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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 27, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Advancing the study of political cleavages through experimentation: Revisiting regionalism and redistributive preferences in Canada by Davidson, Adrienne; Lesch, Matthew; Héroux-Legault, Maxime; Whyte, Tanya; Asaf, Zain; Czuba, Karol; Porisky, Alesha. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p103-125, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe maintenance of welfare state policies requires citizen support for the provision of a social safety net through taxation and redistribution. Research has shown that a diverse political polity presents a risk to the welfare state; however, Canada bucks the trend and does not see citizen support for economic redistribution decline in response to immigration-based population diversity. Using Canada as our case, we argue that scholars of welfare state politics and redistribution should turn their attention to other sources of population heterogeneity in an effort to better understand how different political cleavages affect citizens’ redistributive preferences. We use an online experimental survey to manipulate the in-group identity of 500 Canadians. The survey enables respondents to identify with other in-group identities along regional, linguistic, income-group, and urban/rural characteristics. Our results find that while Canadians do have a strong baseline preference for redistributive behaviour, regional and linguistic cleavages moderate this outcome.; (AN 41852447)
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2.

Subnational political regimes and formal economic regulation: Evidence from Russian regions by Libman, Alexander. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p127-151, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe paper contributes to the studies of effects of political regimes on public policies by looking at a previously unexplored aspect of this issue: the propensity of political regimes to create vast and extensive formal regulation. To study this topic, it applies subnational comparative method and uses a dataset of subnational regions of Russia, which provides a unique opportunity for a large-N investigation of the research question because of substantial variation of regional political regimes and regulatory environments and because of availability of a proxy for comparing the use of formal regulation across regions. The paper shows that more competitive regimes are more likely to expand the formal law than less competitive ones; however, the implications of this expansion of formal law for the economy are ambiguous.; (AN 41852448)
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3.

Multi-level governance in the EU and EU democracy: Democratic legitimacy, democratic accountability and transparency of the European offices of the English local authorities in Brussels by Panara, Carlo; Varney, Michael Robert. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p153-170, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to examine the role and functions of the representative offices of English local authorities in Brussels by considering the democratic legitimacy (i.e. linkage to elected councillors or mayors), accountability and transparency of the office’s activities. The study demonstrates that the offices differ in their governance arrangements and funding, which has a direct impact on the approach to democratic legitimacy and accountability, noting that those offices which rely most heavily on direct funding from a single authority or a combined authority have the closest links to the authorities concerned. The transparency of the offices varies considerably, with clear distinctions between offices that are creatures of contract or where offices are an emanation of the authority concerned. The pattern here is less dependent on the pattern of funding of the office and depends more on the availability of resources and the approach adopted by the office itself.; (AN 41852449)
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4.

Analysing stages of subnational mobilisation across the European Union: The case of subnational administrations in Turkey by Özçelik, Ali Onur. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p171-199, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSubnational mobilisation literature has tended to focus on EU members and either their establishment of liaison offices or the engagement activities of their subnational administrations (SNAs) with the EU institutions in Brussels. Extending this scope to include cases from a candidate state, this article aims to enhance our understanding of such processes by proposing a four-stage model for subnational mobilisation in the EU. The model includes: growing awareness; changing organizational settings; building transnational activities; and conducting EU-level activities in Brussels. Based on 65 semi-structured interviews with representatives from local and national institutions in Turkey and EU institutions in Brussels, this work evaluates six SNAs from three Turkish cities (İzmir, Samsun and Diyarbakır) between 1999 and 2013. Findings reveal that patterns of subnational mobilisation can vary significantly within a single candidate country, owing mostly to organizational-level factors and region-specific factors related to how particular administrations are embedded.; (AN 41852450)
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5.

The new governance of welfare states in the United States and Europe. Between decentralization and centralization in the activation era by Moreno, Luis. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p201-203, 3p; (AN 41852451)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 162, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p3-3, 1p; (AN 41651325)
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2.

Letters by Penning, Mike. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p4-4, 1p; (AN 41651330)
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3.

The Changing Character of War by Johnson, Rob. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p6-12, 7p; Abstract: Several fashionable fallacies affect current assessments of the character of conflict. It is always difficult to discern what changes will affect the strategic level, especially when attention is focused on particular wars and technological novelties. In this article, Rob Johnson argues that an honest appraisal of what is unchanging offers one route to that evaluation. Strategically, revisionist geopolitics, an electronic arms race between encryption and access, and a greater focus on protecting populations and national wealth are anticipated. After a period when the West could intervene across the globe at will, it appears that escalatory, existential threats are back, demanding a strategic solution.; (AN 41651326)
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4.

Designing Conceptual Failure in Warfare by Roberts, Peter. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p14-23, 10p; Abstract: In this examination of modern warfare doctrine and strategies, Peter Roberts argues that Western militaries are constrained by thirteenth-century theological philosophy and Napoleonic dogma, while their enemies have leapt ahead into the twenty-first century – not simply in technological terms, but in the very way they have reimagined warfare.; (AN 41651329)
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5.

Back to the Gap by Nordenman, Magnus. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p24-30, 7p; Abstract: A resurgent Russian navy is increasingly active in the North Atlantic and around the Greenland–Iceland–UK gap. Magnus Nordenman argues that an effective response will require investments in high-end maritime capabilities, along with deeper cooperation among the US, the UK, Norway and others.; (AN 41651327)
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6.

Hybrid Maritime Warfare by Schaub, Gary; Murphy, Martin; Hoffman, Frank G. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p32-40, 9p; Abstract: Russia’s use of hybrid warfare techniques has raised concerns about the security of the Baltic States. Gary Schaub, Jr, Martin Murphy and Frank G Hoffman recommend a series of measures to augment NATO’s Readiness Action Plan in the Baltic region, including increasing the breadth and depth of naval exercises, and improving maritime domain awareness through cooperative programmes. They also suggest unilateral and cooperative measures to develop a sound strategic communications strategy to counter Moscow’s information operations, reduce dependence on Russian energy supplies and build the resilience of critical undersea and maritime infrastructure. Finally, the article proposes that more attention be devoted to resolving unsettled maritime boundaries between Latvia and Lithuania, and between Denmark and Poland, to reduce the chance that these can be exploited to increase regional instability as part of a larger hybrid campaign.; (AN 41651328)
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7.

Hybrid Warfare or Gibridnaya Voyna? by Fridman, Ofer. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p42-49, 8p; Abstract: During the last decade, ‘hybrid warfare’ has become a much used yet controversial term in professional military and political discussions. Since the beginning of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 its Russian counterpart, gibridnaya voyna, has also become very popular in professional military and academic discourse in Russia. Ofer Fridman explores Russian conceptual and theoretical publications and political analyses, showing that the only common ground between the two terms is the name. A grasp of the essential conceptual differences is vital in understanding contemporary political-security discourses in the post-Soviet region.; (AN 41651334)
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8.

Defining Contemporary Russian Warfare by Seely, Robert. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p50-59, 10p; Abstract: In this article, Robert Seely offers a comprehensive assessment of what has become known as Russian ‘hybrid’ warfare. First, he asks whether ‘hybrid’ is the most appropriate term to use when studying contemporary Russian warfare. Second, he introduces a method of categorisation to help make sense of the considerable diversity of Russian tools of war. Finally, he suggests that contemporary Russian warfare is more than just war; it amounts to a reinvention of strategic art, where the tools of state power are integrated into a single whole.; (AN 41651332)
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9.

Managing Defence Acquisition Cost Growth by Bangert, David; Davies, Neil; Watson, Ryan. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p60-67, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reviews the previous literature on the cost escalation of defence equipment and provides estimates for Royal Navy platforms over the past 55 years. David Bangert, Neil Davies and Ryan Watson examine the experience of other European states and previous unsuccessful attempts to address the problem in the UK and other European countries. They conclude that while the problem cannot be ignored, solutions will be painful.; (AN 41651331)
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10.

The Future of Crime Reporting by Cole, Jennifer; Stickings, Alexandra. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p68-78, 11p; Abstract: Digital communication leaves traces that can lead back to the person who initiated the communication or their location at the time. Jennifer Cole and Alexandra Stickings explore the challenges this brings for platforms that claim to offer anonymous crime reporting, and ask what can be done to assure members of the public that their identity can still be protected.; (AN 41651333)
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11.

The Siege of Jadotville: A Review by Lawson, Ewan. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p80-81, 2p; (AN 41651336)
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12.

The Trump Phenomenon and the Future of US Foreign Policy / Crouching Tiger: What China’s Militarism Means for the World by Hemmings, John. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p82-84, 3p; (AN 41651338)
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13.

The New Politics of Russia: Interpreting Change by Denton, Alicky. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p84-85, 2p; (AN 41651335)
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14.

Strategic Narratives, Public Opinion, and War: Winning Domestic Support for the Afghan War by Heuser, Beatrice. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p86-87, 2p; (AN 41651337)
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15.

Living on the Edge: Iran and the Practice of Nuclear Hedging by Varriale, Cristina. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p87-88, 2p; (AN 41651339)
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16.

From Liddell Hart to Joan Littlewood: Studies in British Military History by Holden Reid, Brian. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p88-89, 2p; (AN 41651341)
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17.

Lawrence of Arabia’s War: The Arabs, the British and the Remaking of the Middle East in WW1 by Reddy, Sneha. The RUSI Journal, January 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 1 p90-91, 2p; (AN 41651340)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 26, no. 1, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Foreword Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 38099559)
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2.

Key Issues of the German osceChairmanship 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; (AN 38099557)
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3.

What German Responsibility Means Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p11-24, 14p; (AN 38099574)
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4.

Russian Views of the osceand the 2016 German Chairmanship Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p25-32, 8p; (AN 38099562)
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5.

The United States and the osceafter the Ukraine Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p33-47, 15p; (AN 38099604)
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6.

Successful Small States in the osceand the German Chairmanship of 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p48-64, 17p; (AN 38099560)
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7.

How Can a Dialogue be Restarted with Russia? Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p65-68, 4p; (AN 38099600)
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8.

Human Rights in Times of Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p69-77, 9p; (AN 38099653)
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9.

Conventional Arms Control in Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p78-87, 10p; (AN 38099601)
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10.

Ukraine, Protracted Conflicts and the osce Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p88-106, 19p; (AN 38099605)
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11.

Tearing Down Real and Cognitive Walls Preventing Osce Compassion For Human Security in South-Eastern Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p107-116, 10p; (AN 38099602)
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12.

The osceNetwork of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p117-121, 5p; (AN 38099663)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 48, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Humanitarian security in Jordan’s Azraq Camp by Hoffmann, Sophia. Security Dialogue, April 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 2 p97-112, 16p; Abstract: Azraq, a new camp for Syrian refugees in the Jordanian desert, presents an unprecedented integration of humanitarian service delivery and harsh security measures. I argue that Azraq’s ‘innovative’ order can only be explained in reference to three security claims that international refugee aid answers to: the claim to secure Syrian refugees, the claim to secure the Jordanian state and the claim to secure aid workers. Implementing these claims entails contradictory practices, which should create dilemmas for humanitarian aid, yet in Azraq these practices merge with each other. This merging (or integration) is aided by the humanitarian sector’s eager embrace of hi-tech solutions, especially digital data management. The article contributes to the growing debate about how security is articulated in the humanitarian arena by placing this debate’s key findings into conversation within a richly researched study of Azraq’s ‘material assemblage’ (Hilhorst and Jansen, 2010; Meiches, 2015). Further, the article emphasizes the importance of the under-researched area of aid organizations’ own security management.; (AN 41661868)
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2.

Securing the Anthropocene? International policy experiments in digital hacktivism: A case study of Jakarta by Chandler, David. Security Dialogue, April 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 2 p113-130, 18p; Abstract: This article analyses security discourses that are beginning to self-consciously take on board the shift towards the Anthropocene. It first sets out the developing episteme of the Anthropocene, highlighting the limits of instrumentalist cause-and-effect approaches to security, which are increasingly becoming displaced by discursive framings of securing as a process generated through new forms of mediation and agency and capable of grasping interrelations in a fluid context. This approach is the methodology of hacking: creatively composing and repurposing already existing forms of agency. It elaborates on hacking as a set of experimental practices and imaginaries of securing the Anthropocene, using as a case study the field of digital policy activism with a focus on community empowerment through social-technical assemblages being developed and applied in ‘the City of the Anthropocene’: Jakarta, Indonesia. The article concludes that policy interventions today cannot readily be grasped in modernist frameworks of ‘problem solving’ but should be seen more in terms of evolving and adaptive ‘life hacks’.; (AN 41661865)
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3.

Securities markets and political securitization: The case of the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone by Langenohl, Andreas. Security Dialogue, April 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 2 p131-148, 18p; Abstract: What were the effects of securities markets’ dynamics on the issue of political securitization, in the sense of the Copenhagen School, in the context of the sovereign debt crisis in the European Monetary Union (EMU)? This article addresses that question in an attempt to bring together the theory of political securitization and the financial securitization of government bonds. In conceptual terms, the article argues that the intervention of securities markets into the securitization of the euro can be understood as a confrontation between two types of validity claims. Securitizing moves, and the response they elicit, together constitute symbolically a political collectivity; this provokes a struggle between the adequate representation of that collectivity and its security concerns. In contrast to this, market communications – in fact, price signals – neither invoke a political collectivity nor can they be semantically refuted. Because of this quality, market signals can amplify or weaken securitizing moves. In the case of the EMU sovereign debt crisis, market communications triggered a privileging of supranational securitizations while impairing national ones.; (AN 41661864)
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4.

‘I am somewhat puzzled’: Questions, audiences and securitization in the proscription of terrorist organizations by Jarvis, Lee; Legrand, Tim. Security Dialogue, April 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 2 p149-167, 19p; Abstract: A recent wave of scholarship has drawn attention to the need for further engagement with the role of ‘the audience’ in securitization ‘games’. This article contributes to this discussion both theoretically and empirically by exploring the types of question an audience may ask of a securitizing actor before a securitizing act meets with success or failure. To do this, it offers a discursive analysis of all 27 UK parliamentary debates on the extension of proscription powers to additional terrorist organizations between 2002 and 2014. We argue first that these debates are characterized by a wide range of questions relating to the timing, criteria, mechanics, consequences and exclusions of proscription; and second, that these questions function as demands upon the executive to variously justify, explain, clarify, elaborate and defend decisions to extend the UK’s list of designated groups. Taking these questions seriously, we suggest, therefore allows insight into a variety of ways in which audiences might participate in security politics that are not adequately captured by notions of consent or resistance, or success or failure. This has empirical and theoretical value for understanding proscription, parliamentary discourse and securitization alike.; (AN 41661867)
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5.

Exit from war: The transformation of rebels into post-war power elites by Hensell, Stephan; Gerdes, Felix. Security Dialogue, April 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 2 p168-184, 17p; Abstract: The reintegration of rebels after war is a key security challenge. This article analyses the post-war transformation of rebels as a process of joining the established political elite. The political careers of former rebels vary. While some rise to senior political positions, others fail to consolidate their power. Taking theoretical notions of Pierre Bourdieu as its point of departure, this article outlines the central role of social capital in the post-war political field, which allows for an analysis and explanation of differences in rebel inclusion and exclusion. The article argues that the political careers of rebels are dependent on the accumulation of vertical and horizontal social capital in elite–mass and intra-elite networks. Case studies of Liberia and Kosovo demonstrate the plausibility of our thesis and the fruitfulness of a Bourdieusian approach in studying the political transformation of armed groups. This article contributes to the debate on the post-war reintegration of rebels as well as to the debate on practice approaches in international relations and security studies.; (AN 41661866)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 26, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Does Oil Cause Ethnic War? Comparing Evidence from Process-tracing with Quantitative Results by Tang, Shiping; Xiong, Yihan; Li, Hui. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p359-390, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article contributes both empirically and methodologically. Empirically, we seek to advance our understanding of an important puzzle: does oil cause ethnic war? Methodologically, we seek to identify more precisely the different weaknesses and strengths of the quantitative approach and case studies with process-tracing by explicitly comparing results from these two approaches on the same empirical question. We thus subject the statistical association between the ethnogeographical location of oil and the onset of ethnic war to test with process-tracing. Examining several pathway cases, we find that oil has rarely been a deep cause of ethnic war. Instead, the ethnogeographical location of oil either reignites dormant conflict that has deeper roots in ethnic resentment and hatred or intensifies ongoing conflict, mostly by facilitating the operation of two interconnected mechanisms. Our study echoes the notion that quantitative exercises alone often cannot establish specific causal mechanisms or how contextual factors impact the operation of these mechanisms, and it is precisely on these two key fronts that qualitative exercises possess critical advantages. Hence, quantitative methods and qualitative methods are complementary rather than competitive. Our study also yields important policy implications for preventing and managing ethnic conflict in countries with rich mineral resource.; (AN 41892951)
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2.

Military Cultures and Force Employment in Peace Operations by Ruffa, Chiara. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p391-422, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough hundreds of thousands of soldiers from different national contingents are deployed every year in multinational peace operations, no previous study has examined differences in peacekeeping practices along national lines. This paper first documents systematically differences in the way national contingents behave during peace operations in their respective area of operation. In a second step, it argues that these differences in behavior are largely consistent with the most important traits of each army's military culture. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2014 in Lebanon and Afghanistan, the paper shows how, within each mission, Italian soldiers prioritized humanitarian activities, while the French engaged in more patrolling activities, despite being both contingents deployed under similar conditions. These variations in behavior are consistent with the way French and Italian soldiers perceive the mission and context in which they deployed. And both the differences in behavior and perception are in line with the respective armies' military cultures. This paper contributes to the debate on the role of ideational factors in international politics and in particular to the ongoing discussion on strategic and military cultures.; (AN 41892950)
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3.

Unipolarity, Hegemony, and the New Peace by Fettweis, Christopher J.. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p423-451, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite a few persistent, high-profile conflicts in the Middle East, the world is experiencing an era of unprecedented peace and stability. Many scholars have offered explanations for this “New Peace,” to borrow Steven Pinker's phrase, but few have devoted much time to the possibility that US hegemony has brought stability to the system. This paper examines the theoretical, empirical, and psychological foundations of the hegemonic-stability explanation for the decline in armed conflict. Those foundations are rather thin, as it turns out, and a review of relevant insights from political psychology suggests that unipolarity and stability are probably epiphenomenal. The New Peace can in all likelihood continue without US dominance and should persist long after unipolarity comes to an end.; (AN 41892952)
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4.

The Logic of Coercion in Cyberspace by Borghard, Erica D.; Lonergan, Shawn W.. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p452-481, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat are the dynamics of coercion in cyberspace? Can states use cyber means as independent tools of coercion to influence the behavior of adversaries? This article critically assesses traditional coercion theory in light of cyberspace's emergence as a domain in which states use force, or its threat, to achieve political objectives. First, we review the core tenets of coercion theory and identify the requisites of successful coercion: clearly communicated threats; a cost–benefit calculus; credibility; and reassurance. We subsequently explore the extent to which each of these is feasible for or applicable to the cyber domain, highlighting how the dynamics of coercion in cyberspace mimic versus diverge from traditional domains of warfare. We demonstrate that cyber power alone has limited effectiveness as a tool of coercion, although it has significant utility when coupled with other elements of national power. Second, this article assesses the viability and effectiveness of six prominent warfighting strategies in the traditional coercion literature as applied to the cyber domain: attrition, denial, decapitation, intimidation, punishment, and risk. We conclude that, based on the current technological state of the field, states are only likely to achieve desired objectives employing attrition, denial, or decapitation strategies. Our analysis also has unique implications for the conduct of warfare in cyberspace. Perhaps counterintuitively, the obstacles to coercion that our analysis identifies may prompt states to reevaluate norms against targeting civilian infrastructure.; (AN 41892953)
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5.

Who Can Keep the Peace? Insurgent Organizational Control of Collective Violence by Worsnop, Alec. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p482-516, 35p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEvery armed organization seeks the ability to turn violence on and off by getting fighters to fight when ordered and to stop fighting when similarly ordered. This ability is a defining feature of what makes organized violence, in fact, organized. While state militaries develop clear hierarchies and disciplinary procedures to accomplish this goal, the complexity of civil war makes the task more difficult for insurgent groups. I argue that the leaders of insurgent organizations are able to turn violence on and off when they have deliberately established resource controlthrough the direct, and exclusive, distribution of resources to their followers and those followers are socially embedded, meaning that members are united by strong horizontal ties and group norms. In contrast to existing approaches, I argue that material and social endowments do not predetermine whether leaders can establish resource control or embeddedness. Further, laying out the precise organizational mechanisms that determine when organizations can turn violence on and off challenges the utility of conceptions such as “fragmentation” or “cohesion” for explaining insurgent behavior and conflict outcomes. I test the theory by examining variation in behavior over time in two organizations facing different structural contexts—Jaysh al-Mahdi in Iraq and the Viet Minh in Vietnam—and find strong support for my argument while casting doubt on existing explanations.; (AN 41892954)
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6.

Atomic Leverage: Compellence with Nuclear Latency by Volpe, Tristan A.. Security Studies, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p517-544, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNuclear proliferation is not a binary outcome with uniform consequences, but instead spans a continuum of latent capacity to produce nuclear weapons. At various thresholds of technical development, some countries leverage nuclear latency to practice coercive diplomacy. How and when does nuclear technology provide a challenger with the most effective means to extract concessions in world politics? This article claims that compellence with nuclear latency puts a challenger on the horns of a credibility dilemma between demonstrating resolve and signaling restraint, and identifies a sweet spot for reaching an optimal bargain where the proliferation threat is credible while the assurance costs of revealing intent are low. Historical studies of South Korea, Japan, and North Korea validate this Goldilocks principle and find that it consistently reflects the ability to produce fissile material. Contrary to conventional wisdom about proliferation, nuclear technology generates political effects long before a country acquires nuclear weapons.; (AN 41892955)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 28, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Awakening Movement: A Narrative-level Study of Mobilization by Newton, Allen. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p267-290, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis essay analyzes the link between mobilization and tribalism that developed in the Anbar Awakening. The Anbar Awakening exposed the Anbari tribal structure as a deeply entrenched and complex network deployed to mobilize support and generate behavior that would achieve the most advantageous strategy and position in a fight against al-Qaeda. Although this description supports David Kilcullen’s tribal society model, the rules of the Awakening movement that restored the tribal network were hardly explored by counter-insurgents for value and opportunity. The essay therefore draws on narratives from Anbari sheikhs to analyze the properties of tribalism (culture, identity, and problem-solving) as a non-linear social network, and demonstrates a paradigm in which mobilization of Anbari tribesmen is a valid indicator of security. The link between mobilization and tribalism in the Anbar Awakening therefore strategically develops to intervene in social life and address security locally.; (AN 41563291)
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2.

Merits and Limits of Counter-ideological Work Against Terrorism: A Critical Appraisal by Abdullah, Walid Jumblatt. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p291-308, 18p; Abstract: AbstractCounter-ideological work is touted as crucial in combating terrorism. This article attempts to analyse the role of counter-ideology in dealing with a particular type of terrorism: Muslim jihadist extremism. This paper reiterates findings from existing research, in arguing that counter-ideology is indispensable for three reasons: firstly, to prevent Muslims from genuinely believing that terrorism is sanctioned by the faith; secondly, it is instructive to assure non-Muslims that Islam per se, is not the problem; and finally, it can be used to ‘rehabilitate’ terrorists who are in detention. However, this paper also suggests four criticisms of many counter-ideological efforts, and posit that in order for such work to be truly effective, the following shortcomings need to be rectified: firstly, the creation of unnecessary frontiers that may alienate potential allies; secondly, the inability to ‘preach to the right crowd’; thirdly, the perils of promoting ‘moderate’ and ‘progressive’ Islam; and finally, credibility issues associated with the people spearheading such works. An underlying factor that lurks in the background of all of these is the role of the ulama, or Islamic religious scholars. This article further hopes to contribute to the literature on counter-terrorism by exercising more scrutiny on the role of the ulama.; (AN 41563292)
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3.

An Unlikely Alliance: Portuguese and South African Airpower in Angola, 1968–1974 by Cann, John P.; Correia, José Manuel. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p309-336, 28p; Abstract: AbstractThe war that Portugal was obliged to fight in Africa began in 1961 and immediately stretched the resources of its armed forces. Nowhere was this thinness more apparent than in policing the vast territory of Angola. The east and southeast of Angola were particularly vulnerable, as the area was a vast, sparsely populated region characterised by enormous featureless plains or chanascovered in tall grass and broken by an extensive river system and mountainous forests. The only military solution to policing these immense spaces was aviation and specifically the helicopter that could carry troops into battle, protect them with a gunship and bring them home when the operation was concluded. The immediate problem for the Portuguese Air Force (Força Aérea Portuguesaor FAP) in Angola and elsewhere was a scarcity of helicopters. The solution was an alliance with South Africa, which had a strong inventory of Alouette IIIs, to help in policing the east. This move was likewise in the interest of South Africa, as its threat came from Zambia through south-eastern Angola. This article examines the strategic and tactical development of this unusual, cross-cultural alliance and the symbiotic relationship that resulted in destruction of the enemies of both in Angola.; (AN 41563296)
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4.

Governmental Re-organization in Counterinsurgency Context: Foreign Policy Program Transfer and Operation Switchback in South Vietnam by Strandquist, Jon. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p337-360, 24p; Abstract: AbstractForeign policy program transfer, the shifting of implementation responsibility for a foreign policy program from one organization to another, is a ubiquitous, yet under-studied, counterinsurgency phenomenon. This article conceptually develops program transfer as an important object of study; analyzes, using archival sources, an empirical case of program transfer, Operation Switchback, drawn from US counterinsurgency practice in South Vietnam; and formulates two preliminary theoretical claims related to program transfer: (1) transferred programs will tend to be altered in accordance with the characteristics of the gaining organization, and (2) program transfer may act as a signal or early-warning indicator of foreign policy change.; (AN 41563295)
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5.

‘A Sledgehammer to Crack a Nut’? Naval Gunfire Support During the Malayan Emergency by Paget, Steven. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p361-384, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe utility of naval gunfire support (NGS) during the Malayan Emergency has been the subject of significant scrutiny. While the limitations of NGS were demonstrated in Malaya, it also has proven to be extremely useful under certain circumstances. The circumstances in which NGS has proven effective during earlier and later insurgencies have generally reflected those of the Malayan Emergency. Recent operations in Afghanistan and Iraq have been less conducive to the application of maritime power, but they did not denote the end of the naval role or the potential usefulness of NGS in counterinsurgency operations. NGS is an unheralded capability, but, aside from the historical significance, it remains relevant in the contemporary era under the right conditions.; (AN 41563297)
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6.

How might Democratisation Affect Military Professionalism in Africa? Reviewing the Literature by Robinson, Colin. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p385-400, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe search continues for methods to improve security for development in Sub-Saharan Africa. One of the important actors in this security arena is Sub-Saharan African governments’ armies. Much of their capability to meet security challenge depends on how militarily professional they are. The wave of democratic evolution in Africa since 1990 also affected military professionalism. This article reviews three models for assessing how democratisation might affect military professionalism in Sub-Saharan Africa, with special attention to post-conflict states. This should make it possible to decide which analytical methods are most appropriate to measure military professionalism in the particular circumstances of Sub-Saharan African post-conflict democratisation. Depending upon the particular nation-state in question, this decision on analytical methods may be useful for other Sub-Saharan states as well.; (AN 41563294)
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7.

Collateral Damage: A Candid History of a Peculiar Form of Death; War and War Crimes: The Military, Legitimacy and Success in Armed Conflict by O’Driscoll, Cian. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p401-404, 4p; (AN 41563298)
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8.

Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor by Schwonek, Matthew R.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p404-405, 2p; (AN 41563299)
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9.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, March 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p406-407, 2p; (AN 41563300)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 17, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

The rise of a hesitant EU host? Examining the Greek migrant integration policy and its transformation during the crisis by Mavrommatis, George. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-15, 15p; Abstract: AbstractGreece lately, as a result of the crisis, has been transformed from a migrant receiving (host) country to a simultaneously migrant sending and receiving one. At the same time, processes of migrant de-integration from the economy and society have been manifesting too. This paper attempts to draw light on Greek migrant integration policy, which through the years has been characterized by a contradiction between policy narratives and concrete actions on the ground. More specifically, this paper brings to the fore a policy change that occurred during the period 2012–2015 and possibly continues up to now. According to this policy shift, special emphasis was put on the acquisition of the European long-term resident status from the part of already settled migrants as a passport to their intra-European mobility. Politically speaking, such developments were heralded as a win–win situation for both migrants, but also, Greece as a host country. Nevertheless, this rise of a hesitant EU host, who turned its integration policy into a managing migration endeavour, might be indicative of broader tendencies and trends within an expanded EU migratory landscape that includes both migration, but lately most importantly, asylum too.; (AN 41434056)
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2.

Grammar, context and power: securitization of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade by Ejdus, Filip; Božović, Mina. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p17-34, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn the wake of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, right-wing extremists portrayed the event as a threat to public morals, while liberals framed homophobia as a threat to democracy. While these moves managed to polarize and mobilize the public, the government didn’t heed their calls to adopt extraordinary measures. The Parade took place on 10 October and the extremists organized unchecked violent counter-demonstrations. By drawing on Securitization Theory, we triangulate content and discourse analysis to understand why these securitizing moves had a low success. Our analysis shows that although both moves followed the grammar of security, they were only partially embedded into the wider discursive context and were not enunciated by securitizing actors with strong positional power.; (AN 41434057)
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3.

Determinants of young people’s civic and political participation in Turkey by Bee, Cristiano; Kaya, Ayhan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p35-39, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis special section provides a timely reflection on current debates that are of extreme relevance in order to gain a better understanding of the concepts of citizenship and active citizenship in Turkey, by looking at the determinants of civic and political participation, at the patterns of political and civic mobilization and at the orientations of political behaviour. Its originality stands on the specific focus on young people in comparison to other age groups. The different papers remark upon the importance that the reframing of the notions of citizenship and active citizenship have in the Turkish context along with the determinants that make this remark more relevant than ever.; (AN 41434058)
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4.

Youth welfare policy in Turkey in comparative perspective: a case of ‘Denied Youth Citizenship’ by Yılmaz, Volkan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p41-55, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the main characteristics of social and economic policies for young people in Turkey. Inspired by Tom Chevalier’s typology of youth welfare citizenship designed for Western European countries, the article situates Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model within a comparative perspective and contributes to the extension of Chevalier’s typology to a non-Western European country context. Relying upon the systematic analysis of findings of a nationwide survey on young people that was conducted in 2013, comparative youth statistics, official youth statistics, public expenditures data and existing policy frameworks, the article suggests that Turkey fits well with the denied youth citizenship type in Chevalier’s typology. Two conclusions are drawn with respect to Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model. First, with respect to the social citizenship dimension, the article finds that social and youth policy structure in Turkey has a familialization effect on young people’s access to income. In terms of economic citizenship, the article suggests that Turkey implements a selective strategy that results in unequal distribution of labour market skills among young people.; (AN 41434060)
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5.

Understanding young citizens’ political participation in Turkey: does ‘being young’ matter? by Erdoğan, Emre; Uyan-Semerci, Pınar. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p57-75, 19p; Abstract: AbstractParticipation is key to the discussions of democracy and justice. For all citizens, no matter their differences, having the ability to participate is a difficult but required condition for a just and democratic political community. Based on the recent research on citizenship in Turkey, this article aims to explore, first, whether young citizens’ political participation shows a different pattern when compared to the rest of the population and, second, whether being young still determines the outcome when controlled for demographical factors and economic status. We then question whether belonging to different collective identities plays a different role in the way young citizens participate, and how. Last, mostly focusing on young citizens’ perceptions of the Gezi Park protests, the paper will discuss the role of politicized collective identities in the formation of conventional and unconventional political participation.; (AN 41434059)
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6.

The political psychology of participation in Turkey: civic engagement, basic values, political sophistication and the young by Chrona, Stavroula; Capelos, Tereza. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p77-95, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article aims to understand the recent heightened levels of mobilization and unconventional political participation in Turkey. We use a political psychology model that highlights the impact of civic engagement, political sophistication, and values on conventional and unconventional participation. We argue that these factors will be significant predictors of unconventional participation setting it apart from conventional political behaviour, which will be driven by simpler considerations. We expect these qualitative differences in the drivers of conventional and unconventional participation to go beyond age and gender differences and highlight the complexity of political decision-making in Turkey’s electoral authoritarian system. We use the 2012 World Value Survey to test our hypotheses, with a nationally representative sample of Turkish citizens. We find significant variations in the role of values, sophistication and levels of civic engagement for conventional and unconventional participation when controlling for age, gender and left–right ideological orientations. Our findings confirm the complex considerations that drive citizens’ engagement with politics and can be useful to explaining recent political developments in Turkey involving youth, public mobilization and protests, but also mainstream voting choices.; (AN 41434062)
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7.

Youth participation in local politics: city councils and youth assemblies in Turkey by Gökçe-Kızılkaya, Suna; Onursal-Beşgül, Özge. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p97-112, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe focus of this study is political participation of youth in local politics in Turkey. Since local politics includes elements from both macro politics and mundane affairs, it proves to be a fertile ground to analyse how youth experience politics. Youth participation in local politics became an important issue in Turkey with the Agenda 21. The Agenda 21 that was launched with the UN Rio Summit was transferred to Turkey in the form of Local Agenda 21 leading to the establishment of city councils and youth assemblies under the umbrella of the councils. We treat city councils and youth assemblies as ‘a lost opportunity’ for now, and we ask why the youth cannot be integrated into local politics, despite the fact that they are willing to participate. Based on the interviews conducted with the members of assemblies, we try to understand the factors that lead to young people’s engagement in political life.; (AN 41434061)
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8.

Rights and obligations in civil society organizations: learning active citizenship in Turkey by Çakmaklı, Didem. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p113-127, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis is a comparative analysis of whether and how participation in different types of civil society organizations (CSOs) enable an environment for the learning of active citizenship practices. Active citizenship is conceptualized and defined around three dimensions: civic action, social cohesion and self-actualization. The potential to transform citizenship practices is critical to the Turkish context where, rooted in its strong state tradition, citizenship has been conceptualized and practiced in a passive manner. CSOs in Turkey have burgeoned over the past two decades and provide an important space to pursue a wide range of interests and provide services. This study is an in depth analysis of participant experiences in six CSOs in Istanbul. The study distinguishes between CSOs based on indicators that are expected to create variation in how the participant is engaged. CSOs are classified as either rights or obligations based, membership or volunteer based, and finally based on their types of activities. This article presents results on the effect of participation in rightsvs. obligations-based CSOs on the development of active citizenship practices.; (AN 41434063)
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9.

Youth and active citizenship in Turkey: engagement, participation and emancipation by Bee, Cristiano; Kaya, Ayhan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p129-143, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article critically discusses the establishment of active citizenship in Turkey with a specific focus on young people. In particular, we concentrate on the emergence of different strategies regarding civic and political participation in Turkey, by looking at their relationship with civic and political engagement. The scope is to focus on the influence that various factors have in determining patterns of participation. The research and relative results are based on the narratives inherent to two opposite scenarios – that we defined constraints to engagement and participationand patterns of emancipation– that emerged during the interviews with youth activists of NGOs in Turkey.; (AN 41434064)
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10.

The Ottoman Empire and the Bosnian Uprising: Janissaries, modernisation and rebellion in the nineteenth century by Donia, Robert J.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p145-146, 2p; (AN 41434065)
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11.

Turkey’s entente with Israel and Azerbaijan: state identity and security in the Middle East and Caucasus by Athanassopoulou, Ekavi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p146-148, 3p; (AN 41434080)
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12.

Nations and citizens in Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav States – one hundred years of citizenship by Calori, Anna. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p148-150, 3p; (AN 41434066)
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13.

Economic crisis and civil society in Greece new forms of engagement & ‘deviations’ from the past by Frangonikolopoulos, Christos A.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p150-153, 4p; (AN 41434067)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Sub-Regionalism in South Asia: A Case Study of the Bangladesh–Bhutan–Nepal–India Motor Vehicles Agreement by Kumar, Vikash. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p1-13, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article has two parts. The first part aims at analysing why nations are increasingly going beyond their multilateral and regional moorings to secure and advance their national interests. In doing so, why and how do they indulge in sub-regional engagements? It has been empirically seen across the board in almost every part of the world that sub-regional growth initiatives play a significant role in regional integration. The second part, by drawing from the above broad conceptualization in South Asia, uses the Bangladesh–Bhutan–India–Nepal Motor Vehicles Agreement (BBIN MVA) as a case study.; (AN 40601237)
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2.

US Security Strategy of Asian Rebalance: India’s Role and Concerns by Nautiyal, Annpurna. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p14-33, 20p; Abstract: AbstractChina’s aggressive rise and strained relations with its Asia-Pacific neighbours—a region with immense economic and strategic potential—have forced the US to forge a strategy of Asian rebalance. Besides making China suspicious, this strategy has aroused the possibility of a new cold war. In contrast, though India’s relations with China have improved considerably since the 1962 War, the unresolved border issue and the threatening Chinese attitude do not allow India to trust China. To deal with the Chinese threat, India has devised a Look East, Act East engagement policy as well as developed close economic and strategic relations with the US and its Asia-Pacific allies. Although the concern of strategic autonomy deters India from being an active partner of US strategy, China’s all-weather friendship with Pakistan and encirclement through infrastructure in its neighbourhood as well as Xi Jinping’s Chinese dream have left limited options for India. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the implications of US re-involvement in the Asia-Pacific and India’s role therein—particularly its concerns regarding this strategy.; (AN 40601240)
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3.

Insurgency, Drugs and Small Arms in Myanmar by Behera, Anshuman. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p34-48, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe many links between drugs, small arms and insurgency have been widely discussed and addressed by scholars. The literature in particular has convincingly shown how several insurgent groups in Myanmar have used the drug business to finance and sustain their violent movements. Funds generated from drug production and circulation help the insurgent groups to procure arms, and are widely believed to be supporting the protracted nature of these movements. In this context, Myanmar presents itself as a classic example wherein the relationship between drugs, small arms and insurgency becomes clearly apparent. The country has become a major hub for illicit drugs production. It has been observed that insurgency, arms smuggling and illicit drugs business depend heavily on each other for their sustenance. The ‘ungoverned territories’ bordering other states also help insurgencies and keep the drug business flourishing. Given this context, this article focuses on unravelling the linkages among insurgency, drugs and small arms in Myanmar.; (AN 40601243)
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4.

Preventive Diplomacy and the Role of Civil Maritime Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia by Llewelyn, James D.. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p49-60, 12p; Abstract: AbstractSoutheast Asia’s international shipping lanes (ISL) are essential to the economic security of the Asia-Pacific region. Maintaining good order at sea serves to protect regional trade and can be achieved through collaboration between civil maritime security agencies (coast guards). Japan and China both have significant coast guard capabilities and diplomatic influence in the region that could be harnessed to promote civil maritime security cooperation with the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With regional tensions rising over disputed waters in Southeast Asia, ‘white hull diplomacy’ would seem to be a timely option for governments to consider in search of an intra-Asian de-escalation process.; (AN 40601238)
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5.

Has Nigeria Defeated Boko Haram? An Appraisal of the Counter-Terrorism Approach under the Buhari Administration by Onapajo, Hakeem. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p61-73, 13p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the campaign promises of President Muhammadu Buhari was that he would eliminate Boko Haram six months after assumption of office. By December 2015, the Buhari-led government gave itself a pass mark for countering the terrorists. The government declared that the group had been ‘technically defeated’. This declaration has led to debates in the public space as to the veracity of this claim. This article aims to critically appraise the on-going attempt to eliminate the Boko Haram threat under the Buhari administration. The author questions whether we can actually conclude that the anti-Boko Haram war has really been won. The article analytically demonstrates that Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to Nigeria and the West African sub-region, contrary to claims that it has been defeated.; (AN 40601249)
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6.

Subsystemic Unipolarities? Power Distribution and State Behaviour in South America and Southern Africa by Schenoni, Luis Leandro. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p74-86, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the possibility of conceiving South America and Southern Africa as subsystemic unipolarities under Brazilian and South African primacy, respectively. It argues that this concept, when applied to these regions, sheds light not only on the long-term strategies behind the Brazilian and South African foreign policies towards their neighbourhood, but also on the behaviour of secondary regional powers and small states. This hypothesis questions the maxim that considerations related to polarity affect great powers only. After examining the Brazilian and South African cases, the author undertakes a comparative analysis of 17 countries in these regions, showing that the behaviour of politically stable countries in these regions is as predicted by theories of unipolarity.; (AN 40601246)
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7.

What are India, Iran, and Afghanistan’s Benefits from the Chabahar Port Agreement? by Amirthan, Shawn. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p87-93, 7p; (AN 40601242)
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8.

The Challenges and Opportunities of a Negotiated Settlement in Afghanistan by Dostyar, Aref. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p94-109, 16p; (AN 40601245)
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9.

Brexit: Harbinger of an Unexpected New World Order by Jain, Sandhya. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p110-117, 8p; (AN 40601250)
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10.

Unheeded hinterland: identity and sovereignty in northeast India, by Dillip Gogoi by Waterman, Alex. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p118-120, 3p; (AN 40601236)
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11.

New south Asian security: six core relations underpinning regional security, by Chris Ogden by Bisht, Medha. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p121-123, 3p; (AN 40601239)
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12.

Smart diplomacy: exploring China-India synergy, by P.S. Suryanarayana by Singh, Prashant Kumar. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p124-125, 2p; (AN 40601247)
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13.

Acknowledgement of Referees Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p126-129, 4p; (AN 40601248)
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14.

Contributions Published in Strategic Analysisin 2016 Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p130-137, 8p; (AN 40601244)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 40, no. 7, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Terrorist Learning: A New Analytical Framework by Kettle, Louise; Mumford, Andrew. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p523-538, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTerrorists learn every day to gain further knowledge on how to achieve their violent objectives. Consequently, understanding terrorist learning forms a crucial part of the fight to counter terrorism. However, while existing literature within terrorism studies has examined a number of different parts of the learning process, there currently fails to exist a comprehensive framework to encompass the learning process as a whole. This article will rectify this oversight by drawing on wider learning literature to develop a new analytical framework for terrorist learning that provides a definition, considers the actors involved and identifies processes and outcomes. Consequently, the full landscape of current and potential research in this important area is revealed.; (AN 41947040)
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2.

Terrorist Learning: A Look at the Adoption of Political Kidnappings in Six Countries, 1968–1990 by Rasmussen, Maria. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p539-556, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article studies the epidemic of kidnappings across six countries between 1968 and 1990. The goal is to identify those factors that determine the operational decisions made by terrorists. Why and how do terrorists decide to engage in certain types of actions but not others? The article discusses a number of scholarly approaches, and the variables these studies have put forward to explain the decision-making processes within terrorist organizations. The argument made here is that the groups' ideological preferences, strategic analysis, and need to attract media attention did not appear to exert much influence in the terrorists' decision to kidnap. Organizational resources and the nature of the security environment in which the terrorists operated had some bearing. However, kidnappings became attractive when terrorists made a pragmatic evaluation of the reaction by governments and the public and consequently of the costs or benefits of a particular course of action. The decision to carry out a campaign of kidnappings, or to abstain from kidnapping, should be interpreted as clear evidence of terrorist learning. Two types of learning appear to have influenced the adoption of kidnappings: learning by observing others and learning by doing.; (AN 41947041)
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3.

Irish Republican Terrorism: Learning from and Teaching Other Countries by Guelke, Adrian. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p557-572, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTViolent nationalism in Northern Ireland has drawn inspiration from a tradition of physical-force republicanism that dates back centuries. The consequence has been a strong tendency for Irish republicans to draw on that history as a source of ideas for their conduct of campaigns of violence. However, during Northern Ireland's most recent Troubles from the late 1960s to the 1990s, external influence on the republican movement was evident in some of the tactics adopted and, even more strongly, in the turn toward negotiations. At the same time, Irish republicans have directly assisted other groups from Spain to South Africa in the employment of particular means such as the culvert bomb. But it is more striking that republicans have tended to eschew some of the means that have been widely associated with terrorism elsewhere since the 1960s such as the hijacking of aircraft for the taking of hostages. Transnational influences on Irish nationalists have been greater at the level of political ideas and as a source of legitimization than as a model for their own campaigns.; (AN 41947045)
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4.

Tactical Innovation and the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Gill, Paul. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p573-585, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides an overview of Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) innovations with regards to improvised explosive devices (IEDs). It situates PIRA's tactical innovations within the broad organizational psychology literature focused on the nature and drivers of creativity and innovation. This discussion helps frame the two empirical analyses that follow. The first analysis provides a graphical timeline of PIRA's radical innovations (and their drivers) in relation to IED technology. This helps provide a sense of the specific occasions in which PIRA innovations were numerous and when they were sparse. The second analysis looks at the locations in which PIRA radical innovations debuted. This provides us with an understanding of the specific PIRA units responsible for these innovations. The results demonstrate that while PIRA operations spanned the six counties of Northern Ireland for 29 years, radical IED innovations were conceived, developed, and initially implemented within only two areas of operations for only seven of those years.; (AN 41947043)
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5.

Copying to be Different: Violent Dissident Irish Republican Learning by Morrison, John F.. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p586-602, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the impact of the Troubles retains centrality within much of Northern Irish political life, the spectre of almost daily violence is becoming a more distant memory. Peace has come to the region. In spite of this, however, there are those who wish to maintain the utility of violence to achieve their stated aims. Most dominant among these are the violent dissident republican groups. No longer is their existence solely defined by their desire to bring about a united Ireland. In order to have any opportunity of longevity, they must first legitimize their continued existence, and in turn distance themselves from their former Provisional comrades. This article assesses how groups, such as the Continuity Irish Republican Army (IRA), Óglaigh na hÉireann, and the IRA/New IRA utilize the lessons learned from their Provisional history to differentiate themselves from the politicized dominance of Sinn Féin. This evaluation is carried out through the analysis of interviews with leadership and rank and file members of both political and paramilitary dissident groupings, which is complemented by the analysis of the Violent Dissident Republican events database. These sources are supplemented with the assessment of organizational statements, from 2007 to the present day. The article focuses on violent, and nonviolent, learning.; (AN 41947044)
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6.

Constructing Expertise: Terrorist Recruitment and “Talent Spotting” in the PIRA, Al Qaeda, and ISIS by Bloom, Mia. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p603-623, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe academic literature is divided with regard to whether terrorist recruits are dangerous masterminds, “malevolently creative,” and capable of perpetrating well-planned mass casualty attacks in the heart of European capitals. Or whether they are imbeciles, incapable of carrying out the most basic tasks, who mostly end up blowing themselves up by accident. This duality about the capabilities of terrorists is reflected in analyses of terrorist incidents. In fact, both depictions of terrorist recruits are accurate. Acuity and professionalism are not movement dependent (the same group may attract a variety of recruits) and might, instead, reflect a recruitment cycle that terrorist groups experience—one that alternates between labor-intensive and expertise-intensive periods of recruitment. The phases may shift because of external pressures (periods of territorial expansion/contraction) and opportunities (need for better quality recruits) with associated shifts in how groups use propaganda to attract a different quality of recruit during different periods of time. A possible first step toward hindering terrorist recruitment is to better understand the ways in which terrorist organizations work—where and when they recruit, whom they target, and the different propaganda messages used for selective/targeted recruitment. A clearer picture of the process could provide opportunities to counter a group's appeal, replenish their ranks, and inoculate vulnerable populations against recruitment. Case studies of three different terrorist organizations (Al Qaeda, the Islami State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS], and the Provisional Irish Republican Army [PIRA]) presented here posit that there exists a terrorism “recruitment cycle” that alternates between labor and expertise focus, uses different recruitment strategies and different propaganda messaging depending on this cycle.; (AN 41947042)
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7.

A Preliminary Typology Mapping Pathways of Learning and Innovation by Modern JihadistGroups by Singh, Rashmi. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p624-644, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe importance of understanding how terrorist organizations learn and innovate cannot be overstated. Yet there is a remarkable paucity of literature systematically addressing this subject. This article contributes to an evolving conceptualization in this area by proposing a preliminary typology of learning and innovation as undertaken by modern jihadistgroups. It identifies and discusses four categories: (a) intergroup learning within a single domestic setting; (b) intergroup learning between two or more local groups across a state or national boundary; (c) intergroup learning between a transnational group and one or more domestic groups; and finally (d) intragroup learning or “self-learning.”; (AN 41947048)
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8.

From Cubs to Lions: A Six Stage Model of Child Socialization into the Islamic State by Horgan, John G.; Taylor, Max; Bloom, Mia; Winter, Charlie. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p645-664, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) as a case study, we explore the process by which children evolve from novice recruits to fully fledged members of a violent extremist movement. From currently available data, we propose six stages of child socialization to ISIS—Seduction, Schooling, Selection, Subjugation, Specialization, and Stationing. Furthermore, we explore this process in the context of “Community of Practice” (COP) as developed by Wenger and Lave. COP models highlight how newcomers learn and pass through degrees of involvement from the periphery of an organization to the inside. In subsequent research, Hundeide highlighted how “contracts of deep commitment” and “conversion” constitute important social and psychological elements of communities of practice. We regard such qualities as intrinsic to children's involvement in ISIS. We conclude with implications drawn from the disengagement and reintegration experiences of former child soldiers in other contexts.; (AN 41947047)
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10

Survival
Volume 59, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Was the Rise of ISIS Inevitable? by Brands, Hal; Feaver, Peter. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p7-54, 48p; Abstract: The most fateful American choice in the rise of ISIS was also the oldest one: the 2003 decision to invade Iraq, followed by the mismanagement of the occupation.; (AN 41939852)
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2.

The End of a Caliphate by Dobbins, James; Jones, Seth G.. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p55-72, 18p; Abstract: It is not clear that the United States will commit to the long-term efforts needed to prevail against the Islamic State’s affiliates, and to ensure the organisation does not re-emerge in Iraq and Syria.; (AN 41939853)
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3.

An Area-Access Strategy for NATO by Pothier, Fabrice. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p73-80, 8p; Abstract: Without a credible plan for reinforcement, the Alliance’s much-celebrated eastern tripwires could rapidly become sitting ducks.; (AN 41939858)
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4.

Trump’s Missing Asia Strategy by Huxley, Tim; Schreer, Benjamin. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p81-89, 9p; Abstract: Mixed messaging and the doctrine of ‘America First’ are generating scepticism and anxiety among America’s allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific.; (AN 41939854)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p90-92, 3p; (AN 41939859)
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6.

The Benefits of Hindsight: Historical Research and Political Accountability by Freedman, Lawrence. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p93-110, 18p; Abstract: The only fair test when evaluating policymakers’ judgements is to ask whether a decision was reasonable given what was known at the time.; (AN 41939861)
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7.

Brief Notices Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 pe1-e10, 10p; (AN 41939864)
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8.

Does Brexit Threaten Peace in Northern Ireland? by Stevenson, Jonathan. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p111-128, 18p; Abstract: The United Kingdom’s vote to leave the European Union may have hastened the coming of a united Ireland.; (AN 41939860)
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9.

Now for the Hard Part: NATO’s Strategic Adaptation to Russia by Ringsmose, Jens; Rynning, Sten. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p129-146, 18p; Abstract: The Alliance’s success in adapting its deterrence posture has brought into focus a range of more complex challenges.; (AN 41939868)
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10.

Deterrence from the Ground Up: Understanding NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence by Zapfe, Martin. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p147-160, 14p; Abstract: NATO’s deterrence strategy must take into account the fundamentally political nature of the Russian threat.; (AN 41939866)
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11.

UN Peace Operations and the Use of Military Force by Rudolf, Peter. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p161-182, 22p; Abstract: The gap between traditional peacekeeping principles and the realities of contemporary operations is becoming increasingly apparent.; (AN 41939867)
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12.

Book Reviews by Jones, Erik; Crandall, Russell; Mazo, Jeffrey. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p183-204, 22p; (AN 41939865)
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13.

Prohibition and Its Discontents by Williams, Heather. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p205-208, 4p; Abstract: States and civil-society groups pursuing a ban on nuclear weapons do not all share the same motivations.; (AN 41939862)
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14.

The Interpreters by Pedersen, Asger. Survival, May 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 3 p209-214, 6p; Abstract: The treatment of local civilians formerly employed by foreign militaries in Afghanistan is a source of shame for the soldiers with whom they served.; (AN 41939863)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

President Donald J. Trump Symposium by Rapoport, David C.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p393-393, 1p; (AN 41824512)
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2.

Fascism as Action through Time (Or How It Can Happen Here) by Rosenfeld, Jean E.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p394-410, 17p; Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to discuss how fascism may be identified by its actions, the stages through which a fascist rule takes power, and how to recognize it before it does so. The thesis is that a fascist takeover of a democratic government is rapid and unexpected. Its goal is a revolutionary reversal of representative government in the name of the people, while it accomplishes the opposite: a single-party corporate regime that replaces individual liberty with subtle, bureaucratic, and overt types of coercion. Rather than generate a generic definition of the many types of fascism, it is more useful to study how it affects the lives of ordinary people, the milieu out of which it develops, and what its precursors look like. Understanding fascism entails studying it from the point of view of those who lived under it and recorded their experiences, as well as from the analytic perspectives of social scientists. As Robert O. Paxton observes: “The fascist phenomenon was poorly understood at the beginning in part because it was unexpected.”1We are facing the question again in 2017 with the surprise election of Donald Trump as the forty-fifth president of the United States by a minority of the popular vote and the evident support of the white nationalist milieu. Paxton proposes a five-stage theory for understanding fascism in its many varieties. A developmental sequence is proposed against which current events in the United States may be assessed.; (AN 41824514)
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3.

Red Dawn is Now: Race vs. Nation and the American Election by Kaplan, Jeffrey. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p411-424, 14p; Abstract: This article details the long-standing struggle within the American far right between those whose mission it is to resist the perceived subversion of international communism and its neo-Soviet successors now in power in the Kremlin and those whose mission is dedicated to preserving the White Race from the twin threats of miscegenation and marginalization from the corridors of power. Using the metaphor of the 1984 low-budget spectacular Red Dawnand noting the current pattern of Russian interference in the election and contacts with the Trump campaign, it traces the struggle from the ascendancy of anti-communism in the 1950s and 1960s to the current triumph of the race warriors and conspiracy theorists who championed the candidacy of Donald Trump. “Red Dawn Is Now” concludes with the observation that, for those who most fear foreign subversion, the revelations about Russian penwetration of the American election process and the Trump presidency represents a 21st-century version of the Soviet occupation that the young patriots of Red Dawnfame successfully repelled. If this is so, it suggests the possibility that Thomas Jefferson's observation that “the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants” may be prophetic and that the fifth wave of terrorism might at long last be at hand.; (AN 41824513)
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4.

It Can't Happen Here,1or Has It? Sinclair Lewis's Fascist America by Strenski, Ellen. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p425-436, 12p; Abstract: Sinclair Lewis, the first American to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, anticipated many aspects of Donald J. Trump's 2016 campaign and election in his 1935 satirical dystopia, It Can't Happen Here. It was his most popular novel to date and is still satisfying, thought-provoking political theater. Lewis was influenced by growing totalitarianism in Europe, reported on by his second wife, foreign correspondent, Dorothy Thompson. Noting the power of Father Coughlin and Huey Long, among others, to mobilize a public still suffering from the Great Depression, Lewis feared a fascist takeover of the American government by democratic means. Lewis's fictional nightmare features a loutish, ignorant demagogue, who is manipulated by a sinister ghostwriter adviser. With support from a resentful League of Forgotten Men, the demagogue is elected President and quickly establishes a military, racist, and anti-Semitic dictatorship. It Can't Happen Heredramatizes the dire consequences of this takeover, which is not taken seriously at first by Lewis's newspaper editor protagonist, but then is increasingly resisted. Lewis is a social satirist in the Mark Twain tradition, and his novel is worth reading today for its suggestive parallels with current history and its good-hearted humor.; (AN 41824515)
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5.

President Trump and the “Fringe” by Barkun, Michael. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p437-443, 7p; Abstract: The “fringe”—rejected and marginalized ideas and beliefs—has historically been clearly divided from the cultural and political mainstream. However, recent technological developments have weakened the boundary separating them. The Internet and social media have made it possible for fringe ideas to move much more readily into the mainstream. The Trump campaign was accompanied by the massive infusion of fringe motifs including the denigration of ethnic and religious groups; the support of political extremists; and the acceptance of conspiracy theories. As the fringe becomes legitimated by this mainstreaming, the possibilities for violence increase.; (AN 41824516)
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6.

How Muslim Defenders Became “Blood Spilling” Crusaders: Adam Gadahn's Critique of the “Jihadist” Subversion of Al Qaeda's Media Warfare Strategy by Kamolnick, Paul. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p444-463, 20p; Abstract: Adam Gadahn's Abbottabad letter offers a rare opportunity to examine how this Al Qaeda Senior Leadership (AQSL) media operative and spokesman conceptualizes and executes media warfare. In this article, I first introduce, depict, and employ the author's Terrorist Quadrangle Analysis (TQA) as a useful heuristic for conceptualizing and representing the four interrelated components of the AQSL terrorist enterprise: political objectives, media warfare, terrorist attacks, and strategic objectives. This TQA construct is then employed to conceptualize Gadahn's media warfare acumen. Gadahn is shown to be an adept communications warfare operative who conscientiously disaggregates and evaluates key target audiences, messengers, messaging, and media. Gadahn's vehement critique of select “jihadi” groups, in particular Tehrik-i-Taliban(TTP), al-Shabaab, and the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI), is then described. Key here is how and why Gadahn denounces their indiscriminate, murderous terrorist attacks on Muslim non-combatant civilians and other protected persons as effectively subverting his intended AQSL media warfare strategy and undermining AQSL strategic and religio-political objectives. A concluding section briefly summarizes these chief findings, offers select implications for scholarship and counter-AQSL messaging strategy, and identifies study limitations.; (AN 41824519)
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7.

Victims of Terrorism and Political Violence: Identity, Needs, and Service Delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britain by Lynch, Orla; Argomaniz, Javier. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p464-482, 19p; Abstract: Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.; (AN 41824517)
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8.

Predicting Revolt: Fragility Indexes and the Level of Violence and Instability in the Arab Spring by Buterbaugh, Kevin Neil; Calin, Costel; Marchant-Shapiro, Theresa. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p483-508, 26p; Abstract: This article is one of the first to systematically assess the ability of state fragility measures to predict violent protests and adverse regime changes in countries. We focus on the Arab Spring as an example of a situation that such measures ought to predict. Through a variety of analyses, we find that none of the measures are predictive. We then create a simple model using the literature of protest and revolts to predict both the level of violence and the extent of regime change in the Arab Spring countries. This simpler model does a better job of predicting the level of involvement in the Arab Spring than any of the complex State Fragility Indexes. Thus, the goal of this article is not to explain the causes of the Arab Spring, but to add to the discussion of the predictive value of measures of instability.; (AN 41824518)
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9.

Competing to Kill: Terrorist Organizations Versus Lone Wolf Terrorists by Alakoc, Burcu Pinar. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p509-532, 24p; Abstract: Are organizationally linked suicide attacks deadlier than those launched by lone wolf terrorists? This article elaborates a perpetrator-based distinction among suicide terrorist attacks between organizations and lone wolf terrorists, who operate in the absence of a financially or physically supportive terrorist organization. The expectation is that terrorist organizations would serve as commitment tools that increase the loyalty of suicide bombers to their missions through material and non-material incentives. Findings demonstrate that when terrorist organizations are involved in the planning and execution of suicide terrorist attacks, not only do they increase the lethality of these attacks but they also accentuate the tactical advantages of suicide terrorism. These findings suggest that despite the recent upsurge and concern about lone wolf terrorism, the lethality and security impacts of suicide terrorism continue to be driven by terrorist organizations.; (AN 41824521)
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10.

Deadlier in the U.S.? On Lone Wolves, Terrorist Groups, and Attack Lethality by Phillips, Brian J.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p533-549, 17p; Abstract: Scholars, politicians, and pundits increasingly suggest lone wolf terrorists are substantial threats, but we know little about how dangerous these actors are—especially relative to other terrorist actors. How deadly are lone actor terrorists? A growing body of empirical research focuses on terrorist organizations, but similar work on lone actors is sparse. Furthermore, attempts to explicitly compare these or other types of terrorist actors are almost non-existent. This article considers theoretical arguments for why lone wolves ought to be especially lethal. However, it presents an argument for why terrorist groupsshould generally be more lethal. This argument is conditional upon the environment in which actors operate. Lone wolves should only be more deadly in states with especially strong counterterrorism capacity. The article uses data on terrorist attacks in fifteen developed countries, 1970–2010, to compare the lethality of terrorist acts. Around the world, attacks by organizations tend to be far more lethal than attacks by other actors. In the United States, however, lone wolves are generally the more lethal terrorist actors. This is argued to be because the robust counterterrorism capacity makes organized terrorism more difficult to accomplish.; (AN 41824522)
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11.

Group Structure and Intergroup Relations in Global Terror Networks: Further Explorations by Pearson, Frederic S.; Akbulut, Isil; Olson Lounsbery, Marie. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p550-572, 23p; (AN 41824520)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 40, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Global Rise of Personalized Politics: It's Not Just Dictators Anymore by Kendall-Taylor, Andrea; Frantz, Erica; Wright, Joseph. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p7-19, 13p; (AN 41814032)
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2.

“No More Elsewhere”: France Faces the New Wave of Terrorism by Neiberg, Michael S.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p21-38, 18p; (AN 41814033)
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3.

Political Rationality in Iranian Foreign Policy by Barzegar, Kayhan; Divsallar, Abdolrasool. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p39-53, 15p; (AN 41814031)
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4.

Recalibrating Deterrence to Prevent Nuclear Terrorism by Litwak, Robert S.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p55-70, 16p; (AN 41814034)
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5.

U.S. Grand Strategy in an Age of Nationalism: Fortress America and its Alternatives by Brands, Hal. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p73-94, 22p; (AN 41814036)
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6.

UN Reform under the Trump Administration: The Way Ahead by Rudd, Kevin. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p95-107, 13p; (AN 41814035)
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7.

Time to Consolidate NATO? by Shifrinson, Joshua. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p109-123, 15p; (AN 41814041)
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8.

China's “Belt and Road Initiative”: Underwhelming or Game-Changer? by Rolland, Nadège. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p127-142, 16p; (AN 41814038)
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9.

The Myth of Chinese Sanctions over South China Sea Disputes by Poh, Angela. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p143-165, 23p; (AN 41814040)
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10.

China's Maritime Trap by Zongyou, Wei. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p167-184, 18p; (AN 41814039)
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11.

From Wealth to Power: China's New Economic Statecraft by Xiaotong, Zhang; Keith, James. The Washington Quarterly, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p185-203, 19p; (AN 41814037)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 40, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Gordon Smith and Vincent Wright Memorial Prizes 2016 West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p(iii)-(iii); (AN 41613825)
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2.

Is a corrupt government totally unacceptable? by Cordero, Guillermo; Blais, André. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p645-662, 18p; Abstract: AbstractCorrupt governments are not always punished by voters. Under certain circumstances citizens consider voting for the incumbent party even if the party is perceived as corrupt. Using survey data for Spain, this article analyses what makes citizens reject (or not) the idea of voting for a corrupt party. Previous research has shown that party identification, ideology and political information play a role in voters’ reactions to corruption. The article argues that voters judge corruption in relative terms; what matters is not how corrupt the incumbent party is perceived to be but whether it is deemed to be more corrupt than the other parties.; (AN 41613823)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41613823&site=ehost-live

3.

Making states for the single market: European integration and the reshaping of economic states in the Southern and Eastern peripheries of Europe by Bruszt, Laszlo; Vukov, Visnja. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p663-687, 25p; Abstract: AbstractEuropean integration has profoundly reshaped states in Europe’s peripheries. It has deprived them of the traditional means of autonomously managing development, imposed institutions defending the integrity of the regional market from domestic actors, and provided them, in exchange, with EU-level development policies. However, whereas in the South the EU has relied primarily on incentives for remaking the economic state, in the East it has engaged in direct institution-building. The different EU strategies pushed the evolution of the economic state in the two peripheries in different directions and the two parts of Europe now face different developmental dilemmas. Despite their differences, neither the Eastern nor the Southern states have the capacity to get in synch the triple challenge of integration: playing by the uniform regional rules, improving their positions in the European markets and extending the range of domestic beneficiaries of integration. While the ensuing economic and political tensions might endanger regional integration, EU-level capacities for addressing the developmental problems of the peripheries are in short supply.; (AN 41613824)
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4.

Toe the line, break the whip: explaining floor dissent in parliamentary democracies by Willumsen, David M.; Öhberg, Patrik. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p688-716, 29p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the drivers of individual dissent in floor voting in parliamentary regimes. It focuses on the effect of ideological heterogeneity in legislative parties on individual MPs’ voting behaviour, as well as the different incentives caused by the differing consequences of defection and abstention. Combining individual-level survey and voting data from the Swedish Riksdag, neither of which is subject to selection bias, the study overcomes several limitations of previous research. It shows that MPs’ decisions to dissent are partly driven by ideological differences with their party, but also by the imperatives of maintaining a government majority in a parliamentary regime, along with the level of influence MPs exert on legislation. It also highlights the importance of distinguishing between abstaining from voting and defecting. Merely pooling the two oversimplifies the behaviour of MPs.; (AN 41613829)
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5.

Decentralisation and regional cabinet size: the Spanish case (1979–2015) by Vall-Prat, Pau; Rodon, Toni. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p717-740, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores under what conditions regional governments tend to have larger or smaller cabinets. The main contention is that cross-regional variation in cabinet size is partly explained by the dynamics set up by the multilevel system of government, mainly territorial decentralisation, multilevel government (in)congruence or the existence of nationally distinct regions. The hypotheses are tested with a new and original dataset built upon the Spanish case (1979–2015). Findings show that regions with more welfare state policies, especially when the region’s economic capacity is high, and nationally distinct regions tend to have bigger executives. In contrast, decentralisation in the form of basic state functions and government incongruence do not have a significant effect. Results have important implications for our understanding of sub-national territorial institutions and their interaction with decentralisation dynamics.; (AN 41613828)
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6.

It takes two: how Eurosceptic public opinion and party divisions influence party positions by Spoon, Jae-Jae; Williams, Christopher. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p741-762, 22p; Abstract: AbstractDo parties respond to voters’ preferences on European integration in elections to the European Parliament (EP)? Following recent research that shows political party responsiveness to Eurosceptic attitudes during EP elections is conditioned by party characteristics, this article seeks to understand how party unity on European integration affects party responsiveness to Euroscepticism. It argues that when Eurosceptic attitudes among voters are high and the parties are divided in their position on European integration, parties will be more responsive to voters and take a more Eurosceptic position. To test the theoretical expectations, the study uses data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, the Euromanifestos Project, and European Election Study for 1989–2009 for over 120 parties across 20 European Union member states. The findings have important implications for understanding the nature of democratic representation in the European Union.; (AN 41613826)
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7.

Instrumental political support: bringing policy preferences back into explanations of EU support by Belot, Céline; Guinaudeau, Isabelle. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p763-790, 28p; Abstract: AbstractThere is a joint development towards Europeanisation of public policies and an increasing visibility and politicisation of European issues in EU member states. In this context, the degree of fit between individuals’ policy preferences and European norms could be expected to influence support for the EU: this support might increase when Europeanisation makes the desired policies more likely, and decrease when it hinders these policies. Multilevel analyses of the 2014 wave of the European Election Study confirms the existence of such instrumental support for the EU. The findings demonstrate that this support is shaped by policy preferences on state intervention, immigration, moral issues and environmental protection. The results also show that the impact of these policy preferences is modulated by the level of integration of the designated policy, by the weight of the policy issue in the country and, in some cases, by the level of individual political knowledge.; (AN 41613827)
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8.

How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief systems and the populist radical right by Daenekindt, Stijn; de Koster, Willem; van der Waal, Jeroen. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p791-811, 21p; Abstract: AbstractPolitical scientists generally agree that all individuals structure their cultural attitudes in the same unidimensional fashion. However, various populist radical right parties remarkably combine moral progressiveness with conservatism regarding immigration-related issues. This suggests that the structuring of cultural attitudes among the electorate may also be more complex than typically assumed. Applying Correlational Class Analysis to representative survey data, the study uncovers three cultural belief systems. For individuals adhering to an integratedone, all cultural attitudes are interdependent, as typically assumed. However, two alternative belief systems are also uncovered: intermediateand partitioned. In the latter, positions on one cultural attitude (e.g. ethnocentrism) are barely related to positions on others (e.g. rejecting Islam or opposing homosexuality). The existence of multiple cultural belief systems challenges the widely held assumption that all people organise their cultural attitudes similarly. Both political party agendas and individuals’ education level and religion appear key to understanding variation in belief systems.; (AN 41613830)
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9.

Still men’s parties? Gender and the radical right in comparative perspective by Erzeel, Silvia; Rashkova, Ekaterina R.. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p812-820, 9p; Abstract: AbstractThis framing paper introduces the symposium on gender and the radical right. With the exception of a few recent studies, gender issues have received little attention in research on the European radical right. The purpose of this symposium is to address that and examine (1) whether radical right parties are still ‘men’s parties’ – parties led and supported primarily by men and (2) to what extent and how women and women’s concerns have been included by these parties. It argues that radical right parties have changed their appeal since their origins in the 1980s. There is now evidence of the fact that radical right parties, at least in some countries, exhibit an active political involvement of women and engage in some representation of women’s concerns. This puts them in a more ‘standardised’ political position vis-à-vis other parties. Given the current lack of focus on this topic, and given the recent gendered changes in radical right parties, this symposium stresses the academic and political importance of studying gender relations in radical right politics.; (AN 41613833)
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10.

Gender, populist attitudes, and voting: explaining the gender gap in voting for populist radical right and populist radical left parties by Spierings, Niels; Zaslove, Andrej. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p821-847, 27p; Abstract: AbstractEmpirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right.; (AN 41613832)
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11.

Are (populist) radical right parties Männerparteien? Evidence from Bulgaria by Rashkova, Ekaterina R.; Zankina, Emilia. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p848-868, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper focuses on the representation of women in radical right parties and examines the often assumed relationship between the radical right and gender, namely that radical right parties are overwhelmingly ran, supported by, and representing the male part of the population. Using data from elections, party platforms, and parliamentary committees the paper asks ‘Are PRR parties Männerparteien?’ Using data from Bulgaria, we suggest that the Männerparteienargument is too simplistic and argue that in order to make a claim about representation, one needs to study both female and male MPs and across all party families. We find that while radical right parties are still primarily composed of men, an examination of the substantive representation of women’s issues, puts this relationship into question. Furthermore, we show that while men outnumber women in all political parties, both radical right women and men have been more active in women’s issues than their gender counterparts from other political parties. These findings suggest two things: one, we cannot study gender equality matters without comparing the activity of both men and women; and two, the classification of radical right parties as Männerparteien based on descriptive representation only, is too simplistic and to an extent, misleading.; (AN 41613831)
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12.

Caring for the elderly in the family or in the nation? Gender, women and migrant care labour in the Lega Nord by Scrinzi, Francesca. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p869-886, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article aims at gendering our understanding of populist radical right ideology, policy and activism in Italy. It does so by focusing on migrant care labour, which provides a strategic site for addressing the relationship between anti-immigration politics and the gendered and racialised division of work. Three arrangements and understandings of elderly care are analysed, whereby care work should be performed ‘in the family and in the nation’, ‘in the family/outside the nation’ and ‘in the nation/outside the family’. Party documents and interviews with women activists are used to show how the activists’ views and experiences partly diverge from the Lega Nord rhetoric and policy on immigration, gender and care work. The article locates populist radical right politics in the context of the international division of reproductive labour in Italy and suggests the relevance of analysing gender relations in populist radical right parties in connection with national care regimes.; (AN 41613835)
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13.

Gender, right-wing populism, and immigrant integration policies in France, 1989–2012 by Morgan, Kimberly J.. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p887-906, 20p; Abstract: AbstractImmigrant integration has been on the political agenda in France since at least the late 1980s, yet starting in the early 2000s this issue became bound up with concerns about the oppression of minority women. This article examines the evolution of the issue over two decades, pinpointing when and why debates over integration took on a gendered cast. The article’s explanation centres on two factors – the growing threat of the Front Nationalcoupled with the legitimation of gender-based claims in French politics. These claims were embraced by conservative politicians seeking to adopt a harder line toward immigration and led to the refashioning of core Republican concepts such as égalitéand laïcitéas being about gender equality. The use of similar themes by the Front Nationalas it has sought to move in from the political fringe reveals how gendered claims can be deployed in an effort to keep anti-immigrant policies within the boundaries of liberal values.; (AN 41613836)
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14.

The European Court of Justice and its political impact by Blauberger, Michael; Schmidt, Susanne K.. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p907-918, 12p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reviews recent advances in the study of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and its political impact at the European and member state levels. New quantitative as well as qualitative analyses show with great empirical precision that member state preferences guide the Court. The article summarises these findings, but argues that greater attention needs to be given to the (over-)constitutionalisation of EU law in order to fully capture the political impact of ECJ jurisprudence. Even if European judges are less activist than is often assumed and individual decisions are more restrained in the face of member state opposition, incrementally, case law evolves in a highly expansive fashion. And, exercising caution regarding unrealistic expectations about quasi-deterministic judicial law-making, it is found that the Court’s constitutionalised jurisprudence impacts heavily on European and member state policy-making.; (AN 41613834)
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15.

The Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016: a new stage in democratic politics? by Lancaster, Thomas D.. West European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p919-937, 19p; (AN 41613837)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 69, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 69 issue 2 Cover and Back matter World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41513301)
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2.

WPO volume 69 issue 2 Cover and Front matter World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 pf1-f7, 7p; (AN 41513299)
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3.

Landowners and Democracy by Albertus, Michael. World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p233-276, 44p; Abstract: Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the negative influence of labor-dependent agriculture on democracy started to turn positive around the time of democracy's third wave. The dual threats of land reform and costly domestic insurgencies in that period—often with more potent consequences under dictators—plausibly prompted landowners to push for democracy with strong horizontal constraints and favorable institutions that could protect their property more reliably over the long term than could dictatorship. The shift in support for democracy by labor-dependent landowners is a major untold story of democracy's third wave and helps explain the persistent democratic deficit in many new democracies.; (AN 41513303)
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4.

Patronage, Trust, and State Capacity by Bustikova, Lenka; Corduneanu-Huci, Cristina. World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p277-326, 50p; Abstract: What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelistic exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, the authors focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women's suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. Macrodata from eightyeight electoral democracies and microdata from the most recent wave of the World Value Survey provide supportive evidence for the theory.; (AN 41513300)
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5.

Race, Resources, and Representation by Bueno, Natália S.; Dunning, Thad. World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p327-365, 39p; Abstract: What explains the persistence of racial or ethnic inequalities in descriptive representation in the absence of strongly politicized racial or ethnic cleavages? This article uses new data to demonstrate a substantial racial gap between voters and politicians in Brazil. The authors show that this disparity is not plausibly due to racial preferences in the electorate as a whole, for instance, deference toward white candidates or discrimination against nonwhites, and that barriers to candidate entry or discrimination by party leaders do not likely explain the gap. Instead, they document persistent resource disparities between white and nonwhite candidates, including large differences in personal assets and campaign contributions. The findings suggest that elite closure—investments by racial and economic elites on behalf of elite candidates—help perpetuate a white political class, even in the absence of racialized politics. By underscoring this avenue through which representational disparities persist, the article contributes to research on elite power in democratic settings.; (AN 41513304)
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6.

Paying for War and Building States by Saylor, Ryan; Wheeler, Nicholas C.. World Politics, April 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 2 p366-408, 43p; Abstract: Many scholars believe that intense warfare propelled state formation in early modern Europe because rulers built tax institutions to pay for wars. Scholars likewise cite milder geopolitical pressures to explain the lackluster state building in the developing world. The authors analyze episodes of ferocious warfare in and beyond Europe and find that despite similar fiscal strains, not all governments built strong tax institutions to service wartime debt. When net creditors in a country's credit market were part of the ruling political coalition, they pressed governments to diversify taxes and strengthen fiscal institutions to ensure debt service. But when net debtors held political sway, governments were indifferent to debt servicing and fiscal invigoration. Coalitional politics can help to explain why mounting debt-service obligations led to fiscal institution building in some cases, but not others. The analysis highlights how the private economic interests of ruling coalition members can affect state building.; (AN 41513302)
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