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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 26, no. 4, August 2016

Record

Results

1.

Paving the (Hard) Way for Regional Partnerships: Evidence from Portugal by Silva, Patrícia; Teles, Filipe; Pires, Artur Rosa. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p449-474, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA fundamental dilemma which troubles advocates of interinstitutional partnerships in regional development pertains to the extent to which partnerships enhance the effectiveness of governance processes and outcomes. This dilemma is particularly relevant in contexts that lack strong cohesive regional development alliances, such as the Portuguese case. This article aims to shed light on the debate regarding the role of partnerships in regional development, drawing on a unique collaborative interinstitutional partnership. It explores the responses to complexity across the different stakeholders, as well as its effects at the formulation and implementation stages of the strategic plans devised to apply for EU funding. Findings suggest that interinstitutional partnerships induce significantly different allocative choices at the agenda-setting. However, the established partnership was unable to cope with the several obstacles that emerged during the implementation, suggesting several vulnerabilities of partnerships, which are explored. Findings suggest the need to reinforce governance mechanisms during the implementation stage.; (AN 40288803)
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2.

Regional Identity and Support for Europe: Distinguishing Between Cultural and Political Social Identity in France by Brigevich, Anna. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p475-507, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMuch has been written about the “crisis of the nation state” in Europe. The shifting of state competencies to the European and regional levels is expected to generate new loyalties to these levels, possibly at the expense of national solidarity. While numerous studies show that individuals with an exclusive national identity are less likely to support integration than those with an inclusive identity, much less is known about the interaction between regional identity and European identity. Using public opinion data collected in 16 French regions, I show that exclusive regionalists are less likely to feel attached to Europe and support the EU. However, I also find that the impact of regional identity on European identity varies by the type of identity invoked—cultural versus political. While cultural regional identity lowers support for European institutions, political regional identity has the opposite effect.; (AN 40288804)
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3.

Territorial government reforms at the time of financial crisis: the dawn of metropolitan cities in Italy by Longo, Erik; Mobilio, Giuseppe. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p509-530, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOn 1 January 2015 a new institution, the metropolitan city, took its place among the Italian territorial authorities. Despite its incorporation in the Italian Constitution since 2001, the metropolitan city become a reality only when the national government carried out a process of reform and transformation of Italian territorial government by transforming 10 large cities into metropolitan cities and depriving other intermediate governments (regions and provinces) of their fundamental competences. This article critically reviews the activation of metropolitan cities and the reshuffle of Italian territorial authorities. It stresses the way in which this reform marks the shift towards a new phase of Italian regionalism, which is dominated both by a dynamic of recentralizing intergovernmental relations and by the resulting loss for provincial and regional governments.; (AN 40288806)
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4.

Follow the Candidates, Not the Parties? Personal Vote in a Regional De-institutionalized Party System by Emanuele, Vincenzo; Marino, Bruno. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p531-554, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses how personal vote shapes electoral competition and predicts electoral results in a regional de-institutionalized party system. After having analysed the connection between unpredictable political environment and personal vote, we build an original empirical model that explores preferential vote and patterns of re-candidacies and endorsements of the most voted candidates in the Calabrian regional elections. The analysis shows that leading candidates retain a more stable and predictable support over time with respect to parties and that candidates and their system of interactions are able to predict the electoral results better than parties and their alliances.; (AN 40288805)
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5.

The 2016 Scottish Parliament election: a nationalist minority, a Conservative comeback and a Labour collapse by Anderson, Paul. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p555-568, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just two MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also changed significantly. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the Lib Dems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.; (AN 40288808)
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6.

Change beneath the surface: the 2016 Northern Ireland Assembly election by Bertoldi, Francesco. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p569-584, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPreceded by a string of institutional crises and sustained political wrangling, the Northern Ireland Assembly election held in May 2016 cemented the grip of the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin over the province’s power-sharing institutions, while certifying the impasse of their intra-bloc rivals. Eighteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, the electoral campaign continued to feature emotionally charged ethnic appeals. Nonetheless, socioeconomic issues were at the fore of the political debate, contributing to the limited yet significant advance of non-sectarian actors. Beneath the surface of a mainly unaltered Assembly makeup and unchanged ethno-political geography, the vote resulted in a decline in support for the traditional governing parties, particularly in the nationalist camp. In the aftermath of the vote, the formation of an officially recognized Opposition has opened uncharted political waters.; (AN 40288807)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 161, no. 6, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p3-3, 1p; (AN 40889544)
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2.

A Reality Check after Thailand’s King Bhumibol by Farrelly, Nicholas. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p4-8, 5p; Abstract: Thailand faces immense challenges as it adjusts to the end of King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s 70-year reign. Its support for the geopolitical agendas of the Western democracies can no longer be taken for granted. For now, Nicholas Farrelly argues, Thailand’s military leadership is preparing for further turbulence and conflict.; (AN 40889545)
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3.

Making Mogadishu Safe by Hills, Alice. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p10-16, 7p; Abstract: The UK’s multi-agency approach to making Mogadishu safe involves multiple defence and development projects, few of which improve street-level security. For this to happen, the UK must support Somali-led initiatives that collect community intelligence while expressing the value residents place on social capital and information. Alice Hills uses a neighbourhood watch scheme in Waberi District to explore the relationship between counterterrorism and community safety and what it means for UK policy. She finds that Waberi’s cheap and sustainable scheme makes an identifiable contribution to the UK’s security objectives while helping to provide the physical security that Mogadishu’s residents want.; (AN 40889546)
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4.

Beyond the UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial by Marley, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p18-27, 10p; Abstract: After a period of declining contributions, there are signs of a renewed UK interest in UN peacekeeping missions. In this article, Jonathan Marley examines the factors that are driving the UK’s current approach. While London may be seeking a greater role in UN missions, to act effectively it will need to signal its intent to international partners and update its practices.; (AN 40889547)
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5.

Is the SSBN Deterrent Vulnerable to Autonomous Drones? by Gates, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p28-35, 8p; Abstract: It has been claimed that drones, such as autonomous unmanned aerial vehicles and autonomous underwater vehicles, will be able to search the oceans for nuclear-powered submarines carrying nuclear-tipped weapons (SSBNs). Deployed in large numbers, it is posited that these drones would make the continuous at-sea deterrent obsolete. Jonathan Gates argues that few of the sensors carried by these drones would be able to detect a deeply submerged submarine, even if it were large. The range of these sensors, however sensitive, is very limited. Given the immense size of the submarines’ potential operating area, the chance of detection is negligible, even if many drones were deployed. Despite this, there may still be a role for these drones in assisting anti-submarine forces to carry out their operations. This article considers these issues as they apply to the UK’s SSBNs.; (AN 40889549)
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6.

Is it Counterproductive to Enlist Minors into the Army? by Gee, David; Taylor, Rachel. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p36-48, 13p; Abstract: As most states now restrict military enlistment to adults from the age of eighteen, the UK’s policy of recruiting from the age of sixteen is unusual. In this article, David Gee and Rachel Taylor discuss whether the policy effectively meets the needs of young people and the army itself, and examine the feasibility of a transition to an all-adult force.; (AN 40889548)
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7.

Planning and Fighting a War by Clarke, Michael. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p50-57, 8p; Abstract: The Iraq Inquiry shows that the armed forces were up against some tough challenges over which they had little effective control. But, Michael Clarke contends, it also indicates that they exacerbated their problems by assuming, even on the basis of thin resources, that they could play a strategically significant role throughout.; (AN 40889550)
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8.

The Somme by Spence, Jack. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p58-63, 6p; Abstract: On the centenary of the Somme, Jack Spence reviews the latest literature on the topic to explore what can still be learned from this scarring experience.; (AN 40889551)
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9.

100 Years On – Arts Experiences of the First World War by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p66-68, 3p; (AN 40889552)
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10.

Biological Threats in the 21st Century: The Politics, People, Science and Historical Roots by Cole, Jennifer. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p70-71, 2p; (AN 40889553)
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11.

War in Europe: 1450 to the Present by James, Alan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p71-73, 3p; (AN 40889554)
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12.

The Bad-Ass Librarians of Timbuktu: And Their Race to Save the World’s Most Precious Manuscripts by Lawson, Ewan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p73-74, 2p; (AN 40889555)
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13.

America and the Politics of Insecurity by Grgic, Gorana. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p74-75, 2p; (AN 40889557)
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14.

The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917–1923 by Eyal, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p75-77, 3p; (AN 40889556)
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15.

Never Surrender: Winston Churchill and Britain’s Decision to Fight Nazi Germany in the Fateful Summer of 1940 by Toye, Richard. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p77-77, 1p; (AN 40889558)
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16.

The Sabotage Diaries by Bennett, Gill. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p78-79, 2p; (AN 40889559)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 26, no. 1, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Foreword Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 38099559)
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2.

Key Issues of the German osceChairmanship 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; (AN 38099557)
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3.

What German Responsibility Means Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p11-24, 14p; (AN 38099574)
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4.

Russian Views of the osceand the 2016 German Chairmanship Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p25-32, 8p; (AN 38099562)
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5.

The United States and the osceafter the Ukraine Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p33-47, 15p; (AN 38099604)
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6.

Successful Small States in the osceand the German Chairmanship of 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p48-64, 17p; (AN 38099560)
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7.

How Can a Dialogue be Restarted with Russia? Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p65-68, 4p; (AN 38099600)
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8.

Human Rights in Times of Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p69-77, 9p; (AN 38099653)
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9.

Conventional Arms Control in Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p78-87, 10p; (AN 38099601)
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10.

Ukraine, Protracted Conflicts and the osce Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p88-106, 19p; (AN 38099605)
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11.

Tearing Down Real and Cognitive Walls Preventing Osce Compassion For Human Security in South-Eastern Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p107-116, 10p; (AN 38099602)
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12.

The osceNetwork of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p117-121, 5p; (AN 38099663)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 47, no. 6, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Arctic (in)security and Indigenous peoples: Comparing Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway by Greaves, Wilfrid. Security Dialogue, December 2016, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 6 p461-480, 20p; Abstract: While international relations has increasingly begun to recognize the political salience of Indigenous peoples, the related field of security studies has not significantly incorporated Indigenous peoples either theoretically or empirically. This article helps to address this gap by comparing two Arctic Indigenous peoples – Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway – as ‘securitizing actors’ within their respective states. It examines how organizations representing Inuit and Sámi each articulate the meaning of security in the circumpolar Arctic region. It finds that Inuit representatives have framed environmental and social challenges as security issues, identifying a conception of Arctic security that emphasizes environmental protection, preservation of cultural identity, and maintenance of Indigenous political autonomy. While there are some similarities between the two, Sámi generally do not employ securitizing language to discuss environmental and social issues, rarely characterizing them as existential issues threatening their survival or wellbeing.Drawing on securitization theory, this article proposes three factors to explain why Inuit have sought to construct serious challenges in the Arctic as security issues while Sámi have not: ecological differences between the Canadian and Norwegian Arctic regions, and resulting differences in experience of environmental change; the relative degree of social inclusion of Inuit and Sámi within their non-Indigenous majority societies; and geography, particularly the proximity of Norway to Russia, which results in a more robust conception of national security that restricts space for alternative, non-state security discourses. This article thus links recent developments in security studies and international relations with key trends in Indigenous politics, environmental change, and the geopolitics of the Arctic region.; (AN 40534229)
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2.

‘They go to get a gun’: Hidden histories of violence and the politics of rumour in Israel by McGahern, Una. Security Dialogue, December 2016, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 6 p481-497, 17p; Abstract: This article examines rumour as a distinct type of speech act and makes a case for engaging with the spaces within which rumours are deployed and circulated in practice. Critiquing the rigid linguistic focus on speech acts within prevailing securitization theories, it follows insights from the fields of political geography and anthropology in order to incorporate voices from the margins more fully into its analysis of threat construction. Examining the local deployment and circulation of rumours in religiously mixed Arab localities in Israel, it argues that the perlocutionary force of rumour not only is rooted in local security and policing arrangements but reveals a spatialization of violence that is particular to the margins. In so doing, the article seeks to contribute to a broadening of the research agenda on the social construction of threat that would not only bring ‘security have-nots’ to the centre of its analysis but draw attention to the margins as a particular type of security space.; (AN 40534233)
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3.

Strong militias, weak states and armed violence: Towards a theory of ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries by Aliyev, Huseyn. Security Dialogue, December 2016, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 6 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘state-manipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized.; (AN 40534232)
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4.

Reconciliation: A comprehensive framework for empirical analysis by Rettberg, Angelika; Ugarriza, Juan E. Security Dialogue, December 2016, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 6 p517-540, 24p; Abstract: There appears to be a rift between the theoretical and normative understandings of what reconciliation means and offers, and what people expect to happen in postconflict scenarios. Here we present a conceptual framework that captures the definitional diversity surrounding the concept of reconciliation and then operationalizes it in order to analyze responses from postconflict populations. The illustrative application of our framework to responses from a representative survey of 1,843 Colombian citizens reveals that people’s convictions are just as diverse as scholars’. Nevertheless, significant proportions of respondents seem to understand reconciliation to be primarily a psychological and political process which aims to achieve the re-establishment of quotidian or day-to-day relations and cooperation; which should be preceded by the cessation of violence, dialogue, goodwill, and attitudinal and emotional change; and which should be accompanied by social welfare and security. It is noteworthy that understandings of reconciliation as a process mediated by justice, truth, and memory are scarce. The application of this framework will help to reveal differences between hopes and promises, and inform scholarly work and policymaking that is more realistically rooted.; (AN 40534231)
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5.

Agents without agency: Assessing the role of the audience in securitization theory by Côté, Adam. Security Dialogue, December 2016, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 6 p541-558, 18p; Abstract: This article assesses the role of the audience in securitization theory. The main argument is that in order to accurately capture the role of the securitization audience, it must be theorized as an active agent, capable of having a meaningful effect on the intersubjective construction of security values. Through a meta-synthesis of 32 empirical studies of securitization, this article focuses on two central questions: (1) Who is the audience? (2) How does the audience engage in the construction of security? When assessed against the theoretical works on securitization, this analysis reveals that the manner in which the audience is defined and characterized within securitization theory differs with the empirical literature that investigates securitization processes. Where the empirical literature suggests securitization is a highly intersubjective process involving active audiences, securitization theory characterizes audiences as agents without agency, thereby marginalizing the theory’s intersubjective nature. This article sketches a new characterization of the securitization audience and outlines a framework for securitizing actor–audience interaction that better accounts for securitization theory’s linguistic and intersubjective character, addresses this theoretical/empirical conflict, and improves our understanding of how groups select and justify security priorities and costly security policies.; (AN 40534230)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

With Friends Like These: Brinkmanship and Chain-Ganging in Russia's Near Abroad by Driscoll, Jesse; Maliniak, Daniel. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p585-607, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnrecognized statelets may be forming in the Eastern Donbas region of Ukraine under the aegis of Russian protection—a “frozen conflict.” Georgia's past provides a useful cautionary tale in reference to Ukraine's probable future. The very same conceptual debates that are currently underway in the West with respect to Ukraine—“credibility of great-power security guarantees versus chain-ganging”—have, over the past twenty years, generated policies that facilitated the rise of political coalitions within Georgia that prefer war with Russia to any other outcome.; (AN 40044523)
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2.

Discursive Emotional Appeals in Sustaining Violent Social Movements in Iraq, 2003–11 by Sargsyan, Irena L.; Bennett, Andrew. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p608-645, 38p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow are some rebel leaders able to sustain violent collective action but others not? Most theories focus on leaders' use of selective incentives and efforts to lower their transaction costs and raise those of the government. We argue that a leader's ability to arouse emotions of anger, humiliation, and fear is also critical. Foreign leaders and former exiles typically lack the legitimacy and understanding of local politics necessary to incite such emotions. We test this argument in three case studies in Iraq between 2003 and 2011. In this period, the Sadrist Trend sustained violent collective action and gained lasting political power, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq failed to maintain its influence, and al-Qaeda in Iraq first gained and then lost its ability to mobilize violence.; (AN 40044524)
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3.

Osirak and the Counter-Proliferation Puzzle by Sadot, Uri. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p646-676, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the efforts made by Israel to stymie Iraq's nuclear program from 1974 to 1981. It argues that to fully understand the effects of Israel's campaign, its nonmilitary components need to be addressed, rather than focusing chiefly on the 1981 bombing of the Osirak reactor. While existing views hold that the bombing was counterproductive, this study finds Israel's overall campaign to have been a sophisticated and effective effort at curtailing Saddam Hussein's program. The campaign's main achievement was in buying time that allowed external events to take place, building towards the eventual collapse of Saddam's nuclear program. While Israel's campaign demonstrates that counterproliferation can work, there are instances where it can be highly counterproductive. Buying time can also be achieved without the use of force, through coercive means, as demonstrated by the Iranian case over the previous decade. However, various gradations of military intervention remain an important tool for preventing nuclear proliferation, as demonstrated by the cases of Osirak and the 2007 destruction of the Syrian nuclear reactor in al-Kibar.; (AN 40044525)
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4.

An Evolutionary Approach to Political Leadership by McDermott, Rose; Lopez, Anthony C.; Hatemi, Peter K.. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p677-698, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe combine evolutionary and neurobiological models to provide a theoretically rigorous framework for understanding the origin of political leadership in democratic structures and how such qualities interact with institutional incentives and constraints. Evolutionary, behavioral-genetic, neuropsychological, and physiological studies have identified biological systems related to particular types of leadership behaviors as well as the emergence of leadership itself. These biological systems emerge during specific life stages and interact with a person's life history, influencing the environments one selects into and the perception of those experiences and subsequent reactions to them; these circumstances reinforce, suppress, and inspire various leadership characteristics. Our framework provides insight into the foundational basis of leadership qualities and explains why and how we observe variation in such traits. The evolutionary functions of leadership, including approaches to collective action problems, leader–follower dynamics, institutional and organizational environments, and leader attributes are discussed, and in so doing, we propose several novel questions that can be addressed from this perspective, which suggest new and fruitful lines of research in leadership studies.; (AN 40044526)
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5.

On Combat Effectiveness in the Infantry Platoon: Beyond the Primary Group Thesis by King, Anthony. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p699-728, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 2001, Western troops have been heavily engaged in combat in Iraq and Afghanistan raising once again the long-standing question of why small groups of soldiers are willing and able to fight together. Drawing on evidence from recent campaigns, and specifically focusing on American and British forces, this paper examines why small Western units have generally been effective in combat. Against the primary group thesis, originally proposed by Morris Janowitz and Edward Shils in 1948, the article claims that training and battle drills, not interpersonal relations, are the primary factor in generating performance on the battlefield. Moreover, high levels of training alters the relations between soldiers, giving rise to a core group which generates distinctive patterns of motivation.; (AN 40044528)
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6.

Kill, Capture, or Defend? The Effectiveness of Specific and General Counterterrorism Tactics Against the Global Threats of the Post-9/11 Era by Lehrke, Jesse Paul; Schomaker, Rahel. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p729-762, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the effectiveness of contemporary counterterrorism strategy in the global fight against terrorism from 2001 to 2011. We seek to maximize the comparative approach more than most existing studies by examining three tactics (killing, capturing, and defending) applied at three scopes (leader, operational, and broad) on three levels (global, movement [jihadi], and organizational [al-Qaeda and Taliban]), while also measuring effectiveness along several quantitative, qualitative, and spatial dimensions. Drawing from resource theory (and its derived analytical approaches) and empirical terrorism studies, we formulate competing hypotheses that are quantitatively tested using a dataset with several original aspects. We find that both killing and capturing can have large effects but these effects vary based on both states' and terrorists' targeting strategies. The most interesting specific findings are that drone strikes seem counterproductive for counterterrorism while renditions seem effective. However, these effects were dwarfed by those of increased defenses, which reduce attacks in the West while redirecting them to other areas in the world. While we find the theory mostly sound, though in need of refocus, we believe current policy trends foretell an increase in terrorist activity in the coming years.; (AN 40044529)
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7.

EOV Editorial Board Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40044527)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 27, no. 6, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Historical and Political Background to the Erosion of the Rule of Law and Human Rights During Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Way Forward by Deane, Tameshnie. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p971-995, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe Sri Lankan Civil War (1983–2009) is regarded as a violent reflection of deepening divides along political and ethnic lines. During this civil war the Sri Lankan Government and its security forces have been implicated in unlawful killings carried out in a pervasive manner against civilians, whilst at the same time specifically targeting ethnic Tamils, humanitarian workers and journalists. The human rights of all citizens suffered as a result and ultimately led to the weakening of the rule of law. With the end of the civil war, the Sri Lankan Government has made little progress in providing accountability for wartime abuses. Its absence of and reluctance to ensure justice is seen as a logical culmination of decades of impunity. The importance of acknowledging historical behaviour and taking accountability for past violations will be discussed. In an analysis for paving the way to a new democracy in Sri Lanka, the main outcomes of this article are calls for accountability arising out of the government’s actions during the war; an investigation into the present state of human rights, the rule of law and finally; an examination into the political solution going forward to ensure a process of reconciliation and peaceful co-existence.; (AN 40288564)
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2.

The limits of covert action: SAS operations during ‘Confrontation’, 1964–66 by Tuck, Christopher. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p996-1018, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article evaluates the performance of the Special Air Service (SAS) during secret cross-border raids conducted as part of Britain’s undeclared war against Indonesia from 1963–1966. The analysis reviews the existing debate on the SAS’ performance during this campaign; it looks more closely at how military effectiveness might be defined; and it then examines, using the SAS’ own operations reports, the nature of their activities and their success or failure. This article concludes that critics of the SAS’ effectiveness during Confrontation are right; but for the wrong reasons. SAS operations did indeed have less effect than orthodox accounts would have it. But the reasons for this lay not in their misuse but in the exigencies of British strategy. This article demonstrates an enduring truth – no matter how ‘special’ a military force might be, tactical excellence cannot compensate reliably for problems in strategy.; (AN 40288563)
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3.

Editorial Board Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 pebi-ebi; (AN 40288571)
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4.

Moving Beyond Population-Centric vs. Enemy-Centric Counterinsurgency by Paul, Christopher; Clarke, Colin P.; Grill, Beth; Dunigan, Molly. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p1019-1042, 24p; Abstract: AbstractHistorically, insurgency is one of the most prevalent forms of armed conflict and it is likely to remain common in the foreseeable future. Recent experiences with counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan offer many lessons for future counterinsurgents, but the discourse on the subject continues to be mired in a traditional dichotomy pitting population-centric approaches to counterinsurgency against enemy-centric approaches. Historical analysis suggests that this traditional dichotomy is not a sufficiently nuanced way to understand or plan for such operations. Instead, discussions of counterinsurgency should focus on two dimensions: actions (use of physical force vs. political or moral actions) and targets (active insurgents vs. insurgent support). This perspective divides the space of possible counterinsurgency efforts into four quadrants, suggesting that effective counterinsurgency campaigns find a balance of effort across the four quadrants that is well matched to the specific context.; (AN 40288568)
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5.

Filibustering from Africa to the Americas: non-state actors and empire by Alessio, Dominic. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p1043-1066, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article looks at dominant definitions of empire, in particular those emphasizing large polities as the sole agents of imperial expansion. By doing so, it draws attention to the overlooked role of filibusters: private, non-state actors who initiate unauthorized military endeavours, either in an attempt to carve out empires for themselves or for their home state. It demonstrates that filibustering is not a practice unique only to the Americas or to the nineteenth century as so much of the literature suggests. Lastly, it scrutinizes the cultural and historical impact of the phenomenon. In terms of the former, it argues that filibustering had an important literary and filmic influence. Regarding the latter, it advocates that it frequently led to further violent intercessions in many of the countries occupied and influenced a particular style of proto-fascistic and charismatic militarism.; (AN 40288565)
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6.

At the End of Military Intervention: Historical, Theoretical, and Applied Approaches to Transition, Handover, and Withdrawal by Bennett, Huw. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p1067-1068, 2p; (AN 40288566)
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7.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 6 p1069-1070, 2p; (AN 40288567)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 16, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p(ebi)-(ebi); (AN 40488443)
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2.

Exit from democracy: illiberal governance in Turkey and beyond by Öktem, Kerem; Akkoyunlu, Karabekir. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p469-480, 12p; (AN 40488433)
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3.

Understanding Turkey’s democratic breakdown: old vs. new and indigenous vs. global authoritarianism by Somer, Murat. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p481-503, 23p; Abstract: AbstractTurkey’s ‘authoritarian turn’ in recent years indicates a democratic breakdown that can best be analysed by analytically distinguishing between two simultaneous developments. The first is the reproduction of Turkey’s long-existing semi-democratic regime – which the article calls old authoritarianism – in a new historical and dominant political–ideological context and under an Islamist-leaning government. The second is the emergence of a new type of authoritarianism – dubbed new authoritarianism – that is in many respects unprecedented for Turkey, is in need of better comprehension and displays important parallels with contemporary troubles of democracy in the world. Focusing on political society and institutions is insufficient to adequately examine the emergent authoritarian regime, for example to identify it as a regime type, to explain its popular support and to foresee how durable and repressive, and to what extent party-based rather than personalistic, it may become. It is necessary to combine insights from the new political economy of welfare, transition and communication with those from political and institutional democratization. Doing so suggests that new authoritarianism generates a new kind of state–society relationship where, paradoxically, political power becomes simultaneously more particularistic, personalized and mass-based. Hence, new authoritarianism has democratizing potential, but can also become more oppressive than any other regime Turkey has previously experienced. Oscillation between these two outcomes is also possible.; (AN 40488432)
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4.

Existential insecurity and the making of a weak authoritarian regime in Turkey by Akkoyunlu, Karabekir; Öktem, Kerem. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p505-527, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper seeks to explain Turkey’s rapid de-democratization from the conceptual perspective of existential insecurity, which accounts for the unwillingness of incumbents to share or relinquish power. The Kemalist era, the multi-party period and the early AKP era have all shown elements of the radicalizing effects of political insecurity and the weak institutions which stem from them. The concurrence of a revisionist Islamist project and geopolitical and ideological crises in Turkey’s overlapping neighbourhoods, however, have driven existential angst and insecurity among the incumbents to novel proportions. Under the conditions of this aggravated insecurity, the consolidation of a stable authoritarian regime appears unlikely, reducing the possible scenarios for Turkey’s immediate future to a weak and contested authoritarian arrangement or further escalation of conflict and instability.; (AN 40488434)
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5.

Decoding the authoritarian code: exercising ‘legitimate’ power politics through the ruling parties in Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia by Günay, Cengiz; Dzihic, Vedran. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p529-549, 21p; Abstract: AbstractWhile neoliberal interventions and policies have had serious effects on all societies, their impact on the institutional setting of some countries in the European periphery has been particularly drastic. Over the last years, countries as Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia – which we have selected as an illustration for the trend – have gone through processes of Europeanization and neoliberal transformation. For the ruling parties the ‘European agenda’ and neoliberal structural adjustment reforms opened new spaces to alter established political routines and reconfigure institutional settings. In the light of generally weak institutions, the ruling parties in Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia have aimed at consolidating their power through the adoption of authoritarian patterns of governance. The three countries experienced a democratic rollback accompanied by a rise of authoritarian tendencies, limiting the space for democratic contestation. The article explores the foundations and mechanisms of the authoritarian patterns of governance in the three countries. Developments in Macedonia and Serbia are dealt in reference to the power system and the claims to legitimacy of the ruling Justice and Development Party in Turkey. The article argues that the ruling parties’ power derives from their legitimation strategies based on institutional reforms in line with EU conditionality, redistribution through informal channels and populist nationalist narratives. The ruling parties function as machines and clientelistic channels. They have been sidelining or replacing formal institutions and practices with negative long-term repercussions on democracy and the functioning of the state.; (AN 40488436)
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6.

Examining state capacity in the context of electoral authoritarianism, regime formation and consolidation in Russia and Turkey by White, David; Herzog, Marc. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p551-569, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper compares the regimes of Turkey and Russia and how state capacity has facilitated authoritarian regime building at the expense of democratic consolidation. It begins by considering how best to conceptualize the Putin and Erdoğan regimes. Whilst recognizing significant differences between the two cases, we argue that the concepts of electoral authoritarianism and neopatrimonialism are particularly helpful in better understanding how both systems operate. The paper then discusses the concept of state capacity, arguing that for conceptual clarity a parsimonious understanding of the concept based on the state’s extractive, administrative and coercive capacities, provides the most useful framework for the comparative analysis. The paper concludes that in Turkey the shift towards electoral authoritarianism since 2010/11 has happened in a much shorter time span, is more conflictual and characterized by more elite and social contention than in Russia under Putin. The Putinist regime was more capable of harnessing the infrastructural and coercive capacity of the Russian state to institute a stable neopatrimonial authoritarian regime that functions in a setting of electoral authoritarianism. In both cases, authoritarian regime building came at the expense of or supplanted efforts to improve and expand state capacity for effective democratic governance.; (AN 40488435)
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7.

Strong presidents and weak institutions: populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador by Selçuk, Orçun. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p571-589, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article compares contemporary populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador from a cross-regional perspective. Through adopting a political definition of the concept based on the idea of domination, it provides an analysis of the three populist leaders Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Hugo Chávez and Rafael Correa along three interrelated dimensions: an anti-establishment image, a plebiscitary understanding of democracy and a Manichean worldview. These case studies show that in each country, a strong leader positions himself against the traditional establishment, cultivates direct linkages between himself and his followers and polarizes the political environment into two opposing camps. In addition to the discussion on populism, the article provides comparative insights into Turkey’s constitution-making process, the presidential system debate, and the 2016 military coup attempt.; (AN 40488437)
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8.

Populism as the problem child of democracy: the AKP’s enduring appeal and the use of meso-level actors by Yabanci, Bilge. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p591-617, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThis article seeks to explain the endurance of populist parties in power by focusing on the case of Turkey and the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The existing scholarly research on the AKP’s populism either focuses on the discourse and mediagenic performance of Erdoğan constructing an antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ or equates populism with patronage politics. This study argues that in order to understand the AKP’s long-term appeal, populism should be theoretically decoupled from narrow approaches related to economic governance and treated as an essentially anti-pluralist set of ideas in a problematic relationship to democracy. Empirically, this article examines the government-dependent trade unions and women’s organizations in Turkey to understand how ruling populists shape extra-legislative fields. The findings show that the AKP expands the reach of populist antagonism between the people versus the elites through these organizations. Dependent organizations serve to reassert the AKP’s continuing relevance as the only genuine representative of ‘the people’, while transforming the labour and women’s struggle in line with the government’s agenda. They also keep newly arising social demands in check under democratic disguise while denying pluralism to civil society and entrenching undemocratic governance.; (AN 40488438)
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9.

Turkey’s Diyanet under AKP rule: from protector to imposer of state ideology? by Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p619-635, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis article focuses on the complex relations between Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (the Diyanet) and the AKP in the last decade. It claims that the Diyanet, under AKP rule, has been transformed into a pliable state apparatus geared towards implementing the political ideology of the ruling cadre. In exploring this recent transformation, it analyses the ways in which this institution’s role has become synchronized with the ruling party’s discourses and actions, by giving examples from recent discussions on gender, social media, political economy and relations with other social groups.; (AN 40488439)
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10.

Creating a pious generation: youth and education policies of the AKP in Turkey by Lüküslü, Demet. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p637-649, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article addresses the youth and education policies of the Turkey’s third Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) government from 2011 to 2014. This government period was marked by the emergence of a new myth of youth in Turkey: the myth of a pious generation, aimed at replacing the previous myth of a modern and national youth, prevalent in Turkey’s political culture since the nineteenth century and reinforced by the Kemalist Republic. The article first situates the education and youth policies of the AKP in the history of youth in Turkey and discusses the continuities and ruptures between the Kemalist and AKP youth projects. Secondly, through a critical reading of the political discourses of AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and of specific youth and education policies of the government, the paper conceptualizes this newly emerging myth in the context of neoliberal economic and conservative social policies of the AKP government and its aim to control the future through reshaping the young.; (AN 40488440)
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11.

Conflict and reconciliation between Turks and Kurds: the HDP as an agonistic actor by Tekdemir, Omer. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p651-669, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper proposes an alternative form of conflict resolution to analyze ethnic conflict and Kurdish dissent in the polarized and divided society of Turkey. It does so by employing Mouffe’s concept of agonism and radical democracy, in conjunction with Laclau’s model of populism. Through an analysis of the role of the Kurdish-led, left-leaning populist party, the People’s Democratic Party (HDP), and its approach to Turkish-Kurdish reconciliation, the paper makes the case for the political and theoretical effectiveness of an agonistic approach, illustrating the possibility of dispute resolution by taking conflict into the centre of the peace building process.; (AN 40488442)
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12.

The ambiguities of democratic autonomy: the Kurdish movement in Turkey and Rojava by Leezenberg, Michiel. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p671-690, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper traces the ideology of democratic autonomy, as developed by PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan from the libertarian and anarchist writings of Murray Bookchin, as an alternative to the authoritarian and centralist nation state, not only in the Kurdish-inhabited provinces, but in Turkey at large. It explores, first, the ideological underpinnings and second, the practical implementation of democratic autonomy both in south-eastern Turkey and in north-eastern Syria, or Rojava. Divergences between the two, I will argue, are not merely the result of contradictions between ideology and practice, or of the PKK’s enduring Leninist vanguardism, but also arise because the ideology itself remains ambiguous or implicit on the questions of party organization and the legitimacy of armed resistance. These ambiguities help to account for the apparent tension between grassroots anarchism and Leninist centralism in democratic autonomy, not only in practice but also in theory.; (AN 40488441)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Sub-Regionalism in South Asia: A Case Study of the Bangladesh–Bhutan–Nepal–India Motor Vehicles Agreement by Kumar, Vikash. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p1-13, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article has two parts. The first part aims at analysing why nations are increasingly going beyond their multilateral and regional moorings to secure and advance their national interests. In doing so, why and how do they indulge in sub-regional engagements? It has been empirically seen across the board in almost every part of the world that sub-regional growth initiatives play a significant role in regional integration. The second part, by drawing from the above broad conceptualization in South Asia, uses the Bangladesh–Bhutan–India–Nepal Motor Vehicles Agreement (BBIN MVA) as a case study.; (AN 40601237)
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2.

US Security Strategy of Asian Rebalance: India’s Role and Concerns by Nautiyal, Annpurna. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p14-33, 20p; Abstract: AbstractChina’s aggressive rise and strained relations with its Asia-Pacific neighbours—a region with immense economic and strategic potential—have forced the US to forge a strategy of Asian rebalance. Besides making China suspicious, this strategy has aroused the possibility of a new cold war. In contrast, though India’s relations with China have improved considerably since the 1962 War, the unresolved border issue and the threatening Chinese attitude do not allow India to trust China. To deal with the Chinese threat, India has devised a Look East, Act East engagement policy as well as developed close economic and strategic relations with the US and its Asia-Pacific allies. Although the concern of strategic autonomy deters India from being an active partner of US strategy, China’s all-weather friendship with Pakistan and encirclement through infrastructure in its neighbourhood as well as Xi Jinping’s Chinese dream have left limited options for India. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the implications of US re-involvement in the Asia-Pacific and India’s role therein—particularly its concerns regarding this strategy.; (AN 40601240)
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3.

Insurgency, Drugs and Small Arms in Myanmar by Behera, Anshuman. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p34-48, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe many links between drugs, small arms and insurgency have been widely discussed and addressed by scholars. The literature in particular has convincingly shown how several insurgent groups in Myanmar have used the drug business to finance and sustain their violent movements. Funds generated from drug production and circulation help the insurgent groups to procure arms, and are widely believed to be supporting the protracted nature of these movements. In this context, Myanmar presents itself as a classic example wherein the relationship between drugs, small arms and insurgency becomes clearly apparent. The country has become a major hub for illicit drugs production. It has been observed that insurgency, arms smuggling and illicit drugs business depend heavily on each other for their sustenance. The ‘ungoverned territories’ bordering other states also help insurgencies and keep the drug business flourishing. Given this context, this article focuses on unravelling the linkages among insurgency, drugs and small arms in Myanmar.; (AN 40601243)
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4.

Preventive Diplomacy and the Role of Civil Maritime Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia by Llewelyn, James D.. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p49-60, 12p; Abstract: AbstractSoutheast Asia’s international shipping lanes (ISL) are essential to the economic security of the Asia-Pacific region. Maintaining good order at sea serves to protect regional trade and can be achieved through collaboration between civil maritime security agencies (coast guards). Japan and China both have significant coast guard capabilities and diplomatic influence in the region that could be harnessed to promote civil maritime security cooperation with the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With regional tensions rising over disputed waters in Southeast Asia, ‘white hull diplomacy’ would seem to be a timely option for governments to consider in search of an intra-Asian de-escalation process.; (AN 40601238)
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5.

Has Nigeria Defeated Boko Haram? An Appraisal of the Counter-Terrorism Approach under the Buhari Administration by Onapajo, Hakeem. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p61-73, 13p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the campaign promises of President Muhammadu Buhari was that he would eliminate Boko Haram six months after assumption of office. By December 2015, the Buhari-led government gave itself a pass mark for countering the terrorists. The government declared that the group had been ‘technically defeated’. This declaration has led to debates in the public space as to the veracity of this claim. This article aims to critically appraise the on-going attempt to eliminate the Boko Haram threat under the Buhari administration. The author questions whether we can actually conclude that the anti-Boko Haram war has really been won. The article analytically demonstrates that Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to Nigeria and the West African sub-region, contrary to claims that it has been defeated.; (AN 40601249)
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6.

Subsystemic Unipolarities? Power Distribution and State Behaviour in South America and Southern Africa by Schenoni, Luis Leandro. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p74-86, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the possibility of conceiving South America and Southern Africa as subsystemic unipolarities under Brazilian and South African primacy, respectively. It argues that this concept, when applied to these regions, sheds light not only on the long-term strategies behind the Brazilian and South African foreign policies towards their neighbourhood, but also on the behaviour of secondary regional powers and small states. This hypothesis questions the maxim that considerations related to polarity affect great powers only. After examining the Brazilian and South African cases, the author undertakes a comparative analysis of 17 countries in these regions, showing that the behaviour of politically stable countries in these regions is as predicted by theories of unipolarity.; (AN 40601246)
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7.

What are India, Iran, and Afghanistan’s Benefits from the Chabahar Port Agreement? by Amirthan, Shawn. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p87-93, 7p; (AN 40601242)
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8.

The Challenges and Opportunities of a Negotiated Settlement in Afghanistan by Dostyar, Aref. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p94-109, 16p; (AN 40601245)
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9.

Brexit: Harbinger of an Unexpected New World Order by Jain, Sandhya. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p110-117, 8p; (AN 40601250)
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10.

Unheeded hinterland: identity and sovereignty in northeast India, by Dillip Gogoi by Waterman, Alex. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p118-120, 3p; (AN 40601236)
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11.

New south Asian security: six core relations underpinning regional security, by Chris Ogden by Bisht, Medha. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p121-123, 3p; (AN 40601239)
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12.

Smart diplomacy: exploring China-India synergy, by P.S. Suryanarayana by Singh, Prashant Kumar. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p124-125, 2p; (AN 40601247)
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13.

Acknowledgement of Referees Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p126-129, 4p; (AN 40601248)
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14.

Contributions Published in Strategic Analysisin 2016 Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p130-137, 8p; (AN 40601244)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 40, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction to the Special Issue: Terrorist Online Propaganda and Radicalization by Aly, Anne; Macdonald, Stuart; Jarvis, Lee; Chen, Thomas M.. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p1-9, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Internet is a transformative technology that terrorists are exploiting for the spread of propaganda and radicalizing new recruits. While Al Qaeda has a longer history, Islamic State is conducting a modern and sophisticated media campaign centered around online social networking. This article introduces and contextualizes the contributions to this Special Issue by examining some of the ways in which terrorists make use of the Internet as part of their broader media strategies.; (AN 40288872)
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2.

“Electronic Jihad”: The Internet as Al Qaeda's Catalyst for Global Terror by Rudner, Martin. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p10-23, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Internet has emerged as a key technology for Al Qaeda and other jihadistmovements waging their so-called electronic jihadacross the Middle East and globally, with digital multiplier effects. This study will examine the evolving doctrine of “electronic jihad”and its impact on the radicalization of Muslims in Western diaspora communities The study describes Internet-based websites that served as online libraries and repositories for jihadistliterature, as platforms for extremist preachers and as forums for radical discourse. Furthermore, the study will then detail how Internet connectivity has come to play a more direct operational role for jihaditerrorist-related purposes, most notably for inciting prospective cadres to action; for recruiting jihadistoperatives and fighters; for providing virtual training in tactical methods and manufacture of explosives; for terrorism financing; and for actual planning and preparations for specific terror attacks. Whereas contemporary jihadistmilitants may be shifting from the World Wide Web to social media, such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter for messaging and communications, nevertheless the Internet-based electronic jihadremains a significant catalyst for promoting jihadistactivism and for facilitating terrorist operations.; (AN 40288870)
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3.

#Westgate: A Case Study: How al-Shabaab used Twitter during an Ongoing Attack by Mair, David. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p24-43, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the Westgate terrorist attack of 2013, al-Shabaab used Twitter to claim responsibility for and live tweet throughout the attack. This article analyzes 556 of these tweets to understand the motivations for using Twitter during ongoing terrorist operations and builds up a picture of how al-Shabaab interacted with Twitter throughout the Westgate attack. Conclusions arising from the analysis include that al-Shabaab were primarily concerned with controlling the narrative of the attack and retaining an audience. In addition, the tweets were aimed at a specific geographical audience, indicating that the Westgate attack was primarily motivated by territorial concerns.; (AN 40288871)
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4.

The Call to Jihad: Charismatic Preachers and the Internet by Gendron, Angela. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p44-61, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA range of psychological, social, and environmental factors render some individuals more susceptible to militant Islam than others. Research also suggests that there are certain “triggers,” which help to explain why it is that only some individuals exposed to the same societal structural influences turn to violence. This article seeks to contribute to future empirical research in this area by studying the significance of certain “charismatic” preachers in this process and examining the role the Internet plays in strengthening the charismatic bond. Difficulties in defining and measuring “charisma” may help in part to explain the paucity of research on this aspect of radicalization but since charismatic authority derives from the bond between preacher and follower, an examination of the activities, strategies, and techniques used to build relationships and win adherents to Salafi-jihadismmay provide valuable insights for countering radicalization.; (AN 40288873)
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5.

Brothers, Believers, Brave Mujahideen: Focusing Attention on the Audience of Violent Jihadist Preachers by Aly, Anne. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p62-76, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe exponential growth in the use of the Internet and social media by terrorist actors and violent extremists has generated research interest into terrorism and the Internet. Much of this research is focused on the kinds of messages being spread via the various media platforms that host violent extremist content. This research has yielded significant insights into how organizations such as Al Qaeda and Islamic State craft their messages, the mediums they use to disseminate their messages, and the ways in which they reach their audiences. Yet we are still no closer to understanding why certain messaging appeals to certain people in certain ways and not to others. Within the literature on terrorism and the Internet, the audience—those individuals who receive messages, make meaning from them and then decide whether to act on them—is conspicuously missing. As a result, research into terrorism and the Internet can only hypothesize about the nature and extent of influence that terrorist messages wield. It is often based on an assumption that the violent extremist narrative works like a magic bullet to radicalize audiences already vulnerable and predisposed to becoming violent. Utilizing media theory approaches to studying the audience as an active agent in meaning-making, this article proposes a research framework for developing the current focus on terrorism and the Internet.; (AN 40288874)
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6.

Determining the Role of the Internet in Violent Extremism and Terrorism: Six Suggestions for Progressing Research by Conway, Maura. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSome scholars and others are skeptical of a significant role for the Internet in processes of violent radicalization. There is increasing concern on the part of other scholars, and increasingly also policymakers and publics, that easy availability of violent extremist content online may have violent radicalizing effects. This article identifies a number of core questions regarding the interaction of violent extremism and terrorism and the Internet, particularly social media, that have yet to be adequately addressed and supplies a series of six follow-up suggestions, flowing from these questions, for progressing research in this area. These suggestions relate to (1) widening the range of types of violent online extremism being studied beyond violent jihadis; (2) engaging in more comparative research, not just across ideologies, but also groups, countries, languages, and social media platforms; (3) deepening our analyses to include interviewing and virtual ethnographic approaches; (4) up-scaling or improving our capacity to undertake “big data” collection and analysis; (5) outreaching beyond terrorism studies to become acquainted with, for example, the Internet Studies literature and engaging in interdisciplinary research with, for example, computer scientists; and (6) paying more attention to gender as a factor in violent online extremism.; (AN 40288875)
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10

Survival
Volume 58, no. 5, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Clinton and Trump: Two Faces of American Nationalism by Lieven, Anatol. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p7-22, 16p; Abstract: Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton exemplify new forms of old nationalisms that are likely to define politics in the United States for many years to come.; (AN 40035472)
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2.

Information Warfare and the US Presidential Election by Inkster, Nigel. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p23-32, 10p; Abstract: If the Russian state was indeed behind the leaking of Democratic National Committee emails, it may have overplayed its hand.; (AN 40035471)
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3.

Republican Foreign Policy After Trump by Schake, Kori. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p33-52, 20p; Abstract: Donald Trump's supporters are genuinely questioning America's role in the world.Republicans owe them persuasive answers on their own terms.; (AN 40035474)
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4.

Removing Nuclear Weapons from Turkey by Fitzpatrick, Mark. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p53-58, 6p; Abstract: Following the 15 July coup attempt, the American nuclear weapons in Turkey may now be the first of those stationed on NATO territory to be withdrawn.; (AN 40035473)
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5.

Brexit: What Have We Learned So Far? by Besch, Sophia; Black, James. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p59-67, 9p; Abstract: For Europe and for the United Kingdom, the Brexit vote was only the beginning of a long and messy process.; (AN 40035475)
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6.

Noteworthy Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p68-70, 3p; (AN 40035479)
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7.

The New Oil Regime by Noël, Pierre. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p71-82, 12p; Abstract: The oil-price collapse that began in June 2014 was not just a correction typical of commodity markets. It will be seen retrospectively as the start of a new era.; (AN 40035478)
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8.

EU–Iran Relations After Brexit by Mousavian, Seyed Hossein. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p83-94, 12p; Abstract: The impending exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union paves the way for strategic EU–Iran engagement that is separate from UK–Iran talks.; (AN 40035476)
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9.

Cryptography and Sovereignty by Buchanan, Ben. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p95-122, 28p; Abstract: Encryption's new normal is changing the way in which states assert their sovereignty at home and abroad.; (AN 40035477)
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10.

Brief Notices Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 pe1-e15, 15p; (AN 40035486)
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11.

The Case for Israeli Ground Forces by Hecht, Eado; Shamir, Eitan. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p123-148, 26p; Abstract: Past and planned reductions in ground-force units are imperilling the Israel Defense Forces’ ability to provide for Israel's security.; (AN 40035481)
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12.

Dangerous Games by Tertrais, Bruno. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p149-158, 10p; Abstract: How does contemporary Russia view NATO's public attempts at thinking through scenarios for East–West conflict?; (AN 40035480)
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13.

Latin America’s Invisible War by Crandall, Russell; Haeger, Savannah. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p159-166, 8p; Abstract: Ioan Grillo's Gangster Warlordsand Aldo Civico's The Para-Statedraw deserved attention to the violence of Latin America's drug war.; (AN 40035482)
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14.

Britain’s Difficult War in Iraq by Barry, Ben. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p167-178, 12p; Abstract: The Chilcot report contains a wealth of evidence and analysis to show that, throughout the Iraq War, Britain was lacking in competent strategic leadership.; (AN 40035484)
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15.

Book Reviews by Jones, Erik; McMaster, H.R.; Schaffer, Teresita C.; Takeyh, Ray. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p179-208, 30p; (AN 40035483)
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16.

Life Among Mafias by De Falco, Rossella. Survival, September 2016, Vol. 58 Issue: Number 5 p209-216, 8p; Abstract: Organised crime can only be eradicated by the collective effort of the state.; (AN 40035485)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29 no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

What Is Domestic Terrorism? A Method for Classifying Events From the Global Terrorism Database by Berkebile, Richard E.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-26, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDomestic terrorism accounts for a vast majority of all attacks, yet it is far less studied than its transnational counterpart. As a result, the literature on domestic terrorism remains theoretically and empirically underdeveloped. One of the reasons for this is the dearth of comprehensive crossnational domestic terrorism datasets. This article seeks to address the problem by proposing a method for refining original Global Terrorism Database (GTD) data into a constructively valid, crossnational domestic terrorism dataset. The analysis begins with the definition of terrorism and further develops it by conceptually distinguishing its domestic and transnational forms. Because the GTD includes nonterrorist events and conflates transnational and domestic incidents, its raw form is unsuited for domestic research. Therefore, the article examines common definitional attributes from terrorism and domestic terrorism literature. It concludes by specifying steps for assembling a dataset and examining descriptive statistics of the resulting population.; (AN 40811302)
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2.

The Transformation of Security Planning for the Olympics: The 1976 Montreal Games by Clément, Dominique. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p27-51, 25p; Abstract: Montreal's Summer Olympics in 1976 was a turning point in Olympic history: it was the Games' first highly visible security operation. It was also a transformative moment in the history of security planning in Canada: preparations for the games contributed to shifting the Security Services' focus from communism towards domestic and international terrorism. The following article documents, for the first time, the scope of this operation. It is based on five years of requests and appeals under the federal Access to Information Act, which led to the release of over fifty thousand pages of Royal Canadian Mounted Police documents. I argue that security for the Montreal Olympics was based largely on imagined threats. In addition, I argue that security costs for the Montreal Olympics were high but modest as compared to the overall budget. Nonetheless, Montreal set a precedent for high security costs that have since become the standard for hosting the Olympics. Finally, I argue that the Montreal Olympics had long-term implications for policing in Canada. The scale of the operation produced new resources and inter-agency links that were only made possible as a result of hosting the games.; (AN 40811303)
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3.

Leaderless Resistance and the Loneliness of Lone Wolves: Exploring the Rhetorical Dynamics of Lone Actor Violence by Joosse, Paul. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p52-78, 27p; Abstract: “Leaderless resistance” and “lone wolf terrorism” are concepts that have steadily gained importance in the study of oppositional subcultures and terrorist groups, being used to describe the operational realities of a variety of terrorisms, from groups like Al Qaeda to Anders Breivik. In this article, I seek to describe leaderless resistance as a rhetorical construct, a meaning-conferring “ideology of effervescence” that lifts the spirits of both movement progenitors who advocate the strategy as well as incipient lone wolves who consider responding to their exhortations. Through an examination of the case of Wiebo Ludwig and the EnCana pipeline bombings of 2008–2009, I show how these rhetorics emerge in the interactions between activists and their political enemies. With this conception, we can (a) understand more fully the discursive/rhetorical dynamics involved in asymmetrical struggle, (b) problematize the acceptance of the organizational reality of leaderless resistance in the terrorism literature, and (c) question the assertion of some terrorism scholarship that refers to leaderless resistance and other ideologies of effervescence as hallmarks of the “new terrorism.”; (AN 40811304)
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4.

Hurdles to International Terrorist Alliances: Lessons From Al Qaeda's Experience by Bacon, Tricia. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p79-101, 23p; Abstract: Despite the threat posed by international terrorist alliances, the conditions that foster and inhibit these relationships remain poorly understood. When seeking allies outside of their primary conflict and political market, groups struggle to forge credible commitments, particularly the requisite ‘shadows of the future’ and reputations conducive to cooperation, without third-party enforcers. Given their suspicious nature and strong in-group identities, terrorist groups sometimes balk at relinquishing independence for security. Alliances risk precipitating counterterrorism pressure, alienating constituents, and increasing the risk of betrayal. Even groups that enjoy alliance success, like Al Qaeda, experience these hurdles in their alliance. What helped to set Al Qaeda apart from most groups was its ability to navigate these obstacles, though some bedeviled its alliances efforts. This offers under-utilized opportunities for alliance disruption.; (AN 40811305)
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5.

Repression and Terrorism: A Cross-National Empirical Analysis of Types of Repression and Domestic Terrorism by Piazza, James A.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p102-118, 17p; Abstract: While some scholars have theorized that repression reduces terrorism because it raises the costs of participating in terrorist activity by dissidents, others argue that repression stimulates terrorism by either closing off nonviolent avenues for expressing dissent or by provoking or sharpening grievances within a population. This study investigates these contradictory sets of expectations by considering whether or not different specific types of repression yield different effects on patterns of terrorism in 149 countries for the period 1981 to 2006. By assessing the impact of nine specific types of repression on domestic terrorism, the study produces some interesting findings: while, as expected, forms of repression that close off nonviolent avenues of dissent and boost group grievances increase the amount of domestic terrorism a country faces, types of repression that raise the costs of terrorist activity have no discernible suppressing effect on terrorism.; (AN 40811306)
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6.

Labelling and Legitimization: Justifying Political Violence in the Basque Country by van den Broek, Hans-Peter. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p119-136, 18p; Abstract: This article focuses on the role of labelling in the discourse employed by the Left-Wing Nationalist movement in the Basque Country to legitimize the use of violence for political ends. The approach in this article goes beyond classic labelling theory. I demonstrate that radical Nationalists do not passively undergo their being labelled as deviants (fanatics, terrorists) by society, but develop counter-labels instead to define their opponents and re-label themselves.; (AN 40811310)
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7.

Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi: The Unknown Mentor of Che Guevara by Er, Mevliyar. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p137-159, 23p; Abstract: Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo.; (AN 40811307)
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8.

Persuasive Narratives and Costly Actions by Zahedzadeh, Giti; Barraza, Jorge A.; Zak, Paul J.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p160-172, 13p; Abstract: Persuasive narratives can induce some individuals to engage in costly actions. Entrepreneurs of suicide missions frame the necessity of violent behavior within the context of persuasive narratives to attract potential recruits. Herein we report results from an experiment to test factors involved with costly action linked to a persuasive narrative. We recruited 164 participants (M = 21, SD = 5.20) and measured hormones, electrodermal activity, and personality to predict who would be influenced by the narrative's message. We found that the persuasive narrative we tested resulted in costly action by those who are high-perspective takers and are more physiologically aroused by the narrative. The findings fill lacunae in the literature, providing a novel approach to examine costly behavior (like martyrdom missions) in the laboratory.; (AN 40811308)
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9.

Conflict and Terrorism in South Asia Since 9/11 by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p173-184, 12p; (AN 40811309)
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10.

Managing Proliferation: National, Regional, and Global Security in the New Age of Nuclear Weapons by Romaniuk, Scott Nicholas. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p185-194, 10p; (AN 40811312)
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11.

David Luban. Torture, Power, and Law by Wells, Dominic D.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p195-196, 2p; (AN 40811311)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 39, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Will China Test Trump? Lessons from Past Campaigns and Elections by Miura, Kacie; Weiss, Jessica Chen. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p7-25, 19p; (AN 40735697)
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2.

The Survival Strategy of the Chinese Communist Party by Dickson, Bruce J.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p27-44, 18p; (AN 40735698)
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3.

Unpacking the Iranian Nuclear Deal: Nuclear Latency and U.S. Foreign Policy by Mehta, Rupal N.; Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p45-61, 17p; (AN 40735700)
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4.

Trumpism and the American Politics of Insecurity by Rojecki, Andrew. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p65-81, 17p; (AN 40735699)
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5.

The Return of Jacksonianism: the International Implications of the Trump Phenomenon by Cha, Taesuh. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p83-97, 15p; (AN 40735701)
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6.

Barack Obama and the Dilemmas of American Grand Strategy by Brands, Hal. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p101-125, 25p; (AN 40735702)
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7.

Belligerent Minimalism: The Trump Administration and the Middle East by Lynch, Marc. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p127-144, 18p; (AN 40735704)
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8.

Reading Reagan in Tehran: A Strategy of Realistic Engagement by McFaul, Michael; Milani, Abbas. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p145-163, 19p; (AN 40735705)
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9.

Confronting Pakistan's Support for Terrorism: Don't Designate, Calibrate by Tankel, Stephen. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p165-179, 15p; (AN 40735703)
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10.

The Strategic Illogic of Counterterrorism Policy by Jordan, Jenna; Kosal, Margaret E.; Rubin, Lawrence. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p181-192, 12p; (AN 40735706)
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11.

The Lingering Problem of Fragile States by Call, Charles T.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p193-209, 17p; (AN 40735707)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 40, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Towards parliamentarisation of foreign and security policy? by Raunio, Tapio; Wagner, Wolfgang. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIt is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative‒executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal‒agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research.; (AN 40498139)
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2.

The party politics of legislative‒executive relations in security and defence policy by Wagner, Wolfgang; Herranz-Surrallés, Anna; Kaarbo, Juliet; Ostermann, Falk. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p20-41, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe move from territorial defence to ‘wars of choice’ has influenced the domestic politics of military interventions. This paper examines the extent to which both the substance and the procedure of military interventions are contested among political parties. Regarding the substance, our analysis of Chapel Hill Expert Survey data demonstrates that across European states political parties on the right are more supportive of military missions than those on the left. On the decision-making procedures, our case studies of Germany, France, Spain and the United Kingdom show that political parties on the left tend to favour strong parliamentary control whereas those on the right tend to prefer an unconstrained executive, although with differences across countries. These findings challenge the view that ‘politics stops at the water’s edge’ and contribute to a better understanding of how political parties and parliaments influence military interventions.; (AN 40498134)
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3.

Legislatures and civil‒military relations in the United States and the United Kingdom by Auerswald, David P.. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p42-61, 20p; Abstract: AbstractLegislatures in separation of powers systems like the US are often portrayed as having far greater capabilities and willingness to change defence policy than are parliaments in Westminster systems. This paper uses principal‒agent models and hypotheses on legislative will to review the role of defence committees in the US Congress and Britain’s parliament during each country’s most recent, significant change in civil‒military relations. Congressional committees drafted the 1986 Goldwater‒Nichols Act over the objections of the president, fundamentally changing US civil‒military relations. We would expect the British House of Commons to be at the opposite end of the spectrum, unable and unwilling to act without the prime minister’s blessing. At first glance, this is indeed what happened during Britain’s 2011 Defence Reform effort. Parliament took no concrete, independent action. A closer examination, however, suggests that parliamentary committees helped set the agenda for the 2011 reforms. These results point to the need to carefully assess both legislative capabilities and will when examining the role of legislatures in foreign policy, as well as the indirect means by which parliaments affect security policy.; (AN 40498137)
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4.

Precedents, parliaments, and foreign policy: historical analogy in the House of Commons vote on Syria by Kaarbo, Juliet; Kenealy, Daniel. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p62-79, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis analysis investigates the role of historical analogies in the influence that parliaments have in foreign policy. Our empirical focus is the UK Parliament’s unusual opposition to the Prime Minister on UK involvement in Syria in 2013. The vote challenges many conventional expectations about the role of parliament in security affairs. Important in this vote were lessons learned and strategically used from UK participation in the intervention of Iraq in 2003. This argument is developed theoretically based on research on historical analogies: parliaments, ‘learn’ (primarily negative) lessons about past foreign policy events which guide parliamentary preferences and procedures and can enhance parliaments’ role in subsequent foreign policy. The article contributes to research on analogies by extending the logic to lessons on process. This use of precedents can offer more structurally oriented perspectives that translate critical junctures into reforms in procedures and policy-making practices.; (AN 40498136)
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5.

Curbing the royal prerogative to use military force: the British House of Commons and the conflicts in Libya and Syria by Mello, Patrick A.. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p80-100, 21p; Abstract: AbstractTo what extent does political practice under the British Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition (2010–2015) reflect a ‘parliamentary prerogative’? From a formal-institutional point of view one should not expect substantial parliamentary influence in Britain. Yet recent developments suggest the emergence of a new convention. Examining parliamentary debates during the run-up to the votes on Libya and Syria, this contribution shows that the scope and contents of this convention remain contested. Specifically, there is disagreement about the kind of operations that ought to be exempt from the rule, questions of parliamentary procedure that favour the executive and, crucially, the proper timing of substantive votes. Nonetheless, parliament has emerged from the vote on Syria as an informal veto player on decisions regarding war involvement. However, whether MPs will exercise their veto power in prospective cases will depend on the preference distribution in the legislature and the nature of the proposed deployment.; (AN 40498135)
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6.

France’s reluctant parliamentarisation of military deployments: the 2008 constitutional reform in practice by Ostermann, Falk. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p101-118, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates changes in the French parliament’s role in the control of military missions, introduced by the 2008 constitutional reform, and examines their effects on practices of parliamentary control and legislative‒executive interactions. The paper analyses how the constitutional changes have developed; the attitudes of parliamentarians towards control; the knowledges they relate to legislative-executive relations; and the post-reform practice of parliamentary control of French military missions. Although legislative‒executive relations with regard to military missions have been recalibrated and formalised, they have not fundamentally challenged the executive’s lead. Reasons include a strong belief in the need for effectiveness, acceptance of the institutional order, and a foreign policy culture of executive leadership. French parliamentarians value their new powers, but mostly do not seek their further extension.; (AN 40498138)
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7.

Public critic or secretive monitor: party objectives and legislative oversight of the military in Canada by Lagassé, Philippe; Saideman, Stephen M.. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p119-138, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses how democratic legislatures oversee the military, using Canada as a case. The paper argues that the tendency to engage in intrusive oversight versus reactive oversight is shaped by institutional structures and party preferences. Canadian institutional structures discourage parliamentary defence committees from engaging in intrusive oversight of the armed forces to achieve policy influence, and encourage opposition parties to focus on reactive oversight efforts that complement their vote-seeking preferences. Vote-seeking, the paper argues, incentivises opposition parties to be public critics of the government’s handling of military affairs, rather than informed but secretive monitors of the armed forces. The paper then addresses a key case where the opposition was able to use an exceptional constitutional power of the House of Commons to force the executive to disclose classified information regarding the military: detainee transfers by the Canadian Armed Forces in Afghanistan. This case highlights the trade-offs that parliamentarians face when they demand information to perform more intrusive oversight of the armed forces. This suggests that party preferences are a significant, yet understudied, aspect of how legislatures vary in their oversight of the military.; (AN 40498141)
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8.

Japan’s uncertain security environment and changes in its legislative‒executive relations by Sakaki, Alexandra; Lukner, Kerstin. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p139-160, 22p; Abstract: AbstractFocusing on Japan, this paper explores whether powers and competences in the political system are likely to be recalibrated in favour of the executive when the environment is perceived as increasingly threatening. It shows that the executive has been significantly strengthened during the past two decades of political reforms, though a closer look reveals that only the most recent efforts are motivated by security concerns. Case studies on military deployments and arms exports do not expose any clear trend towards curbing parliament’s formal control powers, but they indicate two related mechanisms that affect executive‒legislative relations. Firstly, the executive has sought to ensure faster decision-making in security policy, which may limit the Diet’s ability to scrutinise policies in depth. Secondly, the level of contestation over security policy issues has been decreasing, especially given the securitisation of North Korea and China. This provides the executive with more leeway in devising policies.; (AN 40498142)
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9.

Parliamentary scrutiny of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy by Herbel, Annika. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p161-182, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses under what conditions parties engage in parliamentary scrutiny of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. With insights from comparative literature on parliamentary oversight, two main incentives are identified. On the one hand, opposition parties initiate scrutiny to reduce their information asymmetry vis-à-vis the government; on the other hand, coalition parties use parliamentary scrutiny to control their partners. Empirically, the article uses information on scrutiny activities in six EU member states (Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Slovakia, United Kingdom) covering 13 years and 21 governments. The findings suggest that opposition parties scrutinise the government if they have access to strong oversight instruments. In contrast, the strength of oversight instruments is not important for coalition partners. They resort to means of scrutiny if the leading minister is weak. Coalitions with a greater number of parties engage in scrutiny less often. Moreover, scrutiny is especially observed in questions with more direct distributional consequences (‘intermestic’ issues).; (AN 40498140)
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10.

Energy diplomacy under scrutiny: parliamentary control of intergovernmental agreements with third‐country suppliers by Herranz-Surrallés, Anna. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p183-201, 19p; Abstract: AbstractResearch on legislative‒executive relations in foreign affairs has generally assumed that parliaments are more active in ‘intermestic’ affairs than in traditional foreign policy issues. This paper revisits this assumption by examining whether parliaments in European countries scrutinise crucial decisions on a typical intermestic domain: external energy policy and, more specifically, intergovernmental agreements (IGAs) on energy. Contrary to the expectation, the study finds high variation in the level of parliamentary scrutiny across and within countries. To account for this variation, the paper focuses on the role of issue framing, particularly the impact of securitising and/or depoliticising moves by members of parliament and government. The paper argues that, in contrast to traditional foreign policy matters, securitisation attempts in areas with a strong economic component are likely to increase politicisation and hence also parliamentary engagement. Conversely, parliamentary disengagement is likely to come from the opposite dynamics: successful depoliticisation of governmental responsibilities.; (AN 40498143)
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11.

TTIP and legislative‒executive relations in EU trade policy by Jančić, Davor. West European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p202-221, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations in order to assess how the move towards tighter economic integration within the EU‒US strategic partnership impacts on legislative‒executive relations in EU trade policy. The analysis examines the institutional, substantive and party political dimensions of national parliaments’ scrutiny of the Common Commercial Policy. Based on insights into both domestic and EU channels of parliamentary monitoring of TTIP negotiations, the paper argues that, although the government remains the central object of democratic control, the involvement of national parliaments in transatlantic trade extends to encompass the EU’s own transatlantic and trade policies. This is rooted in the legislatures’ legal capacity to constrain the executive in the negotiation, conclusion and, where applicable, ratification phases of EU trade agreements. It is argued that national parliamentary influence takes the shape of politicisation of the legitimacy of the expected policy outcomes of these agreements.; (AN 40498144)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 68, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

The Contributors World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 pii-iii, 2p; (AN 40287775)
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2.

Referees World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 pvi-xi, 6p; (AN 40287721)
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3.

War Outcomes and Leader Tenure World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p577-607, 31p; Abstract: Abstract:A growing body of literature argues that war outcomes affect leaders’ tenure in office. But disagreement persists over how domestic political institutions translate performance in war into leader accountability. Some scholars argue that the tenure of democratic leaders is most sensitive to war outcomes, while others posit that autocratic leaders are more likely to be punished or rewarded for the outcomes of conflicts. The authors argue that existing research fails to take into account two important factors: whether the leader is viewed as culpablefor the country’s entry into the conflict, and whether the country features domestic institutions that make the leader vulnerableto removal from office, which varies greatly across nondemocracies. After taking leaders’ culpability and vulnerability into account, the authors show that the tenures of culpable, democratic leaders and culpable, vulnerable, nondemocratic leaders are sensitive to war outcomes. By contrast, the tenures of nondemocratic leaders who are less vulnerable to removal are not sensitive to war outcomes, regardless of their culpability.; (AN 40287132)
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4.

The Middle-Income Trap: More Politics than Economics World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p608-644, 37p; Abstract: Abstract:Economists have identified the existence of a middle-income (mi) trap but have yet to analyze the politics of this trap. The authors argue that countries in the mitrap face two major institutional and political challenges. First, the policies necessary to upgrade productivity—as in human capital and innovation—require enormous investment in institutional capacity. Second, these institutional challenges come at a time when political capacity for building these institutions is weak, due primarily to the fragmentation of potential support coalitions. Politics are stalled in particular by fractured social groups, especially business and labor, and more generally by inequality. These conditions result in large measure from previous trajectories of growth. The empirical analysis concentrates on nine of the larger micountries.; (AN 40287145)
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5.

Political Repression and the Destruction of Dissident Organizations: Evidence from the Archives of the Guatemalan National Police World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p645-676, 32p; Abstract: Abstract:How does repression influence overt, collective challenges directed against political authority? To date, answers to this question have been inconclusive. This article argues that recent works inadequately address the topic because the focus has been on repression’s impact on local civilians, with less consideration of dissident organizations. The author develops an organizational theory of challenger development and specifies predictions for how repression’s effects on dissent are contingent upon the types of organizational behaviors targeted for coercion. The analysis employs original, microlevel data collected from previously confidential Guatemalan National Police records to assess the effects of repression during the years 1975 to 1985. Results show that the effects of repression are more complex than previously imagined. When repression targets the clandestine activities necessary to develop and sustain dissident organizations, such as holding meetings, training participants, and campaigning for funds, dissent declines significantly. But when repression is directed at ongoing, overt, collective challenges, it motivates a backlash that escalates dissent. Implications are drawn for how political order and conflict are understood and studied.; (AN 40287561)
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6.

Random or Retributive?: Indiscriminate Violence in the Chechen Wars World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p677-712, 36p; Abstract: Abstract:This article provides a critical examination of the current theoretical debate concerning the effects of indiscriminate violence. It argues that indiscriminate violence has been treated as an essentially random counterinsurgency tactic, but that the important distinction between its randomand retributivevariations has been overlooked, along with critical issues of timing and location, which has made it difficult to evaluate its efficacy in quelling rebel violence. Prior research has shown that both random and retributive violence reduced insurgent activity in the targeted locations and in the short term, but it does not necessarily follow that indiscriminate violence is effective. This article uses microlevel ethnographic evidence from Chechen villages during the period from 2001 to 2005 to show that indiscriminate violence deployed retributively against village communities generated insurgent activity in other areas because local avengers and rebels from the targeted populations sought to avoid further retributive violence against their village communities. Moreover, the insurgent activity occurred at least nine months after the initial act of retributive violence. Indiscriminate violence deployed randomly against village communities generated insurgent activity within the same targeted area, since the insurgents did not fear retributive violence in retaliation, and occurred with a delay of at least six months. As a result, the rebel reaction to indiscriminate violence is not observed immediately or, in the case of retributive violence, in the same location. This finding has crucial implications for evaluating the efficacy of indiscriminate violence in counterinsurgency operations, and underscores the importance of understanding how the social and political context can shape the way populations react to different forms of violence.; (AN 40287054)
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7.

Do International Rulings Have Spillover Effects?: The View from Financial Markets World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p713-751, 39p; Abstract: Abstract:How influential are international courts? Can their rulings reach beyond a given case and affect the behavior of countries not party to the dispute? International law is clear on the matter: rulings have no formal authority beyond the case at hand. This tenet is consistent with the incentives of sovereign states wary of delegating too much authority to courts. By contrast, the authors claim that even in the absence of formal authority, the rulings of international courts can affect behavior by mobilizing pro-compliance groups in countries not party to a dispute. They test these beliefs in the context of the World Trade Organization (wto) through a novel approach. Because wtorulings have implications for the fortunes of publicly traded firms, they examine whether financial markets bet on there being spillover effects beyond the case at hand. They rely on two quantitative case studies to test for a cross-border and a cross-industry spillover effect: can rulings have effects in countries and on industries other than those at issue in the initial dispute? The results suggest that the answer is a tentative yes. The spillover effects of international rulings may be a matter of scholarly contention, but their existence is something that financial markets appear willing to bet on.; (AN 40286788)
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8.

Index to Volume 68 World Politics, October 2016, Vol. 68 Issue: Number 4 p752-754, 3p; (AN 40287277)
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