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NATO Library: Journal Titles: E - I

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 37, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Introduction to the symposium on women’s political representation in Central and Eastern Europe by Gwiazda, Anna. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p593-597, 5p; (AN 58134291)
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2.

Increasing women’s political representation in post-communism: party nudges and financial corrections in Romania by Iancu, Alexandra. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p598-616, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article investigates some of the potential factors leading to increased gender balance in post-communist societies. Focusing on Romania, the study shows that, at the party level, the centralisation of the candidate selection processes, the pre-existence of women as party leaders, or the articulation of women organisations within parties did not bring about a long-term change in the recruitment routines. Conversely, the article points to the fact that minor changes in the party finance regulations succeeded to nudge parties towards gender diversity. This research is based on qualitative content analysis of electoral and party legislation and party statutes.; (AN 58134289)
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3.

Gendered parties and gendered voters in Hungary? “Plus ça change, plus c’est pariel” by Vajda, Adrienn; Ilonszki, Gabriella. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p617-634, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article compares parties’ candidate selection strategies and voters’ electoral response to female candidates in Hungary. The analysis covers five elections (2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018) that is a period which offers broad variation in partisan, institutional, and even in systemic terms amongst the static and low level of descriptive female representation. Although parties continue to deprivilege female candidates they do it in varying manners and degrees. The article will broaden the demand aspect of the demand and supply model placing parties’ candidate selection in a complex institutional context. The article also demonstrates stability in voters’ electoral gender response, namely non-discriminatory behaviour.; (AN 58134292)
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4.

Striking out women: preferential voting and gender bias in Latvian Saeima elections by Dean, Laura A.. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p635-658, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe 2018 parliamentary elections were a watershed year for women in Latvian politics where women's descriptive representation increased from 18% to 31% in one election with no gender quota. This paper explores this significant gain by examining ranked choice (positive and negative) preference voting in the Latvian Saeima (parliament) elections. The results show that small institutional changes increased the pool of candidates and countered stagnant levels of women's representation. Though female candidates were less likely to have their names struck out on party lists, women received fewer pluses than their male counterparts, revealing gender bias against female candidates.; (AN 58134296)
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5.

Persistent efforts and opportune moments: women’s groups and gender quota adoption in Central and Eastern Europe by Vojvodi─ç, Anja. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p659-680, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe scholars noted that the percentage of women in CEE parliaments plummeted from previous levels, from 30% in some countries during communism to below 10%. Currently, the average percentage of women in most CEE parliaments is 27%. Gender quotas are partly responsible for this increase. I make the argument here that gender quota adoption in adopter countries has been aided by the efforts of women's networks, women politicians and other actors supportive of women's causes, recognising the effect of women's groups in a region not known for having robust women's organizing.; (AN 58134290)
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6.

Analysing the “what” and “when” of women’s substantive representation: the role of right-wing populist party ideology by Gwiazda, Anna. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p681-701, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting scholarship underscores the contested nature of the relationship between women’s representation and right-wing parties. This article contributes to this literature by examining women’s substantive representation in Poland under the right-wing populist Law and Justice government from 2015 to 2019. It is specifically concerned with the “what”and “when”of substantive representation: while the former deals with various women’s issues, the latter concerns the conversion of issues into policies. Using representation theory and refined partisan theory, this article sheds light on gendered representation, an issue often overlooked in the scholarly literature on women and politics in Central and Eastern Europe.; (AN 58134293)
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7.

Europe forever? Czech political parties on the orientation of Czech foreign policy by Hloušek, Vít; Kaniok, Petr. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p702-721, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe foreign policy orientation of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has been changing in recent years. Countries which were, since the 1990s, oriented towards structures such as NATO or EU have started to flirt with partners such as Russia and China. Apart from Russian and Chinese interventions into CEE domestic development, little is known on whta can explain these changes. Our article fills this gap by analysing the foreign policy approaches of Czech political parties. We argue that European Internationalism is the preferred direction of Czech political parties. However, changes in the Czech party system and multiple EU crises signal contestation of this direction and a possible turn to the East.; (AN 58134294)
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8.

The “refugee crisis” and the transformation of the far right and the political mainstream: the extreme case of the Czech Republic by Wondreys, Jakub. East European Politics, October 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p722-746, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe effects of the so-called “refugee crisis” seem to be particularly pronounced in Central and Eastern Europe. However, its impact has rarely been systematically analyzed in this particular region. I argue that the “crisis” has radically increased the salience of immigration and, related, Islamophobia in the region. This, in turn, has led to (1) the radicalisation of the mainstream, even in cases where it was not previously radicalised, and (2) the transformation of far-right parties, thus creating a “renewed” far right in terms of issues. These arguments are evaluated on the extreme case of the Czech Republic.; (AN 58134295)
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3

European Security
Volume 30, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Strengthening parliamentary oversight of defence procurement: lessons from Belgium by Reykers, Yf. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p505-525, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper asks: to what extent can a dedicated or special committee with access to classified information empower parliaments to oversee major defence procurement decisions? These decisions often involve a mixture of political, military, economic and societal interests. Particularly after episodes of contestation or controversy, questions tend to arise about how to empower parliaments. The central argument in this paper is that being institutionally empowered and incentivised does not guarantee rigorous oversight. The availability of expertise is an oft-ignored factor in studies of parliamentary oversight. An analysis of oversight behaviour by the Belgian Federal Parliament during the acquisition of new fighter jets (2015–2018) shows that members of parliament also need to be capable of mobilising the necessary expertise in order to translate technical information in such a way that it allows them to influence decision-making, which is often executive-dominated. In this way, this paper contributes to managing expectations about the capacity of parliaments to cope with complex military problems.; (AN 58079020)
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2.

Shifting articulations of space and security: boundary work in European space policy making by Klimburg-Witjes, Nina. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p526-546, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean space policy is currently at a watershed. In 2021, there will be two institutions responsible for European space activities: The EU Space Agency (EU SPA) and the civilian European Space Agency (ESA) founded in 1975. This article investigates how new objectives and governance scheme(s) of European space activities reflect the increasing securitisation of space in Europe. Linking work in critical security studies to the concept of boundary work from science and technology studies (STS) I outline three phases of boundary work – expansion, expulsion and protection of autonomy – that all show how the dividing lines between peaceful and militarised space activities have become increasingly blurred. The conclusion argues that we currently witness a shift in the visions of European integration in space, with ESA remaining outside the EU framework and open to non-EU members while the EU SPA is accessible to EU members only and explicitly dedicated to the use of space for security. As the strategic potential of outer space is likely to grow, the paper offers a critical empirical investigation of the ongoing transformation in European space policy that has significant consequences for how we envision a “united Europe in space”.; (AN 58079027)
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3.

United to rescue? Humanitarian role conceptions and NGO–NGO interactions in the Mediterranean Sea by Cusumano, Eugenio. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p547-568, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe large number of asylum seekers dying off the coast of Libya has turned the Southern Mediterranean Sea into a new humanitarian space, prompting 11 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to launch maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) operations between 2014 and 2017. These NGOs engaged in a complex web of interactions, ranging from rare instances of hostility, competition and mistrust to coordination, cooperation and integration. Drawing on role theory, I argue that organisational role conceptions are key to shaping NGO–NGO interactions. The humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence serve as action scripts that inform NGOs’ role in the humanitarian space. Sea rescue NGOs have upheld different interpretations of humanitarian principles, developing supportive, neutral, or confrontational approaches vis-à-vis European governments’ border control policies. By leveraging content analysis and semi-structured interviews, I show that organisations with matching role conceptions have engaged in tighter forms of cooperation; charities with divergent role conceptions, by contrast, have shown a tendency to develop mistrust and engage in more competitive interactions. These frictions inhibited NGOs from forming a united front vis-à-vis policy restrictions and criminalisation, hindering the legitimacy and viability of non-governmental sea rescue.; (AN 58079018)
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4.

OSCE mediation strategies in Eastern Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh: a comparative analysis by Guliyev, Farid; Gawrich, Andrea. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p569-588, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEven though the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has performed mediation efforts in Eurasian secessionist conflicts, its role has been neglected by mainstream international relations (IR) and conflict mediation literature. To fill in this gap, this article examines OSCE mediation strategies in two major secessionist conflicts: the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Drawing on Zartman’s conceptual framework, this study posits that OSCE mediation strategies were constrained given its weak organisational capacity, lack of legal empowerment and adverse geopolitical environment. Due to these structural limitations, the OSCE can be said to have been more effective in containing conflict than contributing to conflict resolution. This article aims to contribute to conflict mediation research by highlighting the importance of context for understanding the role of international organisations (IOs) as mediators.; (AN 58079022)
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5.

The European Commission’s new role in EU security and defence cooperation: the case of the European Defence Fund by Håkansson, Calle. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p589-608, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean Defence is in a new and formative phase in which the European Union’s long list of defence acronyms has steadily grown. One of the most noticeable new policy initiatives is the European Commission’s European Defence Fund (EDF). This article consequently investigates and outlines the establishment of the European Defence Fund and the European Commission’s new role within the field of security and defence through the lens of revised neofunctionalism. This article thus asks how and through what steps did the EDF come about; and secondly how can neofunctionalism explain the dynamics involved in the establishment of the European Defence Fund. The analysis uses a process-tracing method and draws on interviews with relevant policymakers and officials in Brussels as well as official EU documents. The conclusions argue that the ever-increasing involvement of the European Commission in a policy field close to national sovereignty is starting to blur the traditional dichotomy between intergovernmental and supranational decision-making. In this way, this study contributes to the growing literature on the weakening of intergovernmentalism within the EU security and defence policy field.; (AN 58079021)
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6.

How EU accession has affected military service in post-conflict Cyprus by Efthymiou, Stratis Andreas. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p609-629, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how the concept of military service develops in the post-conflict society of Cyprus (RoC), following its accession to the European Union (EU). It is based on an exhaustive series of individual interviews with soldiers, lawyers, politicians, ambassadors and civilians, as well as an analysis of media content. The article sets out exactly how EU accession presented a confusing ideological trajectory for the army, lowering motivation for defending the border against occupying forces. The diminishing value of military service takes place against a background of changing masculine ideals. Moreover, defence diplomacy aiming to create energy alliances between EU member states against Turkey had the unintended consequence of young men further disassociating from direct involvement in the defence project. The article also analyses a number of policies developed to deal with conscription issues. Through the case study of Cyprus, we come to see how policy on military service during the EU accession process should incorporate changing civil-military relations.; (AN 58079029)
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7.

German views on US nuclear weapons in Europe: public and elite perspectives by Onderco, Michal; Smetana, Michal. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p630-648, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStationing of US nuclear weapons in Europe is a pillar of NATO deterrence. Despite their growing contestation, scholarly research on contemporary attitudes of both voters and political elites to the continued stationing of these weapons on their soil is lacking. We conducted original surveys of 2020 Germans and of 101 Bundestag members. Our results show scepticism about the military utility of US nuclear weapons in Germany, and aversion towards their use. At the same time, the results show a sizable support among both politicians and citizens for their removal from German territory as part of new nuclear arms control initiatives.; (AN 58079026)
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8.

An Arctic security dilemma: assessing and mitigating the risk of unintended armed conflict in the High North by Wither, James Kenneth. European Security, October 2021, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p649-666, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter the Cold War, international relations in the Arctic were characterised by cooperation and diplomacy. However, since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, largely peaceful relations in the High North have been endangered by growing military competition between Russia and Western Arctic powers. The lack of military to military dialogue between Russia and the West has exacerbated the situation. Consequently, an Arctic security dilemma has arisen, which threatens stability and increases the danger of unintended armed conflict resulting from accidents or misunderstandings. Security dilemmas are as old as international politics. They occur when states feel threatened by the expanding military capabilities of their neighbours even if there is no deliberate hostile intent. This article will examine the developing Arctic security dilemma and the chances of its mitigation. Two recent developments provide potential grounds for optimism. The new United States’ administration has pledged to return America to global engagement and multilateralism. In 2021, the Russian Federation is scheduled to become chair of the Arctic Council and the Arctic Coastguard Forum, the main intergovernmental institutions in the region. These events provide an opportunity to rebuild greater trust and confidence in relations between Russia and its Arctic neighbours and alleviate dangerous tensions.; (AN 58079019)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 33, no. 3, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

A Farewell to Firearms? The logic of weapon selection in terrorism: the case of jihadist attacks in Europe by Marone, Francesco. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p221-240, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the vast literature on terrorism the choice of weapons has received relatively limited attention, despite the importance and visibility of this topic. Building on the literature on innovation in terrorism, the article first proposes a multi-level analytical framework that helps study terrorist weapon selection. It then investigates the use of weapons in jihadist attacks in Europe from 2014, with the rise of the so-called Islamic State, until 2020, based on an original database. The empirical analysis shows that the two traditional types of weapon of modern terrorism, firearms and explosives, were largely replaced by more primitive tools like melee weapons. In fact, in recent years jihadist terrorists in Europe have become lesstechnologically advanced. Based on the original analytical framework, the article examines the reasons of this evolution, paying special attention to the use of the most common type of weapon in the database, bladed weapons, and the most lethal type, firearms.; (AN 57947252)
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2.

Youth, peace & security: gender matters in Asia and the Pacific by Pruitt, Lesley. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p241-257, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTYouth have long been involved in informal peacebuilding, and the United Nations’ recent adoption of the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) Agenda makes space for more formal involvement. These policy developments echo scholarship highlighting gender as crucial to understanding the roles and experiences of young people across a range of conflict-affected settings. This understanding is necessary to ensuring gender-equitable youth peacebuilding efforts. Yet much remains to be done in theory, policy, and practice to pursue these ends. This work will necessarily involve considering the diverse roles gender may play in young people’s everyday experiences of peacebuilding across a range of settings. The majority of the world’s young people reside in Asia and the Pacific. Yet, more research on YPS is needed in the region, particularly when it comes to accounting for gender. Reflecting on existing research, this article considers learnings to date and seeks to develop a future research agenda.; (AN 57947253)
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3.

Theorising the onset of communal conflicts in Northern Ghana by Issifu, Abdul Karim. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p259-277, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCommunal conflicts present a severe threat to human security, resulting in the death of thousands of people every year. The communal conflict in Dagbon in the Northern Region of Ghana, for instance, led to the murder of the King of Dagbon and 40 other people. This conflict has attracted debates which are centred around attempts to explain its onset. But the understanding of this phenomenon is still incomplete. In particular, there is inadequate detailed information about what actually started the conflict. This article aims to fill this knowledge gap by engaging the greed-grievance theories to comprehensively understand the conflict’s onset. This article contributes to the theoretical understanding of communal conflicts, which is of both scholarly and policy importance. Navigating insights from theoretical literature and content analysis of secondary data, it finds that perceived injustice and land wealth were the motivating factors in the onset of the conflict in Dagbon in 2002.; (AN 57947239)
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4.

Political transitions in Sudan and Ethiopia: an early comparative analysis by Verjee, Aly. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p279-296, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article presents a comparative analysis of the political transitions occurring in neighbours Ethiopia and Sudan since 2018. To date, these political transitions have largely been analysed independently. While the transition in Sudan is often characterised as a revolution, events in Ethiopia are not usually so described. However, despite the narrative and substantive differences, this article argues that there are important similarities in both countries’ contextual circumstances and processes of change. These include the trajectory of concurrent decline of the previous regimes, elements of continuity of the new transitional governments with the previous regimes, societal, especially youth, expectations of change, the rise of a new generation of political leadership, the role of women, the continuing difficulties and challenges of subnational politics, the persistence of economic drivers of political change and discontent, and, most recently, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, developments in both countries inform and reinforce each other, with consequences for stability and conflict, as the recent prospect of a Sudan-Ethiopia border war starkly demonstrates. Understanding and contextualising the politics of change in one country would benefit from greater comparative analysis of its neighbour.; (AN 57947254)
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5.

The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide by Zahed, Iqthyer Uddin Md. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p297-298, 2p; (AN 57947245)
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6.

How China loses: the pushback against Chinese global ambitions by Sigdel, Anil. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p299-300, 2p; (AN 57947250)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 27, no. 1, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

Beyond the Veto by Gifkins, Jess. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p1-24, 24p; (AN 55386885)
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2.

Brazil’s Role in Latin America’s Regionalism by Vadell, Javier A.; Giaccaglia, Clarisa. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p25-48, 24p; (AN 55386886)
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3.

An Intrastate Approach to the Withdrawal from International Organizations by Morais de Sa e Silva, Michelle. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p49-70, 22p; (AN 55386887)
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4.

Understanding Regime Complexes through a Practice Lens by Bahr, Thurid; Holzscheiter, Anna; Pantzerhielm, Laura. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p71-94, 24p; (AN 55386888)
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5.

Challenges to Global Health Governance from the International Trade in Organ Transplants by Langran, Irene. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p95-117, 23p; (AN 55386889)
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6.

Who Controls Multilateral Development Finance? by Ray, Rebecca. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p118-143, 26p; (AN 55386890)
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7.

Corporate Governance and the Environmental Politics of Shipping by Alger, Justin; Lister, Jane; Dauvergne, Peter. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2021, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p144-166, 23p; (AN 55386891)
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8.

The 75th Anniversary of the United Nations by Lyon, Alynna; Stiles, Kendall; Edgar, Alistair; Mills, Kurt; Romaniuk, Peter. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p199-212, 14p; (AN 53496047)
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9.

In Memoriam by de Soto, Àlvaro. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p213-220, 8p; (AN 53496045)
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10.

The United Nations by Acharya, Amitav; Plesch, Dan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p221-235, 15p; (AN 53496046)
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11.

The UNat 75 by Malone, David M.; Day, Adam. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p236-250, 15p; (AN 53496044)
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12.

The UNand North-South Relations in the Security Arena by Ayoob, Mohammed. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p251-261, 11p; (AN 53496048)
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13.

Crashing Waves and Rising Tides by Donini, Antonio. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p262-275, 14p; (AN 53496049)
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14.

Every Silver Lining Has a Cloud by Smith, Courtney B.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p276-290, 15p; (AN 53496050)
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15.

The United Nations Security Council and Human Rights by Walling, Carrie Booth. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p291-306, 16p; (AN 53496051)
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16.

Coloring the UNEnvironmental by Ivanova, Maria. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p307-324, 18p; (AN 53496052)
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17.

Institutional Development of the United Nations Secretariat by Reinalda, Bob. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p325-339, 15p; (AN 53496053)
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18.

Regional Practices in UNMultilateralism by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p340-358, 19p; (AN 53496054)
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19.

UNHCRat 70 by Crisp, Jeff. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p359-368, 10p; (AN 54272516)
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20.

UNHCRat 70 by Feller, Erika. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p369-378, 10p; (AN 54272515)
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21.

China, Responsibility to Protect, and the Case of Syria by Gegout, Catherine; Suzuki, Shogo. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p379-402, 24p; (AN 54272514)
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22.

Institutional Reflections on Organizational Corruption Control by Heaston, William R.; Mitchell, Matthew C.; Kappen, Jeffrey A.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p403-427, 25p; (AN 54272517)
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23.

Institutionalizing Financial Cooperation in East Asia by Grimes, William W.; Kring, William N.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p428-448, 21p; (AN 54272518)
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24.

China and Japan in Pursuit of Infrastructure Investment Leadership in Asia by Katada, Saori N.; Liao, Jessica. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p449-472, 24p; (AN 54272519)
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25.

Consistency, Protection, Responsibility by Crossley, Noele. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p473-499, 27p; (AN 54272520)
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26.

Global Governance and the Double Movement by Mendly, Dorottya. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p500-521, 22p; (AN 54272521)
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27.

The WHOand the COVID-19 Pandemic by Lee, Kelley; Piper, Julianne. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p523-533, 11p; (AN 54712308)
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28.

Priorities, Partners, Politics by Hanrieder, Tine. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p534-543, 10p; (AN 54712309)
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29.

The UN@75 by Brundtland, Gro Harlem. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p545-552, 8p; (AN 54712310)
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30.

“It’s the End of the World as We Know It” by Hofferberth, Matthias; Lambach, Daniel. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p553-576, 24p; (AN 54712311)
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31.

What International Bureaucrats (Really) Want by Ege, Jörn. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p577-600, 24p; (AN 54712312)
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32.

Reforming International Organizations by Heldt, Eugénia C.; Mahrenbach, Laura C.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p601-627, 27p; (AN 54712314)
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33.

Fixing Meanings in Global Governance? by Karp, David Jason. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p628-649, 22p; (AN 54712313)
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34.

Cities as Emergent International Actors in the Field of Migration by Thouez, Colleen. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p650-672, 23p; (AN 54712315)
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35.

The UNGlobal Compacts on Migration and Refugees by Lavenex, Sandra. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2020, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p673-696, 24p; (AN 54712316)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 16, no. 2-3, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

China’s Global Diplomacy: Introduction to the Special Issue by Sharp, Paul; Melissen, Jan; Zhang, Qingmin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p195-202, 8p; (AN 55787984)
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2.

The Legacy of Zhou Enlai’s Diplomacy: Beyond a Memory by Li, Wang; Fan, Yaotian. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p203-223, 21p; (AN 55787988)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55787988&site=ehost-live

3.

China’s Diplomacy: Towards ASEANWay Norms in the South China Sea by Kerr, Pauline. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p224-252, 29p; (AN 55787985)
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4.

Consular Protection with Chinese Characteristics: Challenges and Solutions by Xia, Liping. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p253-276, 24p; (AN 55787986)
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5.

Between Club Diplomacy and Network Diplomacy: Exploring the Diplomatic Role of Cities in China since 2012 by Wei, Chen. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p277-298, 22p; (AN 55787987)
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6.

China’s Public Diplomacy Goes Political by d’Hooghe, Ingrid. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p299-322, 24p; (AN 55787990)
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7.

Chinese Storytelling in the Xi Jinping Era by Brown, Kerry. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p323-333, 11p; (AN 55787991)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55787991&site=ehost-live

8.

China’s Efforts to Shape and Improve Its International Discursive Power: Diplomatic Practice by Sun, Jisheng. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p334-347, 14p; (AN 55787992)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55787992&site=ehost-live

9.

A Bumpy Ride: China’s Search to Be a Responsible Power by Jia, Qingguo. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p348-357, 10p; (AN 55787989)
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10.

Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics by Zhang, Qingmin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p358-369, 12p; (AN 55787994)
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11.

Diplomatic Doctrine and Style with Chinese Characteristics by Freeman, Chas W.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p370-380, 11p; (AN 55787993)
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12.

City Diplomacy: Current Trends and Future Prospects, edited by Sohaela Amiri and Efe Sevin by Pejic, Daniel. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p381-384, 4p; (AN 55787997)
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13.

Special Relationships in World Politics: Inter-State Friendship and Diplomacy after the Second World War, written by Kristin Haugevik by Kasper, Amy. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p385-387, 3p; (AN 55787996)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55787996&site=ehost-live

14.

The Challenges of Multilateralism, written byKathryn C. Lavelle by Duerr, Benjamin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2021, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2-3 p388-390, 3p; (AN 55787995)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 36, no. 7, November 2021

Record

Results

1.

Intelligence and alliance politics: America, Britain, and the strategic Defense Initiative by Bateman, Aaron. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p941-960, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn March 1983, President Ronald Reagan called upon American scientists to develop a capability to render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The president’s speech led to the creation of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), an effort to develop a missile defense system with interceptors on land and in space that Reagan hoped would lead to a nuclear-free world. SDI quickly became a contentious subject in American-Soviet relations and among the transatlantic allies. Even though she rejected Reagan’s ultimate goal for SDI, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher decided to have the United Kingdom become formally involved in SDI research and development. This article investigates the role of intelligence in shaping U.S. and British policy on SDI. It further explores how SDI impacted Anglo-American intelligence cooperation.; (AN 58167912)
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2.

Adopting and improving a new forecasting paradigm by Speigel, Ian. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p961-977, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA large and growing body of research suggests that when it comes to forecasting, the process-oriented paradigm prevalent in the Allied intelligence community (IC) acts as a drag on forecasting accuracy. A new verification-oriented paradigm has been developed over the past decades, which produces more accurate forecasts and therefore should be put into practice. However, the accuracy achievable by the new verification paradigm does not yet satisfy the needs of the clients of IC practitioners. IC scholars should improve the verification paradigm by recognizing that IC forecasts typically pertain to complex situations, and therefore require the tools, methods and concepts found in complexity science.; (AN 58167908)
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3.

Overcoming the inertia of ‘old ways of producing intelligence’—the IC’s development and use of new analytic methods in the 1970s by Marchio, James. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p978-994, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores a little known chapter in the Intelligence Community’s (IC) history that has implications for challenges it confronts in adapting new technologies and analytic methodologies to assess an ever more complex world. Drawing on formerly classified memoranda and intelligence products, the article addresses what prompted the push to use ‘new analytic methods’ in the 1970s, what they encompassed, their use within the IC, and whether these efforts altered the way intelligence analysis was produced during the decade and in subsequent years. It concludes by identifying lessons this experience from a half century ago offer for the IC today.; (AN 58167913)
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4.

#ForgetJamesBond: diversity, inclusion and the UK’s intelligence agencies by Lomas, Daniel W. B.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p995-1017, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDiversity and inclusivity remain top priorities for UK intelligence, having been much maligned for the largely white, male stereotype. The Intelligence & Security Committee of Parliament has published a number of reports suggesting that, even in 2018, the UK’s agencies were still behind Whitehall. Historically, there have been issues with female, BAME and LGBT representation, with the article placing today’s criticism of the agencies in historical context with a particular focus on the period after 1945. The article also examines the position now and the steps taken by the agencies to promote change, suggesting there are grounds for cautious optimism.; (AN 58167914)
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5.

Hard target espionage in the information era: new challenges for the second oldest profession by Cunliffe, Kyle S.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1018-1034, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReliable and well positioned human sources are essential for the US and its allies in an era of declining relations and rising tensions with China and Russia. The recruitment and handling of spies is essential if the US and its allies are to cool relations carefully, enact sound policy and curb the relentless intelligence operations of their adversaries. However, despite the superficially more open borders of China and Russia, technological advances have made the threat of street surveillance to the recruitment and handling of agents today as acute as it was in Cold War “denied area” states. This paper assesses the degree of street surveillance in contemporary Russia and China – including the impact of biometrics and online data history on the defensibility of cover and the severity of advanced CCTV networks – and the solutions intelligence agencies might adopt to address these problems. Despite the possibilities cyberspace offers espionage – for instance, by reducing the need for face to face meetings between intelligence officers and agents – the paper establishes the limitations of technological answers and argues that Western intelligence officers are entering a new era of Moscow and Beijing Rules in which they are more essential than ever and yet need to operate with absolute caution.; (AN 58167906)
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6.

Moshe Dayan in the Yom Kippur War: a Reassessment by Shamir, Eitan. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1035-1052, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe purpose of this paper is to reassess the widespread accepted criticism of Moshe Dayan’s functioning as defense minister towards and during the 5 Yom Kippur War. Now that most of the archival documents have been opened to public view, we can better assess his performance during the war. This reassessment changes the picture: Dayan did not collapse, and the professional opinions he expressed were generally sound when accounting for the information available to him; however, there is no doubt that he allowed his subordinates to see his disturbed emotions and shook their confidence – a failure of leadership.; (AN 58167915)
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7.

Making intelligence telework work: mitigating distraction, maintaining focus by Landon-Murray, Michael; Anderson, Ian. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1053-1056, 4p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis response to a series of earlier ‘Perspectives on Intelligence’ essays on intelligence telework adds to the conversation by first reiterating the benefits of working remotely, highlighting challenges – mainly different types of serious distraction – that could undermine telework, and offering suggestions for addressing those challenges.; (AN 58167920)
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8.

Winners and losers in Russia’s information war by Riehle, Kevin P.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1057-1064, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThomas Kent’s and Nina Jankowicz’s recent books on Russian information warfare start from the premise that Russian information operations and political warfare will destroy our democratic society. But what if that premise is wrong? What if we just have to wait for Russia to shoot itself in the foot enough times that it no longer enjoys credibility in the world, while healing the divisions in our own societies that fuel Russian disinformation campaigns? It might be soothing to claim that Russia is the root of our problems, and Russia certainly has no desire to help us solve those problems. Nevertheless, Russia’s actions have placed it back on the table as an adversary, just as its Soviet predecessor was, which is not in Russia’s best interests. Russia is not capable of destroying a democratic society; the society can only do that to itself. Democratic societies survived the Soviet-era information onslaught and will survive the current one if they can reduce internal anger and divisiveness, while Russia offers nothing constructive to the world.; (AN 58167917)
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9.

Courier, traitor, bigamist, fabulist: behind the mythology of a superspy by Percy, Antony. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1065-1075, 11p; (AN 58167922)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58167922&site=ehost-live

10.

A Chinese spy manual (from the Qing dynasty) by Schoenhals, Michael. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1076-1080, 5p; (AN 58167905)
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11.

Surgeon in the raw: a memoir by Bennett-Jones, David. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1081-1085, 5p; (AN 58167919)
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12.

Intelligence in the national security enterprise: an introduction by Gentry, John A.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1085-1087, 3p; (AN 58167911)
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13.

Head of the Mossad: in pursuit of a safe and secure Israel by Shaffer, Ryan. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1087-1089, 3p; (AN 58167907)
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14.

Soviet defectors: revelations of renegade intelligence officers, 1924–1954 by Welch, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1089-1092, 4p; (AN 58167921)
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15.

How spies think: ten lessons in intelligence by Jensen, Kurt F.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1092-1094, 3p; (AN 58167918)
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16.

Diplomacy and intelligence in the nineteenth-century Mediterranean world by Otte, T.G.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1094-1097, 4p; (AN 58167909)
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17.

The Khalistan conspiracy: a former R&AW officer unravels the path to 1984 by Shaffer, Ryan. Intelligence & National Security, November 2021, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 7 p1097-1099, 3p; (AN 58167916)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 95, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Maritime security: the uncharted politics of the global sea by Bueger, Christian; Edmunds, Timothy; Ryan, Barry J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p971-978, 8p; Abstract: In this introduction to a special section of the September 2019 issue of International Affairs, we revisit the main themes and arguments of our article ‘Beyond seablindness: a new agenda for maritime security studies’, published in this journal in November 2017. We reiterate our call for more scholarly attention to be paid to the maritime environment in international relations and security studies. We argue that the contemporary maritime security agenda should be understood as an interlinked set of challenges of growing global, regional and national significance, and comprising issues of national, environmental, economic and human security. We suggest that maritime security is characterized by four main characteristics, including its interconnected nature, its transnationality, its liminality—in the sense of implicating both land and sea—and its national and institutional cross-jurisdictionality. Each of the five articles in the special section explores aspects of the contemporary maritime security agenda, including themes of geopolitics, international law, interconnectivity, maritime security governance and the changing spatial order at sea.; (AN 52080553)
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2.

Regional maritime security in the eastern Mediterranean: expectations and reality by Rubin, Aviad; Eiran, Ehud. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p979-997, 19p; Abstract: Recent developments in the eastern Mediterranean, such as significant gas finds; disagreements over the demarcation of maritime boundaries; large-scale violence and political instability following the Arab Spring; mass migration via sea routes; Great Power dynamics in the region; and environmental hazards, make the political entities along the shores of the eastern Mediterranean part of a regional security complex and create strong incentives for regional coordination on maritime security. Material international relations theories predict that growing security challenges (realism) coupled with expected gains (liberalism) will facilitate regional cooperation. Yet, the political entities in the region rely mainly on unilateral actions, or limited quasi-alliances in response to these challenges. The article shows the puzzling gap between the theoretical expectation and practical outcome in the region and explains why regional cooperation in the maritime domain fails to occur. It argues that cooperation on a regional scale fails to take place due to three complementing reasons: 1) lack of shared ideational features like cultural traits, set of values and regime type; 2) enduring rivalries between political entities in the region (Israel–Palestine; Turkey–Greece–Cyprus) coupled with internal strife within other regional political entities (Libya; Syria); and unequal political standing and lack of sovereignty of some of the political entities in the region (Northern Cyprus; the Palestinian Authority and the Gaza Strip).; (AN 52080567)
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3.

The rule of law and maritime security: understanding lawfare in the South China Sea by Guilfoyle, Douglas. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p999-1017, 19p; Abstract: Does the rule of law matter to maritime security? One way into the question is to examine whether states show a discursive commitment that maritime security practices must comply with international law. International law thus provides tools for argument for or against the validity of certain practices. The proposition is thus not only that international law matters to maritime security, but legal argument does too. In this article, these claims will be explored in relation to the South China Sea dispute. The dispute involves Chinese claims to enjoy special rights within the ‘nine-dash line’ on official maps which appears to lay claim to much of the South China Sea. Within this area sovereignty remains disputed over numerous islands and other maritime features. Many of the claimant states have engaged in island-building activities, although none on the scale of China. Ideas matter in such contests, affecting perceptions of reality and of what is possible. International law provides one such set of ideas. Law may be a useful tool in consolidating gains or defeating a rival's claims. For China, law is a key domain in which it is seeking to consolidate control over the South China Sea. The article places the relevant Chinese legal arguments in the context of China's historic engagement with the law of the sea. It argues that the flaw in China's approach has been to underestimate the extent to which it impinges on other states' national interests in the maritime domain, interests they conceptualize in legal terms.; (AN 52080560)
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4.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 52080571)
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5.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 52080557)
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6.

Corrigendum 2 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pxiv-xiv, 1p; (AN 52080529)
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7.

The security implications of fisheries by DeSombre, Elizabeth R.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1019-1035, 17p; Abstract: Although frequently ignored in discussion of ocean security, fisheries have had central security implications throughout history. This article re-centres fisheries issues as both a cause and effect of security conflicts, and examines the implications of this re-framing for addressing this intersection. Underlying the security concerns that arise related to fisheries is depletion of global fish stocks. When stocks are overfished or not well managed, fishing vessels move to other areas, where they are more likely to come into conflict with each other and to threaten vulnerable stocks that some populations rely on, and states will claim or defend more ocean territory. These issues are explored here with four sets of security crises that can be best understood by examining the underlying or contributing aspect of fishery depletion: conflicts over sovereignty of small maritime islands, the rise of Somali maritime piracy, the ‘fish wars’ between otherwise friendly states in the middle and latter parts of the twentieth century, and the human insecurity represented by slavery-like conditions aboard some fishing vessels. Understanding the security implications of fisheries grants new reason and new approaches—ideally multi-jurisdictional, transnational and focused on capacity-building—to better protect fisheries and prevent security threats.; (AN 52080568)
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8.

Piracy studies coming of age: a window on the making of maritime intervention actors by Jacobsen, Katja Lindskov; Larsen, Jessica. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1037-1054, 18p; Abstract: How, as a sub-set of maritime security, can piracy studies contribute with conceptual insights of relevance to the field of international security governance and international politics more broadly? To answer this question the article examines, with reference to critical intervention studies, how responses to Somali piracy have had constitutive effects, notably ‘back onto’ the intervening actors themselves. More specifically, three themes are examined: regulation (law), structures (institutions) and practices (actors), each of which highlights a distinct sense of contingency, which both characterizes contemporary security governance at sea and makes ‘the maritime’ an interesting domain for the study of constitutive effects related to the making of intervention actors. In light of this, the article argues that studying ‘the maritime’ can offer conceptual insights to the constitutive effects of counter-piracy interventions that may prove relevant to broader debates about governance and security in a changing world order.; (AN 52080556)
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9.

The disciplined sea: a history of maritime security and zonation by Ryan, Barry J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1055-1073, 19p; Abstract: This article details the evolution of maritime security from the perspective of its impact on the historical architecture of sea space. It argues that, as the fundamental unit of governance, zoning provides keen insight into the mechanics of maritime security. The article observes that Britain's Hovering Acts in the late eighteenth century represent the earliest example of modern zonation at sea and that they exhibit a shift from early modern territorial claims based on imperium and dominium. The article explores the way these hovering zones shaped the rationale underlying contemporary maritime security. It finds that maritime security has effectively relegated national security to a minor spatial belt of state power, while elevating non-traditional understandings of security to the level of global existential threat. The future of maritime security is under construction. Increasingly segmented by interconnecting, overlapping, multi-functional zones that seek to regulate all free movement and usage of the sea, security developments are reorganizing the maritime sphere. Nonetheless, the article argues, despite the novelty of this development, a historical military logic persists in new formations of security-oriented practices of maritime governance.; (AN 52080561)
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10.

Contests of legitimacy and value: the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and the logic of prohibition by Considine, Laura. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1075-1092, 18p; Abstract: The recently adopted Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has caused much debate and controversy in global nuclear politics. Given that the stated goal of the TPNW supporters (states and NGOs alike) is to embed the treaty in the structures of nuclear governance and to strengthen its normative power, how likely is the TPNW to achieve these objectives? The article argues that the unique structures of legitimacy and value within which nuclear weapons are enmeshed place particular complications on the normative force of the TPNW as compared to previous humanitarian arms control initiatives, which has implications for the way in which the TPNW can function to consolidate a prohibitionary norm on nuclear weapons possession. The article uses the framing of legitimacy to analyse the complex structures within which the TPNW was adopted and within which it will enter into force, particularly focusing on the TPNW's relationship to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The article concludes that consolidation may require a further challenge to the existing structures of nuclear order than state actors have, so far, been willing to make. This work is based on first-hand observations from the TPNW negotiations and interviews with civil society actors at the United Nations in New York in June and July 2017.; (AN 52080549)
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11.

The oversecuritization of global health: changing the terms of debate by Wenham, Clare. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1093-1110, 18p; Abstract: Linking health and security has become a mainstream approach to health policy issues over the past two decades. So much so that the discourse of global health security has become close to synonymous with global health, their meanings being considered almost interchangeable. While the debates surrounding the health–security nexus vary in levels of analysis from the global to the national to the individual, this article argues that the consideration of health as a security issue, and the ensuing path dependencies, have shifted in three ways. First, the concept has been broadened to the extent that a multitude of health issues (and others) are constructed as threats to health security. Second, securitizing health has moved beyond a rhetorical device to include the direct involvement of the security sector. Third, the performance of health security has become a security threat in itself. These considerations, the article argues, alter the remit of the global health security narrative; the global health community needs to recognize this shift and adapt its use of security-focused policies accordingly.; (AN 52080572)
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12.

Up in smoke? Global tobacco control advocacy and local mobilization in Africa by Patterson, Amy S.; Gill, Elizabeth. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1111-1130, 20p; Abstract: Even though most African states have signed and ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), a global treaty to limit tobacco use, African states have been slow to pass and implement tobacco control policies like regulations on sales, smoke-free environments and taxes. This article examines how the ineffectiveness of local tobacco-control advocacy contributes to this suboptimal outcome. It asserts that the disconnect between the global tobacco-control advocacy network and local advocates shapes this ineffectiveness. With funding and direction predominately from the Bloomberg Initiative, local advocates emulate the funders' goal of achieving quick, measurable policy results. Their reliance on the network drives African advocates to strive to pass legislation, even in difficult political climates, and to remake their agendas when funders change their priorities. They also emulate the network's focus on evidence-based arguments that stress epidemiological data and biomedical interventions, even when this issue frame does not resonate with policy-makers. Financial dependence can draw local advocates into expectations about patronage politics, undermine their ability to make principled arguments, and lead them to downplay the ways that their home country's socioeconomic and cultural contexts affect tobacco use and control. Based on key informant interviews with African advocates, media analysis and the case-studies of Ghana and Tanzania, the article broadens the study of philanthropy in global health, it adds an African perspective to the literature on global health advocacy, and it deepens knowledge on power dynamics between external funders and local actors in the realms of health and development.; (AN 52080542)
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13.

Petro-RMB? The oil trade and the internationalization of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha; Wang, Hongying. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1131-1148, 18p; Abstract: In this article, we examine China's promotion of the renminbi (RMB) in international oil trade and explore its implications for the international currency system in the short and the long term. The article traces the rise of the RMB in international oil trade in recent years and provides an analysis of its impact on the internationalization of the Chinese currency. We argue that despite the increasing use of the yuan in oil trade in recent years, in the short term it is highly unlikely that a petro-RMB system will emerge to rival the petrodollar system. Unlike the petrodollar, which combines the qualities of a master currency, a top currency and a negotiated currency, China lacks the economic leadership and the political and geopolitical leverages to make the RMB a major petrocurrency. Although the emergence of the RMB-denominated Shanghai oil futures is an important development, the absence of highly developed financial markets and a strong legal system in China hinders its potential. In the long run, the RMB may take on a more prominent role in the international oil trade as China's weight as an oil importer rises. More importantly, the overuse of financial sanctions by the US government has begun to undermine the role of the dollar within and beyond the oil trade. In addition, the rise of alternative energy sources will diminish the centrality of oil in the world economy, thus reducing the significance of petrocurrencies—whether the dollar or the RMB—in shaping the international currency system.; (AN 52080540)
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14.

Happy anniversary? States and social revolutionsrevisited by Lawson, George. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1149-1158, 10p; Abstract: Forty years after its publication, Theda Skocpol's States and social revolutionsremains the pre-eminent book in the study of revolutions. But how should the book be assessed from the vantage point of contemporary world politics? This essay reviews Skocpol's contribution to three main issue-areas: theory, structural approaches and the international. It argues that, rich as it has been, the research agenda initiated by States and social revolutionshas run its course. It cannot respond effectively to the different contexts within which revolutions emerge and the diverse forms they take. Its bifurcation between structure and agency cannot capture the relational character of revolutionary action. And, despite its concern for the international components of revolutions, States and social revolutionscannot accommodate the ways in which revolutions are ‘intersocial’ all the way down. A new Skocpol is needed for a new age of revolutions.; (AN 52080528)
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15.

Contestation and constitution of norms in global international relations by Brown, Garrett Wallace; Deva, Sagar S.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1159-1160, 2p; (AN 52080551)
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16.

Eric Hobsbawm: a life in history by Chabal, Emile. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1160-1162, 3p; (AN 52080566)
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17.

Vietnam: an epic tragedy, 1945–1975 by Watkins, Eric. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1162-1163, 2p; (AN 52080544)
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18.

‘Ich kam, ich sah, ich werde schreiben’: Lion Feuchtwanger in Moskau 1937. Eine Dokumentation. [‘I came, I saw, I will write’: Lion Feuchwanger in Moscow 1937. A documentation.] by Dewhirst, Martin. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1163-1164, 2p; (AN 52080559)
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19.

The lion and the eagle: the interaction of the British and American empires, 1783–1972 by Coutinho, Charles. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1164-1165, 2p; (AN 52080536)
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20.

The Responsibility to Protect: from promise to practice by Gifkins, Jess. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1165-1166, 2p; (AN 52080550)
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21.

Has the West lost it? A provocation by Gurjar, Sankalp. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1168, 2p; (AN 52080552)
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22.

Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism by Becker, Jordan. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1168-1169, 2p; (AN 52080543)
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23.

Rising titans, falling giants: how Great Powers exploit power shifts by Horovitz, Liviu. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1169-1171, 3p; (AN 52080562)
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24.

Human rights futures by Schimmel, Noam. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1171-1172, 2p; (AN 52080565)
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25.

Command: the twenty-first-century general by Chin, Warren. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1172-1173, 2p; (AN 52080569)
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26.

The official history of the UK strategic nuclear deterrent, Volume I: From the V-bomber era to the arrival of Polaris, 1945–64; The official history of the UK strategic nuclear deterrent, Volume II: The Labour government and the Polaris programme, 1964–70 by Dorman, Andrew. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1174-1175, 2p; (AN 52080531)
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27.

National secession: persuasion and violence in independence campaigns by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1175-1176, 2p; (AN 52080546)
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28.

Crashed: how a decade of financial crises changed the world by Subacchi, Paola. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1176-1178, 3p; (AN 52080545)
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29.

Winners take all: the elite charade of changing the world by Shah, Abdur Rehman. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1178-1179, 2p; (AN 52080570)
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30.

The pandemic century: one hundred years of panic, hysteria and hubris by Davies, Sara E.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1180-1181, 2p; (AN 52080547)
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31.

Mass starvation: the history and future of famine by Stellmach, Darryl. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1181-1182, 2p; (AN 52080527)
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32.

The postwar origins of the global environment: how the United Nations built spaceship Earth by Heffernan, Andrew. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1183-1183, 1p; (AN 52080534)
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33.

Strategies of compliance with the European Court of Human Rights: rational choice within normative constraints by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1184-1185, 2p; (AN 52080525)
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34.

Romania confronts its communist past: democracy, memory, and moral justice by Birch, John. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1185-1186, 2p; (AN 52080526)
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35.

The politics of Eurasianism: identity, popular culture and Russia's foreign policy by Gould-Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1186-1187, 2p; (AN 52080530)
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36.

Quest for status: Chinese and Russian foreign policy by Kaczmarski, Marcin. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1188-1189, 2p; (AN 52080537)
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37.

Break all the borders: separatism and the reshaping of the Middle East by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1190, 2p; (AN 52080532)
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38.

Triadic coercion: Israel's targeting of states that host nonstate actors by Denselow, James. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1190-1191, 2p; (AN 52080524)
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39.

Horn, Sahel and Rift: fault-lines of the African jihad by Bruce, Ronald. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1191-1193, 3p; (AN 52080535)
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40.

The reputational imperative: Nehru's India in territorial conflict by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1193-1194, 2p; (AN 52080558)
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41.

Rebranding China: contested status signaling in the changing global order by Zhang, Biao. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1194-1195, 2p; (AN 52080555)
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42.

China's dream: the culture of Chinese communism and the secret sources of its power; End of an era: how China's authoritarian revival is undermining its rise by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1196-1197, 2p; (AN 52080533)
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43.

Terrorism and counter-terrorism in China: domestic and foreign policy dimensions by Campbell, Joel. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1197-1199, 3p; (AN 52080541)
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44.

The great delusion: liberal dreams and international realities; The hell of good intentions: America's foreign policy elite and the decline of U.S. primacy by Bellamy, Alex J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1199-1201, 3p; (AN 52080554)
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45.

War on peace: the end of diplomacy and the decline of American influence by Bogdanor, Vernon. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1201-1202, 2p; (AN 52080564)
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46.

When the world seemed new: George H. W. Bush and the end of the Cold War by Ryan, David. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1202-1203, 2p; (AN 52080538)
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47.

Mexico's human rights crisis by Michel, Verónica. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1204-1205, 2p; (AN 52080539)
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48.

Books reviewed September 2019 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1207, 1p; (AN 52080548)
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49.

Corrigendum 1 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pxiii-xiii, 1p; (AN 52080563)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 34, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Lubyanka’s Nightingale and the Novel That Exposed CIA Operation TRIGON by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p643-662, 20p; Abstract: AbstractWhen Yuri Andropov offered to divulge how the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti (KGB) foiled an important Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operation, Julian Semyonov (“Lubyanka’s nightingale”) jumped at the chance to write a spy thriller based on real people and events. TASS is Authorized to Announce …(1979) is a fictional version of a CIA operation involving Soviet diplomat Aleksandr Ogorodnik (a.k.a. TRIGON). The novel confirms Director of Central Intelligence Stansfield Turner’s suspicion that Ogorodnik was a KGB dangle whose rumored suicide was false. It also foreshadowed the KGB’s bogus claim that the CIA was an accessory to Ogorodnik’s murder of his mistress. Andropov sponsored the work of fiction as a subtle way of revealing clues that he had outfoxed the Agency.; (AN 58021873)
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2.

Counterintelligence Vetting Techniques Compared across Multiple Domains by Mobley, Blake W.; Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p663-693, 31p; Abstract: AbstractThis discussion examines how security and counterintelligence vetting practices vary across domains and how this informs our understanding of counterintelligence disciplines. Organizations in each domain must ensure that persons admitted as insiders can be trusted with sensitive information and the organization’s security. We look at some examples of counterintelligence vetting, seeking commonalities in vetting needs and practices between armed groups, corporations, and states. We compare, in depth, the vetting practices of Lebanese Hezbollah, the reconstituted Syrian intelligence services, the drug-trafficking group known as Los Zetas, and High-Value Technology Companies (HVTCs). The evident regularities and commonalities in counterintelligence vetting suggest cross-domain and cross-cultural targets for exploitation.; (AN 58021863)
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3.

The (Missed) Israeli Snowden Moment? by Cahane, Amir. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p694-717, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent journalistic revelations regarding the metadata collection practices of the Israel Security Agency (Shabak, ISA, or Shin bet), coupled with the public attention to the government’s initiative to harness these powers to identify citizens who came into close contact with coronavirus carriers, could have sparked Israel’s own “Snowden moment,” resolving in a comprehensive reform of its online surveillance legal regime. This article argues that the adamant stand taken by parliamentary and judicial oversight bodies to counter the government’s coronavirus-related surveillance should have been also addressed to tackle the new information regarding the ISA’s database retaining communications data of Israeli residents that has been collected for nearly twenty years.; (AN 58021864)
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4.

Learning the Language: Evolution of the FBI’s Linguist Program and Lessons Learned by Tromblay, Darren E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p718-738, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), although it is a domestically oriented intelligence service, must contend with foreign state, terrorist, and criminal entities. Foreign language capability is integral to countering many of these threat actors. The FBI has developed its foreign language workforce and associated infrastructure in response to the evolution of its mission. This was a learning process for the FBI and progressed from utilization of personnel who had language skills, or who were trained on an ad hoc basis, to establishing a dedicated workforce of linguists. This evolution highlights the need for organizations to assess needs and build toward workforces defined by subject matter expertise, rather than taking a one-size-fits-all approach. As the FBI’s history in the field of language illustrates, expertise will eventually become a necessity. Workarounds, whether in language, information technology, or any other field, will only ultimately delay the development of capabilities.; (AN 58021879)
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5.

Prevention and Management of Hostages: Psych Evolving Negotiation Strategy (PENS) by Magris, Sabrina. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p739-756, 18p; (AN 58021862)
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6.

Trump-Era Politicization: A Code of Civil–Intelligence Behavior Is Needed by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p757-786, 30p; Abstract: AbstractCurrent and former U.S. intelligence officers in unprecedentedly large numbers politicized intelligence in their opposition to candidate and then President Donald Trump. The activists consistently refused, and still refuse, to accept responsibility for the politicization or the damage it caused to intelligence and broader national security. They declined to consider whether a well-established field of thought—civil–military relations—contains insights about normatively appropriate behavior by former senior intelligence officers, especially. This article explores lessons for intelligence officers in the civil–military literature and offers suggestions for revised behavioral norms by intelligence officers in the conduct of “civil–intelligence relations.”; (AN 58021878)
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7.

Four Phases of Former President Trump’s Relations with the Intelligence Community by Mclaughlin, John E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p787-794, 8p; (AN 58021876)
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8.

Intelligence is NOT About “Telling Truth to Power” by Lowenthal, Mark M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p795-798, 4p; (AN 58021870)
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9.

Odysseus, the Archetypal Spy by Wilder, Ursula M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p799-815, 17p; (AN 58021874)
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10.

“I Am What I Am” by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p816-819, 4p; (AN 58021866)
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11.

A Not-So-Glamorous Mole Depiction by Tromblay, Darren E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p820-823, 4p; (AN 58021865)
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12.

Final Word on British SIGINT… Maybe Not? by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p824-827, 4p; (AN 58021875)
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13.

HUMINT Collection Done Correctly by Prout, John F.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p828-832, 5p; (AN 58021869)
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14.

GEOINT: From NIMA to NGA by O’Connor, Jack. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p832-835, 4p; (AN 58021872)
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15.

Selling Terrorism by Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p836-839, 4p; (AN 58021867)
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16.

Of Gods and Monsters: CIA Directors’ Legacies by Triscari, Erika. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p840-844, 5p; (AN 58021868)
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17.

An Unappreciated War by Welker, David A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p844-845, 2p; (AN 58021871)
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18.

Index for Volume 34 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p846-854, 9p; (AN 58021877)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 26, no. 3, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

Gray Peace: Is Part of a Peace Sufficient? by Zartman, I. William. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p359-365, 7p; (AN 57959349)
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2.

The Israel-PLOMutual Recognition Agreement by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p366-390, 25p; (AN 57959350)
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3.

West Bank Areas A, B and C – How Did They Come into Being? by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p391-401, 11p; (AN 57959351)
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4.

Where You Sit is Where You Stand: Table Arrangement Battles in Middle East Peace Conferences by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p402-422, 21p; (AN 57959352)
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5.

Not All Ceasefires Are Created Equal: The Role of Third Party Manipulation in Sudan’s Major Ceasefire Agreements by Duursma, Allard. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p423-452, 30p; (AN 57959353)
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6.

“Spoiling” in the Public Sphere: Political Opposition to Peace Negotiations and the Referendum Campaign in Colombia by Amaral, Joana. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p453-478, 26p; (AN 57959354)
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7.

Negotiating with a So-called ‘Non-Partner’: Lessons from Palestinian-Israel Negotiation Practices (2000–2020) by Benziman, Yuval. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p479-498, 20p; (AN 57959355)
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8.

Envoy Envy? Competition in African Mediation Processes and Ways to Overcome It by Lanz, David. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p499-526, 28p; (AN 57959356)
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9.

Regional-Based Conflict and Confidence-Building Strategies: The Case of the Union for the Mediterranean by Crump, Larry. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p527-559, 33p; (AN 57959357)
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10.

Strategies to End Violence in Ethnic Conflicts: What is Sufficient? The Case of “Peace” in Chechnya by Nibali, Samantha. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p560-580, 21p; (AN 57959359)
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11.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p581-581, 1p; (AN 57959358)
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12

International Organization
Volume 75, no. 1, 2021

Record

Results

1.

Tariffs As Electoral Weapons: The Political Geography of the US–China Trade War by Kim, Sung Eun; Margalit, Yotam. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p1-38, 38p; Abstract: AbstractIn response to President Trump instigating conflict over trade with China, the Chinese government countered by issuing tariffs on thousands of products worth over USD 110 billion in US exports. We explore whether China's tariffs reflected a strategy to apply counterpressure by hurting political support for the president's party. We also assess the strategy's impact on the 2018 midterm elections and examine the mechanism underlying the resulting electoral shift. We find strong evidence that Chinese tariffs systematically targeted US goods that had production concentrated in Republican-supporting counties, particularly when located in closely contested Congressional districts. This apparent strategy was successful: targeted areas were more likely to turn against Republican candidates. Using data on campaign communications, local search patterns online, and an original national survey, we find evidence that voters residing in areas affected by the tariffs were more likely to learn about the trade war, recognize its adverse impact, and assign the Republicans responsibility for the escalating dispute. These findings demonstrate how domestic political institutions can be a source of vulnerability in interstate disputes.; (AN 55430510)
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2.

What's in a Name? Metaphors and Cybersecurity by Branch, Jordan. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p39-70, 32p; Abstract: AbstractFor more than a decade, the United States military has conceptualized and discussed the Internet and related systems as “cyberspace,” understood as a “domain” of conflict like land, sea, air, and outer space. How and why did this concept become entrenched in US doctrine? What are its effects? Focusing on the emergence and consolidation of this terminology, I make three arguments about the role of language in cybersecurity policy. First, I propose a new, politically consequential category of metaphor: foundational metaphors,implied by using particular labels rather than stated outright. These metaphors support specific ways to understand complex issues, provide discursive resources to some arguments over others, and shape policy contestation and outcomes. Second, I present a detailed empirical study of US military strategy and doctrine that traces the emergence and consolidation of terminology built on the “cyberspace domain.” This concept supported implicit metaphorical correspondences between the Internet and physical space, yielding specific analogies and arguments for understanding the Internet and its effects. Third, I focus on the rhetorical effects of this terminology to reveal two important institutional consequences: this language has been essential to expanding the military's role in cybersecurity, and specific interests within the Department of Defense have used this framework to support the creation of US Cyber Command. These linguistic effects in the United States also have implications for how other states approach cybersecurity, for how international law is applied to cyber operations, and for how International Relations understands language and technological change.; (AN 55430513)
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3.

Testing for Negative Spillovers: Is Promoting Human Rights Really Part of the “Problem”? by Strezhnev, Anton; Kelley, Judith G.; Simmons, Beth A.. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p71-102, 32p; Abstract: AbstractThe international community often seeks to promote political reforms in recalcitrant states. Recently, some scholars have argued that, rather than helping, international law and advocacy create new problems because they have negative spillovers that increase rights violations. We review three mechanisms for such spillovers: backlash, trade-offs, and counteraction and concentrate on the last of these. Some researchers assert that governments sometimes “counteract” international human rights pressures by strategically substituting violations in adjacent areas that are either not targeted or are harder to monitor. However, most such research shows only that both outcomes correlate with an intervention—the targeted positively and the spillover negatively. The burden of proof, however, should be as rigorous as those for studies of first-order policy consequences. We show that these correlations by themselves are insufficient to demonstrate counteraction outside of the narrow case where the intervention is assumed to have no direct effect on the spillover, a situation akin to having a valid instrumental variable design. We revisit two prominent findings and show that the evidence for the counteraction claim is weak in both cases. The article contributes methodologically to the study of negative spillovers in general by proposing mediation and sensitivity analysis within an instrumental variables framework for assessing such arguments. It revisits important prior findings that claim negative consequences to human rights law and/or advocacy, and raises critical normative questions regarding how we empirically evaluate hypotheses about causal mechanisms.; (AN 55430511)
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4.

INO volume 75 issue 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b5, 5p; (AN 55430516)
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5.

INO volume 75 issue 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 55430515)
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6.

Reviewers International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 pii-v, 4p; (AN 55430517)
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7.

Systemic Instability and the Emergence of Border Disputes by Abramson, Scott F; Carter, David B.. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p103-146, 44p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough evidence shows that territorial disputes fundamentally shape relations among states, we know surprisingly little about when territorial claims are made. We argue that revisionist states have incentives to make territorial claims when the great powers that manage the system are in crisis. We identify five main sources of systemic instability and develop measures of each of them, demonstrating that the majority of territorial claims in Europe are drawn at times when regional great powers are embroiled in crisis, for example, 1848 or 1870 during the nineteenth century. The claims that emerge at these times are not necessarily among states involved in the crises that generated turmoil (e.g., Prussia and France in 1870). We use a newly developed spatial measure of historical boundary precedents in Europe from 1650 to 1790 to demonstrate that the effect of this known spatial correlate of where claims are drawn matters only when the European system is in crisis. We further demonstrate that this claim-timing pattern is general to the global system of states. In the appendix we corroborate our explanation of our findings with a detailed case study of the territorial claims that led to the contemporary Italian state's formation.; (AN 55430514)
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8.

The Past, Present, and Future of Behavioral IR by Davis, James W.; McDermott, Rose. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p147-177, 31p; Abstract: AbstractOriginally developed by applying models from cognitive psychology to the study of foreign policy decision making, the field of behavioral IR is undergoing important transformations. Building on a broader range of models, methods, and data from the fields of neuroscience, biology, and genetics, behavioral IR has moved beyond the staid debate between rational choice and psychology and instead investigates the plethora of mechanisms selected by evolution for solving adaptive problems. This opens new opportunities for collaboration between scholars informed by rational choice and behavioral insights. Examining the interactions between the individual's genetic inheritance, social environment, and downstream behavior of individuals and groups, the emerging field of behavioral epigenetics offers novel insights into the methodological problem of aggregation that has confounded efforts to apply behavioral findings to IR. In the first instance empirical, behavioral IR raises numerous normative and philosophical questions best answered in dialogue with political and legal theorists.; (AN 55430512)
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9.

Political Exclusion, Lost Autonomy, and Escalating Conflict over Self-Determination by Germann, Micha; Sambanis, Nicholas. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p178-203, 26p; Abstract: AbstractMost civil wars are preceded by nonviolent forms of conflict. While it is often assumed that violent and nonviolent conflicts are qualitativelydifferent and have different causes, that assumption is rarely tested empirically. We use a two-step approach to explore whether political exclusion and lost autonomy—two common causes of civil war according to extant literature—are associated with the emergence of nonviolent separatist claims, with the escalation of nonviolent separatist claims to war, or both. Our analysis suggests that different types of grievances matter more at different stages of conflict escalation. We find that political exclusion is a significant correlate of the escalation of nonviolent claims for self-determination to violence, while its association with the emergence of nonviolent separatist claims is weaker. By contrast, lost autonomy is correlated with both the emergence of nonviolent separatist claims and, if autonomy revocations are recent, their escalation to violence. We argue that these results are consistent with both grievance- and opportunity-based theories of conflict.; (AN 55430509)
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10.

The Collapse of State Power, the Cluniac Reform Movement, and the Origins of Urban Self-Government in Medieval Europe by Doucette, Jonathan Stavnskær; Møller, Jørgen. International Organization, 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p204-223, 20p; Abstract: AbstractSeveral generations of scholarship have identified the medieval development of urban self-government as crucial for European patterns of state formation. However, extant theories, emphasizing structural factors such as initial endowments and warfare, do little to explain the initial emergence of institutions of urban self-government before CE 1200 or why similar institutions did not emerge outside of Europe. We argue that a large-scale collapse of public authority in the ninth and tenth centuries allowed a bottom-up reform movement in West Francia (the Cluniac movement), directed by clergy but with popular backing, to push for ecclesiastical autonomy and asceticism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These social realignments, facilitated by new norms about ecclesiastical office holding, stimulated the urban associationalism that led to the initial emergence of autonomous town councils. Using a panel data set of 643 towns in the period between 800 and 1800, we show that medieval towns were substantially more likely to establish autonomous town councils in the period between 1000 and 1200 if they were situated in the vicinity of Cluniac monasteries. These findings are corroborated by regressions that use distance from Cluny—the movement's place of origin—to instrument for proximity to Cluniac monasteries.; (AN 55430508)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 28, no. 5, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Reflection on Labour Hierarchies in Peacekeeping: A Study on the Operational Experiences of Military Peacekeepers by Podder, Sukanya; Manzillo, Giuseppe. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p701-731, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do the attitudes of United Nations military peacekeepers towards peacekeeping shift after their deployment from positive to negative ones and how do labour hierarchies influence this shift? Using surveys with military peacekeepers gathered within a professional military education (PME) context, we conducted an exploratory pilot study about individual attitudes towards UN peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs) after deployment. We found that a majority changed their opinion about UNPKOs as an effective tool for peacebuilding from positive to negative. Specifically, we found that 82% of troops from the Global South changed their perceptions from positive to negative after deployment; while 59% of Global North peacekeepers did not change their perceptions. This shift was on account of enduring command and control challenges, problems with analysing intelligence, and, the growing demands of robustness to protect civilians, which increasingly place peacekeepers from the Global South at the risk of armed attacks and under scrutiny for underperformance. Findings urge scholars and policy-makers to address the problem of labour hierarchies in the political economy of peacekeeping as a significant source of misalignment between the perceptions and experiences of troops from the Global South and the growing expectations of performance from them.; (AN 58008424)
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2.

Sensemaking Processes in Complex Peace Operations: A Means of Adapting to the Dynamism of ‘the Local’ by Paananen, Soili. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p732-756, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines sensemaking in complex peace operations. The article’s key argument is that adaptation to ‘the local’ and its complexity requires sensemaking, and that sensemaking helps to disrupt conflict dynamism and prevent conflicts. The study’s theoretical underpinnings are linked to the concept of sensemaking and its further development. The findings are based on eleven in-depth interviews with commanders who have concrete command experience in peace operations. The research findings describe four processes – sensegiving, sensebreaking, sensedrawing and sensekeeping – that are part of the sensemaking entity. Each process entails practices in which sense is embedded, negotiated and regenerated to be shared, in order to work with change, adapt to local necessities and sustain peace. Theoretically, the article contributes to the existing understanding of complex, ongoing and longstanding crises in general and adaptive and proactive sensemaking, in which ‘the local’ is emphasized, in particular.; (AN 58008427)
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3.

The Peacekeeping Deployment that Never was: Domestic Considerations Behind Brazil’s Decision not to Send Troops to MINUSCA by Uziel, Eduardo; Marcondes, Danilo. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p757-782, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article aims at investigating how do mechanisms of bureaucratic politics contribute to the decision of deploying troops and in so doing to mold the national motivations underscoring the deployment. The text takes Brazil as a case and researches the decision-making process in the country, using past cases of deployments that actually happened. The bulk of the analysis, however, is dedicated to the negative case where Brazil decided not to contribute to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). The analysis provides a breakdown of the 2017–2018 domestic political and bureaucratic decision-making process in Brazil as regards the possibility of deploying troops to MINUSCA and traces the mechanisms in action that resulted in the negative decision by the government. Based on the case of Brazil, considerations are made on the importance of investigating negative scenarios to better understanding how developing countries, such as the BRICS, value the motivations and ultimately decide to contribute to a UN mission.; (AN 58008425)
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4.

The Dance of Peace and Justice: Local Perceptions of International Peacebuilding in West Africa by Leib, Julia; Ruppel, Samantha. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p783-812, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.; (AN 58008428)
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5.

Non-Linearity and Transitions in Sierra Leone’s Security and Justice Programming by Albrecht, Peter; Jackson, Paul. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p813-837, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how transitions produce non-linearity in Sierra Leone’s security and justice programming, as it unfolded from the late 1990s and onwards starting in open conflict. Transitions have received limited detailed analytical consideration in the literature on interventions because they are mundane and inevitable, and therefore taken for granted. However, they definitively condition how programmes evolve. We show that transitions can be seemingly small as well as comprehensive, but commonly have unpredictable, hidden and often unmanageable transformative effects on the trajectory of security and justice programmes. To conceptualize the logic of transitioning, ritual theory – and specifically liminality that is a central component of rites of passage – is used to capture the inherent diffuseness and unpredictability of transitioning. Transitions in programming are liminal moments, ‘neither here nor there’, and as such characterized by ambiguity and indeterminacy. The ambiguity, and importance, of transitions stems from their potency to disturb the direction of programming, requiring the suspension of routine, which internationally funded programming is notoriously ill-suited to deal with. Empirically, the article looks at three types of transitions in Sierra Leone: (1) war to peace; (2) turnover of staff; and (3) elections leading to change of the party in power.; (AN 58008429)
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6.

MINUSMA and the Militarization of UN Peacekeeping by Gauthier Vela, Vanessa. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p838-863, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMINUSMA, the UN peace operation in Mali, represents a new development in peace missions, due to the insecure transnational context in which it has evolved and its mandate to collaborate with counterterrorist forces in the region. The goal of this paper is to study this new development, using Enloe’s feminist theorization of the concept of militarization. I base my analysis on an understanding of militarization as a social process that can be adapted or contested. Grounded in a qualitative methodology, I study MINUSMA and its peacekeepers in order to identify how the process of militarization takes place within/through the mission. My principal argument is that the context of robust peacekeeping, combined with the implications of collaboration with counterterrorist operations and the reengagement of NATO troop contributing countries, creates a space in which militarization is reinforced for the mission and its peacekeepers and that this impacts how they interact with one another and what practices they favour.; (AN 58008430)
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7.

Coalition Formation and Rapid Response in Multilateral Interventions: Inter-Organizational Dynamics, Diplomacy, and the Role of Lead Nations by Kleczka, Mitja. International Peacekeeping, October 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p864-868, 5p; (AN 58008426)
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14

International Relations
Volume 35, no. 3, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: cooperation, conflict, and interaction in the global commons by Riddervold, Marianne; Newsome, Akasemi. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p365-383, 19p; Abstract: The global commons – the High Seas, Antarctica, the Atmosphere, and Outer Space – are resource domains outside the authority of states. Historically, the global commons have been practically inaccessible and thus rarely subject to sovereignty claims and international regulations. With technological advances and environmental developments, the global commons have become a key site for international relations (hereinafter IR). In spite of often competing claims from state and non-state actors to these areas, the global commons have remained mainly cooperative. This is not what one would expect from most IR perspectives in a close to anarchical environment and a volatile geopolitical international environment. This Special Issue sets out to address this puzzle by asking: To what extent and why is there little conflict in the global commons?For this purpose, this introduction develops a common framework that distinguishes between three models and corresponding hypotheses of the factors affecting the level of cooperation and conflict in these domains. While two are based on realist and liberal IR perspectives, we draw on constructivism, political theory, and law to develop a third model, called the Human Heritage model. To conclude, this introduction also sums up the findings and discusses their implications for the global commons and IR studies.; (AN 57408446)
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2.

Outer space and the idea of the global commons by Cross, Mai’a K. Davis. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p384-402, 19p; Abstract: Drawing upon fresh archival research and participant observation, the author traces the emergence and transformative idea of the non-weaponized and peaceful use of space from the 1920s to today. Building on this, the case study questions much of the common wisdom surrounding humans’ relationship with space over the past century. Although the beginnings of the Space Age are usually thought to have closely coincided with the Space Race beginning in 1955, the paper goes further back to the Spaceflight Movement of the 1920s and 30s, tracing the emergence of the idea of space as part of the global commons. This societal-level movement was highly transnational and collaborative in nature, and pushed for the achievement of human spaceflight decades before the technology existed, at the same time advocating for space as a peaceful domain for all of humankind. Using a new approach that also provides the basic ontological assumption for Model 3 of the special issue framework, the author argues that the impetus to engage in space exploration was fundamentally ‘ultrasocial’, defined as a human predisposition to be other-regarding, empathic, and inclined toward seeking wide-scale cooperation, even among strangers.; (AN 57264800)
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3.

Common concern for the global ecological commons: solidarity with future generations? by Takle, Marianne. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p403-421, 19p; Abstract: This article elaborates on ideas concerning future generations and whether they are useful in understanding some aspects of the concern for the global ecological commons. The article’s main scholarly contribution is to develop analytical tools for examining what a concern for future generations would require of current generations. It combines the scholarly literature on future generations with that of solidarity. The ideas concerning future generations are interpreted in terms of an ideal typical concept of solidarity with future generations. This concept is divided into four dimensions: the foundation of solidarity, the objective of solidarity, the boundaries of solidarity and the collective orientation. By applying these four dimensions in the context of the political process leading to Agenda 2030, the potentials and limitations of the concept are evident. The article concludes that the absence of reciprocity between current and future generations and uncertainty about the future are both crucial issues, which cut across the four dimensions. We cannot expect anything from people who have not yet been born, and we do not know what preferences they will have. This shows the vulnerability of forward-looking appeals to solidarity with future generations. Nevertheless, such appeals to solidarity may give global political processes a normative content and direction and can thereby contribute to understanding common concerns for the global ecological commons.; (AN 57281170)
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4.

Global commons law: norms to safeguard the planet and humanity’s heritage by Garcia, Denise. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p422-445, 24p; Abstract: The Global Commons – the high seas and the seabed, Antarctica, the atmosphere (including the ozone layer and the climate system), and outer space – have a distinctive status in international relations because these domains play a vital role in ensuring humankind’s survival, the subsistence of the planet, and the intergenerational custodianship of the human heritage. I call global commons lawan ‘uncommon’ realm within international law that is composed of principles and practices that dovetail with treaties aimed at protecting humankind. These laws have an atypical purpose and are characterized by a commonality of interests based on the view that safeguarding these domains is in the interests of developing and developed countries alike, with scientists, activists, and international institutions jointly having a convening power to maintain peace. To elaborate on the impact and implications of the global commons law, I explain three of its functions: guardianship of future generations; creation of a comity for peace and peaceful settlement of disputes; and setting norms as the foundation for peaceful relations. These norms in turn have four key objectives: they provide common ground for peace and cooperation; ensure equity between rich and poor countries; create a forum for equitable burden-sharing; and prevent future harm. The Global Commons face threats – melting ice caps, greenhouse gases, and overfishing – that imperil the survival of humanity. This is then the moment to update and strengthen the mechanisms of global commons law.; (AN 57207682)
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5.

China’s challenge to the global commons: compliance, contestation, and subversion in the maritime and cyber domains by Govella, Kristi. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p446-468, 23p; Abstract: It is often predicted that rising powers such as China will seek to reshape the international order as they gain influence. Drawing on comparative analysis of the maritime and cyber domains, this article argues that China poses a challenge to the global commons because its actions reflect a pragmatic focus on national interest that that disrupts more collaborative conceptions of their governance. However, instead of directly rejecting existing regimes, China has pursued a mixed strategy of complying when these regimes confer benefits and employing contestation or subversion when they conflict with its strategic aims. In particular, China has used contestation and subversion to push for the enclosure of the maritime and cyber domains, extending ideas of sovereignty and territoriality to them to varying extents. While the relatively well-institutionalized nature of maritime governance has limited China’s focus to the application of specific rules in areas where it prioritizes sovereign control, the embryonic status of the cyber regime has enabled China to call into question the fundamental definition of cyberspace as a global common. Subversion has also allowed China to accomplish strategic goals through ‘gray zone’ tactics, resulting in increased conflict below the level of war in both domains.; (AN 57325691)
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6.

Explaining Arctic peace: a human heritage perspective by Crawford, Beverly Kay. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p469-488, 20p; Abstract: The Arctic is on fire. Warmed by the world’s soaring greenhouse gases, its ice cap is melting, and it is heating twice as fast as the rest of the planet, deepening the earth’s climate crisis. As its ice thaws, buried resources, trade routes, and new tourist opportunities are suddenly accessible. The borders of the earth’s two largest nuclear rivals, the US and Russia are less than 3 miles apart in the Arctic region and their hostility is growing. Seeking new trade routes and investment opportunities and rapidly rising above its rank as the earth’s third most powerful country, China, has declared itself a ‘near Arctic state’ and is exercising a voice in Arctic affairs. Russia and Arctic NATO members have expanded their military presence in the far North. Despite potential tensions and rapidly melting ice, there is no effective overarching governing regime in the region that can mitigate the climate crisis or manage conflicts were they to arise. Nonetheless, the Arctic remains free of interstate violence. The explanation for the absence of violent conflict cannot be found in traditional International Relations (IR) Theories. Looking below the radar of IR theory and expanding the Human Heritage approach, I show that the region contains a web of overlapping local, regional, national, and pan-Arctic institutions and agreements, built on both traditional and Western knowledge and often steered by indigenous knowledge holders in Arctic governance. This informal web of governing regimes manages Arctic resources to protect human heritage and guard human security. In doing so, it creates a cooperative environment which guides dispute settlement among Arctic states. It is the power of these networks, their normative commitments, and the knowledge that informs them that help to explain the absence of violent interstate conflict in the region.; (AN 57425709)
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7.

Cities, commons, and the unilateral provision of public goods by Kelsey, Nina. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p489-509, 21p; Abstract: The rise of climate-active municipalities – cities and towns voluntarily creating carbon reduction policy substantially more stringent than their host countries or the international system as a whole – presents a puzzle. Countries, with greater resources and the capacity to create binding agreements to overcome public goods problems, appear to view carbon reduction as an unappealing burden. So why are municipalities, with fewer resources and no way to guarantee a coordinated global effort, so eager to take on the potential disadvantages of stringent carbon reduction? Based on examination of municipal-level carbon reduction activity in Sweden and Portugal, I argue that in fact local-level climate activity represents not a burden but a tool. Municipal climate policy forms the basis for ‘paradiplomacy’ that captures goods for cities, creates international linkages for municipalities, and allows direct participation in setting the terms of global carbon commons policy. The evidence suggests that the nature of the climate commons – incompletely structured from a legal and political perspective, and open to access and intervention by actors at multiple levels – provides unique opportunities for actors to act as makers rather than takers of global governance structure and diplomatic effort in a critical area of emerging international policymaking.; (AN 57419756)
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8.

Muddying the waters: migration management in the global commons by Lori, Noora; Schilde, Kaija. International Relations, September 2021, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p510-529, 20p; Abstract: Advanced liberal democratic states interdict migrants on the High Seas global commons. Why have liberal states engaged in this practice over the past four decades? Deterrence and humanitarian rescue explain part of this puzzle, but they are insufficient for understanding the patterns and justifications for migrant interdiction on the High Seas. Tension between states promoting international human rights and circumventing those obligations challenges expectations of liberal state behavior. International relations scholars must incorporate the global commons when explaining state behavior; ungoverned areas create exceptional zones for states to partially suspend their standard operating procedures to execute policies furthering their interests. We argue that liberal states use the regulatory gray zones of the High Seas to ‘muddy the waters’ in order to advance their security interests. States with the highest domestic refugee protections have incentives to circumvent their own obligations, which vary over time with changes to domestic asylum laws.; (AN 57408451)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 46, no. 2, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p3-5, 3p; (AN 58117642)
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2.

Caught Red-Handed: How States Wield Proof to Coerce Wrongdoers by Nutt, Cullen G.; Pauly, Reid B.C.. International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p7-50, 44p; Abstract: States frequently acquire proof of other states' norm violations, from nuclear proliferation to harboring terrorists to interfering in elections. Existing theories do not fully explain how states that catch others red-handed wield a form of coercive power over the wrongdoers. Discoverers may conceal proof of wrongdoing, share such proof with other actors privately, or reveal their proof to the world. States with more leverage over wrongdoers have two incentives to conceal proof of wrongdoing. They can blackmail wrongdoers by threatening to go public with proof of their guilt, and they can simultaneously allow wrongdoers to save face. States that possess proof of wrongdoing but have less leverage are more likely to share that proof with others. If a discoverer distrusts the intentions of states with more leverage, it will reveal evidence publicly, catalyzing others to act. Publicizing proof weaponizes the prospect that other states will pay reputation and hypocrisy costs if they do not follow through on punishing norm violations. Four case studies of nuclear proliferation (Taiwan, Libya, South Africa, and North Korea) probe this novel theory.; (AN 58117645)
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3.

The Subversive Trilemma: Why Cyber Operations Fall Short of Expectations by Maschmeyer, Lennart. International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p51-90, 40p; Abstract: Although cyber conflict has existed for thirty years, the strategic utility of cyber operations remains unclear. Many expect cyber operations to provide independent utility in both warfare and low-intensity competition. Underlying these expectations are broadly shared assumptions that information technology increases operational effectiveness. But a growing body of research shows how cyber operations tend to fall short of their promise. The reason for this shortfall is their subversive mechanism of action. In theory, subversion provides a way to exert influence at lower risks than force because it is secret and indirect, exploiting systems to use them against adversaries. The mismatch between promise and practice is the consequence of the subversive trilemma of cyber operations, whereby speed, intensity, and control are negatively correlated. These constraints pose a trilemma for actors because a gain in one variable tends to produce losses across the other two variables. A case study of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict provides empirical support for the argument. Qualitative analysis leverages original data from field interviews, leaked documents, forensic evidence, and local media. Findings show that the subversive trilemma limited the strategic utility of all five major disruptive cyber operations in this conflict.; (AN 58117643)
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4.

Arms Control as Wedge Strategy: How Arms Limitation Deals Divide Alliances by Crawford, Timothy W.; Vu, Khang X.. International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p91-129, 39p; Abstract: Strategic arms control is in crisis. The United States and Russia have retreated from agreements that formed the framework for post–Cold War arms cuts and strategic stability, such as the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. The only strategic arms control agreement between the United States and Russia (i.e., New START) expires in 2026. The political forcefield that sustained the old framework has been altered by major technological revolutions and China's rise. Motives for strategic arms control are conventionally framed in terms of their potential to enhance stability by limiting certain weapons, avoiding costly arms races, or preserving military advantage. But states can also use strategic arms control to divide adversaries. Wedge strategy theory explains how arms control can do so by affecting adversaries' threat perceptions, their beliefs about the costs and benefits of formal commitments, and their degree of trust in one another. Three landmark strategic arms control negotiations (the Five-Power Treaty and the Four-Power Treaty at the Washington Naval Conference, the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) show how the wedge motive informed these negotiations and influenced great power relations. The wedge logic remains relevant today. For example, the United States may employ future arms control agreements to drive a wedge between China and Russia, and it must be cautious about arms control deals with North Korea that would negatively affect its relationship with South Korea.; (AN 58117641)
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5.

Opportunistic Repression: Civilian Targeting by the State in Response to COVID-19 by Grasse, Donald; Pavlik, Melissa; Matfess, Hilary; Curtice, Travis B.. International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p130-165, 36p; Abstract: Across the globe, states have attempted to contain COVID-19 by restricting movement, closing schools and businesses, and banning large gatherings. Such measures have expanded the degree of sanctioned state intervention into civilians' lives. But existing theories of preventive and responsive repression cannot explain why some countries experienced surges in repression after states in Africa initiated COVID-19-related lockdowns. While responsive repression occurs when states quell protests or riots, “opportunistic repression” arises when states use crises to suppress the political opposition. An examination of the relationship between COVID-19 shutdown policies and state violence against civilians in Africa tests this theory of opportunistic repression. Findings reveal a large and statistically significant relationship between shutdowns and repression, which holds after conditioning for the spread and lethality of the disease within-country and over time. A subnational case study of repression in Uganda provides evidence that the increase in repression appears to be concentrated in opposition areas that showed less support for Yoweri Museveni in the 2016 elections. Opportunistic repression provides a better explanation than theories of preventive or responsive repression for why Uganda experienced a surge in repression in 2020 and in what areas. The results have implications for theories of repression, authoritarian survival, the politics of emergency, and security.; (AN 58117644)
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6.

Are Belligerent Reprisals against Civilians Legal? by Ford, Christopher A.; Harvey, John R.; Miller, Franklin C.; Payne, Keith B.; Roberts, Bradley H.; Sagan, Scott D.; Weiner, Allen S.. International Security, October 2021, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p166-172, 7p; (AN 58117640)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 56, no. 3, July 2021

Record

Results

1.

Europe’s Transition to Sustainability: Actors, Approaches and Policies by Fernandez, Rosa; Schoenefeld, Jonas J.; Hoerber, Thomas; Oberthür, Sebastian. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p1-6, 6p; (AN 57682293)
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2.

Role Perceptions in Global Environmental Negotiations: From Reformist Leaders to Conservative Bystanders by Ohler, Frauke; Delreux, Tom. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p7-23, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow ambitious, active and influential are countries and regional groups in global environmental negotiations? We construct eight ideal types of their roles based on ambition, activity and influence. We then examine how the roles of countries and regional groups are perceived by participants in these negotiations through a large-scale online survey. The European Union, Norway and the African Group are perceived as the most prominent reformist leaders, being highly ambitious, active and influential. On the contrary, India, the Russian Federation and many regional groups are mostly perceived as conservative bystanders, with low levels of ambition, activity and influence.; (AN 57682295)
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3.

The Challenging Paths to Net-Zero Emissions: Insights from the Monitoring of National Policy Mixes by Schoenefeld, Jonas J.; Schulze, Kai; Hildén, Mikael; Jordan, Andrew J.. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p24-40, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo achieve its ambitious climate targets, the European Union (EU) must adopt new policies, increase the impact of existing policies and/or remove dysfunctional ones. The EU has developed an elaborate system to monitor national policy mixes in order to support these challenging requirements. Data that member states have reported to the EU over the last ten years reveal that the average expected per-policy-instrument emission reduction has declined, while national policy mixes have remained generally stable over time. This is strikingly discordant with the EU’s ambitious commitment to become carbon neutral by 2050 (‘net zero’).; (AN 57682297)
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4.

Towards Ego-Ecology? Populist Environmental Agendas and the Sustainability Transition in Europe by Hoerber, Thomas; Kurze, Kristina; Kuenzer, Joel. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p41-55, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe concept of Ego-Ecology captures environmental agendas that challenge a shared European environmental conscience in many respects. In fact, diverse populist actors such as the gilets jaunesmovement and the extreme right of the Rassemblement Nationalin France, or the right-wing populist party Fideszin Hungary, do not reject environmental protection and climate action completely, but rather utilise them for their own agendas. The populist re-framing of environmental agendas challenges comprehensive problem-solving and supranational decision-making at the EU level. This potentially undermines a swift sustainability transition in Europe.; (AN 57682289)
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5.

When the Accession Legacy Fades Away: Central and Eastern European Countries and the EU Renewables Targets by Mišík, Matúš. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p56-70, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRenewable sources of energy are considered to play a crucial role in the transition towards a decarbonised economy. Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries’ positions vis-à-vis the European Union’s (EU) renewables goals do not form a homogenous group and have changed over time. After joining the Union, these countries initially supported the EU’s renewables targets due to post-accession compliance; however, once this accession legacy faded away, they started to pursue their preferences in a more assertive way, which resulted in different strategies and priorities. The development of CEE countries’ positions towards renewables targets is thus connected to the ‘emancipation’ of these countries and a more assertive way of pursuing their preferences at the EU level, once they were ‘freed’ from the influence of post-accession conditionality.; (AN 57682298)
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6.

Discourses about EU Transport Decarbonisation: Towards a Paradigm Shift? by Dyrhauge, Helene. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p71-86, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe development and introduction of new technologies are central to achieving sustainable transitions. Policymakers are important in enabling a successful transition. However, discourses about EU transport decarbonisation reveal multiple policy approaches to technology innovation, both in terms of decarbonising the car and building new alternative fuels infrastructure for transport. A discursive institutionalist analysis of these two separate but interdependent communicative discourses on road transport decarbonisation shows the complexities of facilitating transformative change. This shift requires coordination at all levels involving different actors and sector coupling to successfully decarbonise road transport.; (AN 57682290)
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7.

Community Renewable Energy Projects: The Future of the Sustainable Energy Transition? by Fernandez, Rosa. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p87-104, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Energy Union and the European Green Deal advocate the participation of citizens and communities in the energy transition, which encourages a bottom-up approach in the implementation of sustainable energy initiatives. Both are in tune with the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, which attempt to involve all members of society in the sustainability path. The reality in EU member states, however, is that community energy still lacks the necessary regulatory framework to compete with large utility companies. This may indicate that the governance framework is lagging behind, still not ready to include communities (collective citizens) as full participants in the energy transition.; (AN 57682296)
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8.

Cutting Deals: Transnational Advocacy Networks and the European Union Timber Regulation at the Eastern Border by Davidescu, Simona; Buzogány, Aron. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p105-118, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union’s (EU) Green Deal gives increased attention to the sustainability of international product cycles by implementing ‘due diligence’ requirements. We examine the difficulties in the implementation of the European Union Timber Regulation (EUTR) in two countries with weak management capacities such as Romania and Ukraine. We find that domestic and transnational civil society actors can support the implementation of due diligence requirements mainly by challenging the dominant position of private and state actors engaged in cutting deals with the EU-based wood industry, as well as contributing to increasing politicisation, raising awareness and public mobilisation.; (AN 57682299)
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9.

Environmental Justice and Just Transition in the EU’s Sustainability Policies in Third Countries: The Case of Colombia by Weber, Gabriel; Cabras, Ignazio. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p119-137, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) is globally recognised as a sustainability leader and has implemented various climate policies such as the European Green Deal. However, it is also one of the largest importers of fossil fuel resources from developing countries, as in the case of coal from Colombia. From a political ecology and environmental justice perspective, it is possible to argue that the EU has benefited for many years from cheap Colombian coal, while the local population has suffered from the related social and environmental impacts. Colombia and Europe are connected not only through ‘ecologically unequal exchanges’, but also through anti-coal activist networks, which highlights the challenges ahead for the EU and its (former) suppliers of fossil fuels in terms of sustainability transitions.; (AN 57682294)
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10.

Self-Betrayal: How the West Failed to Respond to China’s Rise by Holslag, Jonathan. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p138-158, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFrom the 1980s, it was clear that a rising China would challenge the interests and core values of the United States and the European Union. Cables and intelligence reports that were recently disclosed reveal numerous warnings about a future Chinese authoritarian pushback. The Western political leadership, however, brushed them aside. While paying lip service to constructive engagement, it was business first. The downside of that policy became clear too. But it took several years for the Western political leadership to recognise it and shift to balancing. Early balancing efforts, though, again seem inconsistent.; (AN 57682291)
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11.

The Big World of Small States: An Introduction by Kourtelis, Christos. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p159-161, 3p; (AN 57682288)
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12.

How Civil Wars Turn into Quagmires by Calculli, Marina. International Spectator, July 2021, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 3 p162-164, 3p; (AN 57682292)
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