MENA research fields? Second, what promises does a revisiting of the Area Studies Controversy hold in light of the Arab uprisings? Third, which changes has the past decade yielded for the ways political science research in/on MENA is done? Against this background, we present the six contributions to the special issue.; (AN 58021724)
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2.

Go local, go global: Studying popular protests in the MENA post-2011 by Weipert-Fenner, Irene. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p563-585, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Arab Uprisings led to an increased interest in studying protests in the MENA region. The article examines this literature, provides suggestions for further research and reflects how the study of MENA protests can contribute to a cross-regional research agenda. It looks at rationalist-structuralist approaches, on studies in the framework of social movement theory, and political economy approaches. The article suggests combining the latter with SMT in broader concepts such as the ‘incorporation crisis’, originally developed for Latin America, allowing for more cross-regional comparisons. Finally, it discusses the latest methodological developments for collecting data on protests in the MENA post-2011.; (AN 58021723)
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3.

The Arab uprisings and the return of repression by Josua, Maria; Edel, Mirjam. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p586-611, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Arab uprisings of 2011 led to a reassessment of comparative politics research on authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa. The Arab region made its way from area studies into mainstream comparative politics, and research foci have shifted towards civil-military relations and repression. Ten years later, we observe higher levels of repression across the region, reflecting a diversity of repressive trends. Advocating comprehensive research on this variation, we review recent literature that tackles various dimensions of repression in Arab autocracies. In addition to disaggregating forms and targets of repression, we call for its justifications, agents and transnational dimensions to be considered next to the implications of digital technologies of coercion. We also reflect on how repression affects the possibility of doing research and how we can investigate the proposed dimensions of repression.; (AN 58021720)
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4.

Observing (the debate on) sectarianism: On conceptualizing, grasping and explaining sectarian politics in a new Middle East by Valbjørn, Morten. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p612-634, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo what extent has the study of sectarianism in the Middle East made any progress in the first decade after the Arab uprisings? Based on an analysis of three aspects of the study of sectarianism – on how to conceptualize, grasp and explain sectarianism – the article shows that the sectarianism debate hardly has provided much certainty, agreement or any firm conclusions. However, the study of sectarianism has progressed in terms of greater conceptual, methodological and theoretical sophistication. Thereby, the study of sectarianism resembles a broader trend in Middle East Studies towards moving beyond the classic ‘trenches’ in the Area Studies Controversy.; (AN 58021725)
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5.

Alliance politics in the post-2011 Middle East: Advancing theoretical and empirical perspectives by Darwich, May. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p635-656, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlliances in the post-2011 Middle East are characterized by anomalous shifts and upsurge of new actors leading to theoretical and empirical puzzles. This article argues that unravelling these patterns requires grappling with in-depth knowledge of regional politics and a serious engagement with the broader IR literature. Through this dual exploration, the article explores how the literature on alliance cohesion within IR could inform anomalous alliance dynamics in the post-2011 regional order. It also reveals how regional developments in the post-2011 Middle East, such as the pursuit of alliance by non-state actors, present avenues for theoretical innovations.; (AN 58021719)
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6.

The Middle East in global modernity: Analytic polycentrism, historic entanglements and a rejuvenated area studies debate by Stetter, Stephan. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p657-681, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTI argue that theories of global modernity/world society offer a promising inter-disciplinary approach for theorizing the Middle East. They provide a conceptual umbrella for a rejuvenated Area Studies debate. I turn first to earlier (inter-disciplinary) debates of that kind and then discuss how a rejuvenated debate can reach for new shores: I address the Middle East Area Studies Controversy, and then Fred Halliday’s distinction between ‘analytic universalism’ and ‘historic particularism’. Focusing on the interstices between Area Studies and International Relations (IR), I suggest that scholarship on the Arab uprisings offers insights on how to transcend this distinction by shifting to ‘analytic polycentrism’ and ‘historic entanglements’. I identify the unpredictability of power relations and local/global horizons as central, and often marginalized perspectives brought to the fore in post-Arab uprising scholarship. I then discuss how these insights can be linked to innovative (inter-disciplinary) debates in IR that draw from historical-sociological theories of global modernity and world society, especially how the concepts of emergence and evolution as well as differentiation and subjectivity – central pillars of world society theories – can be made of use for the study of the Middle East’s place in global modernity and global IR generally speaking.; (AN 58021722)
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7.

Taking stock of MENA political science after the uprisings by Lynch, Marc. Mediterranean Politics, October 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p682-695, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis Special Issue demonstrates the scope and breadth of the response by political scientists to the 2011 Arab uprisings. The contributions show the significant, rigorous development of understanding key mechanisms and issues such as protest mobilization, repression, sectarianism and international alliances. They also demonstrate the enduring relevance of the Area Studies Controversy, the value of building and exploiting new data sources, and the importance of close attention to cases. At the same time, they reveal growing problems with access to Middle Eastern countries for political science research. The articles reveal intriguing similarities and differences between the European and American fields, and the potential for productive dialogue.; (AN 58021721)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 75, no. 1, May 2021

Record

Results

1.

Securitization as a Tool of Regime Survival: The Deployment of Religious Rhetoric in Bashar al-Asad's Speeches by Aldoughli, Rahaf. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p9-32, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes the role of Sunni Islam in speeches given to religious scholars by Syrian president Bashar al-Asad in 2014 and 2017. I discuss how religion was used in these speeches as a security tool to consolidate authority, legitimize the Ba'thist regime, and marginalize political dissidents. I specifically highlight the emphasis Asad placed on convincing government-recognized 'ulama to support state security measures and to the novel links he constructed between Islam and national unity.; (AN 56208938)
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2.

Fighting for a Monopoly on Governance: How the Asad State "Won" the Syrian War and to What Extent by Droz-Vincent, Philippe. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p33-54, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article argues that the functional continuity of the Syrian state has been a key factor in the "victory" of the regime of Bashar al-Asad in the country's civil war. State continuity has not only meant first maintaining the structure of the military but sustaining the bureaucracy and preserving its reach within society. While elements of the opposition have been able to create state-like structures, the regime has managed to undermine its competitors and ensure the indispensability of the Asad state, though challenges remain.; (AN 56208929)
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3.

China and the Reconstruction of Syria by Burton, Guy; Lyall, Nicholas; Pauley, Logan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p55-75, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:How will China contribute to Syria's postwar reconstruction? The Syrian regime's Russian and Iranian sponsors are unlikely to provide sufficient material assistance, while Gulf and Western countries are unwilling to help. This article shows how Chinese support has thus become the Syrian regime's priority, although China's state and private firms will be wary of risk. China could also provide Syria with a model for development, but it would be partial as it lacks a peace-building dimension, including the construction of transitional justice.; (AN 56209093)
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4.

Tunisia's Peripheral Cities: Marginalization and Protest Politics in a Democratizing Country by Sadiki, Larbi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article investigates Tunisia's southern "periphery within the periphery," drawing on original interviews to examine marginalization and center-periphery relations in the country since the 2011 revolution. Comparisons are drawn between the informal economy of cross-border smuggling in Ben Guerdane and the jobless youth of Tataouine being left behind as corporate elites and companies become wealthy from the natural resources extracted from the area. This had led to an embrace of "unruly" protest politics, rebelling against the postrevolutionary political establishment. A trend toward disillusionment with democracy might be on the horizon for the marginalized youth in the south, exacerbating regional cleavages and posing a potential crisis for Tunisia's democratization.; (AN 56208968)
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5.

Building a Proto-State on Quicksand: The Rise and Fall of the Palestinian State-in-Exile in Lebanon by Eleftheriadou, Marina. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p99-120, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:In the wake of its relocation to Lebanon, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) transformed from a guerrilla force into a state-builder. This article explores this transition and argues that the creation of the Palestinian protostate in Lebanon was largely guided by the country's civil war–induced state collapse after 1975, which created both opportunities and needs that forced the Palestinian movement to engage in state-building. Enticed by new opportunities and constrained by the Lebanese Civil War's volatility, the Palestinian movement shifted its strategic priorities from cross-border campaigns against Israel to fighting within Lebanon. These new opportunities and needs also encouraged the PLO to transform itself into a semi-conventional force, which led to its defeat in 1982 and the collapse of the Palestinian proto-state.; (AN 56208925)
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6.

Chronology: September 16–December 31, 2020 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p121-155, 35p; (AN 56209208)
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7.

How Much Does Oil Shape US Strategic Interests in the Middle East? by Krane, Jim. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p157-162, 6p; (AN 56208943)
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8.

Jews, Muslims and Jerusalem: Disputes and Dialogues by Moshe Ma'oz (review) by Elman, Miriam F.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 56208903)
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9.

Exile and the Nation: The Parsi Community of India and the Making of Modern Iran by Afshin Marashi (review) by Matthee, Rudi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p166-168, 3p; (AN 56209138)
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10.

The Shadow Commander: Soleimani, the U.S., and Iran's Global Ambitions by Arash Azizi (review) by Alavi, Ali. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p168-169, 2p; (AN 56208992)
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11.

Graveyard of Clerics: Everyday Activism in Saudi Arabia by Pascal Menoret (review) by Foley, Sean. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p169-171, 3p; (AN 56208893)
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12.

New Media and Revolution: Resistance and Dissent in Pre-Uprising Syria by Billie Jeanne Brownlee (review) by Ali, Sherwan Hindreen. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p171-173, 3p; (AN 56208933)
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13.

Tunisian Civil Society: Political Culture and Democratic Function since 2011 by Alexander P. Martin (review) by Marzo, Pietro. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p173-174, 2p; (AN 56209036)
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14.

Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism by M. Hakan Yavuz (review) by Danforth, Nicholas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p174-175, 2p; (AN 56209302)
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15.

Losing the Long Game: The False Promise of Regime Change in the Middle East by Philip H. Gordon (review) by Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p185-187, 3p; (AN 56209193)
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16.

Houses Built on Sand: Violence, Sectarianism and Revolution in the Middle East by Simon Mabon (review) by Eriksson, Jacob. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p187-189, 3p; (AN 56209176)
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17.

Recent Publications by Cataliotti, Joseph Domingo; Uribe, Juanita García; Gutierrez, David; Mendonsa, Will. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p191-192, 2p; (AN 56208942)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 28, no. 1, March 2021

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 57814459)
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2.

Middle East Policy in Transition: Issues for the 117thCongress & the New Administration by Feltman, Jeffrey; Mortazavi, Negar; Freeman, Chas W.; Moran, James P.. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-22, 20p; Abstract: The following is an edited transcript of the 103rd in a series of Capitol Hill conferences convened by the Middle East Policy Council. The event took place on January 29, 2021, via Zoom, with Council ViceChair Gina AbercrombieWinstanley moderating, Council President Richard J. Schmierer contributing, and Council Executive Director Bassima Alghussein serving as discussant.; (AN 57814452)
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3.

The New Gulf Order: Crisis, Mediation, and Reconciliation by AlAnsari, Majed Mohammed Hassan; Aras, Bülent; Yorulmazlar, Emirhan. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p23-35, 13p; Abstract: The longevity and depth of regional challenges in the Middle East have elevated political and security concerns to a new level within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in recent years. Three conflicting worldviews have confronted one another, resulting in debilitating consequences for the region. Increasing fragmentation of Arab politics, in turn, has engendered attempts at enforced Arab unity that have ultimately failed, further dividing and destabilizing the regional order. This article delineates the background of the Gulf crisis of 2017 within the broader context of the Arab Spring and analyzes the ensuing attempts at mediation, the US role in the region, political developments in Kuwait and Oman, normalization efforts with Israel, and the recent resolution of the Gulf crisis by examining various actors’ political roles.; (AN 57814455)
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4.

The Abraham Accords and Religious Tolerance: Three Tales of FaithBased ForeignPolicy Agenda Setting by Jeong, Hae Won. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p36-50, 15p; Abstract: How do religious tolerance and religious freedom affect foreign policy? How are they institutionalized across the signatories of the Abraham Accords? This article examines foreign policy agenda setting of religious tolerance in the United States, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates. In the first section, the article analyzes discursive representations of the common roots of the three monotheistic religions and identifies recurrent tropes that highlight idealistic undertones in the Abraham Accords Declaration. In the following section, it critically examines the nexus between domestic and international politics and assesses the compatibility between social and public policy and foreignpolicy agenda setting centered on interfaith diplomacy and dialogue. While this article acknowledges Donald Trump's and previous US presidents’ contributions to the advancement of international religious freedom, it argues that Trump's conflicting standards and selective approaches to foreign policy and human rights preceding the agreement have failed to promote constructive relations for furthering faithbased diplomacy. This article suggests that while the United States and the UAE laid the groundwork for promoting religious freedom and tolerance leading up to the Abraham Accords, projecting a coherent foreignpolicy narrative across these contexts is hampered by institutional, legal, and political considerations.; (AN 57814460)
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5.

The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the International Community by Ghadbian, Najib. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p51-69, 19p; Abstract: This article analyzes the problematics of the international community's response to the Syrian refugee crisis: patterns of displacement, including the lack of attention to basic needs, the limited economic opportunities in host countries, the conditions facing Syrian refugee children, the risk involved in migration, and the challenge of adapting to host societies. The article then elucidates the series of failures of the international community to address the causes of this displacement, despite efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions to alleviate suffering. It traces the humanitarian mismanagement to political divisions in the international community, including the failure of Arab states, the Iranian intervention, and the role of the United Nations, Russia and the United States in aggravating the displacement. The article provides policy recommendations for international actors in order to honor their commitments to hosting refugees and addresses the political requirements for a lasting solution.; (AN 57814458)
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6.

“Moderate” Arab States: From the Cold War to the Syrian Conflict by Voller, Yaniv. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p70-86, 17p; Abstract: Moderation has been a recurring theme in international politics, particularly in the international politics of the Middle East, where foreign and regional actors have often categorized others and themselves as either “moderates” or “radicals.” However, very few works have sought to deconstruct the meaning of moderation in this context. Those that have addressed the issue have mostly treated moderation as a Western attempt to simplify regional geopolitics and dichotomize the actors to justify their choices of allies and foreign policy toward the region. This article argues that “moderate” has evolved from a category of analysis to one of practice. The socalled moderates, after negotiating the word's meaning, have embraced it as a description of themselves. Through an examination of the evolution of the “moderate” Arabs label from the Cold War to the Syrian civil war, the article demonstrates that the word has evolved through negotiations among the foreign powers that introduced it and the socalled moderates themselves. Furthermore, it demonstrates the role that the label as a category of practice has come to play in regional geopolitics.; (AN 57814454)
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7.

The Return of GreatPower Competition to the Middle East: A TwoLevel Game by Hoffman, Jonathan. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p87-104, 18p; Abstract: Greatpower competition has once again assumed primacy in the international arena. Facing a rising China and a resurgent Russia, the United States formally reoriented its National Security Strategy in 2017 to place more emphasis on the return of greatpower politics and global multipolarity. With the resumption of such competition, the Middle East has rightfully been noted as a regional theater where Russia and China have sought to exploit US policy blunders and retrenchment (real or perceived) to push for increased regional multipolarity. Although the Middle East has been recognized as a prime theater for greatpower competition, the approaches adopted by most existing studies are primarily onesided: they examine greatpower competition in the region from the outside, stressing how global powers are manipulating affairs in the Middle East in order to advance their own interests. Often missing from this conversation is how external engagement in the Middle East is being exploited and shaped by regional powers and endogenous developments. This study seeks to fill this gap by using the conceptual lens of omnialignment to examine how regional powers are manipulating the return of greatpower competition to advance their own strategic imperatives, both at home and abroad.; (AN 57814450)
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8.

Playing with Information: The IsraeliPalestinian Conflict in the Russian Press by Strovsky, Dmitry; Schleifer, Ron. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p105-122, 18p; Abstract: This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the IsraeliPalestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics.; (AN 57814461)
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9.

Can Lebanon's Economy Be Saved? A Plan for Revival by Dagher, Leila; Nehme, Raoul. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p123-134, 12p; Abstract: The recent financial and economic meltdown in Lebanon is the result of 30 years of social, economic, financial, and fiscal mismanagement, amplified by the Covid19 pandemic and further exacerbated by the Beirut port explosion. Lebanese citizens’ trust, as well as the international community's trust in the government, have unfortunately been destroyed. Consequently, Lebanon's sole option is to rebuild confidence in the government and public institutions by implementing economic reforms and to seek an IMF program to pave the way for additional financing from other international sources. The most important confidencebuilding step is a clear financial and economic plan that has the support of all key stakeholders. This article presents a road map for a reformsdriven, exportled growth strategy for Lebanon. Ultimately, the goal is to jumpstart the economy and put it on a path of sustainable, inclusive, and equitable economic growth. Such growth should be grounded in a small, openeconomy model and driven by low tariffs, a flexible exchange rate regime, and a dynamic export sector built on competitive and comparative advantages. This plan partially builds on proposals and recommendations provided by previous economic plans and policy notes.; (AN 57814453)
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10.

Eastern Mediterranean Gas Discoveries: Local and Global Impact by Shin, Sang Yoon; Kim, Taehwan. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p135-146, 12p; Abstract: The ongoing discoveries of naturalgas reserves in the eastern Mediterranean region significantly affect international relations. Since their viability has been increasingly confirmed, they have attracted public attention in the international energy market. Focusing on current gas production and trading in the Middle East, this paper studies the anticipated impact of gas production in the sea on geopolitical relations in the Middle East and investigates how these results may change the geoeconomic strategies of global energymarket players as well as nearby countries. In addition, our analyses provide comprehensive insights into the evolution of gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean.; (AN 57814457)
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11.

Dam Wars: Are Ethiopia, Turkey, and Iran Leading to Water Armageddon? by Bani Salameh, Mohammed. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p147-157, 11p; Abstract: Water shortages are a global problem; the world is moving fast toward a freshwater crisis. Water resources are unevenly and irregularly distributed, and the Middle East is one of the driest regions in the world. Threequarters of its land mass is arid, and most water resources originate outside the region. Continuing current practices will plunge the region deeper into crisis, creating conditions where conflicts and wars over scarce resources at local or national levels become inevitable.; (AN 57814451)
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12.

The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir, by JohnBolton. Simon and Schuster, 2020. 592 pages. $32.50, hardcover by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p158-167, 10p; (AN 57814462)
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13.

Vision or Mirage: Saudi Arabia at the Crossroads, DavidRundell. I.B. Tauris, 2020. 336pages. $27, hardcover. by AbercrombieWinstanley, Gina. Middle East Policy, March 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p168-170, 3p; (AN 57814456)
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14

Millennium
Volume 49, no. 3, June 2021

Record

Results

1.

Entanglements and Detachments in Global Politics by Engelhard, Alice; Li, Andy; van Wingerden, Enrike. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p431-434, 4p; (AN 58056395)
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2.

A Speculative Lexicon of Entanglement by Lisle, Debbie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p435-461, 27p; Abstract: This intervention offers a speculative lexicon to help students and scholars of global politics think critically and creatively about entanglement. It is neither definitive nor complete, but instead offers some possible points of entry into a contested field. It mobilises two particular claims: (1) that entanglement always involves both human and non-human entities; and (2) that entanglement is always emergent and in process. As a whole, this speculative lexicon is intended to help us sense the moment when entanglements intensify in ways that render them stable; attune to these durabilities in order to analyse their constitutive logics of inclusion/exclusion; acknowledge our own irrevocable entanglement in these logics; care for those bodies, lifeworlds, species and habitats that are targeted or abandoned by such logics; and craft mutual projects to disrupt, disaggregate and re-route these logics. Because entanglements are always emerging, dissipating and reconvening, the practice of navigating this open terrain is disorienting and often frustrating. We may desire a final destination where entanglements solidify and horizons magically appear, but giving in to that desire reproduces the violence of enclosure. This lexicon is offered as a way to keep the political terrain of entanglement open so we can collectively ensure that contestation remains a possibility.; (AN 58049594)
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3.

Carceral Seas by Khalili, Laleh. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p462-471, 10p; (AN 58056386)
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4.

Disentangling the Protection Suit: Images, Artefacts, and the Making of the Health-Security Nexus by Krause, Katharina. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p472-497, 26p; Abstract: The protection suit is the icon of infectious disease outbreaks. I argue that the protection suit has performative power not only by shaping the daily tasks of health workers and their interaction with patients, but also as a visual artefact and as a two-dimensional image determining how health crises and their security implications are understood and dealt with. The article proceeds in three steps: it firstly highlights the current absence of visuality in the academic literature on health security and makes the case for including it in the debate. Secondly, with recourse to Actor-Network Theory (ANT) it theoretically locates visual representations, as images and artefacts, as actors that act and enact each other in the health-security nexus. The third part of the article follows the protection suit during the Ebola epidemic in West Africa and maps the visual network it creates. In doing so this article demonstrates how the suit as artefact and image constitutes a network that visually and sensually links the bodies of patients, health workers and distant viewers in complex and at times competing makings of health security.; (AN 58222232)
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5.

Alternative Global Entanglements: ‘Detachment from Knowledge’ and the Limits of Decolonial Emancipation by Orellana Matute, Pablo. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p498-529, 32p; Abstract: While the call for broader conceptions about the political in general, and International Relations in particular, points to the need to redirect attention to the entanglements of societies, species and environments, in this article I address the way in which this proposed shift might still be reproducing anthropocentric understandings of global politics if serious attention is not devoted to the ontological foundations of the discipline. To do so, I first engage in a problematisation of decolonial efforts drawn from the Latin American experience that stress knowledge diversification as a means to emancipation. I then attempt to demonstrate that an exclusive intellectual engagement with entanglements and detachments might also be misleading, for their conventional conception is dependent on certain ontological commitments inherent to knowledge production, namely mind-world dualism and the linear conception of time. I therefore propose the notion of ‘detachment from knowledge’ as an alternative ontological practice through which IR students can themselves grapple with the dualist and anthropocentric oppressor/victim logic at the root of any emancipatory project. Such practice, I finally argue, not only allows us to understand the ‘global’ as indivisible, but also to engage with it beyond the exclusive pursuit of emancipation through knowledge, however diverse or decolonial it might be.; (AN 58200398)
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6.

Emotions, De/Attachment, and the Digital Archive: Reading Violence at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by Biddolph, Caitlin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p530-555, 26p; Abstract: The study of global politics is not an exercise in objectivity and rationality, but one that is embodied, personal, and deeply affective. Feminist scholarship both within and outside of International Relations (IR) have pioneered discussions of embracing our affective experiences as researchers, as well as maintaining ethical commitments to research participants and collaborators. In addition to feminist contributions, the emotional turn in IR has seen the emergence of vibrant scholarship exploring the role of emotions in sites and processes of global politics, as well as the role of emotions in the research process. In this article, I aim to contribute to this growing body of scholarship by speaking to these and other questions that explore the role of emotions in researchers’ engagement with their work. In particular, I draw on and interrogate my own emotional entanglements with the digital archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The goal of this article is to provide insights into the emotional process of reading and interpreting testimonies of violence, and to illuminate ethical concerns that arise – particularly as an ‘outsider’ – when reading and representing trauma in my research.; (AN 57888707)
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7.

Travelling Theory and its Consequences: José Ortega y Gasset and Radical Conservatism in Post-Cold War Japan by Narita, Karin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p556-576, 21p; Abstract: The last decade of the Cold War and the early years of the post-Cold War international order saw the emergence of a radical conservatism in Japan which has since taken root as a key ideological force in the country’s conservative political culture. This article traces the neglected but important influence of José Ortega y Grasset’s theory of the masses on this contemporary movement. However, in this journey across time, space, and culture, the theory of mass society has mutated. The article examines the ways in which Japanese radical conservative thinkers Susumu Nishibe and Keishi Saeki interpreted and applied Ortega’s work to critique the development of Japan’s contemporary political landscape. Radical conservatives transformed Ortega’s theory of the modern masses and his argument for elite liberalism into a critiqueof the liberal international order which favours reactionary nationalism. To understand this shift, the article examines the conceptualisations of modernisation and national identity as a necessary background to such theoretical and political appropriation.; (AN 58222230)
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8.

Reclaiming Substances in Relationalism: Quantum Holography and Substance-based Relational Analysis in World Politics by Pan, Chengxin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p577-603, 27p; Abstract: The relational turn in International Relations (IR) has made important contributions by challenging the substantialist claim to substance/thing as ontological primitives, by drawing much-needed attention to relations as ontologically fundamental, and by introducing a diversity of relational ways of being/becoming, knowing and doing. Yet, while rightly repudiating substantialism, the relational turn has remained ambivalent about the concept of substance itself, leaving open an important question: How should we understand substance within a relational ontology? As a result, we are left with different and sometimes confusing positions on the issue of substances vis-à-vis relations. Seeing this gap as a missed opportunity for relationalism in IR, this article seeks to bring substance back in without falling back into substantialism. It draws on a quantum conception of substance via the idea of quantum holography (QH) and its related notion of whole-part duality, and stresses the little-understood dual and inseparable nature of substance-relation (‘relatance’). The concept of substance-relation duality not only enriches our relational thinking, but also allows us to engage in relational analysis through a reimagined notion of substance. To illustrate, the article turns to a substance-based relational analysis of US-China relations.; (AN 58200397)
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9.

Tales of Entanglement by Edkins, Jenny; César Díaz Calderón, Julio; Hozić, Aida A.; Muppidi, Himadeep; Inayatullah, Naeem; Rutazibwa, Olivia; Shilliam, Robbie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p604-626, 23p; (AN 58222229)
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15

Orbis
Volume 65, no. 1, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Gvosdev, Nikolas. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 54913423)
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2.

The Perils of Forecasting by Kaplan, Robert D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p3-7, 5p; (AN 54913424)
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3.

How NATO Manages the “Bear” and the “Dragon” by Colby, Elbridge A.; Brzezinski, Ian. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p8-16, 9p; (AN 54913422)
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4.

National Security in the Post-Pandemic Era by Hoffman, Frank. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p17-45, 29p; Abstract: The geopolitical implications of COVID-19 are profound in the near term, and will have a ripple effect throughout the U.S. economy and the foundations of U.S. power. It could be more strategically contagious over the longer term if it compels a sharp change in how Americans see their role in the world and adapts its conception of national security. This article presents both the economic and fiscal impact of the pandemic in the United States, as well as the likely consequences for national security investments and the Pentagon's budget. It offers three potential defense strategies, at three possible spending levels, to examine options for the next administration.; (AN 54913425)
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5.

When Rivalry Goes Viral: COVID-19, U.S.-China Relations, and East Asia by deLisle, Jacques. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p46-74, 29p; Abstract: Regional security and regional order in East Asia are shaped profoundly by the United States, the People's Republic of China, and U.S.-China relations. The COVID-19 crisis accelerated a negative trajectory in the relationship between Washington and Beijing. As with so many issues, here, too, the situation in the time of COVID is much like the status quo ante, only more so. The pandemic-related and pandemic-exacerbated problems in U.S.-China relations pose challenges for security and stability in East Asia. They do so in ways that several theories of international relations would predict. This is the first of a two-part series, the latter of which will appear in an upcoming issue of Orbis.; (AN 54913426)
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6.

Russia's Artificial Intelligence Strategy: The Role of State-Owned Firms by Petrella, Stephanie; Miller, Chris; Cooper, Benjamin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p75-100, 26p; Abstract: In 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that whichever country becomes the leader in artificial intelligence (AI) “will become the ruler of the world.” Yet Russia lags competitors like China and the United States substantially in AI capabilities. What is Russia's strategy for boosting development of AI technologies, and what role do groups within the Russian elite play in shaping this strategy? Russia's AI development strategy is unique in that it is led not by the government, nor by the private sector, but by state-owned firms. The government's distrust of Russia's largest tech firm, Yandex, has sidelined the company from national AI planning. Meanwhile, Russia's defense conglomerate Rostec publicly appears to focus less on artificial intelligence than on other high-tech priorities. As a result, Russia's AI development has been left to a state-owned bank, Sberbank, which has taken the lead in devising plans for government-backed investment in AI.; (AN 54913427)
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7.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 55087731)
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8.

Stuck in the Middle: Taiwan's Semiconductor Industry, the U.S.-China Tech Fight, and Cross-Strait Stability by Shattuck, Thomas J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p101-117, 17p; Abstract: The Trump administration has worked to restrict the People's Republic of China's ability to manufacture and acquire semiconductor chips since 2018. Caught in the crossfire of this burgeoning tech war is Taiwan, which is home to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), the world's largest semiconductor chip manufacturer. With the United States banning companies that use U.S. technology in their chip manufacturing process from doing business with Huawei, TSMC can no longer do business with the Chinese tech company, one of its most important clients. Until the Trump administration announced the license restriction on Huawei, TSMC had managed to walk the fine line of doing business with both China and the United States, without riling either. This article argues that the TSMC example is indicative of how great power competition between the two countries will play out for the foreseeable future. TSMC has announced that it will build a new factory in Arizona as it faces Chinese firms poaching its employees and Chinese actors hacking its systems and code for trade secrets—all actions demonstrating how great power competition will play out for tech dominance. Avoiding direct live-fire conflict, China and the United States will work to restrict the other's actions and development by forcing important tech companies, such as TSMC, into picking a side.; (AN 54913428)
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9.

Back with a Vengeance: The Return of Rough and Tumble Geopolitics by Miskovic, Damjan Krnjevic. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p118-135, 18p; Abstract: Too many Western policymakers in the United States and across the European Union still remain attached to an “end of history” worldview, which has somewhat blinded them to the resurgence of great power politics. For the past decade or so, the unipolar world has been breaking apart due to various centrifugal geopolitical trends. The COVID-19 pandemic did not cause these trends, but is accelerating them. A leaderless, multipolar world on the cusp of de-globalization and the onset of a cold war between the United States and the People's Republic of China is a recipe for skyrocketing unpredictability and increased instability. This article traces the origins of these trends and provides a framework to analyze the political trajectories and geopolitical (and ethical) consequences thereof.; (AN 54913429)
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10.

The Global Communitarian Deficit by Etzioni, Amitai. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p136-151, 16p; Abstract: This article uses the sociological/philosophical theory of liberal communitarianism to analyze existing trends in global affairs. The European Union (EU) has often erred by expanding its missions without also recognizing the pull of nationalism and conducting community-building to strengthen the bonds among member nations. EU nations and countries around the world are retreating to nationalism. Rather than bringing the world together to fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated these global trends. The rise of nationalism has not increased domestic cohesion, but has led to high levels of domestic polarization. International communities seem a long way off, and the world order in the near future may depend to a considerable extent on whether the United States will permit China to increase its influence in the Western Pacific, which would allow for collaboration on most other matters.; (AN 54913430)
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11.

Iran's Geopolitics and Revolutionary Export: The Promises and Limits of the Proxy Empire by Seliktar, Ofira. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p152-171, 20p; Abstract: From its inception in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has functioned as a traditional state and an exporter of the Islamist revolution, a formula promulgated by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Creating the revolutionary export narrative and calling on Shia Muslims to dominate the Middle East was one thing. Implementing this policy was another, as the regime—hobbled by a weak economy and a devastating war with Iraq—had few resources to spread its influence and take on its enemies. With traditional warfare out of the equation, Iranian leaders decided to mobilize the Shiite minorities to create the Axis of Resistance using tactics that later become known as fourth-generation warfare (4GW). Iran, still subject to overwhelming sanctions led by the United States and facing better armed opponents in Israel and Saudi Arabia, has intensified its proxy warfare in the twenty-first century.; (AN 54924544)
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12.

The Iran Coup That Never Dies by Takeyh, Ray. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p172-186, 15p; Abstract: The 1953 coup in Iran that toppled the nationalist Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq stands as one of the most controversial episodes of the Cold War. It is often referred to as the original sin where U.S. meddling poisoned relations between the two sides and even made the Islamist revolution of 1979 possible. But recent evidence suggests that America's role in the coup was a minor one and the key actors determining the course of events were the Iranians themselves. It was Iranian generals, clerics and everyday citizens who put an end to Mossadeq's premiership. All the Western lamentations aside, this was very much an Iranian affair.; (AN 54913431)
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13.

Observations of a Well-Rounded Diplomat by Zakheim, Dov S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p187-199, 13p; (AN 54913432)
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14.

Asia's New Geopolitics: Essays on Reshaping the Indo-Pacific by Edel, Charles. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p200-203, 4p; (AN 54913433)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 55087732)
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