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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 27, no. 4, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

Do intergovernmental transfers affect the distribution of manufacturing production across regions in federal countries? Theory and evidence for Argentina by Moncarz, Pedro Esteban; Freille, Sebastián; Figueras, Alberto José; Grión, Nestor Clever. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p359-392, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe effect of changes in the distribution of top-to-bottom intergovernmental transfers on the location of manufacturing production is analysed using a modified version of the footloose capital model. An increase in the share of transfers received by a region increases its share of manufacturing production the larger are transaction costs; the larger is the share of transfers going directly to consumers; the larger is the share of manufacturing consumption vis-à-visnon-tradable consumption; and the easier consumers can substitute among manufacturing varieties. Using data for Argentina for 1983-2005, the empirical analysis appears to support the existence of two distinctive regimes, with smaller/poorer provinces benefiting in terms of the location of manufacturing production as a response to an increase in transfers. Also, for these provinces, the benefits are greater if they are politically aligned with the federal government, especially through the receipt of discretionary transfers. For large/rich provinces, the evidence is less conclusive.; (AN 42932423)
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2.

Sub-state diplomacy: Understanding the international opportunity structures by Royles, Elin. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p393-416, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDeveloping explanations for how sub-state governments are active internationally is central to understanding their unexpected growth as international actors. Building upon Lecours’ work [2002, Paradiplomacy: reflections on the foreign policy and international relations of regions, International Negotiation, Vol.7, pp.91–114], this article develops an expanded historical institutionalist analysis of the international agency of sub-state governments. Its original empirical contribution is utilizing this approach to examine within case variation across four contrasting policy domains in a case study of Wales. Reflecting the European Union sub-state mobilization literature, levels of constitutional powers are constrained in their capacity to account for Welsh sub-state international agency. Instead, the article highlights strong variation in the opportunity structures shaping sub-state diplomacy across policy domains. The article argues that institutional continuity and change, the prevalence of ‘path dependence’, can differ significantly between policy domains in sub-state diplomacy, argues for an expanded multi-level framework recognizing the impact of non-governmental organizations and international institutional opportunity structures and confirms historical institutionalism’s ability to enrich understanding of agency-structure relationships.; (AN 42932426)
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3.

Cooperation without the Leviathan: Intergovernmental policymaking in Canadian education by Wallner, Jennifer. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p417-440, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA staple of policymaking in any federation is intergovernmental cooperation, which can take the form of vertical initiatives between the central and substate governments or as horizontal initiatives among the substate governments themselves. Most research has focused the former whereby the central government often deploys powerful levers to encourage the constituent members to cooperate. Such accounts, however, cannot be applied to cases occurring without the influence of the proverbial Leviathan. This article sets out to identify conditions that may be conducive to horizontal cooperation, developing a set of propositions focusing on economic, institutional, and ideational factors. These propositions are then considered on three cases of cooperation with varying results in Canadian education. While no single factor can be identified as necessary and sufficient for horizontal cooperation, institutional and ideational conditions interacted in dynamic ways and appeared to play the leading roles in the outcomes presented here.; (AN 42932424)
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4.

Sovereign Wealth Fund and fiscal federalism in Nigeria (2011–14): An assessment of contending issues by Amusan, Lere; Saka, Luqman; Omede, Adedoyin Jolade. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p441-463, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter more than half a century as a leading oil-producing nation in Africa, Nigeria followed the footsteps of most natural resources rich countries (particularly crude-oil) by establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF). SWF is a large pool of state-owned investment fund composed of diverse financial instruments, invested in whole or in part, outside home countries. Since 2004, ‘Special funds’, of which SWF is part, have become issues of serious contention between the Federal and state governments in Nigeria. On 22 May 2011, the 36 state Governors approached the Nigerian Supreme Court, requesting the Court to use its judicial powers to squash plans by the Federal Government of Nigeria to withdraw $1 billion from the Excess Crude Account to float the planned SWF. The bone of contention surrounds issues of constitutionality, ownership and prudency in the management of the fund. Relying on extant literature, Acts of Parliament as well as commentaries, opinion pieces, editorials and news articles from Nigerian newspapers, this paper examines the controversies that surround the establishment of SWF in Nigeria within the context of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), and assesses the conflict mitigating capacity of the Nigeria’s federalism especially in the light of the nation’s fiscal practices.; (AN 42932425)
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5.

Devolution and identity: Multidirectionality in ‘Welshness’ and ‘Northern Irishness’ by McGrattan, Cillian; Williams, Sophie. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p465-482, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn an era of Brexit and on-going constitutional debates in the UK, questions around devolution and national identifications currently attract scholarly attention as never before. This article focusses on national identification in two devolved regions, Wales and Northern Ireland, never before compared in this way, to explore how devolution can act in a fluid and multidirectional way to produce differing framings of national identification. Using original qualitative research, combining the tools of documentary analysis, structured interviews and focus groups, it considers these theoretical ideas through the prism of both political elites and everyday life to explore and compare the reasoning behind the politicization of key national identifications.; (AN 42932427)
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6.

Critical election and a new party system: Italy after the 2015 regional election by Bolgherini, Silvia; Grimaldi, Selena. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p483-505, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough party system change has been widely explored, it is less so for the regional level. The article provides the first systematic attempt to discuss party system change at the regional level in Italy. Through a comprehensive overview of the five 1995–2015 regional elections, indicators of party system change, based on an original database, are explored. It will be showed that in the 2013–15 election cycle while party system fragmentation, volatility and recomposition reached their maximum high – parallel to what happened in 1995 – the level of bipolarism, one of the main features of Italian party system since the mid-1990s, dramatically dropped replaced by a three-pole configuration. These results, and their consistency with the relevant junctures at the national level in 1994 and 2013, may allow to state that a party system change at the regional level occurred and thus to consider 2013–15 elections as critical.; (AN 42932428)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 162, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p3-3, 1p; (AN 42916410)
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2.

Great War Stories The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p4-10, 7p; Abstract: Major Charles Allix Lavington ‘Cal’ Yate VC, deceased 20 September 1914Brigadier General Charles ‘Fitz’ FitzClarence VC, deceased 12 November 1914Brigadier General John Edmond ‘Johnnie’ Gough VC, KCB, CMG, deceased 22 February 1915Major Garth Neville Walford VC, deceased 26 April 1915Captain Francis Octavius Grenfell VC, deceased 24 May 1915Lieutenant Colonel Bertram Best-Dunkley VC, deceased 5 August 1917Lieutenant Colonel Neville Bowes Elliott-Cooper VC, DSO, MC, deceased 11 February 1918Lieutenant Colonel John Henry Stephen Dimmer VC, MC, deceased 21 March 1918; (AN 42916411)
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3.

On Military Advice by Freedman, Lawrence. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p12-18, 7p; Abstract: The military in Britain’s governing system advises but does not decide on matters of war and peace, the size and composition of the military establishment and the overall resources available for defence. Politicians must decide, but must be guided by the highest quality military advice. Lawrence Freedman discusses the failures and successes of the military advice given and acted upon before the Falklands War of 1982 and the Iraq War of 2003.; (AN 42916412)
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4.

The Missing Political Dimension of Military Exercises by Heuser, Beatrice; Simpson, Harold. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p20-28, 9p; Abstract: Military exercises are rarely straightforward in either intention or outcome. Official policy and governance about exercises have not kept up with the complexity of the current national and international contexts. In addition to collective training, exercises are now used for a wide variety of purposes, such as fostering alliance cohesion and defence diplomacy. In this article, Beatrice Heuser and Harold Simpson argue that the diverse effects and outcomes of exercises merit further investigation, and future guidance for British practitioners will reflect this.; (AN 42916413)
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5.

The EU and Defence by Ricketts, Peter. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p30-38, 9p; Abstract: The Saint-Malo Declaration was designed to bolster the EU’s ability to conduct autonomous military operations. In this article, Peter Ricketts reflects on his involvement in drafting the declaration and other closely related instruments. He explains the challenges negotiators faced in reconciling the interests of NATO and EU states. Following Brexit, the UK will need to rely on the provisions made during this period for non-EU states to participate in EU operations – the same provisions London helped to create.; (AN 42916414)
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6.

Fifty Years since the Six-Day War by Susser, Asher. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p40-48, 9p; Abstract: The war of June 1967 was a watershed for the Middle East. In just six days, Israel inflicted upon the Arabs their most humiliating defeat in modern times, perhaps of all time. The great promise of revolutionary Arab nationalism, as espoused by Egypt’s charismatic president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, proved to be no more than an illusion. In this article, Asher Susser explores the lasting consequences of war, arguing that the Arabs have yet to fully recover, 50 years later.; (AN 42916415)
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7.

The British Army in Transition by Antill, Peter; Smith, Jeremy. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p50-58, 9p; Abstract: In this article, Peter Antill and Jeremy Smith analyse the new Strike Brigade concept and what it might mean for defence acquisition and the logistic support to future operations, while highlighting the questions still surrounding the outcome of the latest Strategic Defence and Security Review.; (AN 42916416)
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8.

Women, Gender and Daesh Radicalisation by Pearson, Elizabeth; Winterbotham, Emily. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p60-72, 13p; Abstract: In this article, Elizabeth Pearson and Emily Winterbotham explore the role of gender in radicalisation to Daesh (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, ISIS). They discuss possible factors in female radicalisation, and how radicalisation differs between men and women. They find that the gender of the recruit affects the enabling factors, mechanisms and locations relating to radicalisation. The article challenges assertions that the recruitment of young men and women to Daesh follows identical patterns, as well as the narrative of women as innately peaceful, or as actors coerced into joining Daesh, revealing the importance of female empowerment in the group’s appeal.; (AN 42916417)
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9.

The Tactics and Strategy of the Australian Light Infantry in Counter-Revolutionary Operations in South Vietnam, 1966–71 by Ross, Andrew T. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p74-81, 8p; Abstract: The First Australian Task Force’s operations in South Vietnam were based on the British Commonwealth concept of counter-revolutionary warfare. Andrew T Ross shows how this strategy allowed the Task Force to suffer fewer casualties and achieve greater success than its US ally. Although this could not have changed the course of the war, it shows the viability of British Commonwealth counterinsurgency doctrine.; (AN 42916418)
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10.

A Modern Day Trolley Problem by Keatinge, Tom. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p84-86, 3p; Abstract: Ferdinand von Schirach’s courtroom drama Terrorasks for the audience to make an uncomfortable decision on a plausible modern-day scenario.; (AN 42916419)
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11.

The New Space Age by Quintana, Elizabeth. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p88-109, 22p; Abstract: The rapid expansion of the space sector with the involvement of several new commercial actors offers both challenges and opportunities for the defence and security community. Elizabeth Quintana provides an overview of recent developments in the field, from technology to regulation, as a necessary context for anyone interested in the future of space.; (AN 42916420)
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12.

Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies: National Styles and Strategic Cultures by Bennett, Huw. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p110-111, 2p; (AN 42916421)
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13.

Independent Ally: Australia in an Age of Power Transition by Clapton, William. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p111-112, 2p; (AN 42916422)
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14.

China Matters: Getting it Right for Australia by Hemmings, John. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p112-113, 2p; (AN 42916423)
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15.

How NATO Adapts: Strategy and Organization in the Atlantic Alliance since 1950 by Hurd, Hilary. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p114-115, 2p; (AN 42916425)
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16.

The Marvellous (But Authentic) Adventures of Captain Corcoran by Codner, Michael. The RUSI Journal, May 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 3 p115-116, 2p; (AN 42916424)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 1-2, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Introduction ‘Women, Peace and Security Articles’ by Machl, Sabine. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p1-3, 3p; (AN 42876519)
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2.

Women for Stability and Security by Brandstetter, Maria; Brandstetter, Maria. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p5-13, 9p; Abstract: The 2011 Vienna Document 2011 on confidence- and security-building measures remains one of the cornerstones of European security. It enhances trust and confidence among participating states of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (osce) and allows for intrusive verification measures by the oscestates. Despite the significant success achieved by many osceparticipating States in increasing the number of women in their armed forces, the number of women who participate in military verification (under this Document) remains low. This article contains information regarding international military cooperation related to the verification of military activities in which women’s involvement remains low. It also provides suggestions for further research concerning the reasons why so few women participate in the military verification activities and for ways to increase their participation.; (AN 42876520)
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3.

Reparations after Conflict Related Sexual Violence by Freizer, Sabine. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p14-27, 14p; Abstract: This article focusses on the experience of providing reparation for survivors of conflict related violence in the Western Balkans after the 1990s conflicts. While there has been an increase in awareness of sexual violence as a war crime over the past two decades, the long-term effects of the crimes are still being felt by victims and their families. The article describes many of the challenges to implementing comprehensive reparation programs, including the limitations of judicial remedies, and the need to develop administrative remedies that are truly transformative and empower women to support sustainable peacebuilding. Reparation successes and failings in the Western Balkans may provide valuable lessons for other conflict and post conflict settings.; (AN 42876521)
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4.

Where are the Women? The Missing Question in the un’sResponse to Sexual Abuse in Peacekeeping Operations by Díaz, Pablo Castillo. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p28-44, 17p; Abstract: The role of gender equality considerations, including the gender balance of peacekeeping operations, has been underplayed as a potential solution to the un’s recurrent problems with sexual exploitation and abuse by blue helmets. This article explores 3 elements related to gender equality that have been neglected in responding to this issue: the presence of women in peacekeeping operations, the voice and opinion of women’s organizations, and the assistance to victims of such violations. The connection between women’s leadership and participation, on the one hand, and better outcomes for women and girls on the other, has been evident in many related policy areas, and should be applied more forcefully in addressing sexual exploitation and abuse by unpeacekeepers.; (AN 42876522)
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5.

Implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the osce by Lukatela, Ana. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p45-58, 14p; Abstract: The literature around international organizations has focused on explaining policy through a simple linear process that assumes implementation at the ground level is dependent on the political context and organization policy framework. This article uses the example of the Women, Peace and Security (wps) agenda to open the black box of international organizations, specifically the unand osce, to show how policy processes are in fact non-linear and that policy agendas such as wpsmay be articulated at the world polity level and implemented at the local level without an explicit policy framework adopted at the osceorganization level.; (AN 42876523)
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6.

Women, Peace and Security in Ukraine by Benigni, Eugenia. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p59-84, 26p; Abstract: Since the Maidan protests in late 2013, women have played crucial roles in all sectors in the conflict in Ukraine: politics, civil society, reconciliation efforts, and armed fighting. The conflict has offered new challenges and opportunities for their emancipation, influence, and empowerment, but also for growing violations of their human rights. Despite their activism, women and gender issues remain underrepresented in the Minsk process for the resolution of the conflict, despite ongoing efforts by international organizations and pressure from civil society. International and national support for women’s participation in dialogue and cooperation has increased, but needs to be sustained and expanded to new grassroots groups and women leaders for more visible impact. The article reflects the author’s personal observations on how women’s roles have evolved in the Ukrainian crisis by drawing on her field experience, meetings, interviews, and reports by international and national organizations.; (AN 42876524)
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7.

Brexit and the Future of European Security and Defence Cooperation by Wiersma, Jan Marinus. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p85-93, 9p; Abstract: The main topic of this article is the impact of Brexit on eu’s cooperation on security and defence. The British government has indicated that the ukas an important international actor wants to maintain a leading role promoting European security. natoremains in the ukperspective the most important forum for that. But since the Euro Atlantic organisation does not cover all aspects of European security, new forms of cooperation between the euand Britain after Brexit have to be explored since both share the same ideas about a rules based international order and have common interests in maintaining security on the continent.; (AN 42876525)
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8.

Access to Justice 4 Known or Potential Extremists? by Eijkman, Quirine; Eijkman, Quirine. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p94-115, 22p; Abstract: This article discusses, from the local professional perspective, access to justice for person-specific interventions to prevent or counter (violent) extremism in Europe. Using a Dutch case study it focusses on legal protection for hand-tailored interferences that are part of a wider-ranging counter-terrorism policy. While the so-called person-specific interventions, carried out by professionals, target designated high-risk individuals and groups, it is primarily the municipal authority that coordinates these criminal –, administrative – or social based measures. Furthermore, although researchers and human rights advocates have repeatedly sounded the alarm over access to justice for those affected, little research has been done into how those responsible for implementation perceive the necessity of legal protection. Also, the potential side-effects such as executive arbitrariness are modestly reflected in the literature. Henceforth, by reviewing policy documents and conducting semi-structured interviews, this exploratory study concludes that as far as legal protection for hand-tailored interferences are concerned, local professionals have faith in the checks and balances of the criminal justice system. Yet from their perspective this was less self-evident in cases of administrative – or social measures. Therefore, one may wonder if legal protections for person-specific interventions that deal with (potential) extremists are sufficient in practice.; (AN 42876526)
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9.

Silencing the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Challenges of the Four-Day War by Bayramov, Agha. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p116-127, 12p; Abstract: The Four-Day War of 2016 once again exposed the danger that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict poses in the Caucasus. However, despite its military scale and human losses, Russia has raised only general statements from other co-chairs of the osce(Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) Minsk Group, from the United States and France, and from other international actors such as the United Nations Security Council. In an attempt to stimulate debate about this lack of engagement, this paper claims that the external actors involved aim to cast silence over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict beyond the region. While this approach may serve to remove the political impact of the conflict from the international arena, it unwittingly also enhances the aggressiveness of both Armenia and Azerbaijan in the regional arena. The main aim of this paper is, then, to explain why the conflict is being silenced, how this is made possible and what the regional effects of this approach are. By drawing on the Four-Day War of 2016, the paper intends to show how the recent violence has challenged the silencing of external actors.; (AN 42876527)
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10.

Administrative Measures in Counter-terrorism and the Protection of Human Rights by Boutin, Bérénice. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p128-147, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses the increasing use of administrative measures, such as travel bans and control orders, in the counter-terrorism context. On the basis of a review of the use of these measures in three selected states (the United Kingdom, France, and the Netherlands), the paper provides a critical assessment of the use of administrative measures in counter-terrorism. It identifies situations in which the use of administrative measures might be justified, and assesses the impact of the use of these measures on the protection of human rights. In conclusion, the paper recommends that limits and safeguards be established around the use of administrative measures in counter-terrorism.; (AN 42876528)
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11.

icctReport, December 2016: Foreign Terrorist Fighters by Mehra, Tanya. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p148-186, 39p; Abstract: This article is based on a paper which was developed for the Global Counterterrorism Forum’s Foreign Terrorist Fighters (ftf) Working Group. It takes stock of the current trends and dynamics related to the ftfphenomenon and identifies some of the gaps that still need to be addressed. The distinction between home-grown terrorists and (returning) ftfs is fading, the difference between isil/Da’esh inspired or directed terrorist attacks is becoming more fluid and the nexus between terrorism and crime is more prominent, which clearly indicates that terrorism can manifest itself in many different ways. The involvement of returning ftfs in some terrorist attacks is a stark reminder of the potential threat returning ftfs pose. The data also indicates a demographic change with a more prominent role of female ftfs and children being recruited and used in hostilities or involved in terrorist attacks. The current trends underline the need for a comprehensive, tailored and multidisciplinary approach including the involvement of stakeholders at the local level to adequately address the evolving aspects of the ftfphenomenon. This paper provides a short overview of policy responses which can broadly be grouped into preventive, criminal, administrative and rehabilitative measures. The ftfrelated responses could have several human rights implications and states are encouraged to develop a comprehensive approach to address the ftfphenomenon in full respect of human rights.; (AN 42876529)
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12.

Some Challenges of the State- and Peace-Building Governance Mechanisms by Rrustemi, Arlinda. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p187-199, 13p; Abstract: It is imperative to understand global developments in statebuilding in order to more efficiently influence peace and conflict processes. This article discusses the evolution of global governance mechanisms on state- and peace-building that can assist researchers and practitioners in gaining an in depth understanding of different case studies. It uncovers some limitations and benefits of the global governance mechanisms assisting fragile zones. It concludes that institutions attempt to increase performance, as seen with the regular establishment of new deals and the deployment of new actors on the ground, however challenges remain, as illustrated in the case of Kosovo, in relation to lack of legitimacy, mismatch of national identity needs, economic inequality gap and fragile security and inter-ethnic relations. Instead, it argues to use the resources on the ground rather than devise new missions to deal with peacebuilding challenges.; (AN 42876530)
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13.

Action, Not Just Words: The Practical Implications of Human Rights Law for the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials by Bienert, Anja. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p200-220, 21p; Abstract: The author discusses the areas to be addressed if international human rights rules and standards applicable to the use of force and firearms are not to remain merely a theoretical concept, but are to be implemented in daily policing practice. These areas are the domestic legislation that must be formulated in conformity with international human rights law and the operational framework to be established by the command leadership of a law enforcement agency, including: operational policies and instructions for the use of force and firearms; the appropriate choice for equipment and weapons including instructions as to their use; practical scenario-based training of law enforcement officials that must seek to develop the skills and competencies required for daily policing work; and an effective system of accountability, in particular for unlawful use of force.; (AN 42876531)
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14.

International Organizations and Internal Conditionality: Making Norms Matter, written byRick Fawn by Dunay, Pál. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p221-224, 4p; (AN 42876532)
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15.

Interview with osceChairperson-in-Office, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier by Liechtenstein, Stephanie. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p225-228, 4p; (AN 42876533)
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16.

Interview with osceChairperson-in-Office, Austrian Foreign Minister Sebastian Kurz by Liechtenstein, Stephanie. Security and Human Rights, July 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1-2 p229-232, 4p; (AN 42876534)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 48, no. 4, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

Ontological insecurity in asymmetric conflicts: Reflections on agonistic peace in Turkey’s Kurdish issue by Rumelili, Bahar; Çelik, Ayşe Betül. Security Dialogue, August 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 4 p279-296, 18p; Abstract: This article contributes to the recent literature on ontological security in conflict studies by empirically investigating, through a case study of Turkey’s Kurdish issue, how ontological asymmetry complicates peace processes. Over time, all conflicts become embroiled in a set of self-conceptions and narratives vis-à-vis the Other, the maintenance of which becomes critical for ontological security. In ethnic conflicts, however, these conceptions and narratives also intersect with a fundamental ontological asymmetry, because such conflicts often pit state parties with secure existence against ethnic groups with contested status and illegitimate standing. We argue that peace processes are easier to initiate but harder to conclude in ontologically asymmetric conflicts. Accordingly, we find that during the 2009–2015 peace process in Turkey, ontological (in)security-induced dynamics presented themselves in cyclical patterns of ambitious peace initiatives receiving greater support among the Kurdish public but giving way, at the first sign of crisis, to a rapid and dramatic return to violence, which neither side acted to stem. Moreover, we underscore that ontologically asymmetric conflicts, such as Turkey’s Kurdish issue, are often characterized by a societal security dilemma, where the conditions of ontological security for one party undermine those of the other. Therefore, building consensus around a new shared peace narrative may not be possible or desirable, and a lasting solution to Turkey’s Kurdish issue depends on the development of an agonistic peace around coexisting, multiple and contestatory narratives.; (AN 42839235)
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2.

The international politics of geoengineering: The feasibility of Plan B for tackling climate change by Corry, Olaf. Security Dialogue, August 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 4 p297-315, 19p; Abstract: Geoengineering technologies aim to make large-scale and deliberate interventions in the climate system possible. A typical framing is that researchers are exploring a ‘Plan B’ in case mitigation fails to avert dangerous climate change. Some options are thought to have the potential to alter the politics of climate change dramatically, yet in evaluating whether they might ultimately reduce climate risks, their political and security implications have so far not been given adequate prominence. This article puts forward what it calls the ‘security hazard’ and argues that this could be a crucial factor in determining whether a technology is able, ultimately, to reduce climate risks. Ideas about global governance of geoengineering rely on heroic assumptions about state rationality and a generally pacific international system. Moreover, if in a climate engineered world weather events become something certain states can be made directly responsible for, this may also negatively affect prospects for ‘Plan A’, i.e. an effective global agreement on mitigation.; (AN 42839233)
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3.

On demons and dreamers: Violence, silence and the politics of impunity in the Brazilian Truth Commission by Furtado, Henrique. Security Dialogue, August 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 4 p316-333, 18p; Abstract: Measures towards post-conflict or post-authoritarian justice have historically relied on the merging of the concepts of silence, violence and impunity in order to create a single promise of justice. Scholars and practitioners in the field usually defend a trifold agenda of breaking the silence about violations of human rights, denouncing systematic violence in the past and fighting impunity as the only way of ensuring that violence never happens again. This trope was mobilized in Brazil in 2014, when the report of the country’s National Truth Commission (CNV) was released. However, in the Brazilian case, truth-seeking also produced its own form of ‘silence’. Whereas the CNV commendably denounced 377 perpetrators as the ‘demons’ responsible for implementing a state of terror during the last dictatorship (1964–1985), it also created a depoliticized and victimized idea of leftist militants as mere dreamers who fought for liberty and democracy in the past. By representing leftist militants as freedom fighters, the CNV silenced their fundamental ideas (and actions) regarding the concept of revolutionary violence and its radical programme of structural change. In this article, I provide an explanation that connects the CNV’s ‘silencing’ of this political project to the unreflective merging between the concepts of silence, violence and impunity in the literature. Via a narrative analysis of the CNV’s report and a critique of transitional justice debates, I argue that the silence on the political project of the radical left in Brazil echoes transitional justice’s silence about the complexities of violence in general.; (AN 42839234)
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4.

Seeing like a satellite: Remote sensing and the ontological politics of environmental security by Rothe, Delf. Security Dialogue, August 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 4 p334-353, 20p; Abstract: The article furthers the debate on environmental security by highlighting the role of visual technologies such as satellite remote sensing in the construction of threats and risks. It provides a rereading of the critical literature on environmental security through the lens of Actor-Network Theory and argues for understanding environmental security as a form of ontological politics. A theoretical framework around the notion of visual assemblage is developed that accounts for the hybrid, socio-technical character of visual technologies like satellite remote sensing, and shows how these render environmental risks and threats visible, intelligible, and thereby governable. Equipped with this framework, the article traces the development of a visual assemblage of satellite remote sensing from the early days of the Cold War until today and reveals its close co-evolution with environmental security discourses and practices. Three major contemporary remote sensing projects are analyzed to reveal how this global visual assemblage enacts multiple versions of environmental security: as resilience of local populations and ecosystems, as a series of local risk factors that become manageable through market-based risk management, and through a ‘meteorology of security’ based on the collection, harmonization, and automated analysis of big (environmental) data from multiple sources.; (AN 42839232)
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5.

Video, algorithms and security: How digital video platforms produce post-sovereign security articulations by Saugmann Andersen, Rune. Security Dialogue, August 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 4 p354-372, 19p; Abstract: Digital videos increasingly sustain new and older imagined communities (and enmities), and make battlefields, unfolding terror plots and emergencies public. Yet digital videos mediate security articulations following logics that are radically different from those of journalistically edited media, with consequences for how we should think of security articulation in new visual media. This article analyses how, in digital video, the combination of visible facts and the remediation logics of algorithmically governed video platforms – such as YouTube and Facebook – allow for new types of security articulations. It argues that digital video can be understood as a semiotic composite where the materialsemiotics of media technologies, calculated publics and spectators combines with the politicalsemiotics of audio-visual media to condition how video articulations work as political agency. A powerful video-mediated security articulation, the #nedavideos from the 2009 Iranian post-election crisis, illustrates how security articulation in digital video is not tied to the authority of a speaker and does not contain the promise of an immediate, illocutionary security effect. Drawing on securitization theory and Butler’s critique of speech act theory, this article understands such video articulations as post-sovereign security articulations.; (AN 42839236)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 26, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board EOV Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p1-1, 1p; (AN 42716816)
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2.

Nuclear Beliefs: A Leader-Focused Theory of Counter-Proliferation by Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p545-574, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do some leaders use preventive military force to destroy another country's nuclear program, while others do not? Despite nuclear proliferation becoming a growing source of concern, counter-proliferation decision making remains poorly understood. Additionally, though the preventive logic pervades the scholarship as one potential state response to relative decline, it remains unclear when this leads to war and when it does not, especially in the nuclear context. This article demonstrates that the decision to consider and use preventive force rests not only on material factors but more importantly on a leader's prior beliefs about nuclear proliferation and the threat posed by a specific adversary. Conducting original archival research and process tracing, this manuscript examines American decision making against the Communist Chinese nuclear program, and demonstrates that Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson held fundamentally different nuclear beliefs that led to radically different preventive war preferences.; (AN 42716811)
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3.

Crises and Crisis Generations: The Long-term Impact of International Crises on Military Political Participation by White, Peter B.. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p575-605, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in government and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of acute international crises rather than its chronic threat environment. Poor outcomes—defeats or stalemates—in major international crises lead to professionalization and depoliticization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. A poor outcome creates pressure for military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years later due to generational shifts. As officers of the “crisis generation” become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964–2008 and find strong support for it.; (AN 42716810)
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4.

The MAD Who Wasn't There: Soviet Reactions to the Late Cold War Nuclear Balance by Green, Brendan R.; Long, Austin. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p606-641, 36p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible.; (AN 42716813)
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5.

Challenging the Power Consensus: GDP, CINC, and Power Transition Theory by Rauch, Carsten. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p642-664, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPower Transition Theory (PTT) has hitherto often relied on power indicators like Gross Domestic Product (GDP) or the Composite Index of National Capability (CINC) to capture its power variable. The underlying assumption is that these indicators are highly correlated, and thus it matters little as to which one the researcher chooses. I call this PTT's power consensus and argue that this consensus is problematic, as the choice of power indicator is often crucial. For PTT, it does not only matter whether such indicators come to similar results by and large; the position of certain singular actors—such as the dominant power, its prime challengers, and the top ranked great powers generally—is even more essential. However, it is precisely with regard to the positions of these actors that we find important discrepancies between what PTT's favored indicators (GDP and CINC) suggest. Analysis of some crucial historical and recent cases supports my challenge to the power consensus. First, the celebrated peaceful power transition between the United Kingdom and the United States in the nineteenth century becomes suspect under closer scrutiny, as GDP places the United States entering the parity zone at a time during which it must arguably be counted as a dissatisfied power. Second, a number of CINC-exclusive power transitions in the twentieth century are not accounted for by GDP. A few possible options might mitigate the power-problem for the cases under scrutiny, however scholars of PTT should generally be much more conscious about their choice of power indicator.; (AN 42716814)
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6.

Causes of the US Hostage Crisis in Iran: The Untold Account of the Communist Threat by Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p665-697, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a revisionist account of the occupation of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979, one of the most conspicuous manifestations of anti-Americanism in recent history. Drawing solely upon primary documents, largely from various Iranian communists and Islamists, it questions the conventional wisdom that the Islamists' takeover of the embassy was a grassroots reaction to American policies, particularly after President Carter admitted the ailing Shah. It also challenges the argument that the radical students stormed the embassy primarily to bring down the nationalist provisional government. Instead, I introduce a critical overlooked factor and argue that the Hostage Crisis can be better explained as a preemptive act by the Islamists to outbid the leftists' anti-American activities. I demonstrate that the United States and the Islamists were seeking to maintain normal relations during and even after the 1979 revolution. However, various communist organizations that surfaced after the revolution posed an existential threat to the new Islamist-nationalist government, quickly dominating universities, labor unions, and intellectual circles throughout the country and accusing the Islamists and their nationalist allies of collaborating with the United States. In this climate, the Islamists strategically adopted the Left's anti-imperialist language and eventually occupied the US embassy to establish their anti-American credibility.; (AN 42716812)
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7.

Dangerous Days: The Impact of Nationalism on Interstate Conflict by Gruffydd-Jones, Jamie. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p698-728, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes an upsurge in nationalism make interstate conflict more likely? This article gives evidence to suggest that spikes in nationalism do have a direct impact on the likelihood of disputes between states. In it, I use national days or anniversaries as occasions that increase the salience of a national identity and its historical wars. I show that in the two months following national days, conflict is markedly higher than would be expected—almost 30 percent more likely than the rest of the year—and particularly likely for states who initiate conflict or who have revisionist intentions. I demonstrate further how nationalist sentiment can increase international tensions with a case study of national anniversaries in China and Japan. Together, this evidence suggests that the increase in nationalism around national days provides both risks and opportunities to regimes and shapes when they choose conflict over cooperation in international relations.; (AN 42716815)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 28, no. 4-5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Rebels & Legitimacy; An Introduction by Duyvesteyn, Isabelle. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p669-685, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis introduction to the double special issue on the theme of rebels and legitimacy aims to set out the parameters for the discussion. It looks at legitimacy as a concept and at legitimation as a process. To date most of the literature on legitimacy has focused on the state. However, rebel groups such as insurgents, terrorists, warlords and guerrillas have all had claims, and continue to claim, legitimacy as well. How and when are these rebels seen as legitimate actors? Existing suggestions of rebel legitimacy focus heavily on state models of social order and the social contract. This first contribution discusses how to conceptualize legitimacy and how to make it operational. A two-pronged approach, borrowing heavily from Max Weber, is proposed. Legitimacy is investigated based on beliefs and belief systems about what is considered legitimate. This is combined with practices whereby legitimacy is enacted, copied and emulated by the population the rebels claim to represent.; (AN 42856262)
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2.

Understanding the Legitimacy of Armed Groups: A Relational Perspective by Podder, Sukanya. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p686-708, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses the multiple pathways through which legitimacy of armed groups is constructed in conflict-affected states. It adopts a political sociological approach to the study of armed group legitimacy. Such a strategy assists in identifying whether armed groups enjoy legitimacy in a given empirical context and avoids applying pre-determined normative criteria. The focus is on three types of relationships: civilian communities, the state or regime in power and external actors including regional and international sponsors, to discern which types of legitimacy matter for armed groups in different relationships.; (AN 42856261)
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3.

(Re-)Emergent Orders: Understanding the Negotiation(s) of Rebel Governance by Worrall, James. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p709-733, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.; (AN 42856263)
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4.

Building Legitimacy: Interactional Dynamics and the Popular Evaluation of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey by Schoon, Eric W.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p734-754, 21p; Abstract: AbstractPrevious research has identified a variety of general mechanisms to explain how insurgents build legitimacy. Yet, there is often a gap between these mechanisms and the interactional dynamics of insurgencies. This article attempts to bridge this gap through a theoretically informed analysis of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s (PKK) insurgency in Turkey. I show how the PKK’s efforts to cultivate legitimacy, Turkey’s counterinsurgency strategies, and civilian perceptions of the PKK, all mutually influenced one another. Based on this analysis, I argue that the mechanisms that produce popular legitimacy coevolve with insurgents’ behaviors, states’ interventions, and civilians’ perceptions.; (AN 42856266)
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5.

Civilian Cooperation and Non-Cooperation with Non-State Armed Groups: The Centrality of Obedience and Resistance by Arjona, Ana. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p755-778, 24p; Abstract: AbstractTerms like ‘support’ and ‘collaboration’ are often used interchangeably to denote a loose set of acts or attitudes that benefit non-state armed groups (NSAGs). However, these terms are seldom defined, and the alternatives available to civilians are rarely identified. Moreover, existing approaches overlook that the interaction between civilians and NSAGs is often one between ruler and ruled, which makes obedience and resistance central. This paper proposes to conceptualize the choices available to civilians as forms of cooperation and non-cooperation, offers a typology, and discusses the implications for theory building on civilian and NSAG behavior, and on the functioning of armed social orders.; (AN 42856264)
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6.

Youth Between State and Rebel (Dis)Orders: Contesting Legitimacy from Below in Sub-Sahara Africa by de Bruijn, Mirjam; Both, Jonna. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p779-798, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe Sahel has gained attention in international politics as one of the central theatres in the war on terrorism. International actors in this war seek alliances with states in the region, reinforcing the latter’s military strength and their legitimacy from outside. At the same time, increasingly-connected young populations question the legitimacy of their states, and contest that legitimacy from within and below. In the absence of states delivering any reasonable form of social contract, young people become torn between different governing orders and find themselves in a liminal space. In this article we present the cases of youth in Mali and Chad, who find themselves in a period of re-definition of their position in society and hence search for legitimate structures representation. In this search they may frame their belonging in terms of ethnicity, religion or political opposition – and increasingly also in adherence to global citizenship. New information flows and connectivity among young people in these regions, and between them and the diaspora, has given a new turn to their search for citizenship/belonging and rightful representation. However, whether their search will be successful in this geopolitical context is questionable.; (AN 42856265)
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7.

Militias and the Politics of Legitimacy by Schneckener, Ulrich. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p799-816, 18p; Abstract: AbstractMilitias and rebels depart from different angles when it comes to the politics of legitimacy. While rebels have to address the issue of legitimacy early on in order to gain popular support, militias can rely on some kind of ‘borrowed legitimacy’. Based on this observation, the paper introduces militias as special form of organised violence visible in many civil wars and fragile states as well as elaborates on the politics of legitimacy typical for militias. By distinguishing different forms of militia violence (counter-insurgency, counter-rival and counter-crime), the articles shows how militias respond to major challenges in legitimizing violent actions.; (AN 42856269)
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8.

Legitimacy and the Politics of Recognition in Kosovo by Seymour, Lee J. M.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p817-838, 22p; Abstract: AbstractHow do contemporary secessionist movements gain international recognition of their claims to self-determination? I argue that international recognition is forthcoming when a sufficient number of states believe a claim to self-determination oughtto be accepted. That is, states recognize claims to self-determination when they perceive them to be legitimate. To convince outsiders of the legitimacy of their claims, separatist movements invoke resonant norms and symbols in a moral economy that structures decision-making. I contrast this argument with prevailing explanations of recognition dynamics. To illustrate the argument, I examine the diplomacy surrounding Kosovo’s independence bid and unilateral secession.; (AN 42856268)
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9.

All Counterinsurgency is Local: Counterinsurgency and Rebel Legitimacy by Gawthorpe, Andrew J.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p839-852, 14p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough the concept of legitimacy is central to Western counterinsurgency theory, most discourse in this area black-boxes the concept. It hence remains under-specified in many discussions of counterinsurgency. Fortunately, recent research on rebel governance and legitimacy contributes to our understanding of the problems faced by counterinsurgents who want to boost state legitimacy while undermining that of the rebels. Taken together, this research illustrates that a rational choice approach to legitimacy is simplistic; that micro-level factors ultimately drive legitimacy dynamics; and that both cooption of existing legitimate local elites and their replacement from the top–down is unlikely to succeed. Western counterinsurgency doctrine has failed to grasp the difficulties this poses for it.; (AN 42856270)
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10.

‘Legitimacy is the Main Objective’: Legitimation in Population-Centric Counterinsurgency by Kitzen, Martijn. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p853-866, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of legitimacy and different forms of legitimation in population-centric counterinsurgency. An analysis of the logic underlying this counterinsurgency concept sheds a light on the former as it identifies legitimacy as the crucial mechanism through which a collaboration strategy seeks to obtain control over the local population. An exploration of Weber’s primary types of legitimate authorities provides the insight that counterinsurgents might operationalize legitimation through either rational-legal ways or by co-opting local power-holders who hold a position as traditional or charismatic leaders. The exact choice of strategy depends on the pattern of legitimacy in the target society and therefore so-called cultural legitimation is pivotal.; (AN 42856267)
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11.

From Rebel to Quasi-State: Governance, Diplomacy and Legitimacy in the Midst of Afghanistan’s Wars (1979–2001) by Malejacq, Romain. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p867-886, 20p; Abstract: AbstractHow do warlords build their legitimacy and eventually exert authority? The case of Afghan leader Ahmad Shah Massoud demonstrates that warlords do not only build legitimacy through the internal provision of goods and services to the population under their control, but also build their legitimacy by projecting authority externally, through the development of their own form of diplomacy. In this article, I show that warlords develop complex and complementary legitimisation strategies that extend beyond their territorial realms to include consequential relationships with foreign actors.; (AN 42856272)
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12.

Subcontracting State-Building by Steele, Abbey; Shapiro, Jacob N.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p887-905, 19p; Abstract: AbstractContemporary development assistance often takes the form of subcontracted state-building. Foreign donors hire for-profit firms to provide services and to improve or create institutions in developing countries, particularly those experiencing internal conflict. This arrangement creates two counterproductive dynamics: first, it introduces agency problems between donors, recipient states, subcontractors, and citizens; and second, it undermines the long-run development of domestic bureaucratic capacity by creating disincentives for the host government to invest. These dynamics hinder, rather than foster, the legitimacy of state institutions. This paper summarizes trends in external support to state-building since the 1970s and illustrates subcontracted state-building with examples from Colombia.; (AN 42856273)
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13.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p906-908, 3p; (AN 42856271)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 17, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction – diverse perspectives on Jewish life in Southeast Europe: the Holocaust and beyond by Králová, Kateřina. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p155-163, 9p; (AN 42288154)
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2.

Defining inter-communality between documents, tradition and collective memory: Jewish and non-Jewish capital and labor in early twentieth century Rhodes by Guidi, Andreas. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p165-180, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis article deals with the relations between Jews and Non-Jews, especially Greeks, in late and post-Ottoman Rhodes. In the first part, I show that an understanding of the dimension of cosmopolitan Ottoman port cities is necessary for inquiring into the societal dynamics of the post-imperial local context. Secondly, I describe the obstacles for a pluralistic and inter-confessional historiography based on the current trends pursued by Greek and Jewish authors. The economic aspect of the coexistence between Greeks and Jews being a recurrent, yet very generalized and superficial motive in those works, I inquire into relations of individuals in the capital and labour market of Rhodes. In this empirical section, I draw from archival sources to show that inter-communality was far from being an exceptional, a-normal occurrence in different professions, from moneylending to prostitution. Instead, it represented a persistent factor of cooperation, interdependence and occasional conflict. By downplaying any rigid narrative of confessional segregation and coherence, I argue that ‘groupist’ reading of the history of Rhodes in the twentieth century should be challenged by further efforts towards a polyphonic and inclusive narrative more focused on the social actors.; (AN 42288155)
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3.

Antisemitism as political theology in Greece and its impact on Greek Jewry, 1967–1979 by Blümel, Tobias. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p181-202, 22p; Abstract: AbstractGreece, especially after 1945, remains a terra incognita of antisemitism research. This is not only a scholarly problem but also affects contemporary Greek judicature, which in 2009 and 2010 – during the controversial trial against Konstantinos A. Plevris, the so-called intellectual head of contemporary Greek Nazism – determined Holocaust denial, ariosophic fantasies of racial superiority and the public demand for the extinction of European Jewry to fall under the definition of ‘freedom of the arts, science and research.’ Some of the central historical sources the Greek courts accepted to be allegedly authentic enough to scientifically prove the ‘Jew-Zionists’ [evraiosionistes, T.B.] aspirations to world power’ were excerpts from the book of a fanatic nineteenth-century blood-libel author in Russia along with the internationally known antisemitic forgery, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The following article will argue that the origin of antisemitism in Greece is a phenomenon at the intersection of pre-Enlightenment and modernity, namely founded upon an ideological framework of nation, religion and race.; (AN 42288158)
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4.

Voices from the ghetto of Thessaloniki: mother–son correspondence as a source of Jewish everyday life under persecution by Saltiel, Leon. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p203-222, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe article discusses the content of 52 letters written by three different Jewish mothers living in the ghetto of Thessaloniki and sent to their sons, all residing in Athens, during the Second World War. This unique find can shed light on the lives of ordinary Jewish citizens in the ghetto of Thessaloniki, never before known in such a detail. The information presented in these letters is invaluable. These eyewitness accounts describe the general situation and the emotions right before and during the deportations, which is when these letters stop. Other than narrating some of the major events of this period, the reader learns details ranging from family and inter-communal relations, to the daily nutrition, diseases and the price of different goods. Last but not least, they provide a window into the daily life during the German occupation in Thessaloniki, free from hindsight.; (AN 42288157)
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5.

From salvation to Alya: the Bulgarian Jews and Bulgarian-Israeli relations (1948–1990) by Marinova-Christidi, Rumyana. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p223-244, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe basic aim of the present paper is to provide a historical overview of Bulgarian–Israeli relations from 1948 to 1990 (when diplomatic relations were re-established following their break off in 1967), and of Bulgarian state policy towards Jews in the country during the Second World War and the post-war Socialist period. The paper analyses the variety of factors that have affected that ‘triangular relationship’, such as the positive historical legacy of Bulgarian–Jewish relations that contributed to the salvation of Bulgarian Jews during the Holocaust, and the role and place of Bulgaria and Israel in the cold war confrontation that dominated international politics from the end of the 1940s to 1989.; (AN 42288156)
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6.

Rebuilding the community: the Federation of Jewish Communities and American Jewish humanitarian aid in Yugoslavia, 1944–1952 by Kerenji, Emil. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p245-262, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article recounts the implications of American Jewish aid for rebuilding the Jewish communities of Yugoslavia in the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust. By focusing on the founding and the activities of the Autonomous Relief Committee (ARC), which channelled aid provided by the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), the article argues that it was the power that ARC assumed, of deciding on funding priorities and being in close proximity to the new Yugoslav communist regime, that allowed it to shape the outlook of post-Holocaust Jewishness in Yugoslavia. The article is based primarily on previously unexamined sources from the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia and JDC, and sheds new light on the dynamic period of negotiation of the new normative Jewish identity in the aftermath of the Holocaust.; (AN 42288161)
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7.

‘Being traitors’: post-war Greece in the experience of Jewish partisans by Králová, Kateřina. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p263-280, 18p; Abstract: AbstractAs a result of political developments, silence about Jewish resistance in post-war Greece persisted for decades. In my article, I focus on the post-war fate of Jewish partisans in the context of the Greek Civil War and the emerging East–West conflict. After liberation, many partisans in Greece were stigmatized and even tried as communists. In the 1980s, when Athens shifted towards socialism, Jewish survivors began to speak up regarding their involvement in the left-leaning resistance (EAM/ELAS). Based on archival research and oral testimonies, I explore how former Jewish partisans reflected on their EAM/ELAS participation, in which way they came to terms with the imminence of post-war persecution and which attitudes were applied in the case of arrests. In this way, this study may contribute not only to a better understanding of post-the First World War Greece but also towards identity politics and memory studies in general.; (AN 42288160)
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8.

Memorialization of the Holocaust in Transylvania during the early post-war period by Tibori-Szabó, Zoltán. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p281-299, 19p; Abstract: AbstractDetails of the fate of the Jewish community in Northern Transylvania, under Hungarian state administration after 1940, were of common knowledge already by the last months of the Second World War. Consequently, wide circles of the local population could have been familiar with its nature and events. However, only the top members of the political and church elites were aware about the tragedy of the Transylvanian Jews after their deportation. Between 1945 and 1949, the Transylvanian media presented several times the most important facts of the horrors of the Holocaust. Simultaneously, the surviving members of the annihilated Northern Transylvanian Jewish communities did everything in their power to immortalize the memory of the tragedy in literary and art works. During the decades of communist consolidation, when all areas of social life, the facts of the Holocaust included, fell under the reign of silence, these early creations of Holocaust memorialization played an important role in keeping the memory of the genocide alive and constantly directing the attention of young generations upon the sinister legacy of Nazism and fascism.; (AN 42288159)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction by Prasad, Jayant; Rajiv, S. Samuel C.. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p311-313, 3p; (AN 42586238)
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2.

India–Israel: Retrospective and Prospective by Gharekhan, Chinmaya R.. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p314-324, 11p; (AN 42586240)
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3.

A Perspective on India–Israel Defence and Security Ties by Browne, N. A. K.. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p325-335, 11p; (AN 42586239)
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4.

India–Israel Defence Engagement: Land Forces’ Cooperation by Deb, Alok. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p336-340, 5p; (AN 42586241)
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5.

India–Israel Defence Engagement: A Naval Perspective by Gopal, Prakash. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p341-347, 7p; (AN 42586242)
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6.

India–Israel: The View from West Asia by Singh, Sanjay. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p348-354, 7p; (AN 42586243)
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7.

Redefining ‘Strategic’ Cooperation by Kumaraswamy, P. R.. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p355-368, 14p; Abstract: AbstractA quarter century after normalisation of relations, India and Israel have shown considerable maturity in handling bilateral relations and dexterity in managing their occasional differing worldviews. Relations have weathered political changes within India as well as periodic upheavals in West Asia and the stalemate in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Military-security cooperation played a pivotal role in carrying forward relations even when political contacts were minimal, as was the case during the decade-long United Progressive Alliance (UPA) rule. A crucial aspect of bilateral relations has been Israel’s ability to utilise the federal system in India to its advantage by actively engaging with various state governments. As a result, cooperation in the fields of agriculture and water management, among others, has emerged as the principal tool in the promotion of Indo-Israeli relations. Besides boosting economic ties, this strategy is also aimed at providing and consolidating the support base in India beyond the urban elites.; (AN 42586245)
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8.

Israel and India: Looking Back and Ahead by Inbar, Efraim. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p369-383, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe article begins by reviewing the Zionist attempts to turn India into a friend. The Zionist movement viewed India as important almost from its formation. Attitudes shaping behaviour prior to the formation of both the states are assessed, as is the icy relationship that prevailed between the two states prior to January 1992. The factors that brought about the change in the relationship to ambassadorial status are analysed, along with the two countries’ burgeoning strategic partnership. Finally, a few thoughts are offered concerning the future of the relationship.; (AN 42586246)
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9.

Assessing US Influence over India–Israel Relations: A Difficult Equation to Balance? by Blarel, Nicolas. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p384-400, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAs India’s Israel policy evolved over time, the US involvement in this bilateral relationship has been constant, albeit neither consistent nor direct. Breaking with traditional state-centric approaches, this article focuses on the key role played in shaping the nature of India–Israel ties by non-state and sub-state actors such as specific political personalities, for example Congressmen Emmanuel Celler in the 1940s and Stephen Solarz in the 1980s, as well as of pro-Israel interest groups based in the US, like the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the American Jewish Committee (AJC). The article shows that the US factor in India–Israel relations has evolved over time depending on the personalities, political constellations in power in India and regional developments in West Asia. Finally, while India, Israel and US interests seem to have converged at some crucial junctures, the article argues that their policies and strategies have rarely aligned over the long term.; (AN 42586244)
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10.

India–Israel Defence Trade: Issues and Challenges by Cowshish, Amit. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p401-412, 12p; Abstract: AbstractTo achieve strategically critical self-reliance in defence production, there needs to be a greater focus on co-development, co-production projects with important partners like Israel, with an essential emphasis on exports to third countries. For the full realisation of the potential of the India–Israel defence partnership, India on its part needs to strengthen elements of its procurement processes—including the proper implementation of laid down policies. Further, it needs to put forward a procurement ‘policy’ as distinct from a procurement ‘procedure’, ensure greater clarity and transparency about the future procurement needs of the armed forces and align defence plans with realistic assessments of the financial resources likely to be made available for executing those plans.; (AN 42586247)
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11.

Israel–China Ties at 25: The Limited Partnership by Rajiv, S. Samuel C.. Strategic Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p413-431, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIsrael–China bilateral ties have witnessed significant growth since the establishment of full diplomatic relations in January, 1992. Both countries are currently investing their energies in realising the full potential of their on-going partnership in the innovation economy. Growing tourist linkages are another facet of the burgeoning relationship. While China has ‘comprehensive strategic partnerships’ with more than 30 countries, including with those in Israel’s neighbourhood, like Egypt and Iran, the term ‘strategic’ is conspicuously absent in describing the nature of the bilateral ties by either Israel or China. The relationship is instead described as a ‘comprehensive innovation partnership’. This article shows that three limiting factors continue to cast a shadow on the China–Israel partnership. These are: the conundrum of defence trade and security ties; China’s long-standing support of the Palestinian cause in international forums, like the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC)—multilateral bodies whose work is routinely described as a ‘joke’ and a ‘circus’ by Israel’s top leadership; and China’s growing stakes with the wider West Asia region, animated by arms, energy and infrastructure deals.; (AN 42586248)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 40, no. 9, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Islamic State's Strategy: Bureaucratizing the Apocalypse through Strategic Communications by Phillips, Vaughan. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 9 p731-757, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo understand the Islamic State's strategy, we have to look at the way the group twins Maoist and post-Maoist strategies, previously considered strategically incompatible. By establishing a state that it claims to embody the Caliphate, it not only gains revenue and resources, but also generates a seductive “brand” with a compelling message that it “sells” via the Internet. This brand, based on Propaganda of the Deed, synergizes its physical and digital activities to create a virtuous circle that is very close to being self-sustaining. As such it represents a new insurgent model that corroborates the News Wars thesis.; (AN 42825568)
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2.

Is There a Culture or Religion of Torture? International Support for Brutal Treatment of Suspected Terrorists by Mayer, Jeremy D.; Koizumi, Naoru. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 9 p758-771, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDo certain cultures or religions predispose citizens to support the deployment of torture against suspected terrorists? Based on an international survey of 31 different countries, we examine how religion and culture affect respondents' position on torture. We find that at the individual level, the nonreligious are resolutely opposed to torture, and that Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, Jews, and other faiths are more supportive. Among world cultures, Muslim/African cultures are most opposed to the torture of terrorists, while Confucian, English-speaking, and South Asian cultures are the most supportive of it. We also find that the use of torture has less support in countries that are suffering from terrorism, once religion and culture are considered.; (AN 42825569)
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3.

Al-Shabaab, Social Identity Group, Human (In)Security, and Counterterrorism by Kfir, Isaac. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 9 p772-789, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the link between human security, social identity, and al-Shabaab. The first section explores how social identity group theory can help explain al-Shabaab's recruitment. The second part focuses on the counterterrorism campaign against al-Shabaab, which involves decapitation, aggressive peacekeeping through a proxy in the shape of the African Union Mission in Somalia, and the role of a domestic de-radicalization program. The article concludes that al-Shabaab's allure is in decline and the group is facing internal turmoil, which makes its overtures toward the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant very dangerous, as al-Shabaabcould act as an effective conduit between the Arabian Peninsula and Africa.; (AN 42825567)
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4.

Uprooting or Sowing Violence?: Coca Eradication and Guerrilla Violence in Colombia by Fisher, Daren G.; Meitus, Alexander A.. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 9 p790-807, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBelligerent nonstate actors including terrorist organizations often exploit illicit economies to fund their activities. In Colombia numerous belligerent groups are involved in illegal narcotics markets. For more than 20 years, the Colombian government has responded with targeted eradication of illicit crops, intending to undermine the groups' sources of revenue while simultaneously disrupting the illicit drug economy. Despite its duration, this policy's effect on guerrilla violence remains unclear. Examining the potential for violent backlash to these tactics, this research note assesses the impact of aerial coca crop eradication in Colombia from 2004–2005 on domestic Colombian guerrilla kidnappings, assassinations, and terrorism.; (AN 42825570)
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10

Survival
Volume 59, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Was the Rise of ISIS Inevitable? by Brands, Hal; Feaver, Peter. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p7-54, 48p; Abstract: The most fateful American choice in the rise of ISIS was also the oldest one: the 2003 decision to invade Iraq, followed by the mismanagement of the occupation.; (AN 41939852)
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2.

The End of a Caliphate by Dobbins, James; Jones, Seth G.. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p55-72, 18p; Abstract: It is not clear that the United States will commit to the long-term efforts needed to prevail against the Islamic State’s affiliates, and to ensure the organisation does not re-emerge in Iraq and Syria.; (AN 41939853)
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3.

An Area-Access Strategy for NATO by Pothier, Fabrice. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p73-80, 8p; Abstract: Without a credible plan for reinforcement, the Alliance’s much-celebrated eastern tripwires could rapidly become sitting ducks.; (AN 41939858)
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4.

Trump’s Missing Asia Strategy by Huxley, Tim; Schreer, Benjamin. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p81-89, 9p; Abstract: Mixed messaging and the doctrine of ‘America First’ are generating scepticism and anxiety among America’s allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific.; (AN 41939854)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p90-92, 3p; (AN 41939859)
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6.

The Benefits of Hindsight: Historical Research and Political Accountability by Freedman, Lawrence. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p93-110, 18p; Abstract: The only fair test when evaluating policymakers’ judgements is to ask whether a decision was reasonable given what was known at the time.; (AN 41939861)
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7.

Brief Notices Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 pe1-e10, 10p; (AN 41939864)
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8.

Does Brexit Threaten Peace in Northern Ireland? by Stevenson, Jonathan. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p111-128, 18p; Abstract: The United Kingdom’s vote to leave the European Union may have hastened the coming of a united Ireland.; (AN 41939860)
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9.

Now for the Hard Part: NATO’s Strategic Adaptation to Russia by Ringsmose, Jens; Rynning, Sten. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p129-146, 18p; Abstract: The Alliance’s success in adapting its deterrence posture has brought into focus a range of more complex challenges.; (AN 41939868)
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10.

Deterrence from the Ground Up: Understanding NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence by Zapfe, Martin. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p147-160, 14p; Abstract: NATO’s deterrence strategy must take into account the fundamentally political nature of the Russian threat.; (AN 41939866)
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11.

UN Peace Operations and the Use of Military Force by Rudolf, Peter. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p161-182, 22p; Abstract: The gap between traditional peacekeeping principles and the realities of contemporary operations is becoming increasingly apparent.; (AN 41939867)
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12.

Book Reviews by Jones, Erik; Crandall, Russell; Mazo, Jeffrey. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p183-204, 22p; (AN 41939865)
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13.

Prohibition and Its Discontents by Williams, Heather. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p205-208, 4p; Abstract: States and civil-society groups pursuing a ban on nuclear weapons do not all share the same motivations.; (AN 41939862)
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14.

The Interpreters by Pedersen, Asger. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p209-214, 6p; Abstract: The treatment of local civilians formerly employed by foreign militaries in Afghanistan is a source of shame for the soldiers with whom they served.; (AN 41939863)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Retaliation in Rebellion: The Missing Link to Explaining Insurgent Violence in Dagestan by Ratelle, Jean-François; Souleimanov, Emil Aslan. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p573-592, 20p; Abstract: This article posits that the remnants of archaic sociocultural norms, particularly the honour-imposed custom of retaliation, play a crucial role in the process of insurgent engagement in Russia's autonomous republic of Dagestan. Through a series of interviews with former insurgents, this study outlines two retaliation-centred mechanisms: “individual retaliation” and “spiritual retaliation” in order to explain the microcosm of motives behind insurgent activity in Dagestan. In doing so, this study problematizes the role of Salafi/Jihadist ideology as the main impetus for insurgent violence. Reversing the traditional causal link between violence and religion, this study also demonstrates that the development of Jihadist ideology is a by-product of insurgent mobilization rather than its cause.; (AN 42042068)
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2.

Was Idi Amin's Government a Terrorist Regime? by Leonard Boyle, Emma. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p593-609, 17p; Abstract: What does state terrorism look like? How do we distinguish it from other forms of mass state violence, such as repression or genocide? Based on the developing literature on state terrorism, this study presents three expectations that violence perpetrated by the state should meet if it is to be classified as state terrorism: these are (a) that the violence is perpetrated by agents of the state, (b) that the violence is visible, and (c) that state terrorism focused against a state's own citizens will be carried out by an autocratic, personalistic regime. Drawing substantially on a series of primary sources, this study demonstrates that Idi Amin's regime in Uganda from 1971 to 1979 did engage in state terrorism against its own citizens.; (AN 42042069)
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3.

Theorizing the Expansion of the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria by Weeraratne, Suranjan. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p610-634, 25p; Abstract: This research investigates the dramatic expansion of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria in the last few years. Militant activity has expanded in terms of frequency and severity of attacks, geographic scope, target selection, and strategies used. The evolution of the group and the trajectory of violence are best explained through four overlapping theoretical strands. These include the growing fragmentation of the movement, development of strategic ties with Al Qaeda affiliates, strong-armed counterterrorism operations that further radicalized the movement, and exploitation of the porous border area that separates Nigeria from its northern neighbors.; (AN 42042071)
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4.

Bosnia on the Border? Republican Violence in Northern Ireland During the 1920s and 1970s by Lewis, Matthew; McDaid, Shaun. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p635-655, 21p; Abstract: Unionist politicians have argued that Republican political violence on the Irish border, during both the partition of Ireland and more recent Northern Ireland conflict, constituted ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Protestant/Unionist community in those areas. These views have been bolstered by an increasingly ambivalent scholarly literature that has failed to adequately question the accuracy of these claims. This article interrogates the ethnic cleansing/genocide narrative by analysing Republican violence during the 1920s and the 1970s. Drawing from a wide range of theoretical literature and archival sources, it demonstrates that Republican violence fell far short of either ethnic cleansing or genocide, (in part) as a result of the perpetrators’ self-imposed ideological constraints. It also defines a new interpretive concept for the study of violence: functional sectarianism. This concept is designed to move scholarly discussion of political and sectarian violence beyond the highly politicised and moral cul-de-sacs that have heretofore characterised the debate, and has implications for our understanding of political violence beyond Ireland.; (AN 42042072)
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5.

How Does Violence Threaten the State? Four Narratives on Piracy by Shirk, Mark. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p656-673, 18p; Abstract: Violence characterized by similar actions, actor motivations, group structures, or level of damage still poses qualitatively distinct genera of threats to states. For instance, “terrorism” can threaten a particular state, be used by a state, or threaten the entire state system. Building on the threat construction literature, this study argues that threat is best understood through narratives on the relationship between violence and the boundary-producing practices that construct the state. Four ideal-typical basic narratives on this relationship are produced—entrant, resource, revisionist, and criminal. Each narrative is then demonstrated by looking at how it was used in a historical case of piracy. The action (piracy as raiding at sea) is held constant while the threat in each varies with the narrative. Understanding how threat is narratively constructed can help us to understand particular historical episodes of violence and state responses to them.; (AN 42042073)
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6.

Tailoring Strategies According to Ever-Changing Dynamics: The Evolving Image of the Kurdish Diaspora in Germany by Baser, Bahar. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p674-691, 18p; Abstract: Germany might be considered as the European country that has suffered the most from the spatial diffusion of Turkey's internal conflicts. It has received the highest number of Kurdish migrants in Europe and it became the core of Kurdish mobilization in transnational space. Germany's approach to the Kurdish Question on its own soil—combined with the strategies that the Kurdish activists used—determined the scope of opportunity structures for the mobilization of the Kurdish movement. This article explains how Kurdish activism has come to be perceived in Germany, and analyzes the German political environment by focusing on the criminalization and stigmatization of the Kurdish movement, especially during the 1990s. It then describes the discursive shift and change in framing strategies that the Kurdish diaspora experienced after the capture of the the Kurdistan Workers' Party's (PKK) leader in 1999. Lastly, it touches upon the recent developments in the Middle East, especially in Kobane, and their impact on the image of the Kurdish movement. The article is based on extensive fieldwork in Germany and includes testimonies of Kurdish diaspora activists, with a focus on their own perceptions about their situation and how they respond to securitization policies in the host country.; (AN 42042070)
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7.

The Golden Age? What the 100 Most Cited Articles in Terrorism Studies Tell Us by Silke, Andrew; Schmidt-Petersen, Jennifer. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p692-712, 21p; Abstract: In a context where widespread failings in the nature of terrorism research are well recognised—yet where the quantity of work is still enormous—is it possible to fairly assess whether the field is progressing or if it has become mired in mediocre research? Citation analysis is widely used to reveal the evolution and extent of progress in fields of study and to provide valuable insight into major trends and achievements. This study identifies and analyses the current 100 most cited journal articles in terrorism studies. A search was performed using Google Scholar for peer-reviewed journal articles on subjects related to terrorism and counter-terrorism. The most cited articles were published across sixty-two journals, which reflected the interdisciplinary nature of terrorism studies. Compared to other articles, the most cited articles were more likely to be the result of collaborative research and were also more likely to provide new data. Sixty-three of the top 100 articles have been published since 2001. The findings are discussed in relation to the evolution of terrorism research and current debates on progress in the field.; (AN 42042075)
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8.

Adversary Group Decision-Making Regarding Choice of Attack Methods: Expecting the Unexpected by Knight, Sarah E.; Keane, Carys; Murphy, Amy. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p713-734, 22p; Abstract: Anticipating whether an adversary group will continue to use their usual (“conventional”), expected attack methods is important for military and counterterrorism practitioners tasked with protecting the security of others. Conventional attack methods are by their nature easier to plan and prepare for whilst “innovative” methods may take those responsible for security and counterterrorism by surprise and, as such, may have more impact and more serious consequences. The present study aimed to develop understanding of how, when, and why adversary groups might decide to use conventional attack methods or opt to do something innovative instead. A literature review was conducted and findings were applied to develop a thorough understanding of the decision-making process that underlies an adversary group's choice of attack method. Identified are three stages preceding the execution of an attack: a) “strategic direction”; b) “incubation”; and c) “planning and preparation,” plus “overarching” and “contextual” factors that can influence the process at each stage. It is suggested that it is these factors and how they influence decision-making that result in innovative methods being used to execute an attack, or convention prevailing. Findings can aid practitioners and policy-makers in counterterrorism, security, and law enforcement, to support their understanding, evaluation, and countering of current and future threats.; (AN 42042076)
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9.

The Secret Agent, International Policing, and Anarchist Terrorism: 1900–1914 by Jensen, Richard Bach. Terrorism and Political Violence, July 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p735-771, 37p; Abstract: An unprecedented expansion of global anti-terrorist policing took place after 1900, although the security forces projected outside their borders by Russia, Italy, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, and Argentina displayed an enormous diversity in size and effectiveness. Crucial to successful policing was how these countries improved their intelligence through recruiting and handling informers, maintained secrecy and good relations with local police, and handled the media. The British approach to anarchist control was arguably the most successful. Italian international policing was the most far-reaching, while the United States long remained the world's most under-policed large country. On examination, the view that anti-anarchist policing was a case of conservative imperial regimes versus the Western democracies loses validity. During this period, a general trend saw the transfer of anarchist surveillance from the hands of diplomats into those of interior ministry officials and the police, all in the name of greater centralization, professionalization, and efficiency.; (AN 42042074)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 40, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

The World of Webcraft: Using Networks Against Shadow Finance by Slaughter, Anne-Marie; LaForge, Gordon. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p7-28, 22p; (AN 42550034)
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2.

Preserving the Post-War Order by Mazarr, Michael J.. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p29-49, 21p; (AN 42550039)
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3.

“On The Brink”—Really? Revisiting Nuclear Close Calls Since 1945 by Tertrais, Bruno. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p51-66, 16p; (AN 42550040)
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4.

Fight or Flight: How to Avoid a Forever War against Jihadists by Byman, Daniel; McCants, Will. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p67-77, 11p; (AN 42550036)
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5.

The Brutal Politics of China's Economic Overhaul: What Xi Can Learn from FDR by Heath, Timothy R.. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p79-93, 15p; (AN 42550035)
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6.

The Cyclical Politics of Counterterrorism by Klein, Adam I.. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p95-111, 17p; (AN 42550038)
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7.

The Israeli Odyssey toward its National Cyber Security Strategy by Adamsky, Dmitry (Dima). The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p113-127, 15p; (AN 42550037)
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8.

Has Modi Truly Changed India's Foreign Policy? by Ganguly, Sumit. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p131-143, 13p; (AN 42550041)
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9.

Beyond India’s Quest for a Neoliberal Order by Rej, Abhijnan. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p145-161, 17p; (AN 42550043)
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10.

India's Slow Emergence as a Regional Security Actor by Tarapore, Arzan. The Washington Quarterly, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p163-178, 16p; (AN 42550042)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 40, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

National interest organisations in EU policy-making by Eising, Rainer; Rasch, Daniel; Rozbicka, Patrycja. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p939-956, 18p; Abstract: AbstractComparative and EU interest group studies are marked by a progression towards theory-driven, large-Nempirical studies in the past 20 years. With the study of national interest organisations in EU policy-making, this special issue puts centre stage a theoretically and empirically neglected topic in this research field. The individual contributions include interest group characteristics, institutional contexts as well as issue contexts as explanatory factors in their empirical analyses of multilevel interest representation. They present novel developments in the study of political alignments among interest groups and political institutions, the Europeanisation of domestic interest organisations, and the question of bias in interest group populations. Thereby, they not only contribute to the comparative study of interest groups, but also to the analysis of policy-making, multilevel governance, and political representation in the EU.; (AN 42199902)
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2.

Who says what to whom? Alignments and arguments in EU policy-making by Eising, Rainer; Rasch, Daniel; Rozbicka, Patrycja; Fink-Hafner, Danica; Hafner-Fink, Mitja; Novak, Meta. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p957-980, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIn the EU multilevel polity, domestic interest groups seek to shape EU legislation by accessing both national and EU institutions. Previous studies indicated that institutional and issue contexts as well as organisational characteristics shape their strategies of interest representation. However, we know much less about how alignments and arguments impact on their participation in EU and national policy consultations. Addressing this gap, we investigate the lobbying strategies of almost 2900 national interest organisations from five member states (Germany, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) on 20 EU directive proposals also bringing a new empirical scope to the study of multilevel interest representation. The findings indicate that alignments and arguments shape the participation of domestic interest groups in consultations on EU policies. We infer from our study that some general predictions of interest group behaviour are overstretched and outline four major variations of interest representation routines.; (AN 42199898)
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3.

Government‒business relations in multilevel systems: the effect of conflict perception on venue choice by Marshall, David; Bernhagen, Patrick. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p981-1003, 23p; Abstract: AbstractIn multilevel systems, organised interests, including business firms, can pursue their political goals at different levels. At the same time, national systems of interest representation provide important incentive structures for corporate political behaviour. In this context, corporate political strategy is guided by firms’ perceptions of their relationship with policy-makers. If this relationship is under strain in one venue, firms shift their lobbying effort to alternative venues, subject to constraints reflecting national institutional legacies. Using survey data on 56 large German and British firms, the article investigates empirically how perceptions of government‒business relations and national systems of interest representation interact to shape the political behaviour of large firms in multilevel systems. The analysis shows that perceived conflict with public authorities at the national level leads to increased business lobbying at the EU level. Furthermore, national types of interest representation shape relative business engagement at the EU level as well as the readiness of firms to shift venue.; (AN 42199896)
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4.

German MPs and interest groups in EU multilevel policy-making: the politics of information exchange by Wonka, Arndt. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1004-1024, 21p; Abstract: AbstractPolicy-makers regularly interact with interest groups to exchange information. This provides, it is often argued, the former with input needed to formulate effective policies and the latter with political influence. This article shares this broad perspective. In contrast to large parts of the literature, however, the paper argues for a political perspective on information exchanges between parliamentarians and interest groups. This perspective builds on party politicians’ ideological positions to explain the scope of parliamentarians’ information exchanges with different types of interest groups. In order to move away from the idea that information is a scarce resource for parliamentarians their interactions with interest groups are put in the context of their intra-party information exchanges. The empirical analysis of original survey data of members of the German Bundestag broadly confirms the article’s main arguments.; (AN 42199899)
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5.

Imperfect public goods and the logic of selective exit in EU interest organisations by Eising, Rainer. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1025-1045, 21p; Abstract: AbstractHow do national members react to performance failures of EU-level interest groups? Albert Hirschman suggested two responses: exit and voice. Building on this distinction, the article develops the category of selective exit which denotes members’ interest representation outside the boundaries of the EU-level interest organisation in response to performance failures. Selective exit enables members to raise voice from within and exert pressure from outside the group. The empirical test of this proposition draws on 100 interviews with national interest groups which provide evidence on the lobbying performance of EU-level groups on 20 EU directive proposals. Exact logistic regressions analyse their responses to the quality of information supply by the EU-level group and the congruence of their preferences with the EU-level group’s common position. The findings demonstrate that members join coalitions and participate in media debates to counter perceived performance failures. The conclusion summarises the findings and points out avenues for further research.; (AN 42199895)
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6.

The multilevel interest representation of national business associations by Kohler-Koch, Beate; Kotzian, Peter; Quittkat, Christine. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1046-1065, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe role of interest groups in EU policy-making has been widely researched, but findings are still inconclusive. With regard to national business interest associations (BIAs), it is generally acknowledged that they have adopted a multilevel strategy in the course of EU integration. Yet there is little empirical knowledge as to how much attention they devote to national compared to EU institutions, how this varies between different levels of responsibility and which features of BIAs allow for access. Based on a large new dataset of BIAs from France, Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom, this article tests hypotheses derived from an exchange model of interest intermediation. The analysis shows that BIAs with high financial resources, BIAs with a high level of representativeness and multisectoral BIAs have the highest probability of access, whereas the economic importance of the represented sector has no relevance, not even for access to elected political actors, be they national or European.; (AN 42199903)
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7.

Adapting to Europe? Business interests and civil society groups in accession countries by Cekik, Aneta. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1066-1087, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhile the Europeanisation of national interest groups is an important research agenda in the EU, very little research examines their Europeanisation outside the EU, and during the EU accession process. The article fills this gap by focusing on Europeanisation of interest groups in Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. Using new survey data, the article looks at interest groups’ involvement in the national pre-accession process, and their activity at the EU level. The main argument of the paper stresses the absence of significant differences between the levels of Europeanisation of business and other types of interest groups (especially NGOs) in the current phase of EU accession. The regression analyses provide support to this argument, showing that access to national institutions, resources, the Europeanisation of policy areas and dependence on EU funding account for interest groups’ levels of Europeanisation, while variations across group types are not very significant.; (AN 42199905)
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8.

Networkers, fund hunters, intermediaries, or policy players? The activities of regions in Brussels by Tatham, Michaël. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1088-1108, 21p; Abstract: AbstractRegions started opening offices in Brussels in the mid-1980s. Today, well over half of Europe’s regions are present there. What do they do once they are in Brussels? Are they mainly networking, chasing funding, acting as intermediaries, monitoring legislation, or trying to influence the EU’s decision-making process? No study has analysed this question apart from the pioneering work by Marks et al.in 2002. This article breaks new ground by analysing both group-level and contextual factors in a series of multilevel models. Based on a survey of regional offices in Brussels, results indicate that contextual factors, such as levels of self-government back home, matter. However, group-level characteristics, such as an office’s longevity in Brussels, seem to affect a wider range of activities. Overall, older offices are more interested in the EU policy-making process and less interested in chasing funds or networking. Conversely, offices representing regions with weaker self-governing capacities rather conceive of their role as that of an intermediary, acting as an interface between the region and the EU institutions.; (AN 42199904)
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9.

Is the EU different? Comparing the diversity of national and EU-level systems of interest organisations by Berkhout, Joost; Hanegraaff, Marcel; Braun, Caelesta. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1109-1131, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThe European Union interest group population is often characterised as being biased towards business and detached from its constituency base. Many scholars attribute this to institutional factors unique to the EU. Yet, assessing whether or not the EU is indeed unique in this regard requires a comparative research design. We compare the EU interest group population with those in four member states: France, Great Britain, Germany and the Netherlands. We differentiate system, policy domain and organisational factors and examine their effects on interest group diversity. Our results show that the EU interest system is not more biased towards the representation of business interests than the other systems. Moreover, EU interest organisations are not more detached from their constituents than those in the studied countries. Everywhere, business interest associations seem to be better capable of representing their members’ interests than civil society groups. These findings suggest that the EU is less of a sui generissystem than commonly assumed and imply the need for more fine-grained analyses of interest group diversity.; (AN 42199906)
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10.

Cultural capital and the density of organised interests lobbying the European Parliament by Carroll, Brendan J.; Rasmussen, Anne. West European Politics, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p1132-1152, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDrawing on a new dataset the article investigates a case study of the population of interest representatives lobbying the European Parliament. It examines the role of economic and cultural resources to account for the representation of organised interests from different EU member states. It adds to the existing literature on the density of organised interests by showing that in addition to economic resources, cultural capital plays a significant role in stimulating the activity of organised interests. Whether countries have a high number of organised interests in the parliament’s interest group community depends on both whether they are economically prosperous and how large a share of their citizens participate in associational life. In addition, the findings demonstrate how the ranking of countries in the population of organised interests lobbying the parliament depends on the benchmark used to measure density.; (AN 42199910)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 69, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 69 issue 3 Cover and Back matter World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 pb1-b3, 3p; (AN 42562790)
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2.

WPO volume 69 issue 3 Cover and Front matter World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 pf1-f6, 6p; (AN 42562787)
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3.

Diverging Solidarity by Ibsen, Christian Lyhne; Thelen, Kathleen. World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p409-447, 39p; Abstract: The transition from Fordist manufacturing to the so-called knowledge economy confronts organized labor across the advanced market economies with a new and more difficult landscape. Many scholars have suggested that the future of egalitarian capitalism depends on forging new political coalitions that bridge the interests of workers in the “new” and “old” economies. This article explores current trajectories of change in Denmark and Sweden, two countries that are still seen as embodying a more egalitarian model of capitalism. The authors show that labor unions in these countries are pursuing two quite different strategies for achieving social solidarity—the Danish aimed at equality of opportunity and the Swedish aimed at equality of outcomes. The article examines the origins of these different strategic paths and explores the distinctive distributional outcomes they have produced. The conclusion draws out the broad lessons these cases hold for the choices currently confronting labor movements throughout the advanced industrial world.; (AN 42562789)
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4.

Solidaristic Unionism and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe by Mosimann, Nadja; Pontusson, Jonas. World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p448-492, 45p; Abstract: Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–14), this article explores the effect of union membership on support for redistribution. The authors hypothesize that the wage-bargaining practices of unions promote egalitarian distributive norms, which lead union members to support redistribution, and that this effect is strongest among high-wage workers. Consistent with the authors’ expectations, the empirical analysis shows that the solidarity effect of union membership is strongest when unions encompass a very large share of the labor force or primarily organize low-wage workers. The authors also show that low-wage workers have become a significantly less important union constituency in many European countries over the time period covered by the analysis.; (AN 42562793)
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5.

Political Competition and the Initiation of International Conflict by Goldsmith, Benjamin E.; Semenovich, Dimitri; Sowmya, Arcot; Grgic, Gorana. World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p493-531, 39p; Abstract: Although some scholars claim that the empirical evidence for the very low instance of interstate war between democracies is well established, others have raised new challenges. But even if democratic peace is observed, its theoretical explanation remains unresolved. Consensus has not emerged among competing approaches, some of which are criticized for offering monadic logic for a dyadic phenomenon. This article synthesizes recent literature to advance a simple, but distinct, explicitly dyadic theory about institutionalized political competition, leading to expectations that it is the most important source of democratic peace. While the authors are far from the first to consider political competition, their approach stands out in according it the central role in a dyadic theory focused on the regime type of initiators and target states. They argue that potential vulnerability to opposition criticism on target-regime-specific normative and costs-of-war bases is more fundamental than mechanisms such as audience costs, informational effects, or public goods logic. Incumbents in high-competition states will be reluctant to initiate conflict with a democracy due to anticipated inability to defend the conflict as right, necessary, and winnable. The authors present new and highly robust evidence that democratic peace is neither spurious nor a methodological artifact, and that it can be attributed to high-competition states’ aversion to initiating fights with democracies.; (AN 42562792)
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6.

Humiliation and Third-Party Aggression by Barnhart, Joslyn. World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p532-568, 37p; Abstract: There is a growing consensus that status concerns drive state behavior. Although recent attention has been paid to when states are most likely to act on behalf of status concerns, very little is known about which actions states are most likely to engage in when their status is threatened. This article focuses on the effect of publicly humiliating international events as sources of status threat. Such events call into question a state's image in the eyes of others, thereby increasing the likelihood that the state will engage in reassertions of its status. The article presents a theory of status reassertion that outlines which states will be most likely to respond, as well as when and how they will be most likely to do so. The author argues that because high-status states have the most to lose from repeated humiliation, they will be relatively risk averse when reasserting their status. In contrast to prior work arguing that humiliation drives a need for revenge, the author demonstrates that great powers only rarely engage in direct revenge. Rather, they pursue the less risky option of projecting power abroad against weaker states to convey their intentions of remaining a great power. The validity of this theory is tested using an expanded and recoded data set of territorial change from 1816 to 2000. Great powers that have experienced a humiliating, involuntary territorial loss are more likely to attempt aggressive territorial gains in the future and, in particular, against third-party states.; (AN 42562794)
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7.

Social Forces and Regime Change by Clarke, Killian. World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p569-602, 34p; Abstract: This article discusses three recent books that analyze patterns of political conflict and regime change in postcolonial Asia and Africa using a social forces approach to political analysis. The social forces tradition, originally pioneered by Barrington Moore, studies the social origins and political consequences of struggles between social groups whose members hold shared identities and interests. The works under review examine, respectively, the varied regime trajectories of Southeast Asia's states, divergent regime outcomes in India and Pakistan, and the institutional origins of social cleavages and political conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. Although historically the social forces paradigm has focused on conflict between class actors, the author argues that these three works fruitfully extend the social forces approach to encompass struggles between nonclass social groups, including those defined along the lines of ethnicity, religion, nationality, region, and family. This pluralized version of the social forces approach is better suited to studying patterns of regime change in Asia and Africa, where the paradigm has been less frequently applied than it has been to cases in Europe and Latin America.; (AN 42562788)
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8.

Landowners and Democracy: The Social Origins of Democracy Reconsidered—Erratum World Politics, July 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 3 p603-603, 1p; (AN 42562791)
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9.

The Contributors World Politics, March 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41719545)
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10.

Landowners and Democracy: The Social Origins of Democracy Reconsidered by Albertus, Michael. World Politics, March 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p233-276, 44p; Abstract: Abstract:Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the negative influence of labor-dependent agriculture on democracy started to turn positive around the time of democracy’s third wave. The dual threats of land reform and costly domestic insurgencies in that period—often with more potent consequences under dictators—plausibly prompted landowners to push for democracy with strong horizontal constraints and favorable institutions that could protect their property more reliably over the long term than could dictatorship. The shift in support for democracy by labor-dependent landowners is a major untold story of democracy’s third wave and helps explain the persistent democratic deficit in many new democracies.; (AN 41719279)
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11.

Patronage, Trust, and State Capacity: The Historical Trajectories of Clientelism by Bustikova, Lenka; Corduneanu-Huci, Cristina. World Politics, March 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p277-326, 50p; Abstract: Abstract:What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelistic exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, the authors focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women’s suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. Macrodata from eightyeight electoral democracies and microdata from the most recent wave of the World Value Survey provide supportive evidence for the theory.; (AN 41719317)
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12.

Race, Resources, and Representation: Evidence from Brazilian Politicians by Bueno, Natália S.; Dunning, Thad. World Politics, March 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p327-365, 39p; Abstract: Abstract:What explains the persistence of racial or ethnic inequalities in descriptive representation in the absence of strongly politicized racial or ethnic cleavages? This article uses new data to demonstrate a substantial racial gap between voters and politicians in Brazil. The authors show that this disparity is not plausibly due to racial preferences in the electorate as a whole, for instance, deference toward white candidates or discrimination against nonwhites, and that barriers to candidate entry or discrimination by party leaders do not likely explain the gap. Instead, they document persistent resource disparities between white and nonwhite candidates, including large differences in personal assets and campaign contributions. The findings suggest that elite closure—investments by racial and economic elites on behalf of elite candidates—help perpetuate a white political class, even in the absence of racialized politics. By underscoring this avenue through which representational disparities persist, the article contributes to research on elite power in democratic settings.; (AN 41718961)
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13.

Paying for War and Building States: The Coalitional Politics of Debt Servicing and Tax Institutions by Saylor, Ryan; Wheeler, Nicholas C.. World Politics, March 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p366-408, 43p; Abstract: Abstract:Many scholars believe that intense warfare propelled state formation in early modern Europe because rulers built tax institutions to pay for wars. Scholars likewise cite milder geopolitical pressures to explain the lackluster state building in the developing world. The authors analyze episodes of ferocious warfare in and beyond Europe and find that despite similar fiscal strains, not all governments built strong tax institutions to service wartime debt. When net creditors in a country’s credit market were part of the ruling political coalition, they pressed governments to diversify taxes and strengthen fiscal institutions to ensure debt service. But when net debtors held political sway, governments were indifferent to debt servicing and fiscal invigoration. Coalitional politics can help to explain why mounting debt-service obligations led to fiscal institution building in some cases, but not others. The analysis highlights how the private economic interests of ruling coalition members can affect state building.; (AN 41719275)
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