Skip to Main Content
It looks like you're using Internet Explorer 11 or older. This website works best with modern browsers such as the latest versions of Chrome, Firefox, Safari, and Edge. If you continue with this browser, you may see unexpected results.

NATO LIBRARY HOMEPAGE | NATO LIBGUIDES | CATALOG | MY ACCOUNT

NATO Library: Journal Titles: A - D

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

A - D

Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

Go to List of all journal titles

1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 47, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Acknowledgment of Reviewers Armed Forces & Society, October 2021, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 4 p770-772, 3p; (AN 57733765)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57733765&site=ehost-live

2.

Complicating Entanglements: Societal Factors Intruding in the Ghana Armed Forces’ Civil–Military Relations by Agyekum, Humphrey A.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Scholarly debates on civil–military relations often focus on how the military impacts society. Adding to the vast literature of civil–military relations, this article examines how socio-cultural practices and societal developments in the host society affect the military. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with the Ghana Armed Forces, the piece presents empirical observations of how culturally informed practices, such as begging via proxies (djuan toa),infiltrate the Ghanaian military barracks and affect the institutions’ functioning. The article illustrates how two additional elements, skewed recruitment practices and the politicisation of the rank and file, are used as tools by political factions, such as Ghana’s two most prominent parties the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, seeking to gain control over the Ghanaian military. The article analyses how these approaches contribute to undermining the armed forces’ discipline and military professionalism and consequently affect the military institution as a whole.; (AN 57160257)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57160257&site=ehost-live

3.

What Makes a Military Professional? Evaluating Norm Socialization in West Point Cadets by Brooks, Risa A.; Robinson, Michael A.; Urben, Heidi A.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Scholars have contended that norms of professionalism are critical to understanding how militaries interact with civilian leaders and when they intervene in politics. Yet, few studies have directly examined the normative structures of military officers. Through a survey of 1468 US Military Academy cadets, this study evaluates cadets’ views toward professionalism, and in particular what is often presumed to be the dominant framework of those norms based on Samuel Huntington’s The Soldier and the State. We identify five patterns of normative beliefs based on cadets’ views of civil–military interaction and the nonpartisan ethic: orthodox, unorthodox, inconsistent, non-committal, and motivated norms. Cadets fall into each of these categories, but approximately one-quarter demonstrate motivated norms, adhering when convenient, and otherwise dispensing with them when the rules they prescribe clash with their partisan identities. These findings, especially our novel conceptualization on norm adherence, contribute to a greater understanding of military culture and professionalism.; (AN 56849248)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56849248&site=ehost-live

4.

Book Review: Fighting for peace in Somalia—A history and analysis of the African Union Mission (AMISOM) 2008–2017 by Camacho, Paul R.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 56485821)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56485821&site=ehost-live

5.

The Motivation to Enlist Among Kurds by Cancian, Matthew. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Although humans have voluntarily joined militaries throughout history, research on the motivation to enlist has increased dramatically since the adoption of the All-Volunteer Force in the United States. Moskos categorized the motivations to enlist as institutional (the value alignment of the individual with the military) or occupational (the seeking of monetary rewards for competencies at market rates). This study explores the prevalence of these two traditional motivations in addition to two less commonly studied motivations—group mobilization and revenge-seeking—in an important context: the Kurds of northern Iraq. A survey of 2301 Kurdish soldiers (Peshmerga) during their war against the Islamic State (IS) indicates that institutional motivations are the most prevalent, although all four motivations are present. The importance of group mobilization and revenge-seeking represent important variations from the better-studied Western contexts that complicate our understanding of the motivation to enlist.; (AN 57468791)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57468791&site=ehost-live

6.

What Not to Worry About in the Policy–Academy Gap Debate: A Contrarian Take by Feaver, Peter. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This assessment of the “policy-academy” gap is part of a special forum stimulated by Michael Desch’s book, Cult of the Irrelevant. Those who write about the academy–policy gap worry that the gap is too narrow, resulting in ethical compromise, or too wide, resulting in marginalization of key academic voices. I argue both concerns are overdrawn. In particular, I argue that there is a healthy exchange between academic specialists and the policy community, at least as healthy as any during a mythical golden era. Moreover, quantitative methods are not a bogeyman exacerbating the gap; high-quality quantitative scholarship can make important contributions. Finally, claims that academic realists face unfair disadvantages in contributing to policy are not well-supported by the evidence. In truth, there is a fairly healthy marketplace of ideas in the policy community, at least as healthy as what prevails in the academy.; (AN 57433708)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57433708&site=ehost-live

7.

The Achilles Heel of Recruiting Women: Perceived Gender Equality as a Key Determinant of the Military’s Employer Attractiveness Among Women by Graf, Timo A; Kuemmel, Gerhard. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The German Bundeswehr, like other NATO forces, seeks to recruit more women in order to improve its gender balance and to meet its personnel needs. However, previous research on military recruitment has paid little attention to women. Given that the (German) military is still a male-dominated organization, we argue that women’s opinion regarding the realization of gender equality in the military may very well be the Achilles heel of recruiting women. Based on the assumption that women value gender equality in the work environment, we test the hypothesis that women are more attracted to the military as a (potential) employer, the more they think the military has achieved gender equality. A multivariate analysis of nationally representative survey data from Germany from 2019 provides empirical evidence to support this hypothesis. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.; (AN 57408561)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57408561&site=ehost-live

8.

War and Commitment to Military Service: Deployment and Combat Experiences Associated With Retention Among Army National Guard Soldiers by Griffith, James. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The present study examined career intentions in two samples—home-based or garrison (N= 12,583 soldiers in 180 companies) and deployed and recently returned soldiers (N= 4,551 in 50 companies). Proportionally, fewer deployed soldiers than home-based garrison soldiers intended to stay in reserve military service. Among deployed soldiers, those who reported having experienced combat trauma, having had wounded or killed someone, and having had a friend killed in combat were less likely to plan to continue military service; reservists more likely to continue military service had returned to the same civilian job after deployment. Among deployed and garrison soldiers, fewer financial difficulties were associated with higher likelihood of continuing reserve military service. Examples from the social constructionist perspective of reserve military service are used to elaborate on mechanisms in these associations.; (AN 56731702)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56731702&site=ehost-live

9.

STEM Degrees and Military Service: An Intersectional Analysis by Harcey, Sela R.; Steidl, Christina R.; Werum, Regina. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Given that the U.S. military uses science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) exposure as a key recruitment tool, one should expect that military service is associated with STEM outcomes. While research demonstrates this pattern for women veterans, we know little about racialized and intersectional patterns. This article uses the American Community Surveydata (2014–2018) to examine the association between military service, race/ethnicity, and gender to STEM degrees earned. We find that military service operates contingently: White men’s plus white, Hispanic, and multiracial/other women’s predicted probability of earning a STEM degree increases with military service. In contrast, for other minority groups, military service is not associated with a higher predicted probability of earning a STEM degree. Indeed, for groups typically overrepresented in STEM fields (i.e., Asian veterans), a negative association exists. These findings inform extant research on the long-term impact of military service on civilian reintegration, including educational and occupational outcomes.; (AN 56766273)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56766273&site=ehost-live

10.

Archetype Profiles of Military Spouses in Australia – Identifying Perfect Partners and Mean Girls by Johnson, Amy; Ames, Kate; Lawson, Celeste. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Military spouses are situated at the junction of the military and civilian worlds. They provide necessary support to military strategic and operational objectives and are also expected to perform a traditional spousal role of the ‘good’ military wife. This article demonstrates the existence of strong military partner archetypes which guide military community norms and expectations of spousal behaviour. In 14 qualitative interviews and five focus groups with Australian military partners, participants revealed many different, yet firm, sentiments related to identity, including fierce independence; a sense of belonging; self-reliance; a desire to help others; belief in fairness and pragmatism. The archetypes outlined in this article shape how partners see their role, and how they interact with other non-military partners and the military organization. This research delivers insights into optimizing military partner services to better support spouses through deployment, relocation and other military experiences.; (AN 56938418)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56938418&site=ehost-live

11.

Transformational Leadership in Extreme Contexts: Associations with Posttraumatic Growth and Self-Efficacy Among Combat Veterans by LaRocca, Michael A.; Groves, Kevin S.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Decades of research have established transformational leadership as an encompassing leadership approach with broad applications across organizational contexts. Despite dozens of meta-analyses and many empirical studies demonstrating the direct performance effects of transformational leadership, ways in which transformational leaders shape follower personal development and well-being remain largely unexplored, particularly in extreme contexts such as military combat. Based on a sample of 130 combat veterans of multiple conflicts, we examined the impact of transformational leadership in combat on follower posttraumatic growth and follower self-efficacy after deployment, including the moderating effects of the duration and intensity of combat. Moderated regression modeling and analyses demonstrated that transformational leadership was associated with follower posttraumatic growth among lengthier combat deployments, as well as with follower self-efficacy independent of combat duration and intensity. Our findings suggest that transformational leaders frame extreme contexts as opportunities for growth, and further implications for research and practice are discussed.; (AN 57011930)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57011930&site=ehost-live

12.

Professional Socialization During Restructuring: A Study of Workload and Career Time by Nilsson, Joel; Österberg, Johan. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article examines the experiences of newly graduated officers and specialist officers, as they recently entered employment in the Swedish Armed Forces. Building on 35 interviews, this article illustrates the dynamics of excessive workload and an unstructured working environment, and how embedded strategies for mentoring and guidance can reduce negative outcomes associated with the workload. The article introduces the concept of career time, reflecting the participant’s propensity to perform unpaid work to pursue a career in the organization. This study reveals tensions between organizational and employee interests, and experiences of exclusion from the officer profession, contextualized drawing on classical theorists Foucault and Habermas. When restructuring organizations, the quest for efficiency can outweigh professional values, such as esprit de corps and taking pride in work and professional identity.; (AN 56766280)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56766280&site=ehost-live

13.

Why Nurses Are Leaving Veterans Affairs Hospitals? by Oh, Dongjin; Lee, Keon-Hyung. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: An aging veteran population with a median age of 65, their inferior health status, and the rapidly growing number of women veterans propel veterans affairs (VA) hospitals to provide a wide range of nursing services. However, despite the significant roles of nurses and chronic nurse shortages in VA hospitals, there has been little research on the determinants of nurse turnover in the VA healthcare system. This study analyzed registered nurse turnover rates at a panel of 118 VA hospitals from 2015 through 2017 and found that nurse turnover is significantly influenced by patient mortality, job satisfaction, annual salary level, and preventable hospitalizations. These findings suggest that VA hospitals should maintain proper nurse workloads and implement programs that can improve nurses’ stress level and job satisfaction.; (AN 56766277)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56766277&site=ehost-live

14.

Book Review: The Absent Dialogue: Politicians, Bureaucrats, and the Military in India by Ray, Ayesha. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 57194386)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57194386&site=ehost-live

15.

The Electoral Impact of Military Experience: Evidence From U.S. Senate Elections (1982–2016) by Richardson, David K.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The belief that a military veteran candidate receives an electoral benefit at the polls based on a history of military service remains a widely held assumption in American politics. However, this assumption of a veteran electoral bonus has rarely been studied by scholars and the limited literature displays mixed results. This article presents the findings of a new study that addresses the mixed results in the literature and presents evidence that demonstrates that certain types of military veteran candidates do gain a veteran bonus in congressional elections. This advantage over nonveterans is conditioned by party, the type of race, and the nature of military service. By analyzing general election races for the United States Senate over 34 years (1982–2016), the study uncovers support for Democratic candidates with military service receiving an electoral bonus at the polls. This electoral bonus is most widely enjoyed by Democratic veterans in open Senate races and with experience in deployed warzones. The key findings suggest that previous conclusions in the literature with respect to establishing a veteran bonus in congressional elections should be reexamined to expand the time period of analysis, restructure the characterization of military experience beyond a binary variable, and include both House and Senate elections.; (AN 57439925)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57439925&site=ehost-live

16.

Is There a Public–Military Gap in the United States? Evaluating Foundational Foreign Policy Beliefs by Zwald, Zachary; Berejikian, Jeffrey D.. Armed Forces & Society, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The presumed “gap” in fundamental foreign policy beliefs between what Huntington (1957) described as “liberal society” and the “conservative military mind” lies at the core of research on civil–military relations. However, we still know surprisingly little about the precise nature of differences between the two groups’ core foreign policy orientations. This study presents the first empirically grounded evaluation of the public–military gap. We deployed a unique survey to directly compare the views of 470 active-duty US military officers against a representative sample of the American public. Our study included beliefs concerning the appropriate role of military force and of US engagement in global affairs, the likely direction of US national security in the coming decade, and the causes and costs of future military conflicts. While we confirm aspects of Huntington’s dichotomy, we also observe critical differences between the two groups that diverge from the traditional conceptualization of a “civil–military gap.”; (AN 56783177)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56783177&site=ehost-live

 

2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 40, no. 3, July 2021

Record

Results

1.

‘End the dominance of the Uyghur ethnic group’: an analysis of Beijing’s population optimization strategy in southern Xinjiang by Zenz, Adrian. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p291-312, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChinese academics and politicians argue that Xinjiang’s ‘terrorism’ problem can only be solved by ‘optimizing’ its ethnic population structure. High ethnic minority population concentrations are considered a national security threat. ‘Optimizing’ such concentrations requires ‘embedding’ substantial Han populations, whose ‘positive culture’ can mitigate the Uyghur ‘human problem’. Scenarios that do not overburden the region’s ecological carrying capacity entail drastic reductions in ethnic minority natural population growth, potentially decreasing their populations. Population ‘optimization’ discourses and related policies provide a basis to assess Beijing’s ‘intent’ to destroy an ethnic minority population in part through birth prevention per the 1948 United Nations Genocide Convention. The ‘destruction in part’ can be assessed as the difference between projected natural population growth without substantial government interference and reduced growth scenarios in line with population ‘optimization’ requirements. Based on population projections by Chinese researchers, this difference could range between 2.6 and 4.5 million lives by 2040.; (AN 57604343)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604343&site=ehost-live

2.

The Sart Kalmaks in Kyrgyzstan: people in transition by Terbish, Baasanjav. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p313-329, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article recounts the identity change that the Sart Kalmaks in Kyrgyzstan have been undergoing since their arrival in the Issyk-Kul region in the second half of the nineteenth century. Historically related to the Russian Kalmyks on the Volga and other Oirat groups in China and Outer Mongolia, the Sart Kalmaks today see themselves as a part of the Kyrgyz nation.; (AN 57604358)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604358&site=ehost-live

3.

The elite-level demonstration effect of the Arab Spring in Kazakhstan by Dorr, Sarah. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p330-350, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat impact has the ‘Arab Spring’ had upon Kazakhstan's approach to regime security? Short of the possibility of a ‘Central Asian Spring’, if and how the Arab Spring reshaped this authoritarian regime has not been addressed. A longitudinal narrative analysis of Kazakhstan's presidential rhetoric from 2005 to 2015 and fieldwork interviews indicated that the Arab Spring uprisings brought about an elite-level demonstration effect. That is, the regime perceived a heightened threat to its security as a result of instability and regime responses elsewhere, and it sought to shore-up its position and forestall the emergence of local challenges as a consequence of this, whether through discourse, behaviour or policy. This suggests that uprisings elsewhere, including those outside of a state's immediate region, can affect perceptions of regime security in the medium term, despite the absence of domestic unrest at home and a lack of close social and cultural ties between regions.; (AN 57604351)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604351&site=ehost-live

4.

Towards building a culturally informed consent process in Central Asia by Whitsel, Christopher M.; Merrill, Martha C.. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p351-367, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTResearchers working in Central Asia often report difficulty obtaining Western-style signed informed consent statements. The principles underlying informed consent were developed in cultures characterized by low-power distance and individualism, low context communication and a rules basis, whereas many Central Asian cultures emphasize high-power distance, collectivism, high-context communication and relationships. Yet, consent is an important principle. We interviewed scholars who grew up in Central Asia, but completed graduate work in the United States, Canada or the UK, to ask their recommendations for developing a culturally appropriate consent process. The common themes that arose include working within a network, building relationships of trust with potential participants and not utilizing legal-type documentation as a basis for consent.; (AN 57604340)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604340&site=ehost-live

5.

Religious, national or cultural? A case study of frameworks for Jewish education in post-Soviet Central Asia by Levin, Zeev. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p368-381, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn post-Soviet Central Asia, Jewish educational frameworks were shaped by unique forces introduced by various Jewish organizations. This article describes and explains the unique formation of Jewish education in post-Soviet Central Asian republics, how it was revived and which organizations shaped it. The article presents and analyses various educational initiatives introduced by Jewish organizations and educational frameworks: formal and informal, local and foreign, state and privately sponsored, religious and civic–national. It claims that all were unique.; (AN 57604357)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604357&site=ehost-live

6.

Student online protests in Uzbekistan: democratization of higher education as concomitant to the COVID-19 crisis? by Ubaydullaeva, Dilnoza. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p382-399, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe democratization of higher education (HE) has been interpreted from various perspectives in many country-specific case studies. Yet, it has been overlooked that in authoritarian regimes the democratization of HE may involve the development of freedom of expression, an element taken for granted in democratic societies. Growing research on the implications of COVID-19 on HE fails to cover the emergence of democratization of HE in the form of freedom of expression practiced by university students. This research examines post-Soviet Uzbekistan to analyse how the practising of freedom of expression emerged among the student body during the pandemic era in the country and how the Uzbek government responded to and resolved the matter. Based on this case, it is argued that in authoritarian states the HE democratization framework can include the development of freedom of expression in the form of student protests that, in this article’s case, emerge as concomitant to the pandemic.; (AN 57604362)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604362&site=ehost-live

7.

The Kazakhstani Soviet not? Reading Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstani-ness through Brezhnev’s Soviet people by Tutumlu, Assel; Imyarova, Zulfiya. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p400-419, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRather than interpreting President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s nation-building model of Kazakhstani-nessas a balance between civic and ethnic forms of nation-building, we show that Kazakhstani-nesswas styled on Leonid Brezhnev’s supranational modern identity of the Soviet People. We explore three similarities by comparing rulers’ discursive aspirational statements (rather than historical policy trajectories) in a single case study of Kazakhstan. Both discursive models were based on teleological supranational state ideology, both were depicted as modern and advanced, and both modelled the new identity on the language and culture of ethnic majority. We used thematic discourse analysis in over 50 government documents and speeches of leaders to illustrate our argument. This case presents bigger lessons for regime’s power of defining the national membership in post-Soviet Kazakhstan and beyond.; (AN 57604344)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604344&site=ehost-live

8.

Community perceptions of co-managing Tajik National Park by Shokirov, Qobiljon; Backhaus, Norman; Bartmess, Jennifer. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p420-437, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTajik National Park struggles with overgrazing, illegal hunting and ill-managed tourism. The designation of the park as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2013 was meant to ease some of these struggles, but improvements are thus far difficult to identify. We conducted a case study to understand how local people perceive and interact with the park to probe how these struggles could be mitigated. Interviewees and participants proposed solutions that revolved around the concept of co-management, which we consider as a way to alleviate challenges the park faces today, especially in terms of nature conservation and livelihoods for communities affected by the park. We conclude that engaged community members are willing to help the park improve its management by co-producing knowledge and adapting to social–ecological change if certain conditions, such as improving trust and making trade-offs, are met.; (AN 57604350)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604350&site=ehost-live

9.

A guest for a day? An analysis of Uzbek ‘language migration’ into the Japanese educational and labour markets by Dadabaev, Timur; Sonoda, Shigeto; Soipov, Jasur. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p438-466, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBy elaborating on the findings of two data sets collected in both Uzbekistan and Japan, this paper demonstrates that Japan has increasingly become a new frontier for Uzbek youngsters who use educational opportunities to seek temporary employment. This attitude of Uzbek students in Japan, which relates to their predisposition towards ‘work’ rather than ‘study’, can be explained by several factors. One set of explanations relates to their commitment to link their future with a home country due to the expectations of their families and communities. Another, at least partially, relates to the ambiguous and unsettled image of the role of Japan for their future, which might be contributing to their study–work imbalance.; (AN 57604359)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604359&site=ehost-live

10.

The lawful empire: Legal change and cultural diversity in late Tsarist Russia by Steinwedel, Charles. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p467-469, 3p; (AN 57604354)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604354&site=ehost-live

11.

The war on the Uyghurs: China’s internal campaign against a Muslim minority by Khalid, Adeeb. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p469-471, 3p; (AN 57604349)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604349&site=ehost-live

12.

Negotiating inseparability in China: The Xinjiang Class and the dynamics of Uyghur identity by Kamalov, Ablet. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p471-473, 3p; (AN 57604363)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604363&site=ehost-live

13.

Irina Viktorovna Erofeeva (1953–2020) by Morrison, Alexander. Central Asian Survey, July 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p474-476, 3p; (AN 57604346)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57604346&site=ehost-live

 

4

Civil Wars
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2021

Record

Results

1.

Fragility, Antifragility and War in Nigeria: Contemporary Security Implications of Nigeria’s Civil War (1967 – 1970) for the Nigerian Army by Omeni, Akali. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p131-152, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on Biafra’s calculus of war to shed new light on the rebel-side debate, this article revisits the Civil War of Nigeria (1967–1970) to extract campaign lessons for the Nigerian Army (NA) in its fight against Boko Haram (BH). The paper uses Nassim Taleb’s ‘antifragility’ theory to explain why Biafra rebels crumbled under traditional military campaign stressors imposed on them. By contrast, Boko Haram’s ‘antifragile’ threat has grown, even as campaign stressors imposed by the NA increased. Embracing the differences in operational environment within both conflicts, this article reflects on the implications of BH’s antifragility for the NA’s counter-insurgency (COIN).; (AN 57832261)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832261&site=ehost-live

2.

Between the Hammer and the Anvil: Limits on Territoriality of DaeshAffiliates by Doboš, Bohumil; Riegl, Martin. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p153-176, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article covers the topic of limitations to the territoriality of Daeshaffiliates. As attempt to establish territorial Caliphate, these units should demonstrate high levels of territoriality but empirically speaking this is not the case. The article presents the territorial spread of the groups and maps possible limitations that would explain this paradox. It concludes that unlike other territorial violent non-state actors, Daeshaffiliates are incapable of utilising liquidity thus are stuck in an environment that presents them with opposition from all sides. It is thus improbable that the Daeshaffiliates will ever show important territorial spread.; (AN 57832247)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832247&site=ehost-live

3.

Introducing the Armed Nonstate Actor Rivalry Dataset (ANARD) by Powell, Stephen R.; Florea, Adrian. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p177-206, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile research on interstate rivalries is abundant, scholarship examining nonstaterivalries remains limited. To address this shortcoming, in this article we introduce the Armed Nonstate Actor Rivalry Dataset (ANARD) – a dataset which captures dyadic rivalries and militarised disputes among armed nonstate actors in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) between 1993 and 2018. We begin by explaining why fine-grained data on militarised interactions between armed nonstate organisations are needed for a comprehensive understanding of conflict. We then provide details of the data collection process and coding practices. Finally, we identify the contributions that ANARD can make to conflict research.; (AN 57832254)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832254&site=ehost-live

4.

Biafra War Documentaries: Explaining Continual Resurgence of Secessionist Agitations in the South-East, Nigeria by Ugwueze, Michael I.. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p207-233, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFifty years after the Biafra war, its discourse in public sphere remains dominant as though the war just ended. Existing studies attribute this to several factors, including perceived marginalisation and collective victimhood of the Igbo (that is, the people of South-East, Nigeria) and the failure of Nigerian state to pursue the post-Biafra war peace-building initiatives. Although research has used framing perspective to explain why Biafra separatist agitators have remained non-violent despite organised provocations, the impact of Biafra war documentaries on continual resurgence of secessionist agitations is yet to be given adequate attention in literature. Thus, this article provides empirical evidence of how documentaries of Biafra war fuel secessionist agitations among the Igbo by helping the movement gain more converts. Using a mixed-methods approach, the paper argues that constant (re)distribution of Biafra war documentaries in the social and other media draws more supporters to secessionist agitations. The implication is that until Nigerian government counters the narratives contained in these documentaries by visibly implementing the post-Biafra war peace-building initiatives, the secessionist agitations will likely continue to gain momentum.; (AN 57832273)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832273&site=ehost-live

5.

Towards a Sequence of Ethnic Riots: Stages, Processes and Interactions in the Production of Communal Violence in Jos, Nigeria by Madueke, Kingsley L.. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p234-256, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEthnic riots are not as unstructured as the literature suggests. There is a clear sequence of events through which violence erupts. This article explains four stages of the build-up to deadly clashes: the triggering incident; the spread of rumours; the emergence of armed mobs; their interaction and the eruption of violence. Drawing on extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Jos, Nigeria, the article identifies the mechanisms that define each stage and argues that they need to happen for mass violence to occur. The conclusion reflects on the findings’ theoretical implications as well as their relevance for violence prevention and peacebuilding.; (AN 57832252)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832252&site=ehost-live

6.

Enforcing Openness: Trade Protectionism and Intervention in Civil Wars by Aydin, Aysegul. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p257-282, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGovernments may resort to a wide range of economic policies to generate revenue and compensate certain sectors in civil wars. Such measures block market access and hurt the interests of third-party countries operating in this market, giving the latter an incentive to shape the course of events in the conflict. To empirically demonstrate this argument, I look at changes in tariff rates adopted by civil war governments to restrict international trade during conflict. I find strong empirical evidence that external actors consider economic interventions on behalf of the government to meet the demand for revenue and for a return to more liberal policies.; (AN 57832270)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832270&site=ehost-live

7.

What Exactly are the Social and Political Consequences of Civil War? A Critical Review and Analysis of Recent Scholarship by Price, Christopher G.; Yaylacı, Şule. Civil Wars, April 2021, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p283-310, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe last decade has seen a proliferation of studies on the consequences of civil wars; yet, we are far from reaching a consensus about what wars leave behind. In this review, we summarise findings from recent scholarship on four areas of importance for post-war politics: civic attitudes, prosocial behaviours, political participation and partisanship. We summarise findings, and suggest ways to answer contradictory or conflicting findings in the existing research by comparing across different literatures. We identify weaknesses in methods and measurement, and provide clear suggestions for future research, particularly calling for greater attention to wartime dynamics, measurement, and mechanisms.; (AN 57832260)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57832260&site=ehost-live

5

Cold War History
Volume 21, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Projecting Poseidon’s Trident: America’s East Asia and the shifting contours of 1950s post-war naval policy by Chen, Kuan-Jen. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p391-410, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the US obtained control of the seas in maritime East Asia after the dissolution of the Japanese empire in 1945, the Truman administration did not link its international security with maritime space in the immediate post-war period. The outbreak of the Korean War and the First Taiwan Strait Crisis drove the US to rethink the significance of international waters and gradually adopt a sea-oriented strategic command. This development altered the defence structure in Cold War East Asia and such perimeters of maritime defence remained in place until the US ended official relations with Taiwan in 1979.; (AN 58310084)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310084&site=ehost-live

2.

Threatened by peace: the PRC’s peacefulness rhetoric and the ‘China’ representation question in the United Nations (1949–71) by Forster, Elisabeth. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p411-427, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the 1950s and 1960s, the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROC) not only distrusted, but also feared, the People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s assertion to be peace-loving. The reason was that the PRC used its peacefulness claim to negotiate whether the ROC or the PRC should represent ‘China’ in the United Nations, based on a specific definition of ‘peacefulness’ and on the socialist World Peace Movement as a platform of public diplomacy and international networking. This explains a function of the PRC’s peacefulness claim in the Cold War and rewrites the chronology of the PRC’s gradual United Nations entry.; (AN 58310077)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310077&site=ehost-live

3.

Experiencing the Cold War at Shanghai’s secret military industrial complex by Meyskens, Covell. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p429-447, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStudies of Cold War China have mainly concentrated on the affairs of diplomatic elites. This article contributes to the emerging body of scholarship which descends from the realm of high politics and shows how the geopolitical tensions of the Cold War became embedded in frameworks of meaning and practices of everyday life in Mao’s China. Concentrating on the military industrial complex established to safeguard Shanghai, the article elucidates how people who participated in its construction experienced Chinese Communist Party efforts to socially engineer them into a work force that embraced its policy of spartan industrial development for national security’s sake.; (AN 58310094)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310094&site=ehost-live

4.

‘The country is full of wishful thinkers’: Britain’s Information Research Department and its post-war propaganda operations in Japan, 1948–70 by Saito, Yoshiomi. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p449-468, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines British propaganda efforts in post-war Japan, focusing on the scope of activities and limitations of the Foreign Office’s Information Research Department (IRD). Although the IRD built a wide network of recipients for its anti-communist material in Japan, it soon faced difficulties in conducting operations when the British embassy officials started to question its influence in Japanese society – since they believed it was a culture so unique that pro formaIRD materials were unsuitable. Assessing the tensions between London and Tokyo contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the seemingly monolithic propaganda policies of the IRD.; (AN 58310080)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310080&site=ehost-live

5.

A global problem in a divided world: climate change research during the late Cold War, 1972–1991 by Doose, Katja. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p469-489, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that global environmental changes provided a fruitful ground for scientific collaboration during the Cold War. Taking the climate research cooperation of the 1972 US-USSR Agreement on Environmental Protection as a lens, this article shows how both superpowers, initially involved in weather warfare against each other, soon cooperated to tackle the rising problem of climate change. The study reveals that while the cooperation was foremost a scientific undertaking driven by the need for data it nevertheless constantly oscillated between scientific collaboration to advance one’s own research agenda and the political tensions of the Cold War rivalry.; (AN 58310091)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310091&site=ehost-live

6.

From close call to close contacts: transsystemic techno-diplomacy and cooperation in the civilian uses of nuclear power, 1963–79 by Guth, Stefan. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p491-508, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe centrality of the nuclear in Cold War politics has long been undisputed. But while confrontation and competition between the blocs figure prominently in accounts of the atomic age, transsystemic cooperation is only beginning to attract scholarly attention. Based on an analysis of Soviet collaboration with the United States and France in fast breeder reactor development and nuclear-powered water desalination, this article argues that in a changing international order, the red lines of Soviet nuclear sharing stopped to coincide with the bloc divide, and started to align ever more closely with the division line between nuclear haves and nuclear have-nots.; (AN 58310089)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310089&site=ehost-live

7.

‘A question of survival’: Canada and the Rapacki Plan for the denuclearisation of Central Europe, 1957–59 by Musto, Ryan A.. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p509-531, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn October 1957, Poland proposed the Rapacki Plan for the denuclearisation of Central Europe. While North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members attacked the initiative, Canada viewed it as a means to ease Cold War tensions. Although Canada joined with its allies to reject the Plan, it embarked on a quest for counterproposals to restrain NATO nuclear sharing and reduce the chances of nuclear war. Canada’s efforts alarmed Western allies and helped lead to a second Rapacki Plan. Overall, this article details Canada’s struggle to assert itself as a middle power and provides a robust example of Western interest in the Rapacki Plan.; (AN 58310093)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310093&site=ehost-live

8.

Catholics on the barricades: Poland, France and the ‘Revolution’, 1891–1956 by Bjork, Jim. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p533-535, 3p; (AN 58310092)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310092&site=ehost-live

9.

Between containment and rollback: the United States and the Cold War in Germany by Fischer, Benjamin B.. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p535-538, 4p; (AN 58310090)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310090&site=ehost-live

10.

Stalin: passage to revolution by Thunemann, Fabian. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p538-540, 3p; (AN 58310081)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310081&site=ehost-live

11.

A Cold War endgame or an opportunity missed? Analysing the Soviet collapse Thirty years later by Zubok, Vladislav; Cox, Michael; Pechatnov, Vladimir O.; Braithwaite, Rodric; Spohr, Kristina; Radchenko, Sergey; Zhuravlev, Sergey; Scarborough, Isaac; Savranskaya, Svetlana; Sarotte, M. E.. Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p541-599, 59p; (AN 58310076)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310076&site=ehost-live

12.

Call for Submissions: Conversations on Cold War History Cold War History, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p601-602, 2p; (AN 58310095)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58310095&site=ehost-live

 

6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 53, no. 1, March 2020

Record

Results

1.

The Russia Connection by Batta, Anna; Ishiyama, John. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p1-12, 12p; Abstract: What explains receptivity of citizens in the post-communist world to Russian influence? popular attitudes in Central and Eastern Europe about Russia's role in the world and seeks to find answers to the question: does ideology or economic factors most influence support for Russia in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe? We use survey data from the Pew Research Center (2017) to assess the drivers for popular support of Russia. We find that the primary driver of individual-level support of Russia is political attitudes associated with the Far Right, but that this relationship also varies by country.; (AN 53774445)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774445&site=ehost-live

2.

Theory behind Russian Quest for Totalitarianism. Analysis of Discursive Swing in Putin's Speeches by Rak, Joanna; Bäcker, Roman. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: Before 2014 Putin used semantic structures characteristic of authoritarianism and façade democracy to shape Russian political discourse. After the annexation of Crimea, we identify the decrease of authoritarian discursive elements, the occurrence of references to democratic values, and the prevalence of totalitarian discursive elements. This quantitative alteration co-occurred with a qualitative change of the intensity of totalitarian gnosis that increased from the low to the moderate extent. This paper aims to examine the extent of the intensity of totalitarian political gnosis in Putin's most influential speeches: the annual Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly, and the president's annual news conference.; (AN 53774442)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774442&site=ehost-live

3.

Democratic Centralisms—Plural? A Comparative Analysis of Functional Communism in the French and Italian Communist Party Federations of Var and Gorizia, 1956 by Haig, Fiona. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p27-54, 28p; Abstract: Democratic centralism was the Leninist-Bolshevik pyramidal model of internal organization in operation in all communist parties for most of the 20th century. Thus far, the question of whether it functioned consistently across the non-ruling parties has not been addressed explicitly or systematically. This article examines the implementation of this essential internal dynamic in a French and an Italian communist party federation in the early postwar period. Drawing on new personal testimonies from more than 50 informants, and inedita archival evidence, this analysis reveals not only similarities but also clear functional disparities between the two cases.; (AN 53774444)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774444&site=ehost-live

4.

Old Wine in New Bottles? New Parties and Policy Responses to the Great Financial Crisis in the Balkans by Schoenman, Roger. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p55-79, 25p; Abstract: Across the post-communist region, new parties are gaining support from voters by promising to reject the status quo and orthodox policy. Some have come to govern on the basis of such promises and their “outsider” identity. But do these new parties actually make different post-crisis policy once they are in government? This paper compares policies adopted to address economic crisis in Bulgaria and Romania. Both governments pursue a standard set of austerity measures, but the Bulgarian government was able to take a more aggressive stance for a much longer time before losing support due to its outsider image.; (AN 53774449)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774449&site=ehost-live

5.

Resettlement Processes in the Ukrainian SSR during the Holodomor (1932–34) by Rozovyk, Olesia. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p80-99, 20p; Abstract: This article, based on archival documents, reveals resettlement processes in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1932–34, which were conditioned by the repressive policy of the Soviet power. The process of resettlement into those regions of the Soviet Ukraine where the population died from hunger most, and which was approved by the authorities, is described in detail. It is noted that about 90,000 people moved from the northern oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR to the southern part of the republic. About 127,000 people arrived in Soviet Ukraine from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) and the western oblasts of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The material conditions of their residence and the reasons for the return of settlers to their previous places of inhabitance are described. I conclude that the resettlement policy of the authorities during 1932–34 changed the social and national composition of the eastern and southern oblasts of Ukraine.; (AN 53774443)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774443&site=ehost-live

6.

Authoritarian Welfare State, Regime Stability, and the 2018 Pension Reform in Russia by Logvinenko, Igor. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p100-116, 17p; Abstract: This article evaluates the role of the authoritarian welfare state (AWS) in upholding regime stability in Vladimir Putin's Russia. The AWS has contributed to sociopolitical stability over the past 20 years by (1) maintaining frequent interactions between the state and the population, (2) providing a way for the regime to uphold a reputation for not cheating the population out of the proceeds of growth, and (3) generating significant benefits for the rulers and the ruled. The pension reform enacted in 2018 undermined the three pillars of the AWS and, therefore, increased the chances of future political instability.; (AN 53774448)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774448&site=ehost-live

7.

Corruption in Russian Law Enforcement by Cheloukhine, Serguei; Kalkayeva, Nesibeli; Khvedelidze, Tima; Bizhanova, A.R.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p117-134, 18p; Abstract: This study examines crime and corruption among Russian law enforcement agencies after 2009 Police Reforms (henceforth referred to as Reforms). These Reforms sought to curb corruption at all levels of the Russian civil service and among uniformed law enforcement personnel. Many law enforcement officers thought that the rebranding of the militsiya as “politsiya” would have a transformational effect within the organization as well as how others perceived it. Ultimately, the rebranding effort failed; the only concrete changes were the organization's name and its personnel's uniforms. In fact, the Reforms seem to have contributed to even more corruption and abuse of power, as well as an expansion of the Ministry of Interior's ties to corrupt networks.; (AN 53774447)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774447&site=ehost-live

8.

Local Government Access to Funds—It Is about Who Your Friends and Party Are by Zhllima, Edvin; Merkaj, Elvina; Imami, Drini; Rama, Klodjan. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p135-151, 17p; Abstract: The competitive grants schemes, a financing mechanism established for achieving social welfare as well as balanced and efficient territorial development, would have to be applied through a transparent and objective competition process. However, political influence of the ruling party and informal networks with central government decision-makers may influence access to competitive grants. This paper explores the extent to which the political affiliation and the personal informal connections/networks of the Municipalities and Communes leaders influence the allocation of competitive grants in Albania. The study is based on their perceptions and attitudes collected through the application of qualitative research instruments. We used a semi-structured survey that targeted local government leaders in Albania during the year 2013–14. Research shows that local government leaders are more likely to access grants from the central government if both belong to the same political party/coalition, follow personal informal connections/networks, and can use strong (political and/or bribing) lobbying with high-level decision makers.; (AN 53774446)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774446&site=ehost-live

9.

What Does It Take to Fight Fake News? Testing the Influence of Political Knowledge, Media Literacy, and General Trust on Motivated Reasoning by Kudrnáč, Aleš. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2020, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p151-167, 17p; Abstract: This study explores youth accuracy judgments of disinformative and nondisinformative claims. Analyses are based on a nationally representative youth (16–20 years old) survey experiment conducted in the Czech Republic in 2017. When they were exposed to posts regarding refugee crisis, young people were asked to judge the accuracy of the statements accompanying the posts. Motivated reasoning of youth depended primarily on the alignment with the posts and the ideology of participants. Results of this research suggest that motivated reasoning works differently for liberals and conservatives. Perceived amount of media literacy training does not seem to affect directional motivation. General trust works as moderator of motivated reasoning and, in combination with ideology, appears to be important for understanding directional motivation when exposed to disinformation.; (AN 53774450)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53774450&site=ehost-live

 

7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 40, no. 6, November 2021

Record

Results

1.

The “Action-Reaction” Arms Race Narrative vs. Historical Realities by Trachtenberg, David J.; Dodge, Michaela; Payne, Keith B.. Comparative Strategy, November 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p521-562, 42p; Abstract: AbstractResurgent expressions of an “action-reaction” arms race narrative and its corollary “inaction-inaction” narrative are the basis for frequent assertions that if the United States would only stop its nuclear programs, opponents would also stop building their nuclear force—and a “peace race” would ensue. In other words, U.S. efforts to maintain its deterrence capabilities are seen as sparking or accelerating the “arms race.” This argument has its roots in the 1960s; it has not changed since then. This same claim is now leveled at the contemporary and much-delayed U.S. nuclear modernization program. As in the past, the claim now commonly expressed is that current U.S. efforts to preserve its strategic deterrence forces are the cause of a new action-reaction arms race cycle and should, therefore, be stopped. However, history disproves the action-reaction/inaction-inaction narrative. An examination of numerous documents regarding the development of U.S. strategic policy—including now-declassified governmental and unclassified non-governmental studies and books that that have closely examined this issue—and interviews with a bipartisan group of former officials and knowledgeable academics demonstrates the flaws in this narrative and sets the record straight regarding U.S. policy developments and the factors that drove those developments.; (AN 58215034)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58215034&site=ehost-live

2.

From supporting actor to ‘whipping the P5 + 1’: Assessing material and ideational influences on Israeli Policy toward the Iranian nuclear program (1996–2015) by BenLevi, Raphael. Comparative Strategy, November 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p563-584, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThough Israel has an established doctrine of using overt force to prevent regional adversaries from attaining nuclear capabilities, it has not been applied in the case of Iran. Saving overt strikes, however, Israel’s approach to the Iranian nuclear program has changed a number of times, fluctuating between a forward-leaning aggressive stance and a less prominent role in support of international efforts. This article systematically addresses the ideational factors underlying Israel’s changing strategies, focusing on the interplay between two competing schools of thought in Israeli security strategy and highlighting insights from interviews with high-level officials and recently published memoirs.; (AN 58215033)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58215033&site=ehost-live

3.

Balkanization of Baluchistan: Road to rivalry between China and the U.S. in the neo-realist perspective by Baig, Muhammad Ali; Muhammad, Syed Sabir. Comparative Strategy, November 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p585-602, 18p; Abstract: AbstractGeopolitics plays a decisive role in the international politics. The importance of geopolitics can be seen in the Twentieth century that culminated in the First Word War. The Berlin-Baghdad Railway Project was the true manifestation of geopolitics, while the Balkan region played a significant role due to its geopolitical and geo-strategic importance. The Balkans being at the crossroads of great powers became a catalyst for animosity among them. Geopolitics has again taken a centre stage in the Twenty-first century due to China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its flagship project i.e., China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The paper intends to investigate, analyse, and predict the BRI’s flagship belt i.e., CPEC and its likely impacts on the existing rivalry between China and the United States under the prism of Neo-Realism.; (AN 58215026)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58215026&site=ehost-live

4.

Stalin and the Fate of Europe: The Postwar Struggle for Sovereignty by Dale Walton, C.. Comparative Strategy, November 2021, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p603-604, 2p; (AN 58215037)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58215037&site=ehost-live

8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 21, no. 5, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

Maritime security and the securitisation of fisheries in the Gulf of Guinea: experiences from Cameroon by Beseng, Maurice; Malcolm, James A.. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p517-539, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the 2000s, maritime security threats in the Gulf of Guinea region have been of growing international concern. In many countries, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing is one such problem with negative impacts on environmental, food and national security and links with wider maritime crime. Focussing on Cameroon, this article argues that there has been a securitisation of the fisheries sector within the broader context of changes in maritime security governance in the Gulf of Guinea. The article examines the process and implications of the securitisation of Cameroon’s fisheries sector. Using documents, direct observations, and in-depth interviews with state agents and actors of civil society organisations (CSOs), the article illustrates how the fisheries sector was securitised through a range of linguistic, institutional, and structural mechanisms. The institutional and structural mechanisms were highly militarised with the increased deployment of military forces in monitoring, control and surveillance of fishery activities. These changes, the article concludes, subsequently diminished the agency and capacity of non-military state and civil society actors in fisheries governance and undermines their role in cooperative efforts within the broader maritime security architecture that now operates in Cameroon.; (AN 58182498)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182498&site=ehost-live

2.

Implementing conflict prevention: explaining the failure of UK government’s structural conflict prevention policy 2010-15 by Johnstone, Andrew; Walton, Oliver. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p541-564, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConflict prevention has been a long-standing and high-profile international policy goal, and yet in practice international agencies have found it difficult to operationalise, with the structural dimension of conflict prevention proving especially challenging. Drawing on a review of policy documents, parliamentary debates, and key informant interviews, this article uses a detailed case study of the UK government’s structural conflict prevention policy between 2010 and 2015 to understand why international agencies have found it difficult to implement such policies. Our analysis traces this failure by examining top-level strategy, translation into department-level policy, and country-level implementation in South Sudan. The article finds that the UK government failed to implement structural conflict prevention for three key reasons: because the concepts were not well defined or communicated, because priorities were quickly drawn to more urgent problems, and because the approach was not institutionalised within departments or country offices. We argue that for SCP to succeed, international agencies need to be more realistic about the complex challenges associated with SCP and pay more attention to the process of institutionalisation.; (AN 58182495)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182495&site=ehost-live

3.

Mapping normalcy through vernacular security-development in post-conflict North Waziristan by Makki, Muhammad; Tahir, Menahil. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p565-592, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNorth Waziristan, one of the former tribal agencies of Pakistan, was brought to the spotlight largely by militancy and terrorism. After curtailing terrorism through the military offensive, the focus has been shifted to ‘bringing normalcy’ to the region. While situating normalcy as a manifest function of security and development, this study delves into contextualising the dynamism of the security-development nexus. This empirically driven research dwells upon the response of the development organisations towards the conflict-induced emergency situation as well as the securitisation of development in North Waziristan. The potential pitfalls of the nexus that can subsequently undermine normalcy have also been highlighted. The article emphasises that an anthropologically sensitive approach is important to avoid impasse in security-development and impart sustainability to the (new) normal being strived for the region. Based on a localised understanding, this research argues for a more integrated approach towards normalcy – rooted in vernacular security-development that is adequately adapted to this context. It is, therefore, concluded that cultural compatibility is crucial for the sustainability of normalcy – and by extension, peace ‎ – ‎in the region.; (AN 58182494)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182494&site=ehost-live

4.

They see us like the enemy: soldiers’ narratives of forced eradication of illegal crops in Colombia by Ortiz-Ayala, Alejandra. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p593-614, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the promises made in the peace agreement with the FARC-EP in 2016, bureaucratic obstacles, underfunding, and an apparent lack of political will has eroded the voluntary illegal crop substitution programme in Colombia. Armed forces are sent to the territories to forcibly eradicate the coca plants, causing violent confrontations and deepening the distrust between the state and peasant coca-leaf growers. Using qualitative data from 28 semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Colombian Army soldiers’ opinions on manual eradication operations. Their voices suggest that not all the soldiers support coercive measures to fight the rising growth of coca crops, but these measures can encourage institutional corruption and incentivise a logic of an internal enemy that justifies violence against civilians. This article offers insights into obstacles to building legitimacy and trust in the state and its institutions after peace agreements.; (AN 58182499)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182499&site=ehost-live

5.

Understanding social disruptionin armed conflict: its significance for post-conflict reconstruction in Swat Valley, Pakistan by Sanaullah. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p615-639, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAddressing social issues that arise due to wars and how they impact on post-conflict reconstruction is an area of theoretical debate and policy interest. This article explores the social impact of the armed conflict which took place in Swat Valley, Pakistan from 2007–2009. Based on 28 in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions conducted in the valley, the article examines the damage to community life. The findings show that local institutions, societal values and social relations were dramatically impacted. The analysis led the researcher to term this impact social disruption, a phenomenon that is defined as an abrupt and forced change in the socio-cultural system. To reconstruct society, understanding and addressing social disruptionholds a crucial position for local, national and international actors in the post-conflict period.; (AN 58182493)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182493&site=ehost-live

6.

Rethinking female ex-combatants, reintegration, and DDR: towards political reintegration? by Steenbergen, Michanne. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p641-672, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnited Nations-led Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have increasingly included female ex-combatants; however, the contribution of such DDR programmes to female ex-combatants’ empowerment and reintegration, as well as to peace-building, remains debated. Drawing on 77 semi-structured interviews with female ex-combatants and DDR officials in Liberia and Nepal, this article explores the potential of political reintegration to better support female ex-combatants’ reintegration and the building of an inclusive, positive peace. This article contends that political reintegration can provide female ex-combatants with peaceable means to address grievances and bring together ex-combatants and non-combatants to work towards peace. Political reintegration support should not be a substitute for economic and social reintegration or physical and mental health support, but rather should work to compliment these. To be meaningful to female ex-combatants and to peace, political reintegration support must prevent a ‘triple burden’ of productive, reproductive, and peace-building/political labour. Lastly, this article argues that UN-led DDR has potential to contribute to or undermine building an inclusive, positive peace if it were to provide reintegration support to female ex-combatants.; (AN 58182497)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182497&site=ehost-live

7.

Whose analysis? Trial of a new participatory conflict analysis for Do No Harm/conflict-sensitive development planning by Ware, Anthony; Laoutides, Costas. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 5 p673-696, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACT‘Do No Harm’or ‘conflict-sensitivity’has been mainstreamed into the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian interventions in conflict-affected situations. An umbrella term encompassing a range of frameworks and tools, all approaches involve analysing conflict dynamics in order to minimise negative impacts and maximise support for positive change. Most, however, treat conflict analysis as largely technical, requiring external expertise, and while all espouse participation, it is not inherently embedded in any. This paper explores the practice and ideals of conflict-sensitivity, and promising, more participatory advances in the ‘critical peacebuilding’/‘local turn’ literatures, to argue the case for more genuinely participatory, grassroots conflict analysis to augment existing analysis underpinning the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian agency projects. Concluding that none yet offer tools to facilitate participation of marginalised poor, often functionally non-literate locals, into the actual analysis of conflict, it then presents and reflects upon the trial of a new, highly participatory conflict analysis approach, developed by the authors to complement a specific, highly participatory development programme in Myanmar.; (AN 58182496)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58182496&site=ehost-live

 

9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 42, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

The limitations of strategic narratives: The Sino-American struggle over the meaning of COVID-19 by Hagström, Linus; Gustafsson, Karl. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p415-449, 35p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent research has explored how the Sino-American narrative struggle around COVID-19 might affect power shift dynamics and world order. An underlying assumption is that states craft strategic narratives in attempts to gain international support for their understandings of reality. This article evaluates such claims taking a mixed-methods approach. It analyzes American and Chinese strategic narratives about the pandemic, and their global diffusion and resonance in regional states that are important to the U.S.-led world order: Australia, India, South Korea, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. While the article confirms that strategic narratives remain a highly popular policy instrument, it argues that their efficacy appears limited. Overall, the five states in question either ignored the Sino-American narrative power battle by disseminating their own strategic narratives, or they engaged in “narrative hedging.” Moreover, even China’s narrative entrepreneurship was enabled and constrained by pre-existing master narratives integral to the current U.S.-led world order.; (AN 58210909)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210909&site=ehost-live

2.

A machine learning approach to the study of German strategic culture by Tappe, Jonathan; Doeser, Fredrik. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p450-474, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces supervised machine learning to the study of German strategic culture, analyzing both how German strategic culture has changed and the impact of strategic culture on Germany's military engagement between 1990 and 2017. In contrast with previous qualitative research on strategic culture, supervised machine learning can yield measurable and empirical insights into strategic culture and its effects at any given point in time over a very long period, based on the reproduction of human coding of a very extensive set of security policy documents. The article shows that German strategic culture has changed slowly and in a nonlinear way after the Cold War, and that strategic culture, when controlling for confounding variables and the temporal order, has a measurable impact on Germany's military engagement. The article demonstrates the analytical value of machine learning for future studies of strategic culture.; (AN 58210905)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210905&site=ehost-live

3.

Global Britain in the grey zone: Between stagecraft and statecraft by Rauta, Vladimir; Monaghan, Sean. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p475-497, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe United Kingdom’s integrated defense and security review put “grey zone” or “hybrid” challenges at the center of national security and defense strategy. The United Kingdom is not alone: The security and defense policies of NATO, the European Union, and several other countries (including the United States, France, Germany, and Australia) have taken a hybrid-turn in recent years. This article attempts to move the hybrid debate toward more fertile ground for international policymakers and scholars by advocating a simple distinction between threats and warfare. The United Kingdom’s attempts to grapple with its own hybrid policy offer a national case study in closing the gap between rhetoric and practice, or stagecraft and statecraft, before an avenue of moving forward is proposed—informally, through a series of questions, puzzles, and lessons from the British experience—to help international policy and research communities align their efforts to address their own stagecraft-statecraft dichotomies.; (AN 58210906)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210906&site=ehost-live

4.

Externalizing EU crisis management: EU orchestration of the OSCE during the Ukrainian conflict by Amadio Viceré, Maria Giulia. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p498-529, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the Lisbon Treaty's modifications in the foreign and security policy domain, the EU has frequently relied on third parties to address external conflicts and crises. Using the Ukrainian conflict as a case study, this article adopts the orchestration model to explain why and how the EU enlists intermediary actors over which it has no formal control to pursue its objectives. It finds that in this conflict the EU outsourced part of its crisis management activities to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe because it lacked the civilian and military capabilities, as well as the regulatory competence and reputation to challenge Russia. Indeed, the Ukrainian case shows that orchestration has emerged as a crucial governance arrangement for the functioning of EU crisis management, raising serious questions about the EU overall capacity to act as a security provider in an international system marred by contestation and hard security concerns.; (AN 58210901)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210901&site=ehost-live

5.

India’s recognition as a nuclear power: A case of strategic cooptation by Frankenbach, Patrick; Kruck, Andreas; Zangl, Bernhard. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p530-553, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the mid-2000s, India turned from a nuclear pariah of the international community into a de factorecognized nuclear power. Why and how did this status elevation come about? Realist, liberal, and constructivist perspectives point to important motivations but fail to elucidate the process of India’s (re-)integration. Our strategic cooptation argument conceives of India’s status upgrade as an exchange of institutional privileges for institutional support. To stabilize the nuclear non-proliferation regime, the United States and other nuclear powers offered India the privilege of being recognized as nuclear power—and of taking part in international nuclear trade—in return for India’s promise to provide additional support to the non-proliferation regime. This deal materialized because India was able and willing to provide the needed support and because the institutional setting provided favorable conditions for circumventing and overcoming third-party resistance. We thus establish “strategic cooptation” as a mode of adapting international security institutions.; (AN 58210908)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210908&site=ehost-live

6.

Politics is not everything: New perspectives on the public disclosure of intelligence by states by Riemer, Ofek. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2021, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p554-583, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do states deliberately disclose hard-earned intelligence? For political and operational reasons, Official Public Intelligence Disclosure (OPID) is often considered counterintuitive and ill-advised. However, as this practice proliferates in international affairs in recent years, extant scholarship emphasizes domestic political incentives for its employment. Drawing on interviews with policy, defense, and media figures in Israel, this article generates alternative perspectives. First, in keeping with the dictates of contemporary information and media environment, states engage in OPID as a performative act designed to enhance diplomacy and shape international agenda. Second, in the age of limited wars, instead of being amassed purely for large-scale escalation, selective disclosure of intelligence can be weaponized against adversaries whose operations and very survival depend on secrecy, so as to shape their behavior below the threshold of war. The article advances our understanding of the innovative ways in which intelligence can be strategically employed in the information age.; (AN 58210898)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58210898&site=ehost-live

10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 56, no. 1, November 2021

Record

Results

1.

Legacies of war: Syrian narratives of conflict and visions of peace by Bachleitner, Kathrin. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article is interested in the formation of war legacies and how they interact with social identities. It suggests a bottom-up approach towards examining the societal processes in which individuals create a legacy of war. It posits that through their narratives of conflict, by rememberingwhat happened to them as a group, they mould the meaning and boundaries of how the group will be memberedpost-conflict. The validity of the theorised link between war memory and group membership is then tested in the case of Syria. In 200 interviews, Syrians provided their narratives of the conflict and their vision of a future Syrian state and society. The findings show that most respondents’ narratives follow a civic rationale, forming a society around civil rights and political ideas rather than around ethnic/sectarian divides. With this, the article contributes a new route for international relations scholars to understand the formation of war legacies through individuals’ narratives of conflict and explains their effects on ties of group belonging while also offering a glimpse into the Syrian ‘we’ amid the ongoing war in Syria.; (AN 57180501)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57180501&site=ehost-live

2.

International emotional resonance: Explaining transatlantic economic sanctions against Russia by Beauregard, Philippe. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Why did transatlantic policymakers target Russia with economic sanctions in response to its actions during the Ukraine conflict? Commentators perceived these sanctions as highly unlikely because they would have high costs for several European countries, and were surprised when they were finally adopted. Constructivist scholars employed explanations based on common norms and trust to explain the European Union’s agreement on economic sanctions in this case. I argue that the mechanism of international emotional resonance played a decisive role in altering the course of the United States and core European Union powers’ cooperation. A framework that combines resonance with emotional influence mechanisms of persuasion and contagion explains the precise timing of the policy shift, why European policymakers accepted sanctions at a substantial cost to their economy and how norms affected policy when they were empowered by intense emotions.; (AN 56925541)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=56925541&site=ehost-live

3.

“This changes things”: Children, targeting, and the making of precision by Beier, J Marshall. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Avoidance of civilian casualties increasingly affects the political calculus of legitimacy in armed conflict. “Collateral damage” is a problem that can be managed through the material production of precision, but it is also the case that precision is a problem managed through the cultural production of collateral damage. Bearing decisively on popular perceptions of ethical conduct in recourse to political violence, childhood is an important site of meaning-making in this process. In pop culture, news dispatches, and social media, children, as quintessential innocents, figure prominently where the dire human consequences of imprecision are depicted. Children thus affect the practical “precision” of even the most advanced weapons, perhaps precluding a strike for their presence, potentially coloring it with their corpses. But who count as children, how, when, where, and why are not at all settled questions. Drawing insights from what the 2015 film, Eye in the Sky, reveals about a key social technology of governance we have already internalized, I explore how childhood is itself a terrain of engagement in the (un)making of precision.; (AN 58106939)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58106939&site=ehost-live

4.

The pursuit of inclusion: Conditions for civil society inclusion in peace processes in communal conflicts in Kenya by Elfversson, Emma; Nilsson, Desirée. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Why are some peace processes in communal conflicts more inclusive of civil society actors than others? Inclusion of civil society actors, such as churches and religious leaders, women’s organizations, or youth groups, is seen as important for normative reasons, and studies also suggest that civil society inclusion can improve the prospects for durable peace. Yet, we have a very limited understanding of why we observe inclusion in some communal conflicts but not others. We address this gap by theorizing about various forms of civil society inclusion in local peace processes, and examining to what extent involvement by different types of third-party actors—governments, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)—may contribute to inclusion. Empirically, we draw on a combination of cross-case and in-depth data covering peace negotiations in communal conflicts in Kenya. The findings show that civil society was less frequently included as facilitators when the government was involved as a third party, while inclusion in the form of direct participation of civil society in negotiations, or via involvement in the implementation phase, was equally common across different types of third-party actors. Our study thus provides important new insights regarding how inclusion plays out in communal conflicts.; (AN 58041093)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58041093&site=ehost-live

5.

Militarization of childhood(s) in Donbas: ‘Growing together with the Republic’ by Hoban, Iuliia. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This essay critically examines how the militarization of childhood(s) takes place in the Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics. The intensification of hostilities in Eastern Ukraine in mid-2014 has had a profound impact on local populations, particularly children. While no systematic recruitment and participation of children in conflict has been reported, childhood has become what Agathangelou and Killian would characterize as a ‘site for displacement and maneuvering for militarization.’ Drawing on feminist methodologies, I examine processes of the militarization of children’s everyday lives. This article investigates a range of ways in which authorities of proto-states in the Donbas region address children as participants and potential collaborators in the processes of militarization. In my analysis, I examine how war and preparation for it are simultaneously co-constituted by the geopolitical—legitimation of new proto-states—and everyday practices, such as engaging with school curricula, visiting museums, and (re)inventing historical narratives. Understanding of mechanisms that militarize childhood and how children become subjects and objects of militarization allows for a critical analysis that reveals spaces of everyday violence. This article, therefore, enhances our understanding about the intersections of childhood, militarism, and security.; (AN 57427679)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57427679&site=ehost-live

6.

Temporality and contextualisation in Peace and Conflict Studies: The forgotten value of war memoirs and personal diaries by Mac Ginty, Roger. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article contributes to debates on appropriate levels of analysis, temporality, and the utility of fieldwork in relation to Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS), and International Relations more generally. It observes a recentism or privileging of the recent past in our studies and a consequent overlooking of the longer term. As a corrective, the article investigates the extent to which wartime memoirs and personal diaries (specifically from World War I and World War II) can help inform the study of contemporary peace and conflict. In essence, the article is a reflection on the epistemologies and methodologies employed by PCS and an investigation of the need for greater contextualisation.; (AN 58106938)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58106938&site=ehost-live

7.

Contestation and norm change in whale and elephant conservation: Non-use or sustainable use? by Peez, Anton; Zimmermann, Lisbeth. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Elephants and whales took center stage in the environmental movements of the 1980s. As flagship species, they were the poster children of global initiatives: international ivory trading and commercial whaling were banned in the 1980s in the context of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the International Whaling Commission (IWC), respectively. While the conservation of both species is contested, we observe a change of existing norms in one case but not in the other: A moratorium on commercial whaling remains in place. Meanwhile, a limited shift to sustainable use regarding ivory was passed in 1997/2000. We ask why norm change occurred in one case but not the other, given their similarities. We argue that the difference can be explained by the perceived legitimacy of the claims of norm challengers using arguments of “affectedness” and the breadth of issues covered by CITES. In contrast, other factors commonly discussed in norms research do not explain this puzzle: the relative power and strategies of norm advocates and challengers, and the degree of legalization. This shows the interplay of discursive aspects and concrete institutional opportunities for norm change, even in the face of otherwise inopportune conditions.; (AN 58023644)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58023644&site=ehost-live

8.

Driving liberal change? Global performance indices as a system of normative stratification in liberal international order by Rumelili, Bahar; Towns, Ann E.. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: The existing literature on Global Performance Indices (GPIs) is mostly dominated by unit-level analyses focused on specifying the relevant properties of the GPIs and the motivations of state actors in being influenced by GPIs. This article advances a systemic approach, which conceives of GPIs as collectively constituting a system of normative stratification in International Relations (IR). By bringing together the literature on GPIs with the relevant IR literatures on international hierarchies and status-seeking, we identify the structural attributes of the GPI-based system of stratification, how these structural attributes shape the distribution of normative status positions among states, and how this distribution is likely to condition the pursuit of status by states. In particular, we argue that the disaggregated structure and relative ranking of states, respectively, generate status ambiguity and immobility, which both dissuade states from seeking higher moral status through improving their scores in the existing indices. We illustrate the patterns of status ambiguity and immobility present in the GPI-based system of stratification through an empirical analysis of the scores and rank positions of the United States, European Union (EU) members, and “rising powers” in five different indices in the past decade.; (AN 58305424)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58305424&site=ehost-live

9.

Statehood and recognition in world politics: Towards a critical research agenda by Visoka, Gëzim. Cooperation and Conflict, 20210101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article offers a critical outlook on existing debates on state recognition and proposes future research directions. It argues that existing knowledge on state recognition and the dominant discourses, norms and practices needs to be problematized and freed from power-driven, conservative, positivist and legal interpretations and reoriented in new directions in order to generate more critical, contextual and emancipatory knowledge. The article proposes two major areas for future research on state recognition, which should: (a) expose the politics of knowledge, and positionality, and seek epistemic justice and decolonization of state recognition studies; and (b) study more thoroughly recognitionality techniques encompassing diplomatic discourses, performances and entangled agencies. Accordingly, this article seeks to promote a long overdue debate on the need for re-visioning state recognition in world politics.; (AN 57894417)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57894417&site=ehost-live

 

11

Current History
Volume 119, no. 817, May 2020

Record

Results

1.

Chiefs, Democracy, and Development in Contemporary Africa by Baldwin, Kate. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p163-168, 6p; Abstract: “Traditional chiefs have a special ability to organize collective responses to local problems in many communities.” Eighth in a series on ways of governing around the world.; (AN 53097580)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097580&site=ehost-live

2.

Sudan’s Rule of Law Revolution by Massoud, Mark. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p169-174, 6p; Abstract: “Sudan’s weakened legal infrastructure and its enduring respect for the rule of law remain the country’s best hope for achieving sustainable peace and justice.”; (AN 53097575)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097575&site=ehost-live

3.

How Informal Transport Systems Drive African Cities by Agbiboa, Daniel. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p175-181, 7p; Abstract: “Africa’s informal transport sector is likely to continue to drive mass mobility well into the future and remain central to urban economies and the production of new city forms.”; (AN 53097573)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097573&site=ehost-live

4.

African Popular Culture Enters the Global Mainstream by Krings, Matthias; Simmert, Tom. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p182-187, 6p; Abstract: “Africa was long seen primarily as an importer of global cultural forms, but it is now on the verge of becoming a major exporter of popular culture to the world.”; (AN 53097578)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097578&site=ehost-live

5.

African Decolonization’s Past and Present Trajectories by Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p188-193, 6p; Abstract: “Decolonization has reemerged as a compelling vision of a better future.”; (AN 53097577)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097577&site=ehost-live

6.

Perspective: ‘Carpe DM’: Seizing the Afropolitan Day by Mokoena, Hlonipha. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p194-196, 3p; Abstract: A new generation of writers and artists has created a sensibility that is rooted in Africa, yet connected with a global diaspora. Its ethos of black internationalism has many forebears.; (AN 53097579)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097579&site=ehost-live

7.

Books: Black Travel and Presence in the Building of South Africa by Turner, Robin. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p197-199, 3p; Abstract: Kruger National Park, a celebrated safari destination, has a long history with black South Africans. A new book shows how black elites engaged in tourism even under apartheid.; (AN 53097574)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097574&site=ehost-live

8.

The Month in Review: March 2020 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 p200-200, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in March, country by country, day by day.; (AN 53097576)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097576&site=ehost-live

9.

Map of Africa by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2020, Vol. 119 Issue: Number 817 pmap-map; Abstract: Regional map; (AN 53097581)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=53097581&site=ehost-live

 

12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 32, no. 6, August 2021

Record

Results

1.

On Terrorist Groups: An Introduction by Gaibulloev, Khusrav; Sandler, Todd. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p637-643, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces the contents of this special issue on terrorist groups. After some general remarks, we review essential concepts germane to the issue’s eight articles. Those concepts include the notion of terrorist groups and their alternative ideologies and goals. Differences between domestic and transnational terrorist attacks are briefly reviewed along with time-series plots of such attacks during 1970–2019. Other plots compare and contrast leftist and religious fundamentalist terrorist groups based on their number of attacks and active groups during 1970–2016. The introduction is devoted mainly to highlighting the individual articles and their contributions.; (AN 58373562)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373562&site=ehost-live

2.

Determinants of Home-Base Attacks by Terrorist Groups by Gaibulloev, Khusrav; Sandler, Todd. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p644-663, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAre terrorist groups with multiple home bases more or less predisposed to direct their violence at home or abroad? Moreover, what are the determinants of home-base terrorist attacks? We address those and related questions using the Extended Data on Terrorist Groups for 1970–2016. In so doing, we find that religious terrorist groups are less inclined than groups with other ideologies to conduct home-base attacks. In addition, multi-base terrorist groups are more apt to attack within their base country or countries after, but not before, 1990. In addition, our empirics indicate that terrorist groups with an empire goal are more inclined to attack outside their home base than groups possessing other goals (e.g., policy change or territorial ambitions). Democracy encourages home-base terrorist attacks.; (AN 58373560)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373560&site=ehost-live

3.

An Analysis of Terrorist Group Formation, 1860—1969 by Tschantret, Joshua; Yang, Yufan; Nam, Hoshik. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p664-680, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA number of new and exciting datasets on terrorist groups have been created in recent years. However, most data have limited temporal coverage. In this article, we explore a dataset of historical terrorist groups formed between 1860 and 1969 to determine which insights from the terrorism literature are generalizable over time. A cursory look into the dataset reveals several trends that have been overlooked by both the qualitative historical terrorism literature and the quantitative contemporary terrorism literature. We also perform an econometric analysis of terrorist group formation to test hypotheses derived from the extant research. Our results show limited support for existing hypotheses, although civil society participation appears consistently associated with terrorist group formation.; (AN 58373559)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373559&site=ehost-live

4.

Class Warfare: Political Exclusion of the Poor and the Roots of Social-Revolutionary Terrorism, 1860-1950 by Meierrieks, Daniel; Krieger, Tim; Klotzbücher, Valentin. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p681-697, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe examine the effect of class cleavages on terrorist activity by anarchist and leftist terrorist groups in 99 countries over the 1860–1950 period. We find that higher levels of political exclusion of the poor, our main measure of class conflict, were associated with higher levels of social-revolutionary terrorist activity during this time period. This finding is robust to an instrumental-variable approach and further robustness checks. We argue that class cleavages – in the form of the monopolization of political power by the rich – perpetuated and exacerbated the socio-economic ordeal of the poor, while simultaneously curtailing their means to effect relief in the ordinary political process. Consistent with our expectations, this provoked terrorist violence by groups whose ideological orientation highlighted concerns over class conflict, economic equality and the political participation of the poor. Indeed, our empirical analysis also shows that terrorist groups motivated by other ideologies (e.g. extreme nationalism) did not respond to political exclusion of the poor in the same manner, which further emphasizes the role of ideological inclinations in the terrorist response to class antagonisms.; (AN 58373558)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373558&site=ehost-live

5.

The Formation of Terrorist Groups: An Empirical Analysis by Hou, Dongfang. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p698-707, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the determinants of terrorist group formation. Using a series of negative binomial regressions with both time and country fixed effects, this paper finds that population, state failure, and civil wars are positive determinants of terrorist group formation. Per capita income has an inverted U-shaped relationship with the incubation of terrorist groups, while regime type is not a significant indicator of the establishment of new terrorist groups. This paper contributes to the existing literature by taking the annual number of newly formed terrorist groups as the dependent variable and extending the time frame of previous research with the help of a recently published dataset.; (AN 58373556)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373556&site=ehost-live

6.

Why Some Rebel Organizations Attack Americans by Asal, Victor; Linebarger, Christopher; Jadoon, Amira; Greig, J. Michael. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p708-725, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHating America – and attacking Americans – can seem like a mandatory activity for rebels; yet, only a minority of rebel groups actually harm Americans. Under what circumstances do rebel groups target Americans? To answer these questions, we leverage the Big Allied And Dangerous 2 data – Insurgency subsample (BAAD2-I). Our model focuses on two classes of rebel motives: direct and indirect. Direct motives are those in which Americans play a central role in rebel group grievances. They include ideology, deployment of American troops, and American support for rebels’ government-based opponents. Indirect motives are those that encourage anti-American attacks because of their powerful symbolic value. This distinction speaks to ongoing policy debates within the United States about the most effective policy instruments to defeat extremism abroad. Contrary to common perceptions, we find that attacks on Americans are unrelated to group ideology. Instead, deployment of American troops and military assistance is positively associated with attacks on Americans, as is economic penetration. Conversely, rebel groups in countries with substantial exports to the US or featuring a long-term presence of American cultural artifacts are less likely to attack Americans. Our findings highlight the value of a ‘soft power’ orientation in American foreign policy.; (AN 58373554)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373554&site=ehost-live

7.

The Impact of Rural-Urban Economic Disparities on Terrorist Organizations’ Survival and Attacks by Piazza, James A.. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p726-741, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis study investigates the influence of rural-urban economic disparities on the survival and tactical choices of resident terrorist groups. These disparities inflame social and ethnic group grievances and erode the state’s capacity to police its rural hinterlands, thereby motivating support for terrorists and providing resident terrorist groups with the ability to attack with impunity. Based on the Extended Data on Terrorist Groups (EDTG), survival analysis shows that rural-urban disparities foster terrorist group survival. Other empirical methods – negative binomial regressions and competing risk analysis – indicate how rural-urban disparities and other controls affect resident terrorist groups’ campaigns and prospects. With mediation tests, rural-urban inequalities are shown to benefit terrorist groups by increasing social group grievances and by limiting host state’s control over territory.; (AN 58373561)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373561&site=ehost-live

8.

Strategic Interaction of Governments and Terrorist Groups in Times of Economic Hardship by Tokdemir, Efe; Klein, Graig R.. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p742-756, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen governments’ ability to maintain power is threatened, they use any tool at their disposal to re-establish or boost their survival. In this paper, we theorize dyadic strategic choices and interactions between governments and domestic terrorist groups in times of economic turmoil. We contend that governments are more likely to increase their targeting of domestic terrorist groups, which provides legitimate opportunities to divert public attention from economic concerns and rally individuals around the flag. Meanwhile, observing such incentives, domestic terrorist groups make strategic decisions similar to those of interstate actors by either decreasing their attacks (strategic conflict avoidance) or increasing them (strategic conflict seeking) to add an inability to provide safety and security to the government’s existing struggles. We test these competing hypotheses by leveraging two recently released event datasets focusing on the Turkey-PKK conflict. Our findings contribute to the terrorism studies literature on decision-making and strategic choices, and broader scholarship about conflict processes by testing conflict dynamics at the domestic level.; (AN 58373557)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373557&site=ehost-live

9.

Competition from Within: Ethnicity, Power, and Militant Group Rivalry by Conrad, Justin; Greene, Kevin T.; Phillips, Brian J.; Daly, Samantha. Defence and Peace Economics, August 2021, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p757-772, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do militant groups turn on each other? This behavior is somewhat puzzling, since such groups are often on the same side of a conflict. A growing body of literature seeks to understand political violence by looking at cooperative and competitive relationships among non-state actors. Debates continue about the sources of militant group rivalry. We argue that shared motivations, especially ethnic motivations, along with power differences among groups should help explain inter-group fighting. Our analysis uses new dyadic data on rivalry among the militant groups of Africa and Asia since 1990. Unlike some previous studies, we analyze both terrorist and insurgent organizations. Results suggest that pairs of groups with a shared ethnic identity are more likely than others to have rivalrous relationships. Power asymmetry is also somewhat associated with rivalry, but interaction models indicate that the association is only statistically significant in the presence of shared ethnic motivations.; (AN 58373555)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58373555&site=ehost-live

 

13

Defence Studies
Volume 21, no. 4, October 2021

Record

Results

1.

Remote warfare – Buzzword or Buzzkill? by Biegon, Rubrick; Rauta, Vladimir; Watts, Tom F. A.. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p427-446, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe debates around remote warfare have grown significantly over the last decade, leading to the term acquiring a certain buzz in the media, think-tank, and policy discourse. The lack of any serious attempt to reflect and take stock of this body of scholarship informs the scope of this special issue, in general, and of this article in particular. This paper addresses this former gap and, in doing so, serves a threefold purpose. First, to provide a state-of-the-art review of this emerging debate. Second, to both categorise what properties make a buzzword and to make the case for why existing remote warfare scholarship should be approached in this way. Third, to introduce how the various contributions to this special issue extend the debate’s conceptual, theoretical, and empirical parameters.; (AN 58241231)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241231&site=ehost-live

2.

Practising remote warfare: analysing the remote character of the Saudi/UAE intervention in Yemen by Stoddard, Ed; Toltica, Sorina. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p447-467, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent years have seen a significant growth in studies of “remote” and “distanced” forms of military intervention. At present however, few analyses have sought to explore the remote character of interventions beyond Western (especially US&UK) cases despite the fact that regional powers in other parts of the world are increasingly militarily active, particularly in the Middle East. This article seeks to look beyond US and UK cases of remote warfare and explore the remote character of the interventions of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates in Yemen (2015-to date). Using the notion of “practices” that emphasizes both change and continuity in the performance of remote warfare across different contexts, the article shows how Saudi and UAE remote warfare practices show variation both from the US and UK examples and from each other in terms of strategic logics, tactics and the benefits of remoteness. This focus on practices allows us to move beyond debates about what remote warfare is, and who uses it, and permits a broader discussion about change and continuity in the way remote warfare is implemented.; (AN 58241230)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241230&site=ehost-live

3.

Remote killing? Remoteness, covertness, and the US government’s involvement in assassination by Trenta, Luca. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p468-488, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe recent assassinations of General Soleimani and Mohsen Fakhrizadeh have renewed debates surrounding governments’ use of assassination. Some commentators have interpreted these episodes as an escalation in practices of “remote warfare.” Recently, the literature on remote warfare has expanded to include multiple activities at – and below – the threshold of war. From its original focus on geographical distance, “remoteness” now encompasses the “political” distance of deployments of force. In this understanding, “remoteness” has blurred the line separating the methods used to deploy force and the ways – overt or covert – in which they are deployed. Having highlighted the role of covertness, this article establishes that assassination should be included in the “remote warfare” canon. A study of the US government’s involvement in assassination permits us to elucidate the interplay between remoteness and covertness. The article shows that a deeper engagement with the assassination as a tool of US foreign policy provides two main advantages. First, it permits us to better historicise the “opacity” and “political distance” of practices associated with “remote warfare.” Second, it helps unveil the origins of the legal, political, and technological infrastructures that currently sustain much of the US government’s global “remote wars.”; (AN 58241229)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241229&site=ehost-live

4.

Remote warfare as “security of being”: reading security force assistance as an ontological security routine by Riemann, Malte; Rossi, Norma. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p489-507, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses remote warfare from an ontological security perspective, arguing that remote warfare needs to be understood as a response to states’ internal self-identity needs. We develop this claim by analysing an emerging aspect of remote warfare: Security Force Assistance (SFA). SFA is aimed at building up the security forces of partners, sharing best practice, assisting in security sector reform, fostering collaboration, and overall contributing to conflict resolution. Focusing on the UK, we show how and why ontological security needs are a driving force behind the UK’s SFA program. We outline the UK’s specific autobiographical narrative, which we call a “global engagement identity,” explore the crises that induced ontological insecurity, and show how the UK’s SFA program can be read as a routinised foreign policy practice aimed at taming uncertainty and reinforcing ontological security. This paper makes three contributions. First, it analyses remote warfare through an ontological security framework, thereby moving the focus from “security-as-survival” to “security-of-being.” Second, it highlights the importance of SFA as a remote warfare tool. Third, it shows the centrality of ontological security in understanding UK defence policy.; (AN 58241228)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241228&site=ehost-live

5.

Revisiting the remoteness of remote warfare: US military intervention in Libya during Obama’s presidency by Watts, Tom F.A.; Biegon, Rubrick. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p508-527, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper aims to develop the study of remote warfare’s constitutive “remoteness.” It proposes a novel definition of remoteness as the degree of the American public’s socio-psychological detachment from the realities of political violence fought at a physical distance from the continental United States, as mediated through spectatorship of the use of military force. The remoteness of remote warfare has physical, psychological, and social properties. We argue that it exists on a continuum subject to change over time and should not be approached as a fixed condition measured solely by the physical distance separating combatants involved in armed fighting or as the use of various weapons technologies. The numerous dynamics associated with the remoteness of remote warfare are illustrated through an examination of American military intervention in Libya during Obama’s presidency. From the height of the 2011 NATO intervention in the country onwards, US military operations in Libya became more “remote” for the American public. Whilst other contextual factors contributed toward this outcome, we argue that the diminished spectacle surrounding the 2016 Operation Odyssey Lightning helps explain the American public’s increasing remoteness from military intervention in Libya.; (AN 58241232)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241232&site=ehost-live

6.

Remote warfare and the legitimacy of military capabilities by McDonald, Jack. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p528-544, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary power relies upon military capabilities, generated by organisations, infrastructure, and defence establishments. This paper highlights the importance of remote warfare to research on the transformation of military power in the contemporary world. It draws attention to the relationship between military capabilities that enable states to intervene in physically distant conflicts and their political legitimacy. It argues that remote warfare is best understood as a family resemblance of legitimacy problems associated with military capabilities, rather than a category of warfare, set of tactics, or strategy. It then identifies a framework for understanding the varied types of legitimacy problems associated with remote warfare: remote warfare consists of a set of problems that examine how military capabilities affect the ability of states to act without violating international norms, governments to act without violating domestic constraints, the ability of governments to control their exposure to interventions at distance, and their ability to avoid responsibility for the consequences. The importance of this approach is highlighted by the way that it helps to explain the importance of controversies over military infrastructure used to support interventions and therefore highlights the importance of work on remote warfare for the wider study of military transformation and military power.; (AN 58241227)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241227&site=ehost-live

7.

A conceptual critique of remote warfare by Rauta, Vladimir. Defence Studies, October 2021, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p545-572, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper presents a conceptual critique of “remote warfare.” It argues that “remote warfare” is more of a trendy term than a robust concept. In support of this assessment, this paper makes two arguments. First, that there is a lack of clarity in the debate over what “remote warfare” is: namely, the literature is yet to explain what it entails. Second, that because of this lack of definitional specificity, we also lack an account of its analytical value: what intellectual leverage does it hold over existing terms making similar claims? The article discusses these points by expanding on the notion of “semantic field,” which it uses to assess how “remote warfare” contributes and is shaped by the broader conceptual confusion in the study of contemporary war and warfare.; (AN 58241233)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58241233&site=ehost-live

 

14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 37, no. 3, July 2021

Record

Results

1.

The decline of South Africa’s defence industry by Matthews, Ron; Koh, Collin. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p251-273, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe growth of South Africa’s apartheid era defence industry was propelled by international isolation following the 1984 UN arms embargo and revealed military technology deficiencies during the border war. Weapons innovation became an imperative, fostering development of frontier technologies and upgrades of legacy platforms that drove expansion in arms exports. However, this golden era was not to last. The 1994 election of the country’s first democratic government switched resources from military to human security. The resultant defence-industrial stagnation continues to this day, exacerbated by corruption, unethical sales, and government mismanagement. The industry’s survival into the 2020s cannot be assured.; (AN 57916420)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916420&site=ehost-live

2.

Defining cyberwar: towards a definitional framework by Ashraf, Cameran. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p274-294, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor nearly thirty years scholars have offered changing definitions of cyberwar. The continued ambiguity demonstrates that efforts at establishing definitional clarity have not been successful. As a result, there are many different and contradictory definitions, ranging from cyberwar’s non-existence to cyberwar as an imminent threat. Ongoing definitional ambiguity makes interdisciplinary research and policy communications challenging in this diverse field. Instead of offering a new definition, this paper proposes that cyberwar can be understood through a fluid framework anchored in three themes and five variables identified in a broad interdisciplinary survey of literature. This framework's applicability is demonstrated by constructing an example definition of cyberwar utilising these themes and variables.; (AN 57916418)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916418&site=ehost-live

3.

Strategic utility of security sector assistance, from a small state perspective by Kristiansen, Marius; Hoem, Njål. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p295-327, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn a world of global interdependent security, the West is increasingly involved in the stability of all regions that could directly or indirectly influence national interests. To this end, security sector assistance(SSA), with its’ perceived favourable effect-to-resource-ratio, has become somewhat of a panacea. For small states, coalition SSA has become the wayto pursue own ambitions with military means internationally. But SSA is a difficult task, especially for miniscule contributors with scarce resources. We therefore ask: How can small states achieve the highest yield from their SSA-efforts?From a Norwegian perspective, and focusing on the SOF component, this article provides a practitioner’s view on how to increase the military contribution to strategic utility. Through understanding the wicked problemSSA represents, and adhering to the principles of long-term commitment, vertical implementation,and specialised skillsets, we argue small states might gain a disproportionate advantage allowing them to punch above own weight.; (AN 57916419)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916419&site=ehost-live

4.

How are drones being flown over the gray zone? by Hwang, Won-June. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p328-345, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDrones have been affecting many areas since their advent, including conflicts between states. Used as a coercive measure, how they are flown by measured or limited revisionists can be understood in terms of the gray zone strategy. The concept of the gray zone is somewhere between peace and war, and the gray zone strategy enables revisionists to gradually alter the status quo without triggering war or overt conflict. Both theoretically and empirically, drones could be a useful tool in gray zone conflicts. This paper attempts to specify and organise such operations according to the question: “How are drones being flown over the gray zone?” Revisionist states fly drones based on the salami tactic, or feigned innocence, or by putting them in the hands of proxy forces to expand gradually their interests and destabilise troubled regions; therefore, understanding drone strategy and considering counter-measures are indispensable for securing stability in such regions.; (AN 57916416)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916416&site=ehost-live

5.

Security and defence policy documents: a new dataset by Razeto, Sebastián Briones; Jenne, Nicole. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p346-363, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity and defence policy documents have sparked academic interest since their publication has become a common international practice in the 1990s. Yet, broad comparisons across time and countries have been scarce. This article presents information from a new dataset on security and defence documents published by OECD countries. Specifically, we analyse what type of documents were published by each country between 1990 and 2019, which security concerns they identify, and what level of importance is given to different agendas of security and defence. The dataset reveals an unexpected level of diversity, including an apparent lack of a common framework even among countries belonging to NATO or the European Union. In terms of content, there was a recent recurrence of traditional security topics, along with the prominence of some newer ones. Overall, the documents reveal a surprising lack of consistency and completeness with regards to provisions for policy execution.; (AN 57916414)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916414&site=ehost-live

6.

Analysing armed forces transformation: methodology and visualisation by Mantovani, Mauro; Müllhaupt, Ralf. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p364-380, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is scant research on models for visualising strategies retrospectively. The authors present a new analytical, visual methodology for assessing the transformation of armed forces, which is usually considered to be the “second dimension” of strategy. It is novel and generally applicable to armed forces, and additionally provides several benefits, in particular with regard to its synoptic character. The methodology translates a sociological approach into strategic studies, a discipline which has not really developed its own yet. It is exemplified by means of the (airborne part of the) Swiss Air Force's transformation since the end of the Cold War.; (AN 57916417)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916417&site=ehost-live

7.

The maritime turn in EU foreign and security policies – aims, actors, and mechanisms of integration by Larsson, Oscar L.. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p381-383, 3p; (AN 57916415)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916415&site=ehost-live

8.

Border Frictions: Gender, Generation and Technology on the Frontline by Perret, Sarah. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2021, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p383-385, 3p; (AN 57916421)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=57916421&site=ehost-live

 

15

Democratization
Volume 28, no. 8, November 2021

Record

Results

1.

Communicative responsiveness in the Mexican Senate: a field experiment by Bárcena Juárez, Sergio A.; Kerevel, Yann P.. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1387-1405, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat motivates legislators to respond to citizen-initiated contacts about policy positions in party-centred systems with limited re-election incentives? We argue legislators are more responsive to individual citizens when they are being contacted about high-profile, salient policy issues, and when they have the relevant experience and staff resources to attend to individual requests. Using a field experiment where we email Mexican senators about their policy positions before casting eight different floor votes across nine months, we find substantial support for our argument. The article challenges the notion of re-election-based responsiveness by arguing that issue-visibility, access to individual resources, and personal political experience explain variation in communicative responsiveness in party-centred legislatures. Such findings hold critical implications for theories of democratic representation, suggesting the incentive to establish significant communicative relations with constituents does not only stem from incentives to cultivate a personal vote.; (AN 58201619)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201619&site=ehost-live

2.

Biometrics and the disciplining of democracy: technology, electoral politics, and liberal interventionism in Chad by Debos, Marielle. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1406-1422, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn a large number of countries in Africa, biometric identification technologies have become a key element of voter registration procedures. Based on an in-depth study of biometric voter registration in Chad, a country marked by a long history of political violence, the article explains how the technology has been construed as a “solution” to address a situation labelled as a political crisis. To make sense of the unlikely introduction of biometrics in Chad, two main elements are considered: the socially constituted belief in the potential of biometrics and – paradoxically – the unfulfilled promises and fallibility of that same technology. Combining the literature on biometrics, election technologies, and liberal democracy promotion, the analysis concludes that biometric voter registration is a disciplining technology. In addition to capturing the personal data of individuals, it fosters the framing of democracy in narrow technological and procedural terms.; (AN 58201621)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201621&site=ehost-live

3.

Voting and winning: perceptions of electoral integrity in consolidating democracies by Mochtak, Michal; Lesschaeve, Christophe; Glaurdić, Josip. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1423-1441, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do voters in consolidating democracies see electoral integrity? How does election affect the change in perception of electoral integrity among these voters? What role does winning play in seeing an election as free and fair? Building on the theory of the winner-loser gap, we answer these questions using original two-wave panel surveys we conducted before and after three parliamentary elections in Southeast Europe in 2018 and 2020. The article focuses on changes of perception of electoral integrity as a function of satisfaction with the electoral results in contexts where the quality of elections has always been at the centre of political conflict. We specifically explore the socialization effect of elections in environments with notoriously low trust in political institutions and high electoral stakes. The article goes beyond the “sore loser” hypothesis and examines voters’ both political preferences and personal characteristics potentially responsible for the change in perception of electoral integrity over the course of electoral cycle.; (AN 58201625)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201625&site=ehost-live

4.

Unravelling democratic erosion: who drives the slow death of democracy, and how? by Kneuer, Marianne. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1442-1462, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEmpirical evidence points to democratic erosion as dominant pattern in Post-Cold War cases. The debate about democratic erosion so far remains fragmented due to the proliferation of labels, and the lack of conceptualization and a shared definition. This paper presents a concept of democratic erosion as a route of “slow death” of democracy developing three definatory features: agency, opportunity and sequencing. Regarding the drivers of this change, the argument presented here is actor-centered, conceiving democratic erosion as a process shaped by the intentionality and systematic actions of an erosion agent. In view of the mechanism, the article introduces sequencing as specific logic of action that is able to explain the incremental dismantling. This logic of action is derived inductively from the Venezuelan case and illustrates the pattern of active and intentional change of rules realized in sequenced hollowing out of democratic structures, processes, norms, and principles. Five developed sequences serve as framework for the analysis of democratic erosion.; (AN 58201629)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201629&site=ehost-live

5.

Ideology and succession politics in Ethiopia: autocratic leadership turnover and political instability by Opalo, Ken Ochieng’; Smith, Lahra. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1463-1482, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent scholarship on the institutionalization of politics in Africa has highlighted the consolidation of constitutional leadership turnover in electoral democracies. However, leadership turnover is not limited to democracies, and is increasingly also regularized in a subset of non-democratic regimes ruled by dominant parties. Why have some dominant ruling parties in Africa been able to facilitate leadership turnover while others have not? With evidence from a detailed case study of Ethiopia’s leadership transitions, we argue that the historical persistence of ideology and its institutional expressions are important drivers of dominant parties’ ability to manage leadership turnover. In Ethiopia, the ideology of ethno-national self-determination (forged in the 1960s) influenced political development for decades, culminating in the adoption of constitutional ethnic federalism and the creation of a ruling party alliance comprised of ethno-national parties. This institutional backdrop defined the contours of transitions in 2012 and 2018. It also explains contestations over the nature of federalism in Ethiopia, including the outbreak of conflict in Tigray in 2020. In addition to highlighting the role of ideology in African politics, this paper brings a comparative perspective to the study of Ethiopia, a country that is often studied in isolation.; (AN 58201630)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201630&site=ehost-live

6.

Elections, legitimacy, and compliance in authoritarian regimes: evidence from the Arab world by Williamson, Scott. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1483-1504, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTElections have been theorized to bolster compliance with authoritarian regimes by strengthening their coercive capacity, their ability to co-opt, and their legitimacy. While a growing body of research supports the coercive and co-optive functions of these elections, there is little systematic empirical evidence regarding elections’ contributions to the legitimacy of autocrats. This article draws on survey data from eight authoritarian countries in the Arab world to show that respondents who perceive elections as freer and fairer are more likely to express acceptance of the regime's right to govern and less likely to participate in political protests, even when they disapprove of the regime's performance. In addition, a survey experiment implemented in Egypt and Morocco provides causal evidence that perceptions of electoral quality impact legitimacy beliefs and expressed willingness to protest. The findings indicate the importance of studying how authoritarian institutions influence popular beliefs about the legitimacy of autocratic rulers.; (AN 58201631)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201631&site=ehost-live

7.

A business case for democracy: regime type, growth, and growth volatility by Knutsen, Carl Henrik. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1505-1524, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTI present a business case for democracy, focusing on the impact of democracy on economic growth. This relationship is widely studied, and results have been less robust for growth than many other development outcomes such as literacy or infant mortality. I discuss four factors pertaining to data quality and modelling choices, suggesting that several previous studies have underestimated the growth-benefits of democracy. I further discuss the relationships between democracy and economic crises and variation in economic performance. By mitigating abysmal economic outcomes and ensuring more stable performance, democracy is generally of benefit to risk-averse entrepreneurs, investors, workers, and consumers alike.; (AN 58201632)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201632&site=ehost-live

8.

Group organization, elections and urban political mobilization in the developing world by Thomson, Henry; Buhaug, Halvard; Urdal, Henrik; Rosvold, Elisabeth. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1525-1544, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTElections generate incentives for contention and violence. However, collective action problems mute responses to strategic incentives by unorganized individuals, relative to organized groups. Variation in the severity of collective action problems and the degree of strategic behaviour results in distinct patterns of mobilization across these two types of groups that have been overlooked in previous literature. We explore variation in organized and unorganized political mobilization and violence at elections using new event data for over one hundred cities in the developing world from 1960 to 2014. We find that organized groups are more likely to mobilize before elections to influence their outcome, and under permissive opportunity structures at moderate levels of democracy. Mobilization by unorganized individuals occurs at and directly after elections but does not vary by regime type. Distinct mobilization patterns across group type are a major addition to our understanding of the link between elections, democracy, contention and violence.; (AN 58201633)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201633&site=ehost-live

9.

The machinery of #techno-colonialism crafting “democracy.” A glimpse into digital sub-netizenship in Mexico by Durán Matute, Inés; Camarena González, Rodrigo. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1545-1563, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article elaborates the concepts of techno-colonialism and sub-netizenship to explore the renewal of colonial processes through the digitalization of “democracy.” Techno-colonialism is conceived as a frame – adopted consciously and unconsciously – that shapes capitalist social relations and people's political participation. Today, this frame appeals to the idealized netizen, a global, free, equal and networked subject that gains full membership to a political community. Meanwhile, sub-netizenship is the novel political subordination because of race, ethnicity, class, gender, language, temporality, and geography within a global matrix that crosses the analogue-digital dimensions of life. This techno-colonialism/sub-netizenship dynamic manifested in the experience of Marichuy as an indigenous independent precandidate for the Mexican presidential elections of 2018. In a highly unequal and diverse country, aspirants required a tablet or smartphone to collect citizen support via a monolinguistic app only accessible to Google or Facebook users. Our analysis reveals how some individuals are excluded and disenfranchised by digital innovation but still resist a legal system that seeks to homogenize them and render them into legible and marketable data.; (AN 58201634)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201634&site=ehost-live

10.

Stability through constraints: the impact of fiscal rules on autocratic survival by Aaskoven, Lasse; Grundholm, Alexander Taaning. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1564-1582, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA growing literature has investigated the role that formal and informal economic institutions play for autocratic survival. However, this literature has, so far, ignored a type of formal economic institution that has grown in importance among both democracies and non-democracies in recent decades, namely, national fiscal rules. In this article, we argue that fiscal rules can affect autocratic survival but that the effect is time-dependent. The introduction of a stricter fiscal rules framework causes short-term fiscal retrenchment and might increase the uncertainty among regime supporters about the provision of future patronage and spoils. However, stricter fiscal rules also improve long-term fiscal management and, thus, increase investor confidence and economic performance in the long run. Consequently, fiscal rules stabilize autocratic regimes in the long run but not in the short run. Fixed-effect estimations on a panel of autocracies from 1987 to 2016 provide substantial evidence in favour of this argument.; (AN 58201635)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201635&site=ehost-live

11.

The biopolitical president?: Sovereign power and democratic erosion in El Salvador by Hallock, Jeffrey T.; Call, Charles T.. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1583-1601, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStates have adopted a range of policies to address the COVID-19 pandemic. Some, mainly democracies like New Zealand and South Korea, took quick health measures without curbing citizen rights. Others, especially those led by populists like Bolsonaro and Erdogan, denied the seriousness of the health crisis even as they curbed political and civil rights. El Salvador is virtually unique in its COVID-19 response, combining a strong rhetorical commitment to health measures with clear efforts to undermine democratic controls and rights. President Nayib Bukele adopted an early travel ban and publicly vilified those who broke curfew by sending them and all who tested positive to quarantine centers for 30 days. He derided and defied Constitutional Chamber decisions against such practices, ordered militarized actions, and crowded gang-affiliated prisoners together in humiliating ways that risked exposure to COVID-19. We examine how Bukele’s policies conform to, and seemingly exemplify, Michel Foucault’s theoretical concepts of biopolitics and disciplinary power. However, the Salvadoran case also challenges key features of Foucault’s theory, suggesting the need to modify his Western assumptions about highly institutionalized states. Our analysis suggests that strong leaders can undercut citizen rights and agency, visible at the intersection of biopolitical social theory and democratic backsliding.; (AN 58201636)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201636&site=ehost-live

12.

COVID-19 and the “state of exception”: assessing institutional resilience in consolidated democracies – a comparative analysis of Italy and Portugal by De Angelis, Gabriele; de Oliveira, Emellin. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1602-1621, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow can we assess the institutional resilience of consolidated democracies in emergency situations? How can we know which regulations of the state of emergency best immunize democratic systems from intra- or inter-regime shifts? With the COVID-19 pandemic, these questions have become urgent. Although worries that intra- or inter-regime shifts may increase due to the proclamation of the state of emergency mainly target countries that were already prone to autocratization, specific complaints have been addressed at undue impingements on fundamental rights in consolidated democracies, too. In most of the current indexes, the presence or absence of certain institutional features is usually considered as per se sufficient to determine the degree of a system’s resilience. Instead, our analysis suggests that these criteria ought to be used as heuristics in the context of an in-depth analysis of institutional mechanisms. This would lead to a reformulation of how such indexes are made. In order to make this point, the article presents a qualitative methodology based on the classical theory of the “state of exception”, taking the divergent cases of Italy and Portugal as an illustration.; (AN 58201637)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201637&site=ehost-live

13.

Turkey between Democracy and Authoritarianism, by Kütükoğlu, Ahmet. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1622-1623, 2p; (AN 58201615)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201615&site=ehost-live

14.

Electoral politics in Africa since 1990: continuity in change by Sookrajowa, Sheetal Sheena. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1624-1625, 2p; (AN 58201617)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201617&site=ehost-live

15.

Dynamics of Democracy in Taiwan: The Ma Ying-jeou Years by Chau, Wai Fong. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1625-1627, 3p; (AN 58201623)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201623&site=ehost-live

16.

Political meritocracy and populism: cure or curse? by Baykan, Toygar Sinan. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1627-1629, 3p; (AN 58201622)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201622&site=ehost-live

17.

How Information Warfare Shaped the Arab Spring: the politics of narrative in Tunisia and Egypt by Mami, Fouad. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1629-1631, 3p; (AN 58201624)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201624&site=ehost-live

18.

The roots of revolts: a political economy of Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak by Polimeno, Maria Gloria. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1631-1633, 3p; (AN 58201626)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201626&site=ehost-live

19.

Redrafting Constitutions in Democratic Regimes. Theoretical and comparative perspectives by Llanos, Mariana. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1633-1635, 3p; (AN 58201627)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201627&site=ehost-live

20.

The Masks of the Political God. Religion and Political Parties in Contemporary Democracies by Ozturk, Ahmet Erdi. Democratization, November 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 8 p1635-1636, 2p; (AN 58201628)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58201628&site=ehost-live

 

16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 29, no. 2, April 2021

Record

Results

1.

Identity Politics as Pretext and Prediction: Vote-Buying and Group Boundaries in Ukraine by Schlegel, Simon. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2021, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p113-133, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines identity discourses in Ukraine through the functions they perform in political clientelism. The cases analyzed here suggest two such functions. First, identity politics can serve as a pretext for a patron to offer resources to the electorate, allegedly without expecting anything in exchange. Second, identity politics can help patrons to split clients into clear-cut groups and thereby make the exchange of resources for votes more predictable. A better understanding of these two functions will help improve explanations of the cataclysmic political changes that can occur if they fail.; (AN 55809336)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55809336&site=ehost-live

2.

Mixed Values and Societal Constraints: The Weak Prospects for Authoritarianism in Ukraine by Matsiyevsky, Yuriy. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2021, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p135-158, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:Given the global rise of illiberalism and Ukraine’s post-revolutionary turbulence, what are the risks that the war-torn society descends into authoritarianism? In contrast to numerous warnings, I argue that none of the modern forms of authoritarianism is likely to take hold in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Following the congruence thesis—the central concept of political culture theory, which posits that the regime is stable insofar as its authority pattern meets people’s authority beliefs—authoritarian congruence is hardly achievable in post-Euromaidan Ukraine thanks to citizens’ support for the liberal notion of democracy and emancipative values. Any attempt to impose authoritarian rule from above would face the cumulative resistance effect produced by structural, institutional, and agency-based factors.; (AN 55809337)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55809337&site=ehost-live

3.

The Belarusian Revolution: Sources, Interim Outcomes, and Lessons To Be Learned by Moshes, Arkady; Nizhnikau, Ryhor. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2021, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p159-181, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:This article combines insights from the literatures on revolutions and nonviolent protest with empirical analysis of recent developments in Belarus to assess the causes and outcomes of the Belarusian Revolution. It makes three interrelated arguments. First, structural conditions—the decline of the paternalist model of state-society relations and ongoing societal modernization—were the fundamental cause of the revolution. The popular revolt, in turn, was triggered by a set of tactical mistakes on the part of the ruling regime. Second, while the personalist regime showed its vulnerability, the opposition’s ideological, leadership, and organizational deficiencies, as well as the unfavorable international context, facilitated the regime’s survival in the short term. Finally, although the regime cannot return to the status quo ante and will apparently depart from the scene, there is an imminent risk that the domestic impasse will be broken by external actors, namely Russia, thus preventing the revolution from achieving its goals.; (AN 55809338)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55809338&site=ehost-live

4.

Strategic Transgressions: Russia’s Deviant Sovereignty and the Myth of Evgenii Prigozhin by Østbø, Jardar. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2021, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p183-207, 25p; Abstract: Abstract:This article is the first academic study of Russia as a “rogue state.” From a moderately constructivist perspective and relying on Nincic’s distinction between primary and secondary deviance, it examines the paradox that Russia demonstratively violates some norms of international relations while insisting on the primacy of international law. After reviewing the literature on rogue states and deviance in international relations, I outline the disagreements between Russia and the West on state sovereignty. In a depoliticized world, Russia’s insistence on Westphalian sovereignty is increasingly considered deviant or criminal. Officially, Russia protests this process. Unofficially, Russia actively defies it by dealing with warlords, supporting dictators, and projecting a criminal image. Key here are business structures that are allegedly linked to the infamous businessman Evgenii Prigozhin, the myth of whom conveys a message that Russia is the global master of “deviant sovereignty.”; (AN 55809339)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=55809339&site=ehost-live

 

17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 14, no. 3, September 2021

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the editor by Lemieux, Anthony F.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2021, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 3 p225-225, 1p; (AN 58027551)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58027551&site=ehost-live

2.

FinTech, terrorism-related fund transfers and behavioural finance by Phillips, Peter J.; McDermid, Benjamin. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2021, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 3 p226-246, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe arrival of “FinTech” – non-bank companies offering financial services through new technology – has changed the regulatory landscape of the financial markets. This is especially the case in the funds transfer market. While terrorist finance might have once been more at risk of detection in some jurisdictions than others, FinTech threatens to bring about a levelling of risk across jurisdictions. To what extent, though, do we expect decision-makers engaged in transferring funds for terrorism to switch seamlessly in response to changes in risk? Because terrorist finance requires choice under risk and uncertainty, it may be characterized by systematic patterns of error deriving from human decision-making processes. These errors cause delays, or “stickiness” in adaptation to new conditions and may provide openings for counter-terrorist finance (CTF).; (AN 58027555)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58027555&site=ehost-live

3.

Non-conventional anti-personnel landmines and sustainable livelihoods in Colombian rural areas by Jaramillo- Gutierrez, Carlos Augusto; Londoño-Pineda, Abraham Allec; Vélez Rojas, Oscar Alonso. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2021, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 3 p247-258, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of this study is to explore how sustainable livelihoods are affected by the presence of non-conventional anti-personnel landmines placed in rural areas by understanding the impact of anti-personnel landmines on different types of capital (natural, physical, financial, social, and human) that sustain rural livelihoods. This study focuses on Colombia because most of the anti-personnel landmines that have been laid by Colombian guerrilla groups are non-conventional, which makes it difficult to detect them. To solve this situation, new protocols have been generated that have allowed 225 municipalities to be certified as free of suspicion of anti-personnel mines. However, it is necessary to ascertain whether these certifications have mitigated the uncertainty generated in those who inhabit these territories. For this reason, a conceptual model is proposed, which should be validated in future research.; (AN 58027552)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58027552&site=ehost-live

4.

An exploration of right-wing extremist incidents in Atlantic Canada by Hofmann, David C.; Trofimuk, Brynn; Perry, Shayna; Hyslop-Margison, Caitlin. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2021, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 3 p259-281, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of Canadian right-wing extremism from a security context is in its infancy, with only a handful of empirical and theoretical studies emerging on the topic within the last decade. With the increase of right-wing extremism violence in Canada such as the 2014 Moncton shooting and the 2017 Quebec City mosque attack, there is a pressing need to better understand the breadth, depth, and extent of Canadian right-wing extremism. The current paper presents the preliminary findings from a larger cross-Canadian research project on right-wing extremism and focuses exclusively on Atlantic Canada (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland & Labrador, and Prince Edward Island). A comprehensive scoping of open-source documents of right-wing extremist incidents in Atlantic Canada from January 2000 to December 2019 and their related attributes were compiled into a dataset, and then used to explore the distribution, breadth, type, and extent of right-wing extremist activity in the Maritime provinces. Given the focus of previous research upon urban aspects of Canadian right-wing extremism, and that Atlantic Canada is more rural in comparison to the rest of Canada, the breakdown of occurrences of different types of right-wing extremist activities based upon rurality are also examined.; (AN 58027553)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58027553&site=ehost-live

5.

Correction Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2021, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 3 p282-282, 1p; (AN 58027554)
https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=58027554&site=ehost-live

MY ACCOUNT   |   CATALOG   |   NATO LIBGUIDES   |   JOURNAL TITLES   |   ASK A QUESTION