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NATO Library: Journal Titles: E - I

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

Go to List of all journal titles

1

East European Politics
Volume 38, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Democratic backsliding in the European Union: the role of the Hungarian-Polish coalition by Holesch, Adam; Kyriazi, Anna. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCombining the insights of EU-specific research on backsliding and coalitions with the literature on the international collaboration of autocrats, we argue that right-wing political leadership in Hungary and Poland have coalesced to advance their respective projects of democratic backsliding. We identify three distinct but intertwined uses of the coalition: (1) mutual protection afforded within the supranational arena aimed at limiting the EU's sanctioning capacities; (2) learning in the form of transfer of democratic backsliding policies; and (3) domestic legitimation. Three factors have driven coalescence patterns: intersecting interests, ideological proximity, and the EU’s decision rules regarding sanctions.; (AN 58940080)
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2.

Ethnopopulist denial and crime relativisation in Bosnian Republika Srpska by Barton Hronešová, Jessie. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p21-42, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEthnopopulist denial has become an essential part of the political repertoire of the political leadership of Republika Srpska (RS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It has turned into an effective strategy to preserve power, appeal to voters and disparage internal opposition and international institutions. This article traces the origins of denial and relativisation of the past, outlining the main mechanisms, discourses and processes of leveraging denial as part of the ethnopopulist repertoire. It also depicts how and why denial resonates with the public and why. The article argues that the RS leadership escalates denial when its power is challenged.; (AN 58940103)
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3.

Uninformed or informed populists? The relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes in Poland by Stanley, Ben; Cześnik, Mikołaj. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p43-60, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article uses data from the 2015 Polish parliamentary election to test the relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes. Recent scholarship has challenged the idea that populism is an unsophisticated form of politics that appeals primarily to the ill-informed and those of low social status. We find that while lower levels of political knowledge are associated with higher levels of populism, it is nevertheless ‘informed populists' who are more likely to vote for populist parties, while ‘uninformed populists' are more likely to abstain. These findings challenge the stereotype of populism as ‘politics for stupid people'.; (AN 58940092)
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4.

Does the democratic performance really matter for regime support? Evidence from the post-communist Member States of the European Union by Karv, Thomas. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p61-82, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe democratic performance is declining across a number of Central and Eastern European Member States of the European Union, this while regime support has seemingly been steadily increasing. This dual development leads to questions regarding whether the democratic performance actually matters for regime support within a region consisting of countries that are still being considered as relatively new democracies. The findings from this study shows that there is a negative connection between higher levels of democratic performance and regime support within the countries in this region during the period of 2004–2019. Nonetheless, higher levels of democratic performance are still related to higher levels of regime support across the region.; (AN 58940088)
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5.

Ethnic minority party formation and success in Europe by Koev, Dan. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p83-100, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat causes ethnic minority parties (EMPs) to emerge, and why do only some of them become electorally successful? I test commonly offered explanations for variation in EMP emergence and success with a large-N, cross-national quantitative analysis on an original dataset of European legislative elections in the period 1990–2012. Using generalized linear mixed and Heckman selection models, I find that ethnic groups that are native to their state and that have previous experience with autonomy are most likely to establish and support EMPs. These historical factors eclipse the influence of variables like electoral rules, the state’s party system and political culture, and support from kin states and international organizations.; (AN 58940097)
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6.

Mission adapted: the hidden role of governors in shaping central bank operating missions in Hungary by Sebők, Miklós; Makszin, Kristin; Simons, Jasper. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p101-122, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the diffusion of the paradigm of central bank independence, there is still meaningful variation in the operatingmissions of central banks both across countries and over time. Through a detailed qualitative case study, this article develops the concept of the operating mission of the central bank and applies it to the case of the Hungarian National Bank (MNB) to provide a more complete understanding of mission shift. Our findings demonstrate the critical role of policy agency, as the central bank governors moulded the operating mission of the central bank, even in the face of dominant international norms.; (AN 58940095)
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7.

Pragmatism and support for the EU in Slovakia’s politics by Mravcová, Hana; Havlík, Vratislav. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p123-143, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 2017, the Slovak prime minister, Robert Fico, declared that he wanted to steer Slovakia into the core of European integration. Although Fico always supported European integration, he often came across as critical of the EU. This article tests various scenarios of preceding developments and finds the reasons that led to Fico's politicisation of Slovakia's European course. It argues that a large measure of pragmatism, combined with a weak ideological grounding, characterise Slovakia's European policy. As such, European policy is devoid of strong ideological roots or any elaborate long-term strategy, and serves pragmatic needs of the government currently in power.; (AN 58940084)
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8.

Political attitudes among the urban Polish youth: assessing the role of cities on support for the European Union by Favero, Adrian. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p144-164, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe future of the European Union (EU) increasingly depends on the attitudes and opinions of its citizens. This article examines constructions of attitudes towards European integration among young residents living in urban centres in Poland. Work conducted in the field of European studies shows that territorial attachment and utilitarian approaches can shape attitudes towards the EU. Using a mixed-methods approach, this study analyses these social and political processes among 324 MA students living in five Polish cities. The results confirm a complex interaction of cost–benefit calculations and attachment-related mechanisms that shape support for EU integration within the sampled group.; (AN 58940091)
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9.

Decentralization, regional diversity, and conflict. The case of Ukraine by Deineko, Oleksandra. East European Politics, January 2022, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p165-166, 2p; (AN 58940104)
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3

European Security
Volume 31, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

A “hybrid offensive” in the Balkans? Russia and the EU-led Kosovo-Serb negotiations by Davies, Lance. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent analysis has interpreted Russia’s approach to the EU-led dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia through the lens of its actions in Ukraine. This has been characterised as “hybrid warfare” designed to disrupt the negotiations to prevent the integration of the Balkans into Western institutions. This article examines whether Russian actions in Ukraine have signalled a recalibration of Russia’s response to the Kosovo issue based on a repudiation of the EU-led dialogue. This article argues that while Russia’s behaviour has been shaped by its growing competition with the Western powers, its approach has been ambiguous and driven by a range of humanitarian, legal and security-based arguments rooted in the context of the Kosovo problem. These arguments have emerged as important trends in Russia’s behaviour and can be traced to its response to the Kosovo conflict in 1999. This article shows that there has not been a complete recalibration in Russia’s policy towards the dialogue. Russia’s approach has shown both continuity with these trends and a growing politicisation accelerated by the sharp decline in Russia’s relations with the West since 2014. In a broader sense, this article questions the intent and form of Russia’s actions in Ukraine as an explanatory framework for Russia’s behaviour elsewhere.; (AN 58670405)
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2.

“And now we’re facing that reality too”: Brexit, ontological security, and intergenerational anxiety in the Irish border region by Rosher, Ben. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p21-38, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThough conspicuous by its absence in debates among the British political and media establishments during the EU referendum campaign, the Irish border has been the central feature of Brexit as the implications and complications of trying to “take back control of borders” have become apparent. Drawing on focus group data gathered between 2017 and 2019 I employ ontological security theory to investigate the impact that Brexit is having on residents and communities living in the central Irish border region. In particular, I draw on the work of David Carr to explore the social role of memory and narrative in ontological (in)security and how this has manifested in the border region throughout the Brexit process. I find that the uncertainties generated by Brexit have caused border residents to draw on anxiety-filled memories and narratives from the securitised border of the pre-Good Friday Agreement era which they then project ontoand vicariously throughthe next generation who, in turn, embody these anxieties, creating intergenerational ontological insecurity. Brexit has reintroduced, if not the physical border, the psychological borders of the past.; (AN 58670407)
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3.

German-UK defence cooperation amid Brexit: prospects for new bilateralism? by Urbanovská, Jana; Chovančík, Martin; Brusenbauch Meislová, Monika. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p39-57, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the triangle of relations between major EU powers, the relationship between Germany and the UK remains historically under-examined. Its implications for the future of European defence cooperation are, however, vital and gradually more decisive. The article examines indices on the direction of this relationship to model the shape and impact of this missing link among the more thoroughly investigated relations of Germany-France and UK-France. As both the UK and Germany were forced to formulate clear positions during the Brexit process, their pronounced interactions offer a unique insight into the development of their bilateral defence cooperation, both present and future, and its impact on multilateral UK-EU defence relations. The central question that arises is whether sufficient progress has been made towards a stronger bilateral defence relationship between these two actors to warrant the designation of a trend towards new bilateralism. The article explores this within three major sectors: (1) official defence cooperation; (2) military cooperation; (3) defence industrial cooperation and finds that overtures and initiatives launched in the examined period are insufficient to alter the relationship toward new bilateralism.; (AN 58670409)
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4.

In the EDTIB we trust(?) by Kollias, Christos; Tzeremes, Panayiotis. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p58-75, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) is considered as a key element in the quest for a European Security and Defence Union. The EDTIB strategy initiated in 2007 aimed to lead to greater integration of the fragmented national defence industries of EU member-states, achieve economies through the coordination of defence industrial policy, the pooling of resources in the production and acquisition of weapons systems and better serve the political objectives of European defence. The paper examines the extent to which EU27 member-states satisfy their demand for arms through the procurement of EDTIB origin defence inputs. Moreover, it explores whether a process of convergence is present in terms of the share of EDTIB origin imports in the total arms imports of the EU member-states. The presence or not of a convergence process is examined empirically using β-and club convergence methodologies. In broad terms, the findings point to a process of convergence albeit at different speeds, as indicated by the club-convergence analysis.; (AN 58670404)
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5.

Party politics and military deployments: explaining political consensus on Belgian military intervention by Haesebrouck, Tim; Reykers, Yf; Fonck, Daan. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p76-96, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile a comprehensive body of research provides evidence that politics does not always stop at the water’s edge, the question “when does politics stop at the water’s edge” has remained largely unanswered. This article addresses this gap in the literature by examining the level of agreement in Belgium’s parliament on military deployment decisions. More specifically, the uncontested decisions to participate in the 2011 Libya intervention and the air strikes against the self-proclaimed Islamic State in Iraq are compared with the contested decision to participate in strike operations against IS over Syrian territory. The results of our study indicate that a broad parliamentary consensus will emerge if the domestic political context forces left- and right-leaning parties into negotiating a compromise that takes into account their preferences regarding the scope of the operation and if left-leaning parties have no reason to oppose the operation because it pursues inclusive goals and its international legal justification is not contested.; (AN 58670406)
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6.

Europe as a geoeconomic pivot: geography and the limits of US economic containment of China by Kim, Dong Jung. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIntensifying strategic competition with China has introduced the need for the United States to consider extensive and stringent economic restrictions against the rising power. This article suggests that US economic containment of China is unlikely to materialise due to the presence of the EU states that are not militarily threatened by the geographically separated China and in a position to prioritise economic benefits in exchanges with that state. It first identifies the role of the EU in China’s foreign economic exchanges and addresses the ability of the EU states to replace the economic function of the United States in China. Then, it discusses how geographical conditions surrounding China make the rising state largely an East Asian threat. It suggests that, devoid of any direct military threat from China, the EU states can undermine the effectiveness of substantial US economic containment measures against China by functioning as alternative economic partners or facilitating China’s construction of alternative economic routes. Finally, this paper discusses the limitations in US ability to constrain the EU states’ economic exchanges with China. While concerns grow over Washington’s economic assertiveness against Beijing, the feasibility of a US-led upheaval in economic relations involving China should be carefully gauged.; (AN 58670410)
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7.

Contradictory migration management? Differentiated security approaches to visa overstay and irregular border crossings in the European Union by Hansen, Frida; Pettersson, Johanna. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p117-134, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the construction of migration as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, how different groups of migrants become targets of security concerns has not received similar attention. In its fight against irregular immigration, the European Union uses visa liberalisation agreements with neighbouring states as an incentive for cooperation on migration control. At a first glance, this strategy appears somewhat contradictory, as visa liberalisation potentially increases the share of visa overstayers among irregular migrants. Through analysis of the annual “Risk Analysis” reports between 2015 and 2020 published by EU’s border and migration management agency, FRONTEX, this article shows that visa overstay is routinely left out of the agency’s security concerns of irregular migration, thus rendering risk assessments asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of “illegal entry”. Although visa overstayers are not conceptualised as threats to security in discourse on parwith other categories of irregular migrants, we find that they are increasingly subjected to a rationale of surveillance and risk.; (AN 58670408)
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8.

Consolidating EU energy security by relying on energy de-politicisation by Keypour, Javad; Ahmadzada, Ulkar. European Security, January 2022, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p135-157, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAiming to protect energy security, the European Union (EU) has sought to persuade third states to accept its energy acquis, relying on a formed strategic narrative. However, the coherency of this strategic narrative, as the prerequisite for being well-received, has not been studied before. Considering the strategic narrative theory and applying the content analysis method, our research has indicated that the EU’s narrative consists of five storylines, including geopolitics, the single energy market, and climate change, the last two of which have become increasingly accentuated over time. However, this strategic narrative suffers from two significant incoherencies, which lie between its storylines and also within the storyline. The results of our analyses indicate that both incoherencies originate from the securitisation of energy in the Union. This means that the effectiveness of the narrative formulated has been diminished, which is detrimental even to the EU’s climate policy. This could suggest that de-politicisation of energy is required to reinforce the narrative and enable the EU to address the world with one voice.; (AN 58670411)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 33, no. 3, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

A Farewell to Firearms? The logic of weapon selection in terrorism: the case of jihadist attacks in Europe by Marone, Francesco. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p221-240, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the vast literature on terrorism the choice of weapons has received relatively limited attention, despite the importance and visibility of this topic. Building on the literature on innovation in terrorism, the article first proposes a multi-level analytical framework that helps study terrorist weapon selection. It then investigates the use of weapons in jihadist attacks in Europe from 2014, with the rise of the so-called Islamic State, until 2020, based on an original database. The empirical analysis shows that the two traditional types of weapon of modern terrorism, firearms and explosives, were largely replaced by more primitive tools like melee weapons. In fact, in recent years jihadist terrorists in Europe have become lesstechnologically advanced. Based on the original analytical framework, the article examines the reasons of this evolution, paying special attention to the use of the most common type of weapon in the database, bladed weapons, and the most lethal type, firearms.; (AN 57947252)
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2.

Youth, peace & security: gender matters in Asia and the Pacific by Pruitt, Lesley. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p241-257, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTYouth have long been involved in informal peacebuilding, and the United Nations’ recent adoption of the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) Agenda makes space for more formal involvement. These policy developments echo scholarship highlighting gender as crucial to understanding the roles and experiences of young people across a range of conflict-affected settings. This understanding is necessary to ensuring gender-equitable youth peacebuilding efforts. Yet much remains to be done in theory, policy, and practice to pursue these ends. This work will necessarily involve considering the diverse roles gender may play in young people’s everyday experiences of peacebuilding across a range of settings. The majority of the world’s young people reside in Asia and the Pacific. Yet, more research on YPS is needed in the region, particularly when it comes to accounting for gender. Reflecting on existing research, this article considers learnings to date and seeks to develop a future research agenda.; (AN 57947253)
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3.

Theorising the onset of communal conflicts in Northern Ghana by Issifu, Abdul Karim. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p259-277, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCommunal conflicts present a severe threat to human security, resulting in the death of thousands of people every year. The communal conflict in Dagbon in the Northern Region of Ghana, for instance, led to the murder of the King of Dagbon and 40 other people. This conflict has attracted debates which are centred around attempts to explain its onset. But the understanding of this phenomenon is still incomplete. In particular, there is inadequate detailed information about what actually started the conflict. This article aims to fill this knowledge gap by engaging the greed-grievance theories to comprehensively understand the conflict’s onset. This article contributes to the theoretical understanding of communal conflicts, which is of both scholarly and policy importance. Navigating insights from theoretical literature and content analysis of secondary data, it finds that perceived injustice and land wealth were the motivating factors in the onset of the conflict in Dagbon in 2002.; (AN 57947239)
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4.

Political transitions in Sudan and Ethiopia: an early comparative analysis by Verjee, Aly. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p279-296, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article presents a comparative analysis of the political transitions occurring in neighbours Ethiopia and Sudan since 2018. To date, these political transitions have largely been analysed independently. While the transition in Sudan is often characterised as a revolution, events in Ethiopia are not usually so described. However, despite the narrative and substantive differences, this article argues that there are important similarities in both countries’ contextual circumstances and processes of change. These include the trajectory of concurrent decline of the previous regimes, elements of continuity of the new transitional governments with the previous regimes, societal, especially youth, expectations of change, the rise of a new generation of political leadership, the role of women, the continuing difficulties and challenges of subnational politics, the persistence of economic drivers of political change and discontent, and, most recently, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, developments in both countries inform and reinforce each other, with consequences for stability and conflict, as the recent prospect of a Sudan-Ethiopia border war starkly demonstrates. Understanding and contextualising the politics of change in one country would benefit from greater comparative analysis of its neighbour.; (AN 57947254)
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5.

The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide by Zahed, Iqthyer Uddin Md. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p297-298, 2p; (AN 57947245)
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6.

How China loses: the pushback against Chinese global ambitions by Sigdel, Anil. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2021, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p299-300, 2p; (AN 57947250)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 28, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Taliban Victory Poses No Threat to International Society by Ayoob, Mohammed. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-10, 10p; (AN 59243058)
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2.

Front matter Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 pi-iv, 4p; (AN 59243057)
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3.

The “Missing Middle” by Weiss, Thomas G.; Wilkinson, Rorden. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p11-34, 24p; (AN 59243059)
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4.

Integrating Cultural Heritage into Human Security Analysis by Weinert, Matthew S.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p35-57, 23p; (AN 59243060)
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5.

Parallel Lines in the Sand by Zimmerman, Shannon. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-79, 22p; (AN 59243061)
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6.

Global City Agency and Multilevel Governance in China by Thürmer, Amelie; Meyer-Clement, Elena. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p80-102, 23p; (AN 59243062)
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7.

Regionalizing Development Cooperation? by Bae, Ki-Hyun. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p103-124, 22p; (AN 59243063)
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8.

Rethinking Institutional Independence by Strobl, Stephanie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2022, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p125-144, 20p; (AN 59243064)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 17, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Everyday Migrant Accompaniment: Humanitarian Border Diplomacy by Churruca-Muguruza, Cristina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-31, 31p; (AN 59240358)
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2.

Front matter Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 pi-iv, 4p; (AN 59240357)
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3.

Diplomacy of Disaster: The Afghanistan ‘Peace Process’ and the Taliban Occupation of Kabul by Maley, William; Jamal, Ahmad Shuja. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p32-63, 32p; (AN 59240362)
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4.

The Role of Cities in Energy Diplomacy: Indonesia, Japan and the Surabaya-Kitakyushu Partnership by Rudiany, Novita Putri; Anggraeni, Silvia Dian; Nurhidayah, Gita Meysharoh; Firmansyah, Muhamad. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p64-90, 27p; (AN 59240361)
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5.

City Diplomacy: An Introduction to the Forum by Amiri, Sohaela. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p91-95, 5p; (AN 59240359)
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6.

Strengthening Foreign Policy through Subnational Diplomacy by Bouchet, Max. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p96-108, 13p; (AN 59240363)
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7.

Unpacking Joint Attributions of Cities and Nation States as Actors in Global Affairs by Buhmann, Alexander. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p109-122, 14p; (AN 59240360)
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8.

Understanding the Context for Successful City Diplomacy: Attracting International Organisations by Groen, Rosa S.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p123-137, 15p; (AN 59240365)
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9.

Diasporas as Actors in Urban Diplomacy by Alejo, Antonio. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p138-150, 13p; (AN 59240366)
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10.

A Governance System that Supports City Diplomacy: The European Perspective by Kurz, Peter. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p151-161, 11p; (AN 59240364)
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11.

Diplomacy and the Future of World Order, edited by Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall by Andersen, Lise H.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p163-166, 4p; (AN 59240369)
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12.

City Diplomacy, written by Lorenzo Kihlgren Grandi by Mikhailova, Ekaterina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p167-169, 3p; (AN 59240370)
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13.

Diplomatic Tenses: A Social Evolutionary Perspective on Diplomacy, written by Iver B. Neumann by Nordensterne, Andre. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p170-173, 4p; (AN 59240368)
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14.

Soft Power: The Forces of Attraction in International Relations, written by Hendrik W. Ohnesorge by Tuominen, Hanna T.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2022, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p174-176, 3p; (AN 59240367)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 37, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Analytical innovation in intelligence systems: the US national security establishment and the craft of ‘net assessment’ by Petrelli, Niccolò. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article develops a theory of analytical innovation in intelligence systems using the craft of the ‘net assessment’ methodology in the US as a case study. Employing congruence method and process-tracing and drawing on multi-archival sources, the article demonstrates that at the roots of analytical innovation are three variables: the setting of a requirement, the conduct of methodological experiments and the synthesis of analytical knowledge. The study also reveals that the nature of analytical intelligence innovation is dyadic, consisting of an organizational and an ideational component.; (AN 58774954)
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2.

Public knowledge of intelligence agencies among university students in Spain by Del-Real, Cristina; Díaz-Fernández, Antonio M.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p19-37, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPublic knowledge of both the mission and the powers of the National Intelligence Centre (CNI) are studied in this paper through a survey of 2888 students from 30 universities in Spain. The results confirmed that university students were unaware of the CNI’s mission and powers and that their vision of the CNI was of a Law Enforcement Agency with mainly counter-terrorism functions. Their knowledge differed according to their sociodemographic background and political variables. Both the implications for further scientific debate and the policies of intelligence agencies toward openness are discussed.; (AN 58774955)
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3.

The Rooseboom operation: uncovering the embryonic German intelligence network in South Africa, 1940-1942 by Kleynhans, Evert. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p38-56, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGermany desired to contact the wartime opposition in South Africa in order to obtain accurate political and military intelligence. The arrival of Hans Rooseboom in South Africa in 1940 provided the Ossewabrandwag (Oxwagon Sentinel), a quasi-cultural and anti-war movement, with the means through which to initiate two-way communication with Germany. The so-called Rooseboom secret service became the first German intelligence network to operate in South Africa during the early war years. This article investigates the nature and operation of the so-called Rooseboom secret service from 1941 to 1942 against the backdrop of the larger intelligence war waged in South Africa.; (AN 58774948)
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4.

‘Familiar but not intimate’: executive oversight of the UK intelligence and security agencies by Defty, Andrew. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p57-72, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStudies of the relationship between ministers and UK intelligence agencies have tended to focus on the government’s use of intelligence, while studies of intelligence oversight have focused almost exclusively on the work of parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee. This article examines the role of the executive in the oversight of the UK intelligence and security agencies. It traces the evolution of ministerial accountability for the UK intelligence and security agencies and raises questions about the capacity of ministers to provide effective scrutiny in this area, focusing on ministers’ knowledge and understanding of intelligence, ministerial workload and potential conflicts of interest.; (AN 58774957)
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5.

The Chinese Communist Party’s exploitation of the Second United Front: intelligence and counterintelligence on a middle force territory by Yang, Zi. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p73-89, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines how the Chinese Communist Party exploited its alliance with the Kuomintang during the Sino-Japanese War to expand its power. Specifically, how the Chinese Communists capitalized on differences between the Kuomintang National Government and Guangxi regional militarists to create a new intelligence base that enabled united front work, propaganda campaigns, revitalization of Communist organizations, and augmentation of underground logistics network. Analysis will also cover the Kuomintang’s counterintelligence operations. I hope to demonstrate why the Chinese Communists succeeded in using the opportunity to strengthen itself and what ultimately terminated Communist covert activities in the targeted region.; (AN 58774953)
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6.

Intelligence-exalting strategic cultures: a case study of the Russian approach by Falkov, Yaacov. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p90-108, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the 1920s, Soviet intelligence and counterintelligence followed a concept of an ‘unending covert war’ against the hostile international environment and cultivated a sophisticated operational theory aimed at winning that new type of conflict. Equipped with these advanced intellectual achievements, Soviet special services secured their status as the Kremlin’s principal strategic tool, exalted over the military. By drawing on new discoveries from the former Soviet archives and a thorough rereading of secondary sources, this article discusses this phenomenon and its implications in both Soviet and post- Soviet times, and distils theoretical lessons for Strategic Culture theory.; (AN 58774947)
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7.

Waiting for advice that is beyond doubt: uncertainty as Australia’s reason to join the invasion of Iraq by Gerblinger, Christiane. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p109-125, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA dominant theme across examinations of the intelligence used to justify invading Iraq in 2003 is that political decision-makers amplified the clarity of their evidence. What has been missed is that Australia did exactly the opposite: here, the political leadership channelled uncertainty, inconclusiveness and doubt into highly effective rhetorical manoeuvres that embraced the imperfection of evidence and, with it, sufficiently weakened arguments that an invasion could take place only with absolute proof. This article examines the role of Australian intelligence amid a complex mix of factors that facilitated those manoeuvres.; (AN 58774950)
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8.

Journeys back along the roads to Mandalay, Imphal and Kohima: recent contributions to the history of the Burma theatre in the Second World War by Hughes, R. Gerald; Hanna, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p126-144, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores recent literature on the often-overlooked Burma theatre of the Second World War. The brutal contest in Burma, which took place in the most hostile of climates, was never a priority for any of the belligerents in the global war. Despite this, a re-examination of the men who fought in the jungles, hills, and plains of Burma from myriad nations and cultures – and who bled and died in their thousands – adds a number of dimensions to our understanding of the war in the Far East. The twenty-first century has seen an expansion of the literature on the Burma theatre which has added both depth and colour to this truly unique arena of war. These contributions are invaluable in the realms of logistics, airpower, intelligence, politics, and soldiery. This fresh wave of literature includes the re-publication of certain first-hand examinations of some of the most disastrous moments in British military history; the longest fighting retreat conducted by the British Army; the reforging of that army into a victorious fighting force; and accounts of some of the greatest special operations units in history. Such accounts, in tandem with a number of recent scholarly monographs and edited volumes, argue strongly for the rediscovery of this ‘forgotten’ war.; (AN 58774956)
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9.

Haldane: the forgotten statesman who shaped modern Britain by Jones, J. Graham. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p145-147, 3p; (AN 58774949)
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10.

The nine lives of Pakistan: dispatches from a precarious state by Shaffer, Ryan. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p147-149, 3p; (AN 58774951)
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11.

Intelligence: from secrets to policy, eighth edition by Robson, Maria A.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p149-152, 4p; (AN 58774958)
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12.

Battlegrounds: the fight to defend the free world by Carlson, Cody. Intelligence & National Security, January 2022, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p152-156, 5p; (AN 58774952)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 95, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Maritime security: the uncharted politics of the global sea by Bueger, Christian; Edmunds, Timothy; Ryan, Barry J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p971-978, 8p; Abstract: In this introduction to a special section of the September 2019 issue of International Affairs, we revisit the main themes and arguments of our article ‘Beyond seablindness: a new agenda for maritime security studies’, published in this journal in November 2017. We reiterate our call for more scholarly attention to be paid to the maritime environment in international relations and security studies. We argue that the contemporary maritime security agenda should be understood as an interlinked set of challenges of growing global, regional and national significance, and comprising issues of national, environmental, economic and human security. We suggest that maritime security is characterized by four main characteristics, including its interconnected nature, its transnationality, its liminality—in the sense of implicating both land and sea—and its national and institutional cross-jurisdictionality. Each of the five articles in the special section explores aspects of the contemporary maritime security agenda, including themes of geopolitics, international law, interconnectivity, maritime security governance and the changing spatial order at sea.; (AN 52080553)
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2.

Regional maritime security in the eastern Mediterranean: expectations and reality by Rubin, Aviad; Eiran, Ehud. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p979-997, 19p; Abstract: Recent developments in the eastern Mediterranean, such as significant gas finds; disagreements over the demarcation of maritime boundaries; large-scale violence and political instability following the Arab Spring; mass migration via sea routes; Great Power dynamics in the region; and environmental hazards, make the political entities along the shores of the eastern Mediterranean part of a regional security complex and create strong incentives for regional coordination on maritime security. Material international relations theories predict that growing security challenges (realism) coupled with expected gains (liberalism) will facilitate regional cooperation. Yet, the political entities in the region rely mainly on unilateral actions, or limited quasi-alliances in response to these challenges. The article shows the puzzling gap between the theoretical expectation and practical outcome in the region and explains why regional cooperation in the maritime domain fails to occur. It argues that cooperation on a regional scale fails to take place due to three complementing reasons: 1) lack of shared ideational features like cultural traits, set of values and regime type; 2) enduring rivalries between political entities in the region (Israel–Palestine; Turkey–Greece–Cyprus) coupled with internal strife within other regional political entities (Libya; Syria); and unequal political standing and lack of sovereignty of some of the political entities in the region (Northern Cyprus; the Palestinian Authority and the Gaza Strip).; (AN 52080567)
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3.

The rule of law and maritime security: understanding lawfare in the South China Sea by Guilfoyle, Douglas. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p999-1017, 19p; Abstract: Does the rule of law matter to maritime security? One way into the question is to examine whether states show a discursive commitment that maritime security practices must comply with international law. International law thus provides tools for argument for or against the validity of certain practices. The proposition is thus not only that international law matters to maritime security, but legal argument does too. In this article, these claims will be explored in relation to the South China Sea dispute. The dispute involves Chinese claims to enjoy special rights within the ‘nine-dash line’ on official maps which appears to lay claim to much of the South China Sea. Within this area sovereignty remains disputed over numerous islands and other maritime features. Many of the claimant states have engaged in island-building activities, although none on the scale of China. Ideas matter in such contests, affecting perceptions of reality and of what is possible. International law provides one such set of ideas. Law may be a useful tool in consolidating gains or defeating a rival's claims. For China, law is a key domain in which it is seeking to consolidate control over the South China Sea. The article places the relevant Chinese legal arguments in the context of China's historic engagement with the law of the sea. It argues that the flaw in China's approach has been to underestimate the extent to which it impinges on other states' national interests in the maritime domain, interests they conceptualize in legal terms.; (AN 52080560)
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4.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 52080571)
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5.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 52080557)
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6.

Corrigendum 2 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pxiv-xiv, 1p; (AN 52080529)
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7.

The security implications of fisheries by DeSombre, Elizabeth R.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1019-1035, 17p; Abstract: Although frequently ignored in discussion of ocean security, fisheries have had central security implications throughout history. This article re-centres fisheries issues as both a cause and effect of security conflicts, and examines the implications of this re-framing for addressing this intersection. Underlying the security concerns that arise related to fisheries is depletion of global fish stocks. When stocks are overfished or not well managed, fishing vessels move to other areas, where they are more likely to come into conflict with each other and to threaten vulnerable stocks that some populations rely on, and states will claim or defend more ocean territory. These issues are explored here with four sets of security crises that can be best understood by examining the underlying or contributing aspect of fishery depletion: conflicts over sovereignty of small maritime islands, the rise of Somali maritime piracy, the ‘fish wars’ between otherwise friendly states in the middle and latter parts of the twentieth century, and the human insecurity represented by slavery-like conditions aboard some fishing vessels. Understanding the security implications of fisheries grants new reason and new approaches—ideally multi-jurisdictional, transnational and focused on capacity-building—to better protect fisheries and prevent security threats.; (AN 52080568)
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8.

Piracy studies coming of age: a window on the making of maritime intervention actors by Jacobsen, Katja Lindskov; Larsen, Jessica. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1037-1054, 18p; Abstract: How, as a sub-set of maritime security, can piracy studies contribute with conceptual insights of relevance to the field of international security governance and international politics more broadly? To answer this question the article examines, with reference to critical intervention studies, how responses to Somali piracy have had constitutive effects, notably ‘back onto’ the intervening actors themselves. More specifically, three themes are examined: regulation (law), structures (institutions) and practices (actors), each of which highlights a distinct sense of contingency, which both characterizes contemporary security governance at sea and makes ‘the maritime’ an interesting domain for the study of constitutive effects related to the making of intervention actors. In light of this, the article argues that studying ‘the maritime’ can offer conceptual insights to the constitutive effects of counter-piracy interventions that may prove relevant to broader debates about governance and security in a changing world order.; (AN 52080556)
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9.

The disciplined sea: a history of maritime security and zonation by Ryan, Barry J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1055-1073, 19p; Abstract: This article details the evolution of maritime security from the perspective of its impact on the historical architecture of sea space. It argues that, as the fundamental unit of governance, zoning provides keen insight into the mechanics of maritime security. The article observes that Britain's Hovering Acts in the late eighteenth century represent the earliest example of modern zonation at sea and that they exhibit a shift from early modern territorial claims based on imperium and dominium. The article explores the way these hovering zones shaped the rationale underlying contemporary maritime security. It finds that maritime security has effectively relegated national security to a minor spatial belt of state power, while elevating non-traditional understandings of security to the level of global existential threat. The future of maritime security is under construction. Increasingly segmented by interconnecting, overlapping, multi-functional zones that seek to regulate all free movement and usage of the sea, security developments are reorganizing the maritime sphere. Nonetheless, the article argues, despite the novelty of this development, a historical military logic persists in new formations of security-oriented practices of maritime governance.; (AN 52080561)
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10.

Contests of legitimacy and value: the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and the logic of prohibition by Considine, Laura. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1075-1092, 18p; Abstract: The recently adopted Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has caused much debate and controversy in global nuclear politics. Given that the stated goal of the TPNW supporters (states and NGOs alike) is to embed the treaty in the structures of nuclear governance and to strengthen its normative power, how likely is the TPNW to achieve these objectives? The article argues that the unique structures of legitimacy and value within which nuclear weapons are enmeshed place particular complications on the normative force of the TPNW as compared to previous humanitarian arms control initiatives, which has implications for the way in which the TPNW can function to consolidate a prohibitionary norm on nuclear weapons possession. The article uses the framing of legitimacy to analyse the complex structures within which the TPNW was adopted and within which it will enter into force, particularly focusing on the TPNW's relationship to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The article concludes that consolidation may require a further challenge to the existing structures of nuclear order than state actors have, so far, been willing to make. This work is based on first-hand observations from the TPNW negotiations and interviews with civil society actors at the United Nations in New York in June and July 2017.; (AN 52080549)
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11.

The oversecuritization of global health: changing the terms of debate by Wenham, Clare. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1093-1110, 18p; Abstract: Linking health and security has become a mainstream approach to health policy issues over the past two decades. So much so that the discourse of global health security has become close to synonymous with global health, their meanings being considered almost interchangeable. While the debates surrounding the health–security nexus vary in levels of analysis from the global to the national to the individual, this article argues that the consideration of health as a security issue, and the ensuing path dependencies, have shifted in three ways. First, the concept has been broadened to the extent that a multitude of health issues (and others) are constructed as threats to health security. Second, securitizing health has moved beyond a rhetorical device to include the direct involvement of the security sector. Third, the performance of health security has become a security threat in itself. These considerations, the article argues, alter the remit of the global health security narrative; the global health community needs to recognize this shift and adapt its use of security-focused policies accordingly.; (AN 52080572)
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12.

Up in smoke? Global tobacco control advocacy and local mobilization in Africa by Patterson, Amy S.; Gill, Elizabeth. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1111-1130, 20p; Abstract: Even though most African states have signed and ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), a global treaty to limit tobacco use, African states have been slow to pass and implement tobacco control policies like regulations on sales, smoke-free environments and taxes. This article examines how the ineffectiveness of local tobacco-control advocacy contributes to this suboptimal outcome. It asserts that the disconnect between the global tobacco-control advocacy network and local advocates shapes this ineffectiveness. With funding and direction predominately from the Bloomberg Initiative, local advocates emulate the funders' goal of achieving quick, measurable policy results. Their reliance on the network drives African advocates to strive to pass legislation, even in difficult political climates, and to remake their agendas when funders change their priorities. They also emulate the network's focus on evidence-based arguments that stress epidemiological data and biomedical interventions, even when this issue frame does not resonate with policy-makers. Financial dependence can draw local advocates into expectations about patronage politics, undermine their ability to make principled arguments, and lead them to downplay the ways that their home country's socioeconomic and cultural contexts affect tobacco use and control. Based on key informant interviews with African advocates, media analysis and the case-studies of Ghana and Tanzania, the article broadens the study of philanthropy in global health, it adds an African perspective to the literature on global health advocacy, and it deepens knowledge on power dynamics between external funders and local actors in the realms of health and development.; (AN 52080542)
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13.

Petro-RMB? The oil trade and the internationalization of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha; Wang, Hongying. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1131-1148, 18p; Abstract: In this article, we examine China's promotion of the renminbi (RMB) in international oil trade and explore its implications for the international currency system in the short and the long term. The article traces the rise of the RMB in international oil trade in recent years and provides an analysis of its impact on the internationalization of the Chinese currency. We argue that despite the increasing use of the yuan in oil trade in recent years, in the short term it is highly unlikely that a petro-RMB system will emerge to rival the petrodollar system. Unlike the petrodollar, which combines the qualities of a master currency, a top currency and a negotiated currency, China lacks the economic leadership and the political and geopolitical leverages to make the RMB a major petrocurrency. Although the emergence of the RMB-denominated Shanghai oil futures is an important development, the absence of highly developed financial markets and a strong legal system in China hinders its potential. In the long run, the RMB may take on a more prominent role in the international oil trade as China's weight as an oil importer rises. More importantly, the overuse of financial sanctions by the US government has begun to undermine the role of the dollar within and beyond the oil trade. In addition, the rise of alternative energy sources will diminish the centrality of oil in the world economy, thus reducing the significance of petrocurrencies—whether the dollar or the RMB—in shaping the international currency system.; (AN 52080540)
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14.

Happy anniversary? States and social revolutionsrevisited by Lawson, George. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1149-1158, 10p; Abstract: Forty years after its publication, Theda Skocpol's States and social revolutionsremains the pre-eminent book in the study of revolutions. But how should the book be assessed from the vantage point of contemporary world politics? This essay reviews Skocpol's contribution to three main issue-areas: theory, structural approaches and the international. It argues that, rich as it has been, the research agenda initiated by States and social revolutionshas run its course. It cannot respond effectively to the different contexts within which revolutions emerge and the diverse forms they take. Its bifurcation between structure and agency cannot capture the relational character of revolutionary action. And, despite its concern for the international components of revolutions, States and social revolutionscannot accommodate the ways in which revolutions are ‘intersocial’ all the way down. A new Skocpol is needed for a new age of revolutions.; (AN 52080528)
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15.

Contestation and constitution of norms in global international relations by Brown, Garrett Wallace; Deva, Sagar S.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1159-1160, 2p; (AN 52080551)
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16.

Eric Hobsbawm: a life in history by Chabal, Emile. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1160-1162, 3p; (AN 52080566)
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17.

Vietnam: an epic tragedy, 1945–1975 by Watkins, Eric. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1162-1163, 2p; (AN 52080544)
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18.

‘Ich kam, ich sah, ich werde schreiben’: Lion Feuchtwanger in Moskau 1937. Eine Dokumentation. [‘I came, I saw, I will write’: Lion Feuchwanger in Moscow 1937. A documentation.] by Dewhirst, Martin. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1163-1164, 2p; (AN 52080559)
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19.

The lion and the eagle: the interaction of the British and American empires, 1783–1972 by Coutinho, Charles. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1164-1165, 2p; (AN 52080536)
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20.

The Responsibility to Protect: from promise to practice by Gifkins, Jess. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1165-1166, 2p; (AN 52080550)
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21.

Has the West lost it? A provocation by Gurjar, Sankalp. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1168, 2p; (AN 52080552)
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22.

Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism by Becker, Jordan. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1168-1169, 2p; (AN 52080543)
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23.

Rising titans, falling giants: how Great Powers exploit power shifts by Horovitz, Liviu. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1169-1171, 3p; (AN 52080562)
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24.

Human rights futures by Schimmel, Noam. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1171-1172, 2p; (AN 52080565)
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25.

Command: the twenty-first-century general by Chin, Warren. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1172-1173, 2p; (AN 52080569)
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26.

The official history of the UK strategic nuclear deterrent, Volume I: From the V-bomber era to the arrival of Polaris, 1945–64; The official history of the UK strategic nuclear deterrent, Volume II: The Labour government and the Polaris programme, 1964–70 by Dorman, Andrew. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1174-1175, 2p; (AN 52080531)
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27.

National secession: persuasion and violence in independence campaigns by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1175-1176, 2p; (AN 52080546)
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28.

Crashed: how a decade of financial crises changed the world by Subacchi, Paola. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1176-1178, 3p; (AN 52080545)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=52080545&site=ehost-live

29.

Winners take all: the elite charade of changing the world by Shah, Abdur Rehman. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1178-1179, 2p; (AN 52080570)
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30.

The pandemic century: one hundred years of panic, hysteria and hubris by Davies, Sara E.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1180-1181, 2p; (AN 52080547)
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31.

Mass starvation: the history and future of famine by Stellmach, Darryl. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1181-1182, 2p; (AN 52080527)
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32.

The postwar origins of the global environment: how the United Nations built spaceship Earth by Heffernan, Andrew. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1183-1183, 1p; (AN 52080534)
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33.

Strategies of compliance with the European Court of Human Rights: rational choice within normative constraints by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1184-1185, 2p; (AN 52080525)
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34.

Romania confronts its communist past: democracy, memory, and moral justice by Birch, John. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1185-1186, 2p; (AN 52080526)
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35.

The politics of Eurasianism: identity, popular culture and Russia's foreign policy by Gould-Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1186-1187, 2p; (AN 52080530)
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36.

Quest for status: Chinese and Russian foreign policy by Kaczmarski, Marcin. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1188-1189, 2p; (AN 52080537)
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37.

Break all the borders: separatism and the reshaping of the Middle East by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1190, 2p; (AN 52080532)
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38.

Triadic coercion: Israel's targeting of states that host nonstate actors by Denselow, James. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1190-1191, 2p; (AN 52080524)
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39.

Horn, Sahel and Rift: fault-lines of the African jihad by Bruce, Ronald. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1191-1193, 3p; (AN 52080535)
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40.

The reputational imperative: Nehru's India in territorial conflict by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1193-1194, 2p; (AN 52080558)
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41.

Rebranding China: contested status signaling in the changing global order by Zhang, Biao. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1194-1195, 2p; (AN 52080555)
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42.

China's dream: the culture of Chinese communism and the secret sources of its power; End of an era: how China's authoritarian revival is undermining its rise by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1196-1197, 2p; (AN 52080533)
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43.

Terrorism and counter-terrorism in China: domestic and foreign policy dimensions by Campbell, Joel. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1197-1199, 3p; (AN 52080541)
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44.

The great delusion: liberal dreams and international realities; The hell of good intentions: America's foreign policy elite and the decline of U.S. primacy by Bellamy, Alex J.. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1199-1201, 3p; (AN 52080554)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=52080554&site=ehost-live

45.

War on peace: the end of diplomacy and the decline of American influence by Bogdanor, Vernon. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1201-1202, 2p; (AN 52080564)
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46.

When the world seemed new: George H. W. Bush and the end of the Cold War by Ryan, David. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1202-1203, 2p; (AN 52080538)
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47.

Mexico's human rights crisis by Michel, Verónica. International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1204-1205, 2p; (AN 52080539)
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48.

Books reviewed September 2019 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1207, 1p; (AN 52080548)
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49.

Corrigendum 1 International Affairs, September 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 5 pxiii-xiii, 1p; (AN 52080563)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 34, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Lubyanka’s Nightingale and the Novel That Exposed CIA Operation TRIGON by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p643-662, 20p; Abstract: AbstractWhen Yuri Andropov offered to divulge how the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti (KGB) foiled an important Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operation, Julian Semyonov (“Lubyanka’s nightingale”) jumped at the chance to write a spy thriller based on real people and events. TASS is Authorized to Announce …(1979) is a fictional version of a CIA operation involving Soviet diplomat Aleksandr Ogorodnik (a.k.a. TRIGON). The novel confirms Director of Central Intelligence Stansfield Turner’s suspicion that Ogorodnik was a KGB dangle whose rumored suicide was false. It also foreshadowed the KGB’s bogus claim that the CIA was an accessory to Ogorodnik’s murder of his mistress. Andropov sponsored the work of fiction as a subtle way of revealing clues that he had outfoxed the Agency.; (AN 58021873)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021873&site=ehost-live

2.

Counterintelligence Vetting Techniques Compared across Multiple Domains by Mobley, Blake W.; Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p663-693, 31p; Abstract: AbstractThis discussion examines how security and counterintelligence vetting practices vary across domains and how this informs our understanding of counterintelligence disciplines. Organizations in each domain must ensure that persons admitted as insiders can be trusted with sensitive information and the organization’s security. We look at some examples of counterintelligence vetting, seeking commonalities in vetting needs and practices between armed groups, corporations, and states. We compare, in depth, the vetting practices of Lebanese Hezbollah, the reconstituted Syrian intelligence services, the drug-trafficking group known as Los Zetas, and High-Value Technology Companies (HVTCs). The evident regularities and commonalities in counterintelligence vetting suggest cross-domain and cross-cultural targets for exploitation.; (AN 58021863)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021863&site=ehost-live

3.

The (Missed) Israeli Snowden Moment? by Cahane, Amir. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p694-717, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent journalistic revelations regarding the metadata collection practices of the Israel Security Agency (Shabak, ISA, or Shin bet), coupled with the public attention to the government’s initiative to harness these powers to identify citizens who came into close contact with coronavirus carriers, could have sparked Israel’s own “Snowden moment,” resolving in a comprehensive reform of its online surveillance legal regime. This article argues that the adamant stand taken by parliamentary and judicial oversight bodies to counter the government’s coronavirus-related surveillance should have been also addressed to tackle the new information regarding the ISA’s database retaining communications data of Israeli residents that has been collected for nearly twenty years.; (AN 58021864)
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4.

Learning the Language: Evolution of the FBI’s Linguist Program and Lessons Learned by Tromblay, Darren E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p718-738, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), although it is a domestically oriented intelligence service, must contend with foreign state, terrorist, and criminal entities. Foreign language capability is integral to countering many of these threat actors. The FBI has developed its foreign language workforce and associated infrastructure in response to the evolution of its mission. This was a learning process for the FBI and progressed from utilization of personnel who had language skills, or who were trained on an ad hoc basis, to establishing a dedicated workforce of linguists. This evolution highlights the need for organizations to assess needs and build toward workforces defined by subject matter expertise, rather than taking a one-size-fits-all approach. As the FBI’s history in the field of language illustrates, expertise will eventually become a necessity. Workarounds, whether in language, information technology, or any other field, will only ultimately delay the development of capabilities.; (AN 58021879)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021879&site=ehost-live

5.

Prevention and Management of Hostages: Psych Evolving Negotiation Strategy (PENS) by Magris, Sabrina. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p739-756, 18p; (AN 58021862)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021862&site=ehost-live

6.

Trump-Era Politicization: A Code of Civil–Intelligence Behavior Is Needed by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p757-786, 30p; Abstract: AbstractCurrent and former U.S. intelligence officers in unprecedentedly large numbers politicized intelligence in their opposition to candidate and then President Donald Trump. The activists consistently refused, and still refuse, to accept responsibility for the politicization or the damage it caused to intelligence and broader national security. They declined to consider whether a well-established field of thought—civil–military relations—contains insights about normatively appropriate behavior by former senior intelligence officers, especially. This article explores lessons for intelligence officers in the civil–military literature and offers suggestions for revised behavioral norms by intelligence officers in the conduct of “civil–intelligence relations.”; (AN 58021878)
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7.

Four Phases of Former President Trump’s Relations with the Intelligence Community by Mclaughlin, John E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p787-794, 8p; (AN 58021876)
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8.

Intelligence is NOT About “Telling Truth to Power” by Lowenthal, Mark M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p795-798, 4p; (AN 58021870)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021870&site=ehost-live

9.

Odysseus, the Archetypal Spy by Wilder, Ursula M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p799-815, 17p; (AN 58021874)
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10.

“I Am What I Am” by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p816-819, 4p; (AN 58021866)
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11.

A Not-So-Glamorous Mole Depiction by Tromblay, Darren E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p820-823, 4p; (AN 58021865)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58021865&site=ehost-live

12.

Final Word on British SIGINT… Maybe Not? by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p824-827, 4p; (AN 58021875)
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13.

HUMINT Collection Done Correctly by Prout, John F.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p828-832, 5p; (AN 58021869)
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14.

GEOINT: From NIMA to NGA by O’Connor, Jack. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p832-835, 4p; (AN 58021872)
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15.

Selling Terrorism by Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p836-839, 4p; (AN 58021867)
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16.

Of Gods and Monsters: CIA Directors’ Legacies by Triscari, Erika. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p840-844, 5p; (AN 58021868)
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17.

An Unappreciated War by Welker, David A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p844-845, 2p; (AN 58021871)
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18.

Index for Volume 34 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p846-854, 9p; (AN 58021877)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 26, no. 3, January 2021

Record

Results

1.

Gray Peace: Is Part of a Peace Sufficient? by Zartman, I. William. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p359-365, 7p; (AN 57959349)
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2.

The Israel-PLOMutual Recognition Agreement by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p366-390, 25p; (AN 57959350)
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3.

West Bank Areas A, B and C – How Did They Come into Being? by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p391-401, 11p; (AN 57959351)
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4.

Where You Sit is Where You Stand: Table Arrangement Battles in Middle East Peace Conferences by Singer, Joel. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p402-422, 21p; (AN 57959352)
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5.

Not All Ceasefires Are Created Equal: The Role of Third Party Manipulation in Sudan’s Major Ceasefire Agreements by Duursma, Allard. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p423-452, 30p; (AN 57959353)
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6.

“Spoiling” in the Public Sphere: Political Opposition to Peace Negotiations and the Referendum Campaign in Colombia by Amaral, Joana. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p453-478, 26p; (AN 57959354)
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7.

Negotiating with a So-called ‘Non-Partner’: Lessons from Palestinian-Israel Negotiation Practices (2000–2020) by Benziman, Yuval. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p479-498, 20p; (AN 57959355)
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8.

Envoy Envy? Competition in African Mediation Processes and Ways to Overcome It by Lanz, David. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p499-526, 28p; (AN 57959356)
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9.

Regional-Based Conflict and Confidence-Building Strategies: The Case of the Union for the Mediterranean by Crump, Larry. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p527-559, 33p; (AN 57959357)
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10.

Strategies to End Violence in Ethnic Conflicts: What is Sufficient? The Case of “Peace” in Chechnya by Nibali, Samantha. International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p560-580, 21p; (AN 57959359)
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11.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, January 2021, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p581-581, 1p; (AN 57959358)
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12

International Organization
Volume 76, no. 1, 2022

Record

Results

1.

State Formation in Korea and Japan, 400–800 CE: Emulation and Learning, Not Bellicist Competition by Huang, Chin-Hao; Kang, David C.. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p1-31, 31p; Abstract: AbstractState formation occurred in Korea and Japan 1,000 years before it did in Europe, and it occurred for reasons of emulation and learning, not bellicist competition. State formation in historical East Asia occurred under a hegemonic system in which war was relatively rare, not under a balance-of-power system with regular existential threats. Korea and Japan emerged as states between the fifth and ninth centuries CE and existed for centuries thereafter with centralized bureaucratic control defined over territory and administrative capacity to tax their populations, field large militaries, and provide extensive public goods. They created these institutions not to wage war or suppress revolt: the longevity of dynasties in these countries is evidence of both the peacefulness of their region and their internal stability. Rather, Korea and Japan developed state institutions through emulation and learning from China. The elites of both copied Chinese civilization for reasons of prestige and domestic legitimacy in the competition between the court and the nobility.; (AN 58947694)
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2.

Coming to Terms: The Politics of Sovereign Bond Denomination by Ballard-Rosa, Cameron; Mosley, Layna; Wellhausen, Rachel L.. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p32-69, 38p; Abstract: AbstractGovernments interact strategically with sovereign bond market creditors: they make choices not only about how often and how much to borrow, but also under what terms. The denomination of debt, in domestic or foreign currency, is a critical part of these terms. The “original sin” logic has long predicted that creditors have little appetite for developing-country government debt issued in domestic currency. Our novel data, including bond issues by 131 countries in 240,000 primary market transactions between 1990 and 2016, suggest otherwise. Domestic-denominated bonds have come to dominate the market, although domestic-currency issuance often is accompanied by shorter bond maturities. We argue that ideologically rooted policy preferences play an important role in this unexpected trend in denomination. All else equal, right governments choose foreign denomination as a means of mitigating currency risk and thus minimizing borrowing costs. In contrast, left governments opt for the flexibility of domestic denomination, and they are better able to act on their preferences in the presence of risk-mitigating monetary institutions and macroeconomic stability. We find support for our argument that partisanship has a robust and enduring relationship with denomination outcomes, even in a marketplace in which domestic-denominated developing-country sovereign bonds have become the norm.; (AN 58947700)
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3.

Trade Liberalization and Labor Market Institutions by Baccini, Leonardo; Guidi, Mattia; Poletti, Arlo; Yildirim, Aydin B.. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p70-104, 35p; Abstract: AbstractWhile the firm-level distributional consequences of market liberalization are well understood, previous studies have paid only limited attention to how variations in domestic institutions across countries affect the winners and losers from opening up to trade. We argue that the presence of coordinated wage-bargaining institutions, which impose a ceiling on wage increases, and state-subsidized vocational training, which creates a large supply of highly skilled workers, generate labor market frictions. Upward wage rigidity, in particular, helps smaller firms weather the rising competition and increasing labor costs triggered by trade liberalization. We test this hypothesis using a firm-level data set of European Union countries, which includes more than 800,000 manufacturing firms between 2003 and 2014. We find that, for productive firms, gains from trade are 20 percent larger in countries with liberal market economies than they are in coordinated market economies. Symmetrically, less productive firms in coordinated market economies experience significantly smaller revenue losses compared to liberal market economies. We show that both the presence of an institutionalized wage ceiling and the availability of subsidized vocational training are key mechanisms for reducing the reallocation of revenue from unproductive to productive firms in coordinated market economies compared to liberal market economies. In line with our theory, we find that wages and employment in liberalized industries increase differentially across both types of labor markets. Finally, we provide suggestive evidence that trade liberalization triggers a differential demand for redistribution at the individual level across different labor markets, which is in line with our firm-level analysis.; (AN 58947692)
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4.

INO volume 76 issue 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 58947697)
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5.

INO volume 76 issue 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 58947696)
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6.

The Arbitrage Lobby: Theory and Evidence on Dual Exchange Rates by Gulotty, Robert; Kronick, Dorothy. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p105-125, 21p; Abstract: AbstractFoundational theories of trade politics emphasize a conflict between consumer welfare and protectionist lobbies. But these theories ignore other powerful lobbies that also shape trade policy. We propose a theory of trade distortion arising from conflict between consumer welfare and importer lobbies. We estimate the key parameter of the model—the government's weight on welfare—using original data from Venezuela, where Hugo Chávez used an exchange-rate subsidy to underwrite hundreds of billions of dollars of imports. Whereas estimates from traditional models would make Chávez look like a welfare maximizer, our results indicate that he implemented distortionary commercial policy to the benefit of special interests. Our analysis underscores the importance of tailoring workhorse models to account for differences in interest group configuration. The politics of trade policy is not reducible to the politics of protectionism.; (AN 58947699)
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7.

Stopping the Violence but Blocking the Peace: Dilemmas of Foreign-Imposed Nation Building After Ethnic War by Russell, Kevin; Sambanis, Nicholas. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p126-163, 38p; Abstract: AbstractCan third parties build nations after ethno-sectarian war? We provide a positive theory of peace building that highlights trade-offs that are inherent in any foreign intervention, narrowing the conditions for success even when interventions are well resourced and even-handed. A “sectarian” dilemma arises because peace must rely on local leaders, but leaders who earned their reputations through ethno-sectarian conflict have no incentive to stop playing the ethnic card and will not provide public goods. Intervention can shift those incentives if it stops ethnic violence and rebuilds state institutions. But an “institutional” dilemma arises if intervention crowds out local leaders, limiting state legitimacy and constraining the pace with which state building unfolds. The window for a lengthier, slower pace of foreign-led state building will close due to its own success as the population switches from ethnic to national identification, creating a “sovereignty” dilemma that pushes third parties out. If intervention ends before institutions can deepen leader incentives for a unifying nationalism, violence will likely recur. We provide an “intervention diagnostic” that reflects these three dilemmas, which are a function of the type of intervention, local political development, and the identity of the intervener. In deciding whether to intervene, the limits of building self-enforcing peace should be weighed against the likelihood and costs of ongoing violence.; (AN 58947695)
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8.

Honor Among Thieves: Understanding Rhetorical and Material Cooperation Among Violent Nonstate Actors by Blair, Christopher W.; Chenoweth, Erica; Horowitz, Michael C.; Perkoski, Evan; Potter, Philip B.K.. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p164-203, 40p; Abstract: AbstractCooperation among militant organizations contributes to capability but also presents security risks. This is particularly the case when organizations face substantial repression from the state. As a consequence, for cooperation to emerge and persist when it is most valuable, militant groups must have means of committing to cooperation even when the incentives to defect are high. We posit that shared ideology plays this role by providing community monitoring, authority structures, trust, and transnational networks. We test this theory using new, expansive, time-series data on relationships between militant organizations from 1950 to 2016, which we introduce here. We find that when groups share an ideology, and especially a religion, they are more likely to sustain material cooperation in the face of state repression. These findings contextualize and expand upon research demonstrating that connections between violent nonstate actors strongly shape their tactical and strategic behavior.; (AN 58947690)
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9.

Four Conceptions of Authority in International Relations by Kustermans, Jorg; Horemans, Rikkert. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p204-228, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThere is increasing agreement that states and other political actors on the world stage sometimes achieve international authority. However, there is less agreement about the nature and functioning of international authority relations. What determines whether an actor will be recognized as an authoritative actor? And what are the effects thereof? In this essay, we identify four distinct conceptions of authority in the study of international relations: authority as contract, authority as domination, authority as impression, and authority as consecration. Consideration of the typology leads to two important insights. First, the phenomenon of authority has an essentially experiential dimension. Subordinate actors’ emotional experience of authority determines their response to authority and thus also has a fundamental impact on the stability of authority. Second, the emergence of forms of international authority does not entail, at least not necessarily, the weakening of the sovereignty of states, but can equally be argued to strengthen it.; (AN 58947691)
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10.

Chinese Power and the State-Owned Enterprise by Stone, Randall W.; Wang, Yu; Yu, Shu. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p229-250, 22p; Abstract: AbstractChina has become a leading source of outward foreign direct investment (FDI), and the Chinese state exercises a unique degree of influence over its firms. We explore the patterns of political influence over FDI using a comprehensive firm-level data set on Chinese outward FDI from 2000 to 2013. Using six country-level measures of affinity for China, we find that state-owned and globally diversified firms appear to conform most closely to official guidance. Official investment directives and state visits link investments to state policies; Taiwan recognition and Dalai Lama meetings anchor our political interpretations; and UN General Assembly voting and temporary UN Security Council membership suggest that this intervention may be systematic. The results are robust to country, year, and sector fixed effects, and most do not hold for private or small firms. The results suggest that China uses FDI by prominent state-owned enterprises as an instrument to promote its foreign policy.; (AN 58947698)
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11.

Countering Violent Extremism and Radical Rhetoric by Mitts, Tamar. International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 p251-272, 22p; Abstract: AbstractHow do extremist sympathizers respond to counter-radicalization efforts? Over the past decade, programs to counter violent extremism have mushroomed around the world, but little is known of their effectiveness. This study uses social media data to examine how counter-radicalization efforts shape engagement with extremist groups in the online world. Matching geolocated Twitter data on Islamic State sympathizers with granular information on counter-extremism activities in the United States, I find that, rather than deradicalizing, these efforts led Islamic State sympathizers to act strategically to avoid detection. After counter-extremism activities, the group's supporters on Twitter who were in the vicinity of these events began self-censoring expressions of support for the Islamic State, altered profile images and screen names, and encouraged followers to migrate to Telegram, an encrypted network not viewable by the public. These findings reveal previously unknown patterns in the effects of counter-extremism programs in the digital era.; (AN 58947693)
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12.

Reviewers International Organization, 2022, Vol. 76 Issue: Number 1 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 58947701)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 29, no. 2, March 2022

Record

Results

1.

Making Peace When the Whole World Has Come to Fight: The Mediation of Internationalized Civil Wars by Kane, Sean William. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p177-203, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter a quarter-century during which it was a relatively rare phenomenon, external military intervention is now a common occurrence during contemporary civil war. Research has highlighted the additional challenges that this poses for peacemaking, but to date has not identified evidence to inform mediators assisting negotiations to resolve internationalized civil conflict. This paper addresses this inadequacy by undertaking a structured, focused comparison of a series of mediation processes in six internationalized civil wars during in the 1980s. I find that effective mediation in this era involved now unfamiliar negotiation process designs related to the types of mandates issued to mediators, participation arrangements for talks and strategic choices on how to best sequence and symbiotically link the external and internal dimensions of civil war negotiations. Likewise, internationalized civil wars introduce a distinct class of issues for negotiation, including troop withdrawals and curtailing outside military assistance, non-intervention pledges, possible foreign policy reform of the civil war state and bespoke international roles in implementation. The paper closes by considering the issue of ripeness in relation to internationalized civil wars and the possible applications of these findings to contemporary mediation processes.; (AN 59299910)
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2.

State Responsibility and Accountability in UN Peacekeeping: The Case of The Mothers of Srebrenica v. The Netherlands by Morris, Tamer. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p204-234, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe legal immunity of the UN has focused the peacekeeping literature on individual accountability and the political willingness of States to prosecute their own. UN immunity applies to peacekeeping operations only when the UN is in effective control. When a State is exerting effective control over its contingent, either solely or jointly, the actions of peacekeepers will be attributed to that State. When States are in effective control, they cannot rely on UN immunity for breaches of their obligations. Once a State is exercising effective control, it must warrant that sufficient mechanisms are undertaken to fulfil its obligations under the law, specifically the extra-territorial nature of international human rights law. The Mothers of Srebrenicacase highlights that peacekeeping accountability is not limited to the prosecution of individual peacekeepers. Although UN immunity limits specific avenues of legal recourse, it does not prevent victims from seeking accountability from Troop Contributing Countries.; (AN 59299920)
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3.

Institutional Choice, Risk, and Control: The G5 Sahel and Conflict Management in the Sahel by Welz, Martin. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p235-257, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing institutional choice theory, this article seeks to explain why the G5 Sahel, an international organization that comprises Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger, was created in 2014 and tasked to deal with conflict management in the Sahel through its Joint Force that was established in 2017. While the use of the theory offers crucial insights into the creation of the G5 Sahel, I also find that the theory overestimates the costs and risks attached to the creation of a new institution while underestimating the desire of states to maintain control over actions on the ground – at least when it comes to security questions.; (AN 59299906)
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4.

In Memory of Peacekeepers: Belgian Blue Helmets and Belgian Politics by Reggers, Wouter; Rosoux, Valérie; Mwambari, David. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p258-281, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the interactions between the memories of Belgian peacekeepers killed in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, the weight of the colonial past, and the Belgian foreign policy. Using interviews with Belgian politicians and diplomats, families of peacekeepers, former blue helmets, as well as a corpus of official speeches, this article finds that the memorialization of blue helmets has influenced Belgian political choices on three levels, namely: domestic politics, its bilateral relationship with Rwanda, and more broadly its position in international peacekeeping. In doing so, this article contributes to interdisciplinary debates on the role of collective memory in domestic and international politics.; (AN 59299927)
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5.

Women as the Essential Protectors of Children?: Gender and Child Protection in UN Peacekeeping by Johnson, Dustin. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p282-307, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe United Nations and many member states have placed increased emphasis on improving child protection in UN peacekeeping missions, particularly with regard to child soldiers. These efforts often depict a critical role for female peacekeepers in child protection. In this paper I analyse UN child protection documents, drawing on feminist critiques of gendered discourses in peacekeeping and work on children in global politics to explore how the UN understands gender in child protection contexts. I do so through an analysis of how peacekeepers’ gendered subject positions and representations of children in need of protection are constructed. I find that the construction of children primarily as victims lacking agency and in need of being saved, and a focus on female peacekeepers primarily in community engagement, risk perpetuating the neglect of children’s agency during armed conflict and leave the protective masculine basis of peacekeeping largely unchallenged. These constructions have implications for the implementation of both the children and armed conflict and WPS agendas in peacekeeping.; (AN 59299907)
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6.

Everyday Police Work Abroad: A Story of Experience, Continuity and Change in Multilateral Missions by Neubauer, Philipp; Friesendorf, Cornelius; Schroeder, Ursula C.. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p308-332, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNowadays, police officers are regularly deployed as members of multilateral peace operations. This article examines how these experts implement their mandates and how we can understand their activities. For this, we draw on a set of 90 semi-structured interviews with European police experts who have experience in multilateral policing. We find that, to navigate their work abroad, European police officers primarily rely on their own domestic policing experience, their experience from previous deployments and the experience of colleagues they meet in the mission. The extent to which they can rely on their own experience is shaped by how much discretion they find at their disposal. We identify two conditions limiting their discretion: the preferences, policies and histories of host states, and institutional lock-in effects within missions that reduce officers’ room to manoeuvre over time. While we also find that officers do not normally draw on international guidance documents in their everyday work, missions can nevertheless be regarded as sites where more localized transnational policing practices emerge. These mission-specific transnational practices are formed, over time, by successive cohorts of police officers from different countries.; (AN 59299908)
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7.

International Interventions and the Multiple Faces of Legitimacy by Mailhot, Cameron. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p333-338, 6p; (AN 59299912)
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8.

From humanitarianism to post-humanitarianism: A digital consequence by Mellado Dominguez, Alvaro. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p338-340, 3p; (AN 59299925)
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9.

The Military-Peace complex: gender and materiality in Afghanistan by Zhang, Qiaochu. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p341-343, 3p; (AN 59299915)
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10.

The Law and Practice of Peacekeeping: Foregrounding Human Rights by Gilder, Alexander. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p343-345, 3p; (AN 59299911)
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11.

The Rise and Fall of Peacebuilding in the Balkans by Cooley, Laurence. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p346-348, 3p; (AN 59299922)
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12.

Incredible Commitments: How UN Peacekeeping Failures Shape Peace Processes by Arı, Barış. International Peacekeeping, March 2022, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p348-350, 3p; (AN 59299918)
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14

International Relations
Volume 35, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Resilience to crisis and resistance to change: a comparative analysis of the determinants of crisis outcomes in Latin American regional organisations by Agostinis, Giovanni; Nolte, Detlef. International Relations, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Latin American regionalism displays a long history of crises, which have affected almost all regional organisations (ROs) across different waves of regionalism. The article conducts the first comparative analysis of the outcomes of crises in Latin American ROs across time, tackling the following questions: What have been the outcomes of the crises faced by Latin American ROs? Under what conditions does a crisis result in the survival or breakdown of the affected RO in Latin America? We adopt a multi-method approach that combines QCA with process tracing to identify the causal pathways to the survival or breakdown of ROs across a universe of eight crises. The findings show that Latin American ROs have been resilient to crises, which resulted in RO survival in seven cases out of eight. The QCA reveals how the distributive nature of interstate conflicts and the availability of majority voting are both sufficient conditions for Latin American ROs to survive a crisis. Analysis of the outlier case of UNASUR shows that normative conflicts that take place in the absence of majority voting constitute a ‘perfect storm’ configuration that can lead to RO breakdown. The findings also show that Latin America ROs’ tendency to survive crises is associated with the preservation of the status quo in terms of institutional design, which in some cases is achieved through the temporary flexibilisation of existing rules. Differently from the case of the EU, then, the crises of Latin American ROs have not led to the deepening of regional integration, but rather to institutional inertia.; (AN 58592319)
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2.

Sovereignty and trading states: denuclearization in Belarus, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Ukraine by Bourdais Park, JeongWon; Chung, DaHoon. International Relations, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The paper explores the cases of denuclearized countries, namely Belarus, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Ukraine and primarily intends to answer the questions of how (process), why (reasons for denuclearization), and for what (benefits and gains) did these four countries abandon their strategically advantageous nuclear arsenals. For conceptual analysis, ‘a trading state’ is employed, for they commonly faced the imminent need of guaranteeing state sovereignty and the influence of changing security dynamics. The four cases exhibit both generalizable commonality and distinctive experience in the process of denuclearization. They demonstrate that two mutually-reinforcing forces, ‘global-scale structural change in world politics’ and ‘pressure for regime creation or change’, interactively led to the final decision to enact complete denuclearization, albeitnot effortlessly. Furthermore, unveiling the differences in the process of denuclearization – in terms of resistance, negotiation tools and leverage, stage of nuclear development, domestic-grown technology, internal justification for legitimacy – helps to clarify the gains and benefits received in return for denuclearization. Shedding light on these four countries, under pressure from nuclear weapons states, complements conventional realism-leaning interpretations of nuclear politics and offers policy insights to understand countries with nuclear ambition in contemporary world politics.; (AN 58768970)
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3.

Role conflict in International Relations: the case of Indonesia’s regional and global engagements by Karim, Moch Faisal. International Relations, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: In recent years, scholars have devoted increased attention to the notion of roles in foreign policy analysis and international relations. However, role theory literature has so far less frequently explored re-conceptualising role conflict. To further understand the concept of role conflict, this article aims to unpacks the notion of international audiences. To do so, this article advances the application of role conflict by arguing the importance of notion of vertical role conflict that considers the different levels of international audiences, specifically regionally and globally. Building upon the symbolic interactionist conceptualisation of social interaction as a stage, regional and global levels can be seen as arenas for role-playing but with different expectations to fulfil. The article proposes two types of vertical role conflict, stemming from the difference between the regional and global levels. These theoretical claims will be elucidated through the study of Indonesia’s regional and global engagement in two areas: human rights and trade.; (AN 58777973)
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4.

Varieties of international reconciliation: the configuration of interest and reflection after conflict by Suh, Jae-Jung; Chun, Jahyun. International Relations, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: After conflict, states occasionally succeed in reconciling with former adversaries. When they do, they do so in different ways. Some grudgingly sign a treaty to signal the end of a conflict. Others provide for not only reparations and compensations but also economic assistance as material evidence of reconciliation. Yet others offer apologies, official and unofficial, and engage their former adversaries in reflective dialog that transforms their relationship from enmity to amity. Is there a way to systemically organize different ways in which states reconcile? Can different types of reconciliation be identified? If so, what explains the types? We address these questions in this article. Based on our survey of war terminations in the post-World War II period, we identify four different types of reconciliation that former injurious states have made with their victim states – procedural, material, ideational, and substantial. We hypothesize that their choice of a reconciliation type can be explained in terms of a configuration of national interest and national reflection. In this article, we engage in a structured comparative analysis of the cases of reconciliation between France-Algeria, Japan-Korea, Germany-Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic, and Germany-Poland – that we argue closely resemble the four ideal types – and demonstrate that our hypotheses are confirmed. We conclude with a consideration of how likely it is for ideational and material reconciliation to develop into substantial reconciliation; (AN 58592326)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 46, no. 3, February 2022

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p3-6, 4p; (AN 59045679)
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2.

Prediction and Judgment: Why Artificial Intelligence Increases the Importance of Humans in War by Goldfarb, Avi; Lindsay, Jon R.. International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p7-50, 44p; Abstract: Recent scholarship on artificial intelligence (AI) and international security focuses on the political and ethical consequences of replacing human warriors with machines. Yet AI is not a simple substitute for human decision-making. The advances in commercial machine learning that are reducing the costs of statistical prediction are simultaneously increasing the value of data (which enable prediction) and judgment (which determines why prediction matters). But these key complements—quality data and clear judgment—may not be present, or present to the same degree, in the uncertain and conflictual business of war. This has two important strategic implications. First, military organizations that adopt AI will tend to become more complex to accommodate the challenges of data and judgment across a variety of decision-making tasks. Second, data and judgment will tend to become attractive targets in strategic competition. As a result, conflicts involving AI complements are likely to unfold very differently than visions of AI substitution would suggest. Rather than rapid robotic wars and decisive shifts in military power, AI-enabled conflict will likely involve significant uncertainty, organizational friction, and chronic controversy. Greater military reliance on AI will therefore make the human element in war even more important, not less.; (AN 59045676)
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3.

Defending the United States: Revisiting National Missile Defense against North Korea by Sankaran, Jaganath; Fetter, Steve. International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p51-86, 36p; Abstract: North Korea has made significant strides in its attempt to acquire a strategic nuclear deterrent. In 2017, it tested intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and completed a series of nuclear test explosions. These may provide North Korea with the technical foundation to deploy a nuclear-armed ICBM capable of striking the United States. The Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD) missile defense system is intended to deter North Korean nuclear coercion and, if deterrence fails, to defeat a limited North Korean attack. Despite two decades of dedicated and costly efforts, however, the GMD system remains unproven and unreliable. It has not demonstrated an ability to defeat the relatively simple and inexpensive countermeasures that North Korea can field. The GMD system has suffered persistent delays, substantial cost increases, and repeated program failures because of the politically motivated rush to deploy in the 1990s. But GMD and other U.S. missile defense efforts have provoked serious concerns in Russia and China, who fear it may threaten their nuclear deterrents. Diplomacy and deterrence may reassure Russia and China while constraining North Korea's nuclear program. An alternate airborne boost-phase intercept system may offer meaningful defense against North Korean missiles without threatening the Russian or Chinese deterrents.; (AN 59045677)
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4.

Insurgent Armies: Military Obedience and State Formation after Rebel Victory by Martin, Philip A.. International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p87-127, 41p; Abstract: Why do some winning rebel groups build obedient and effective state militaries after civil war, while others suffer military defections? When winning rebels face intense security threats during civil wars, rebel field commanders are more likely to remain obedient during war-to-peace transitions. Intense security threats incentivize militants to create more inclusive leadership structures, reducing field commanders’ incentives to defect in the postwar period. Intense security threats also reduce commanders’ capacity for postwar resistance by forcing insurgents to remain mobile and adopt shorter time horizons in rebel-governed territory, reducing the likelihood that field commanders will develop local ties and independent support bases. The plausibility of the argument is examined using a new list of winning rebel groups since 1946. Two case studies—Zimbabwe and Côte d'Ivoire—probe the causal mechanisms of the theory. The study contributes to debates about the consequences of military victory in civil war, the postwar trajectories of armed groups, and the conditions necessary for civil-military cohesion in fragile states.; (AN 59045674)
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5.

Assessing China-U.S. Inadvertent Nuclear Escalation by Riqiang, Wu. International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p128-162, 35p; Abstract: China-U.S. inadvertent escalation has been a focus of recent international relations literature. The current debate, however, has not paid sufficient attention to two important factors: the survivability of China's nuclear forces under unintentional conventional attacks; and China's nuclear command, control, and communication (NC3) system. Based on detailed analysis of these two variables, three potential mechanisms of China-U.S. inadvertent escalation are examined: use-it-or-lose-it, unauthorized/accidental, and damage-limitation. Although the possibility of a major China-U.S. conventional war inadvertently escalating to a nuclear level cannot be excluded, the risk is extremely low. China's nuclear forces would survive U.S. inadvertent conventional attacks and, thus, are unlikely to be significantly undermined. Even though China's NC3 system might be degraded during a conventional war with the United States, Chinese leadership would likely maintain minimum emergency communications with its nuclear forces. Moreover, China's NC3 system is highly centralized, and it prioritizes “negative control,” which can help to prevent escalation. China's nuclear retaliatory capability, although limited, could impede U.S. damage-limitation strikes to some extent. To keep the risk of inadvertent escalation low, both sides must take appropriate precautions and exercise self-restraint in their planning and operations.; (AN 59045675)
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6.

A Farewell to Arms? Election Results and Lasting Peace after Civil War by Daly, Sarah Zukerman. International Security, February 2022, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 3 p163-204, 42p; Abstract: Why does fighting recur after some civil conflicts, whereas peace consolidates following others? The untested conventional wisdom is that—absent safeguards—postwar elections are dangerous for peace because electoral losers will reject the election results and remilitarize. New cross-national data on postwar election results and belligerent-level data on remilitarization contest this view. Citizens tend to elect peace because they engage in “security voting”; they elect the party that they deem best able to secure the state, using the war outcome as the heuristic that guides their security vote. Findings indicate that the chance of renewed war increases if there is an inversion in the military balance of power after war, and the war-loser performs poorly in the elections. If, instead, relative military power remains stable, or citizens accurately update their understandings of the postwar power balance, a civil war actor is unlikely to remilitarize if it loses the election. Knowing when and how these belligerent electoral actors choose to either sustain or break the peace informs important theoretical and policy debates on how to harness democracy's benefits while mitigating its risks.; (AN 59045678)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 57, no. 1, January 2022

Record

Results

1.

Governing Differentiation and Integration in the European Union: Patterns, Effectiveness and Legitimacy by Pirozzi, Nicoletta; Bonomi, Matteo. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe present here the key theoretical underpinnings and general approach of the Special Issue “Governing Differentiation and Integration in the European Union: Patterns, Effectiveness and Legitimacy”, which collects contributions of a group of experts and scholars from the Horizon 2020 EU IDEA – Integration and Differentiation for Effectiveness and Accountability project. The key concepts for the analysis are clarified, namely differentiation, differentiated integration, effectiveness, legitimacy and sustainability. The basic claim of the Special Issue is that differentiation is not only necessaryto address current challenges more effectively by making the Union more resilient and responsive to citizens. By introducing a useful degree of flexibility in the complex EU machinery, differentiation is also desirable, so long as such flexibility is compatiblewith the core principles of EU constitutionalism and identity, sustainablein terms of governance and acceptableto EU citizens, member states and affected third partners.; (AN 59113119)
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2.

The Politics of EU Differentiated Integration: Between Crises and Dilemmas by Brunazzo, Marco. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p18-34, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe debate about differentiated integration (DI) from the beginning of the European Union (EU) integration process to the 2017 White Paper on the Future of Europe can be divided into three different periods, according to the main dilemmas that policy-makers tried to address respectively: (i) a political dilemma about the final ’destination‘ of the EU integration project between the 1950s and the 1980s; (ii) a legal dilemma about the mechanism to adopt to promote DI in the 1980s and the 1990s; and (iii) an institutional dilemma about the growing complexity of EU institutions, begun in the 2000s and encapsulated in the Lisbon Treaty. Each period of debate coincided with a specific type of crisis – respectively, a crisis of design, a crisis of (foreseen) enlargement and a crisis of economic adaptation. Based on past and recent history, one can conclude that the debates about DI will become a permanent feature of EU politics.; (AN 59113105)
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3.

Governance, Effectiveness and Legitimacy in Differentiated Integration: An Analytical Framework by Lavenex, Sandra; Križić, Ivo. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p35-53, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe mounting phenomenon of differentiated integration in the EU has hitherto been studied mainly with regard to its drivers and legal configuration. Taking the existence of differentiated integration as a given, a conceptual framework is developed for analysing its governance in practice and the conditions under which this is effective and legitimate. Referring to examples from monetary integration and Justice and Home Affairs, the framework emphasises the interplay between the legal and organisational dimensions of differentiated integration, between commitment to common policies and opportunities for participation in their development and implementation. This includes measures for assessing and conditions for explaining the effectiveness and legitimacy of differentiated integration.; (AN 59113118)
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4.

Differentiated Cooperation through Local Authority Networks: Challenges and Opportunities by Tortola, Pier Domenico; Couperus, Stefan. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p54-71, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTransnational networks of sub-national authorities are an established and growing phenomenon in Europe, where they perform a number of (soft) governance functions for their members, often in direct connection with European Union (EU) institutions. Differentiation is an inherent characteristic of sub-national authority networks, which is nonetheless still largely unexplored. Building on original empirical data, we identify three dimensions of differentiation generated by networks – ‘insider-outsider’, ‘compound’ and ‘multi-level’ differentiation – and discuss their implications for the efficiency, effectiveness and legitimacy of these organisations. Based on our analysis, we also sketch some avenues for future research connecting the national and sub-national dimensions of differentiation in Europe.; (AN 59113104)
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5.

Political Differentiation as the End of Political Unity? A Narrative Analysis by Tekin, Funda; Meissner, Vittoria. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p72-89, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhich narratives do political actors use in times of increased political differentiation, and do they use them to strategically promote political unity in the EU? Two periods were selected for a narrative analysis. First, the years 2000-2004 preceding the ‘big bang’ enlargement and second, the crises in the Euro area between 2010 and 2014. Despite more political differentiation in both analysed time periods and their different construction, the narrative analysis shows that political unity was not undermined. The two identified key narratives – ʽunited in diversity’ and ʽdivided in unity’ – legitimised the EU’s political unity by promoting it through differentiated integration.; (AN 59113106)
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6.

What Makes Economic Differentiation Effective? Insights from the EU Energy Sector, Banking Union and Third-Country Access to the Single Market by Eisl, Andreas; Rubio, Eulalia. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p90-106, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFew studies so far have analysed the effectiveness of differentiation in EU policies. This is surprising given the importance and permanence of many differentiated arrangements, for example in EU economic policy. Insights from three studies on differentiation in the energy sector, the financial sector and third-country access to Single Market highlight the importance of institutional factors. EU economic differentiated arrangements tend to be more effective when: (i) there is a good ‘fit’ between the institutional design and the policy objectives; (ii) there are mechanisms to adapt them over time; and (iii) there are institutional provisions to prevent or mitigate negative side effects for the Union as a whole.; (AN 59113114)
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7.

Differentiated Cooperation in the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy: Effectiveness, Accountability, Legitimacy by Siddi, Marco; Karjalainen, Tyyne; Jokela, Juha. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p107-123, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean Union (EU) treaties have introduced legal frameworks for differentiated integration in European foreign and security policy, but they have rarely been used. Instead, member states have engaged in informal practices of differentiated cooperation. Based on an analysis of effectiveness, accountability and legitimacy of differentiated cooperation in the Western Balkans, the Middle East Peace Process, negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme and the Ukraine crisis, we argue that differentiated cooperation has had positive outcomes when it has adhered to common EU values and positions. When this has not been the case, differentiation has undermined EU foreign and security policy.; (AN 59113111)
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8.

Differentiation and De-Differentiation in EU Border Controls, Asylum and Police Cooperation by Comte, Emmanuel; Lavenex, Sandra. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p124-141, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe leading policy objective in EU differentiation underlying border controls, asylum and police cooperation has been to achieve the abolition of internal border controls to create a borderless European single market. Germany has been the main proponent kickstarting and maintaining this agenda through differentiation. For roughly two decades, differentiation has proved effective in abolishing internal border controls, integrating the related cooperation into EU structures, enlisting the cooperation of non-EU member states and producing joint policy outputs on asylum, external borders and police affairs. Yet, growing external migration challenges have undermined the effectiveness and legitimacy of existing arrangements, ushering in disintegration tendencies.; (AN 59113109)
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9.

Brexit and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement: Implications for Internal and External EU Differentiation by Wachowiak, Jannike; Zuleeg, Fabian. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p142-159, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBrexit represents a unique process of European disintegration. It has introduced a new model of external differentiation that is likely to have future implications for existing differentiation both within the EU and between the EU and third countries. An analysis of the new thin, distant and unfinished EU-UK relationship points to likely growing divergence over time. The technocratic governance structure of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) is strained by high-friction politics, and its effectiveness, sustainability and legitimacy remain highly contested. The TCA is a testament to a more hard-line EU approach towards third countries, attempting to signal strongly that membership matters, with flexibilities only benefitting those that sign up to the EU’s core principles.; (AN 59113113)
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10.

Differentiation and EU Governance: Key Elements and Impact by Pirozzi, Nicoletta; Bonomi, Matteo. International Spectator, January 2022, Vol. 57 Issue: Number 1 p160-178, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting literature on differentiated integration has made an important contribution in theorising and operationalising its regulatory dimension. However, in order to fully evaluate the impact of differentiation on EU governance, this approach needs to be enriched with additional elements. The organisational element allows us to grasp the different forms, venues and actors of differentiation. The constitutional element connects the different forms of differentiation to the foundations of EU constitutionalism and identity. The socio-political element goes beyond the analysis of differentiation as a policy practice and qualifies it as a policy choice. On this basis, a generalisation is proposed resulting from a comparative analysis of a wide range of contributions in different policy sectors in order to assess differentiation in the EU’s governance against three main criteria: effectiveness, sustainability and accountability/legitimacy.; (AN 59113116)
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