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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 28, no. 2, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Correction to: Kull, Pyysiäinen, Christo, and Christopoulos, Making sense of multilevel governance and governance coordination in Brazil: The case of the Bolsa Verde Programme Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 px-x, 1p; (AN 45125011)
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2.

The territoriality of personalization: New avenues for decentralized personalization in multi-level Western Europe by Chan, Hei Yin. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p107-123, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn light of the increasing scholarly attention to the concept of decentralized personalization, this paper argues that the territoriality (the level of government to which an MP belongs) of an MP would also lead to variations in that MP’s incentive to personalize their campaigns. Using data from the PARTIREP Comparative MP survey, this paper tests the role of the territoriality of an MP in their incentive to personalize their campaigns across nine multi-level countries in Western Europe. Although the level of personalization of campaigns does differ according to territoriality, the underlying explanatory variables do not behave uniformly across territoriality. This paper thus draws attention to the rarely explored role of territory, and the complications it may bring to the explanation of the personalization of politics.; (AN 45125013)
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3.

Political careers in multi-level systems: Regional chief executives in Italy, 1970–2015 by Grimaldi, Selena; Vercesi, Michelangelo. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p125-149, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on Italian regional chief executives and aims to investigate if and how the Italian regionalization process has affected regional chief executives’ career trajectories. Our analysis is based on an original dataset on political careers of regional heads of government in Italy from 1970 to 2015. After presenting our two research expectations, we find that the direct election of regional presidents and the decentralization process have gone hand in hand with the selection of more regional political outsiders and visible politicians as well as with a higher integration between institutional levels in terms of career paths; (AN 45125012)
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4.

Changing your political mind: The impact of a metaphor on citizens’ representations and preferences for federalism by Reuchamps, Min; Dodeigne, Jeremy; Perrez, Julien. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p151-175, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFederalism is often presented through metaphors, but little is known about the impact of such metaphors. Two experiments were conducted in Belgium presenting federalism as Tetris – with control and treatment groups – in order to grasp the influence of this metaphor. The first experiment reveals that being exposed to text with the Tetris metaphor influences respondents’ representations of federalism towards a more institutional representation and towards more regional autonomy. The second experiment confirms the importance of the text, and more specifically of the metaphor, if political knowledge is taken into account. Respondents with a lower level of political knowledge are those who are influenced by the metaphor, whereas respondents with a higher level are not. Therefore, framing the future of Belgian federalism using the metaphor of Tetris does matter: it affects both individuals’ representations of the federalization process and, consequently, their preferences vis-à-vis the institutional future of the country.; (AN 45125014)
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5.

Mechanisms of environmental policy change in a federal system: The case of open federalism and the 2006–15 Harper government by Wellstead, Adam M.. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p177-197, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBetween 2006 and 2011, the Canadian Conservative government advocated the concept of ‘open federalism’ which sought to minimize the role of the federal government in areas falling under provincial jurisdiction. Environmental policy-making was particularly impacted with the passage of the highly contentious 2012 omnibus Jobs, Growth and Long-term Prosperity Act, commonly known as Bill C-38. This paper argues that environmental policy needs to ‘bring back federalism’ into their analysis. In order to do so, a mechanisms approach is employed and focuses on the role of both macro and meso level historical institutionalism mechanisms in explaining policy layering and policy dismantling during this period.; (AN 45125016)
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6.

Regional lobbying and Structural funds: Do regional representation offices in Brussels deliver? by Rodriguez-Pose, Andres; Courty, Julie. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p199-229, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent years regional representation offices have proliferated in Brussels. Among the many aims of these offices are influencing the allocation and securing the transfer of European Structural and Cohesion funds. However, our knowledge about whether they have succeeded in this goal is limited. In this paper, we assess whether regional offices in Brussels have managed to affect the commitment and payment of Structural and Cohesion funds beyond the officially stated economic criteria of eligibility. The paper uses a custom-made survey of Brussels offices, complemented by economic, institutional, and political data. The results of the analyses for 123 regions over the period 2009–13 highlight that the capacity – proxied by the budget and staff of the office – of the regional offices to influence the commitment and payment of Structural and Cohesion funds has been negligible, when not outright negative. Regional lobbying in Brussels does not lead to more funds or to an easier disbursement of regional development funds.; (AN 45125017)
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7.

Language as identity in colonial India: policies and politics by Cetrà, Daniel. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 2 p231-232, 2p; (AN 45125015)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 163, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p3-3, 1p; (AN 45303200)
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2.

Blood Between Us by Stevens, Michael. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p4-10, 7p; Abstract: Following the liberation of Mosul, it is now possible to examine how local activists evolved into a coherent resistance movement during three years of occupation. In this article, Michael Stevens discusses how this evolution, particularly in non-lethal and information activities, provides lessons in how to build local, sustainable resilience in populations that are vulnerable to adversary narratives, with potential for global application.; (AN 45303205)
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3.

Influence and Interference in Foreign Elections by Baines, Paul; Jones, Nigel. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p12-19, 8p; Abstract: The use of influence or interference activities by one country to change the tide of elections in another has recently gained prominence due to alleged Russian influence in the 2016 US presidential election and the 2017 French presidential election. In this article, Paul Baines and Nigel Jones chart the evolution of influence and interference in foreign elections. With the rise of its modern digital form, they consider whether it is acceptable as a norm in international relations, or a violation.; (AN 45303203)
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4.

The Taming of the Shrewd by Verrall, Neil; Mason, David. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p20-28, 9p; Abstract: Who can be believed and how should people act in a contemporary atmosphere of alternative facts, the rise of ‘fake’ information and post-truth politics? Neil Verrall and David Mason suggest that although these are not new concepts, the global speed and scale of information and discourse that military commanders need to address to communicate effectively in the current and future operating environments present new and challenging issues.; (AN 45303207)
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5.

Radicalisation and Violent Extremism in Kyrgyzstan by Matveeva, Anna. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p30-46, 17p; Abstract: In this close analysis of radicalisation and violent extremism in Kyrgyzstan, Anna Matveeva argues that radicalisation is not a myth but a phenomenon taking root in the region. While the drivers of radicalisation are not entirely understood, its geographic and social patterns have become clearer. In Kyrgyzstan, it positively correlates with belonging to a Muslim minority group, and their representatives find jihadi ideas more attractive.; (AN 45303215)
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6.

India’s Changing Relationship with Russia: by Kaura, Vinay. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p48-60, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe partnership between India and Russia has been a success of Indian diplomacy, but the relationship is beginning to show signs of strain. The growing closeness between Russia and China and the possibility of the Kremlin’s strategic embrace of Pakistan, as evidenced by its willingness to engage with the Taliban, has fuelled the perception that Moscow and New Delhi are drifting apart. Vinay Kaura argues that, with the changing geopolitics of South Asia, New Delhi and Moscow need to pay greater attention to strengthening their relationship.; (AN 45303211)
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7.

From Homs to Aleppo: A Journey Through the Destruction of the Syrian War by Schulman, Susan. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p62-81, 20p; (AN 45303209)
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8.

The Great War Centenary The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p82-83, 2p; (AN 45303217)
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9.

A Commentary on Lieutenant C F Jepson’s ‘Lessons of the War. A French-Admiral’s Views’ by Louth, John. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p84-85, 2p; (AN 45303218)
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10.

Lessons of the War: A French Admiral’s Views The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p86-91, 6p; (AN 45303210)
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11.

Taliban Narratives: The Use and Power of Stories in the Afghanistan Conflict by Farrell, Theo. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p92-93, 2p; (AN 45303219)
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12.

From Kinshasa to Kandahar: Canada and Fragile States in Historical Perspective by Zyla, Benjamin. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p94-95, 2p; (AN 45303220)
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13.

The Future of War: A History by Melby, Christian. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p95-96, 2p; (AN 45303214)
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14.

American Grand Strategy in the Age of Trump by James, William. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p96-97, 2p; (AN 45303216)
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15.

Armageddon and Paranoia: The Nuclear Confrontation by Bennett, Gill. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p98-99, 2p; (AN 45303212)
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16.

Anatomy of a Campaign: The British Fiasco in Norway, 1940 by Barr, Niall. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p99-100, 2p; (AN 45303213)
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17.

Stalin Ja Suomen Kohtalo [Stalin and the Fate of Finland] by Lever, Paul. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p100-101, 2p; (AN 45303221)
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18.

The Naval War in the Baltic 1939–1945 by Kent, Neil. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p101-103, 3p; (AN 45303225)
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19.

Kruger’s War: The Truth Behind the Myths of the Boer War by P O’Connor, Damian. The RUSI Journal, January 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 1 p103-104, 2p; (AN 45303222)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 3-4, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

osceMediation in an Eroding International Order by Remler, Philip. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p273-288, 16p; Abstract: The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwiinormative international order has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that underpin that order. Is there a future role for oscemediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fiction of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and provide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare.In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the oscearea and on oscemediation in those conflicts.1He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in light of subsequent events in world politics (in particular the advent of a new administration in the United States) and in the region. The new developments give little cause for optimism that settlement in any of the conflicts is closer. Rather, the question for the osceis whether the international community, in view of the challenges posed by the Ukraine crisis, should continue to engage in the fictions that have allowed it to manage the conflicts since their beginnings in the collapsing Soviet Union.; (AN 43211131)
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2.

NoSCE or Next Generation osce? by Shakirov, Oleg. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p289-314, 26p; Abstract: This article examines how increased tensions between Russia and the West in the wake of the Ukraine crisis impact the conflict management work of the osce. It first looks at Russian perspectives of the osceand focuses on how these changed in the post-2014 period. It then proceeds with an overview of implications resulting from geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West that could positively or negatively affect the role of the oscein conflict management in the long term. The article ends by laying out 4 scenarios on how the situation and the oscecould evolve and argues that in the near future a continuation of the status quo is most probable.; (AN 43211132)
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3.

Geneva International Discussions – Negotiating the Possible by Giuashvili, Teona; Giuashvili, Teona. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p381-402, 22p; Abstract: This paper describes the role that the oscehas played in the Geneva International Discussions, discussing the key political and institutional obstacles to effective mediation, as well as the creative institutional solutions that helped the osceto mediate and implement several specific projects of significant practical importance.; (AN 43211133)
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4.

Forty-five Years of Dialogue Facilitation (1972–2017) by Crump, Laurien. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (csce) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the cscefacilitated the ‘multilateralisation of European security’ through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the osceso as to multilateralise European security again today.; (AN 43211134)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 49, no. 1, February 2018

Record

Results

1.

Militarism and security: Dialogue, possibilities and limits by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p3-18, 16p; Abstract: While attention to security has grown exponentially over the last few decades, militarism – the preparation for and normalization and legitimation of war – has not received the widespread and sustained focus it warrants in mainstream or critical circles. Rather than stake a claim for one concept over the other, however, this article – and the special issue to which it serves as an introduction – asks how we are to understand the relationship between security and militarism, both as analytical tools and as objects of analysis. We examine, first, what analytical and political work militarism and security do as concepts, and how they can be mobilized methodologically; second, what the possibilities are of fruitful exchange between knowledges produced about these concepts or practices; and, third, what the limits are of militarism and security. In the process, we address the shifts in the world that international relations and its related subfields study; shifts in the institutional framing and materiality of fields and subfields of research; and shifts in how international relations studies the world. Read together, the contributions to the special issue make the case for a reinvigorated focus on the mutual co-constitution of militarism and security.; (AN 44487879)
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2.

Return of the generals? Global militarism in Africa from the Cold War to the present by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Abrahamsen, Rita. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p19-31, 13p; Abstract: Militarism is always historically constructed and context specific and must therefore be studied at the intersection of the global and the local. This article does so by tracing the continuities and changes of global militarism in Africa from the Cold War to the present. It argues that contemporary global militarism on the continent differs from its predecessor in two crucial aspects. First, it is promoted by development actors as much as by military establishments and is more firmly embedded within discourses of development and humanitarianism. Second, contemporary militarism remains focused on political order and stability but it is more concerned with war and direct combat. The article probes this paradox through an engagement with the concepts of security and securitization. It argues that today’s militarism is suffused with the values of security and that it is precisely the logic of security and securitization that gives it its contemporary political force.; (AN 44487880)
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3.

Liberal militarism as insecurity, desire and ambivalence: Gender, race and the everyday geopolitics of war by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Basham, Victoria M. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p32-43, 12p; Abstract: The use and maintenance of military force as a means of achieving security makes the identity and continued existence of states as legitimate protectors of populations intelligible. In liberal democracies, however, where individual freedom is the condition of existence, citizens have to be motivated to cede some of that freedom in exchange for security. Accordingly, liberal militarism becomes possible only when military action and preparedness become meaningful responses to threats posed to the social body, not just the state, meaning that it relies on co-constitutive practices of the geopolitical and the everyday. Through a feminist discursive analysis of British airstrikes in Syria and attendant debates on Syrian refugees, I examine how liberal militarism is animated through these co-constitutive sites, with differential effects. Paying particular attention to gender and race, I argue that militarism is an outcome of social practices characterized as much by everyday desires and ambivalence as by fear and bellicosity. Moreover, I aim to show how the diffuse and often uneven effects produced by liberal militarism actually make many liberal subjects less secure. I suggest therefore that despite the claims of liberal states that military power provides security, for many militarism is insecurity.; (AN 44487881)
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4.

Rethinking militarism as ideology: The critique of violence after security by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Eastwood, James. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p44-56, 13p; Abstract: This article argues for a reformulation of the concept of ‘militarism’ as ideology. Although existing sociological approaches have been suspicious of an understanding of militarism as ideology, these criticisms have misrepresented the implications of adopting such a concept. By returning to Althusser’s classic study of ideology, and complementing it with more recent psychoanalytic approaches that emphasize the centrality of desire, the article shows that thinking of militarism as ideology can be complementary to existing sociological studies. Moreover, though, it argues that such a reformulation brings with it key advantages. This is because it foregrounds the task of anti-militarist critique in a way that has hitherto been lacking. To demonstrate this point, the article considers the contribution that a concept of militarism as ideology could make to existing debates in critical security studies. Recent debates in this subfield have examined the ethical ramifications of various understandings of security for the pursuit of violence. However, these arguments have frequently reached a deadlock because of an inadequate understanding of the nature of militarism, one that borrows implicitly from prevalent sociological definitions of the concept. Instead, the article presents an understanding of militarism as ideology as a way out of these difficulties, showing how a critique of violence based on this concept of militarism rather than security can be more effective.; (AN 44487886)
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5.

Confronting the colonial: The (re)production of ‘African’ exceptionalism in critical security and military studies by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Eriksson Baaz, Maria; Verweijen, Judith. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p57-69, 13p; Abstract: Drawing on postcolonial theory, this article queries into the ways in which the concepts of militarism/militarization and securitization are applied to ‘African’ contexts. We highlight the selective nature of such application and probe into the potential reasons for and effects of this selectiveness, focusing on its signifying work. As we argue, the current selective uses of securitization and militarism/militarization in ‘Africa’ scholarship tend to recreate troublesome distinctions between ‘developed’ versus ‘underdeveloped’ spaces within theory and methodology. In particular, they contribute to the reproduction of familiar colonially scripted imagery of a passive and traditional ‘Africa’, ruled by crude force and somehow devoid of ‘liberal’ ideas and modes of governing. Yet we do not suggest simply discarding ‘selectiveness’ or believe that there are any other easy remedies to the tensions between universalism and particularism in theory application. Recognizing the ambivalent workings of colonial discourse, we rather contend that any attempts to trace the colonial into the present use of the concepts of securitization and militarism/militarization need to acknowledge the problematic nature of both discourses of ‘African’ Otherness and those of universalism and sameness.; (AN 44487878)
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6.

Militarism and its limits: Sociological insights on security assemblages in the Sahel by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Frowd, Philippe M; Sandor, Adam J. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p70-82, 13p; Abstract: This article assesses the concepts of militarism and militarization in relation to contemporary security interventions in the Sahel, a region increasingly understood through the prisms of violence, cross-border illicit flows, and limited statehood. This region is subject to security interventions that include French military action, EU-funded projects to prevent drug trafficking, and both bilateral and multilateral efforts against irregular migration. To many observers, it is experiencing an ongoing militarization. We argue that while the inextricable concepts of militarism and militarization go some way towards explaining interventions’ occasional use of military violence, they are limited in their grasp of the non-martial and symbolic violence in security practices. We instead propose a focus on assemblages of (in)security to show the heterogeneous mix of global and local actors, and often contradictory rationalities and practices that shape the logics of symbolic and martial violence in the region. Throughout, the article draws on the authors’ fieldwork in Mauritania, Senegal, and Niger, and includes two case studies on efforts against the Sahel’s ‘crime–terror nexus’ and to control irregular migration through the region. The article’s contribution is to better situate debates about militarism and militarization in relation to (in)security and to provide a more granular understanding of the Sahel’s security politics.; (AN 44487884)
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7.

Between security and military identities: The case of Israeli security experts by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Grassiani, Erella. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p83-95, 13p; Abstract: The relationship between private security professionals and the military in Israel is complex. While there is growing attention to the fact that security and military actors and their activities are becoming increasingly blurred, the Israeli case shows something different. In this ground-up analysis of the relationship between private security practices and the military, I investigate its constant negotiation by private security professionals through their identification with and differentiation from the military, whereby they reconfigure the meaning of military capital. This identity work should be understood, I propose, within the strongly militarist context of Israeli society, where military capital is highly valued. I argue that actors who exit the military system feel the need to demonstrate the added value of their work in the private sector in order for it to gain value in the light of the symbolic capital given to the military. I analyse these processes as leading to a new kind of militarism, which includes security skills and ideas about professionalism. Such an approach sheds new light on the ways in which security actors can actively reconfigure the workings of military capital in and outside the nation-state and produce a different kind of militarism.; (AN 44487877)
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8.

Varieties of militarism: Towards a typology by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Mabee, Bryan; Vucetic, Srdjan. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p96-108, 13p; Abstract: Militarism – a mercurial, endlessly contested concept – is experiencing a renaissance of sorts in many corners of the social science community. In critical security studies, the concept’s purview has become increasingly limited by an abiding theoretical and analytical focus on various practices of securitization. We argue that there is a need to clarify the logic and stakes of different forms of militarism. Critical security scholars have provided valuable insights into the conditions of ‘exceptionalist militarism’. However, if we accept that militarism and the production of security are co-constitutive, then there is every reason to consider different manifestations of militarism, their historical trajectories and their interrelationships. To that end, we draw on the work of historical sociologists and articulate three more ideal types of militarism: nation-state militarism, civil society militarism and neoliberal militarism. We suggest this typology can more adequately capture key transformations of militarism in the modern period as well as inform further research on the militarism–security nexus.; (AN 44487883)
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9.

Building civilian militarism: Colombia, internal war, and militarization in a mid-term perspective by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Rodriguez, Saul M. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p109-122, 14p; Abstract: In late 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia signed a peace agreement to bring an end to an internal war in Colombia that had lasted more than 50 years. During this process, pro-military attitudes within Colombian society that called for a hardline solution and rejected the peace agreement were highly visible, revealing the extent to which militarism had been embedded in Colombia over the years. This embedding of militarism had been enabled by the country’s many years of chaos and the use of counterinsurgency forms of warfare, which over the years had led civilian elites to adopt a militaristic approach to countering threats. In this article, I will examine key issues related to the central role of militarism and militarization in the scenario of violence and insecurity in Colombia, drawing on mid- and short-term historical perspectives, to highlight what I refer to as the country’s ‘civilian militarism’. First, I discuss how the main conceptual framing regarding militarism, militarization, and security applies to the Colombian case. Second, I describe and analyze the origin of civilian militarism in the context of the struggle between Colombia’s traditional political parties, and the militarization of the police and the intertwining of its role with that of the army as a legacy of that time. Third, I briefly examine how various presidential programs have embedded the concept of security in the 1990s and thereafter, though this is seen as a façadeto enable the unfolding of a military approach to countering threats over the years, and how mandatory military service was used until recently as a tool to bolster support for militarism among everyday people.; (AN 44487882)
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10.

Discursive (in)securities and postcolonial anxiety: Enabling excessive militarism in India by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Parashar, Swati. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p123-135, 13p; Abstract: This article queries the intimate relationship between militarism and the state, which is seen as the by-product of ‘postcolonial anxiety’ (Krishna, 1999) related to the survival of the nation-state in the Third World. This anxiety enables militarism at various levels of governance and state interventions in the everyday lives of the citizenry. The article engages with the historical trajectory of the Indian state to argue that its ‘postcolonial anxiety’ engenders militarism not in the immediate aftermath of independence from colonial rule, as in other postcolonial states, but as an anomaly since the end of the Cold War and the advent of globalization. The Indian state rejected militarism immediately after independence, but subsequently used it sporadically to deal with armed insurgencies in the 1970s and 1980s. The popular endorsement of militarism in India coincides with the globalized world order of the 1990s, the move to democratize ‘security’ in discourse and practice, and the adoption of neoliberal developmentalism to ‘catch up’ with the ‘modern’ trajectory of the European nation-states. I argue that this has led to ‘excessive militarism’ that thrives on the shared consensus between the state and citizens that security is a collective enterprise in which the material and affective labour of militarism must be performed by both sides. Citizens embrace military logics and military ethos, both to contest the state’s violence and to confer legitimacy on the state and secure development benefits. The article concludes that militarism opens up new spaces for understanding the complex statebuilding processes of postcolonial societies, the fraught and textured relationship between the state and citizens, and the constant tensions and negotiations between civilian lives and military culture.; (AN 44487885)
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11.

Why we need to study (US) militarism: A critical feminist lens by Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Wibben, Annick TR. Security Dialogue, February 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 1-2 p136-148, 13p; Abstract: Responding to the special issue call to examine security and militarism alongside one another, this article adopts a critical feminist lens to explore what is at stake when critical scholars study security rather than militarism – and why, for critical feminists in particular, studying one without attention to the other is not helpful. Anchoring the discussion of (US) militarism in ongoing debates about women in combat, the article proposes that studying security without attention to militarism leads scholars to miss the deeply militarist orientation of security studies. It further suggests that feminist scholarship, because it treats militarism and militarization as an integral part of feminist security studies and considers the everyday a crucial site for inquiry, is well suited to studying militarism and security alongside one another. The article then lays out what a critical feminist approach to studying militarism entails and presents some feminist insights on militarization, focusing in particular on what attention to gender can reveal about shared norms of manliness and war. Overall, the article shows why feminist perspectives offer such strikingly different insights into the relationship between militarism and security and what we miss when feminist scholarship is ignored or marginalized in scholarship on these issues.; (AN 44487876)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 27, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Going on the Run: What Drives Military Desertion in Civil War? by Albrecht, Holger; Koehler, Kevin. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p179-203, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnder which circumstances do soldiers and officers desert in a violent domestic conflict? This article studies individual military insubordination in the Syrian civil war, drawing on interviews with deserters from the Syrian army now based in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon. A plausibility probe of existing explanations reveals that desertion opportunities originating in conflict events and the presence of safe-havens fail to explain individual deserters' decision making. Accounting for socio-psychological factors—moral grievances and fear—generates more promising results for an inquiry into the conditions under which military personnel desert. While moral concerns with continued military service contribute to accumulating grievances among military members engaged in the civil war, fear—that is, soldiers' concerns for their own safety—is a more effective triggering cause of desertion. The article presents a theory-generating case study on the causes of military insubordination and disintegration during violent conflict.; (AN 45594535)
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2.

Gambling for Resurrection Versus Bleeding the Army: Explaining Risky Behavior in Failing Wars by Cochran, Shawn T.. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p204-232, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the behaviors of political leaders who implement costly and risky measures during wars in which victory has become highly unlikely. It advances two related claims. First, counter to the prevailing logic, leaders with little to no culpability for starting a war remain susceptible to blame and domestic repercussions for how a war ends. Second, with these new leaders, the impetus to avoid blame can prompt risky behaviors that look like gambling for resurrection; but the underlying objectives differ. Through similar behaviors, new leaders do not necessarily hope to salvage victory but instead seek to simultaneously exhibit resolve and demonstrate the futility of further fighting, thus securing support for a less-than-favorable settlement while hedging against domestic punishment. To assess this “bleeding the army” logic as distinct from gambling for resurrection, the article looks at the case of the French Government of National Defense during the Franco-Prussian War.; (AN 45594536)
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3.

The Big Problem of Small Allies: New Data and Theory on Defiant Local Counterinsurgency Partners in Afghanistan and Iraq by Elias, Barbara. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p233-262, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlliance politics are critical yet understudied in counterinsurgency interventions. Despite the importance of local allies, traditional research on alliances fails to account for the challenges of managing in-country counterinsurgency security partners or explain variation among which types of policy requests from large intervening allies are likely to result in compliance or defiance by local partners. When did US intervening forces have leverage in Iraq and Afghanistan, and when was American influence limited? Utilizing thousands of US government documents to analyze over 250 US demands of allies in Kabul and Baghdad, this paper reexamines established variables in the literature on inter-alliance bargaining—namely allied interests and dependencies—to offer a new model describing the interaction of these variables in asymmetric counterinsurgency partnerships. The theory predicts when large allies are likely to influence local partners and when these intervening forces will likely fail to coerce them.; (AN 45594537)
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4.

The Arsenal of Insurrection: Explaining Rising Support for Rebels by Grauer, Ryan; Tierney, Dominic. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p263-295, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent scholarship has established several key dynamics in civil wars: since the nineteenth century, rebel victories have increased in likelihood; external support is one of the most significant predictors of rebel victory; and rebel groups have become increasingly likely to receive foreign backing. What is missing is an explanation of why patterns of third-party aid to rebels changed over time. Data on foreign assistance to rebels over the last two centuries reveals the odds of groups receiving aid increased from about one in five to about four in five. The nature of the patron also altered significantly, from great powers, to lesser states, and then nonstate actors. We explain these patterns using three variables: (1) great-power competition; (2) norms of national self-determination; and (3) globalization. This paper explores this theory with a case study of aid to rebel groups in Algeria since the 1830s.; (AN 45594538)
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5.

The Loyalty Trap: Regime Ethnic Exclusion, Commitment Problems, and Civil War Duration in Syria and Beyond by McLauchlin, Theodore. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p296-317, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the impact of the ethnic exclusiveness of regimes on commitment problems and hence on civil conflict duration. It argues that members of privileged in-groups in highly exclusive regimes can be trapped into compliance with the regime. Ethnic exclusion helps to construct privileged-group members as regime loyalists. They therefore fear rebel reprisals even if they surrender or defect and consequently persist in fighting. The article finds in particular that, in ethnically exclusive regimes, privileged-group members mistrust even rebels who mobilize on a nonethnic agenda and regard rebel reassurances, including nonethnic aims, as suspect. Exclusion therefore induces privileged-group cohesion, an effect more resistant to rebel reassurances than previously recognized. A case study of the Syrian civil war shows this dynamic at a micro level, and a cross-national statistical analysis gives partial evidence that it lengthens civil conflicts on a larg`e scale.; (AN 45594539)
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6.

The Microfoundations of Diversionary Conflict by Theiler, Tobias. Security Studies, April 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p318-343, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDiversionary conflict theorists assert that leaders can become more popular at home by pursuing conflict abroad. At first glance this claim appears counterintuitive in light of the hardship conflict often imposes on ordinary citizens. Relying on social identity theory (SIT), I deduce two hypotheses to help explain why conflict can increase popular support for leaders. First, conflict with an outgroup can make people identify more strongly with their ingroup. Second, stronger ingroup identification can lead to increased support for leaders inside the group. The second part of the article applies these two hypotheses to Russia's seizure of Crimea in early 2014. Attitude surveys show that the Crimea conflict increased national pride among Russians while support for President Vladimir Putin rose dramatically, and they suggest that the two processes were causally linked. These findings support the article's two hypotheses.; (AN 45594540)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 29, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Limited Statehood and its Security Implications on the Fragmentation Political Order in the Middle East and North Africa by Polese, Abel; Hanau Santini, Ruth. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p379-390, 12p; (AN 45594270)
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2.

From Westphalian Failure to Heterarchic Governance in MENA: The Case of Syria by Hinnebusch, Raymond. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p391-413, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThe problematic export of the Westphalian system to MENA is examined, taking Syria as exemplar. The export model is juxtaposed to actual non-lineal trajectories, semi-sovereignty and hybrid or failing states. This is manifested in post-uprising Syria in failing statehood, fragmented and overlapping governance, permeable and collapsing borders, the loss of sovereignty to trans-state movements, “competitive regime-building” between the Asad regime and jihadist warlords, and “competitive interventionism” by external powers filling the governance vacuum with their own proxies. The result is heterarchic zones of limited statehood in which state sovereignty is contested by both international (supra-state) penetration and sub-state fragmentation.; (AN 45594272)
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3.

‘What is in a Name?’: The Role of (Different) Identities in the Multiple Proxy Wars in Syria by Phillips, Christopher; Valbjørn, Morten. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p414-433, 20p; Abstract: AbstractPost-uprisings Middle East politics is frequently described as a ‘regional cold war’ involving proxy warfare that emphasises the role of shared identities linking external and local actors. But does the ‘content’ of identities impact proxy war dynamics? This article considers the present ‘battle for Syria’, a local conflict that became a theatre for multiple proxy wars involving actors emphasising identities on various levels, most notably national, religious/ sect and ethnic. It suggests that identity content does matter, with global powers more reluctant than regional players to back groups identifying at sub-national level, while foreign non-state actors are enthusiastic backers of sub-national identity.; (AN 45594271)
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4.

Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos? by Droz-Vincent, Philippe. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p434-455, 22p; Abstract: AbstractLibya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’eshinto the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.; (AN 45594273)
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5.

Between the Cracks: Actor Fragmentation and Local Conflict Systems in the Libyan Civil War by Carboni, Andrea; Moody, James. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p456-490, 35p; Abstract: AbstractAfter nearly four years of civil war, Libya continues to be described as an ‘ungoverned space’ where the collapse of state institutions reignited tribal, political, religious and ideological tensions. These accounts, however, obscure Libya’s complex subnational governance, and the role of non-state armed groups in shaping the emerging political orders. By contrast, we contend that distinct subnational political orders have emerged in Libya since 2014 in which actors engage in state-making practices driven by local interests. Using empirical evidence to explore the activity of non-state armed groups during the Libyan civil conflict, we highlight that the local conflict environments in eastern, western and southern Libya provide specific incentives that shape the process of armed group splintering and patterns of violence. The findings demonstrate that claims to authority and notions of statehood extend far beyond the state whereby governance relations are negotiated between state and non-state actors. Conflict patterns, (in)stability and the prevailing political order are therefore conditional on the nature of the dominant actor, their strategies and modes of violence within their areas of influence. Through this analysis, the paper provides a more granular understanding of the local political dynamics that drive violence in Libya and civil wars more generally.; (AN 45594274)
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6.

Security Assistance in a Post-interventionist Era: The Impact on Limited Statehood in Lebanon and Tunisia by Santini, Ruth Hanau; Tholens, Simone. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p491-514, 24p; Abstract: AbstractPost-interventionist security assistance is premised on non-normative security understandings and flexible arrangements between external and local actors. In hybrid political regimes or areas of limited statehood, these forms of assistance, while strengthening specific aspects of a country’s security context, reinforce some domestic actors vis-à-vis others thanks to processes of selective borrowing by local political elites. This paper demonstrates how such processes contribute to the proliferation of hybrid elements in the country’s security sector. In two contrasting case studies, we illustrate how security assistance packages in Lebanon and Tunisia have diluted emerging democratic reforms, producing more coercive manifestation of state power.; (AN 45594275)
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7.

Hizbullah’s Shaping Lebanon Statehood by Meier, Daniel. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p515-536, 22p; Abstract: AbstractSince the end of the civil war in 1990, the Lebanese second Republic has experienced a dual security governance in the southern borderland region. Up to the Syrian military withdrawal in 2005, the territorial and functional ‘areas of limited statehood’ between the State and Hizbullah worked as a cooperation. After the Syrian withdrawal, various forms of cooperation appeared, raising the theoretical interest for the ‘mediated state’ framework. It is conceptualizing the cooperation between the state and the non-state actor as an interdependency – with case study ranging from the marking of the Blue Line to the struggle against the jihadists groups.; (AN 45594276)
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8.

Recognizing Fragmented Authority: Towards a post-Westphalian Security Order in Iraq by Doyle, Damian; Dunning, Tristan. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p537-559, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThe rollback of Daesh’s territorial control during 2017 has (re-)established an area of limited statehood in large parts of Iraq that may endure for many years. The government of Iraq projects its authority into a large geographical and political space that it shares with a multitude of other state, non-state and hybrid actors, competing and collaborating to achieve advantageous security and political outcomes. This paper examines the heterarchy of actors in post-Daesh Iraq to develop a typology and start a critical discussion about post-Westphalian alternatives for security governance in Iraq during the coming period of reconstruction and reconciliation.; (AN 45594278)
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9.

Competing for Control over the State: The Case of Yemen by Clausen, Maria-Louise. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p560-578, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that the current conflict in Yemen is better understood as a competition over who controls the state, rather than as a conflict between the state and a non-state actor. It traces the development of the Houthis and shows how the movement managed to seize key government institutions. However, the Houthis lack internal legitimacy and have not been able to position themselves as a nationally relevant political elite. The fragmentation of the Yemeni state has resulted in a shift to more localized struggles over access to resources and power that involve both internal and external actors.; (AN 45594279)
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10.

A Dangerous Method: How Mali Lost Control of the North, and Learned to Stop Worrying by Baldaro, Edoardo. Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p579-603, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses changes and failures in the northern Mali system of security governance, taking into account the period running from the declaration of the Malian Third Republic (1992) to the present. Considering northern Mali as an area of limited statehood, the article develops a comparative diachronic analysis, distinguishing between three phases, namely Militiarisation (1992–2002), Fragmentation (2002–2012) and Multiplication (2013–ongoing). For every phase the focus is on (1) the mechanisms of coordination among actors, (2) the distribution of coercive capacities and ruling power and (3) the forms of authority. Unintended consequences and collective problems are highlighted, in order to understand the current situation of insecurity in the area.; (AN 45594277)
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11.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, May 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p604-605, 2p; (AN 45594280)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 17, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The national politics of EU enlargement in the Western Balkans by Ker-Lindsay, James; Armakolas, Ioannis; Balfour, Rosa; Stratulat, Corina. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p511-522, 12p; Abstract: AbstractEuropean enlargement has often been viewed from an institutional perspective. The academic literature in the field has tended to focus primarily on how the Commission or the Council has addressed the issue of EU expansion. Relatively little attention has been paid to the role of individual member states. This article considers the way in which domestic political concerns and national politics affects the way in which EU members approach enlargement to the Western Balkans. It does this by examining studies conducted on seven countries: Germany, Britain, France, Italy, Hungary, Greece and Cyprus. It shows that there are in fact a wide variety of factors that shape individual member state attitudes towards enlargement. These factors include economic and commercial goals, ties to the region and to individual accession states, concerns over immigration, general foreign policy priorities and national ideological approaches towards the future shape and orientation of the European Union.; (AN 44676750)
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2.

Firm supporter and severe critic – Germany’s two-pronged approach to EU enlargement in the Western Balkans by Töglhofer, Theresia; Adebahr, Cornelius. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p523-539, 17p; Abstract: AbstractGermany has demonstrated an active commitment towards the accession perspective of the Western Balkans, which found its most vocal expression in the initiation of a Western Balkans summit in August 2014 and the ensuing “Berlin process”. However, German support reflexively goes hand in hand with a reference to rigid accession conditionality. This not only fosters stabilization and transformation in the Western Balkan states, but also – at the domestic level – counters widespread enlargement scepticism among decision makers and the German public. The far-reaching participation rights of the Federal Parliament, acquired by the 2009 amendments to the Act on EU Cooperation, involves the Bundestag inter alia in the opening of accession negotiations, thus also increasing domestic constraints for Germany’s position in the Council. Federal elections due in late 2017 and a political environment shaped by a discussion about migration, including from and through the Western Balkans, make enlargement policy a particularly hard-to-sell issue.; (AN 44676751)
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3.

Between indifference and hesitation: France and EU enlargement towards the Balkans by Wunsch, Natasha. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p541-554, 14p; Abstract: AbstractFrance’s hesitant stance on EU enlargement towards the Balkans is illustrative of a broader ambivalence among both French elites and citizens towards the European project. Despite principled support for the Balkans’ EU membership, achieving this step is no strategic priority for France. The official approach emphasizes strict conditionality and a rigorous monitoring of reform progress in aspirant countries. A hostile public opinion and superficial media coverage further strengthen the country’s reluctance to admit new, possibly unprepared candidates into the Union. Analysing the historical evolution of the French position on EU enlargement as well as its current political, institutional and societal expressions, this article construes France’s disinvestment from the Balkans’ EU perspective as the result of failed expectations and a growing disillusionment with the EU’s international role and its political future more broadly.; (AN 44676752)
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4.

The United Kingdom and EU enlargement in the Western Balkans: from ardent champion of expansion to Post-Brexit irrelevance by Ker-Lindsay, James. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p555-569, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the United Kingdom’s approach to the question of European Union enlargement in the Western Balkans. It shows that while Britain had no traditional attachment to the region, it championed expansion as part of its long-standing aim to widen EU membership to prevent deeper political union. However, as immigration from the EU increased after the 2004 enlargement and a Eurosceptic Conservative-led government took charge in 2010, official support for enlargement began to decline. Britain ceded its place to Germany as the strongest supporter of EU expansion. Meanwhile, during the referendum campaign on EU membership, the prospect that future enlargement could further increase the number of migrants emerged as a central point of debate. Although this discussion was primarily focused on Turkey, the Western Balkans also played a part. Therefore, even had the United Kingdom decided to remain in the EU, there is an argument to be made that Britain could well have become more opposed towards future expansion. As it is, the decision to leave the EU (Brexit), has ensured that Britain has now all but lost its say over enlargement.; (AN 44676759)
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5.

Italy and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: the Europeanization of national interests? by Frontini, Andrea; Denti, Davide. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p571-589, 19p; Abstract: AbstractItaly is a vocal supporter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. Relying on primary and secondary sources and semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Italy’s position, including the ‘what?’ (the traditional views of the country on EU enlargement), the ‘how?’ (formal processes and actual practices of decision-making) and the ‘why?’ (the main factors influencing its position). The expected economic and security benefits for Rome largely compensate for the perceived costs of EU enlargement towards the region. Nevertheless, Italy’s influence capacity is hampered by lack of resources and a traditional focus on mere diplomatic presence, as it emerges from the recent examples of the Berlin Process, the refugee crisis, and the EUSAIR.; (AN 44676755)
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6.

Eurosceptic yet pro-enlargement: the paradoxes of Hungary’s EU policy by Huszka, Beáta. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p591-609, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe present article seeks to explore the main aspects of Hungary’s EU enlargement policy. It reveals a tension between the government’s committed support for EU enlargement and its critical stance towards the EU on several other fronts. However, on the basis of liberal intergovernmentalist theory, this article argues that this is not a real contradiction since enlargement to the Western Balkans serves Hungary’s national interests in spite of its government’s Euroscepticism. At the same time, Hungary’s questioning of the basic values of the EU as a community of liberal democracies has weakened the legitimacy of Hungarian interventions in favour of speeding up EU enlargement. While Hungary has become ever more isolated from the ‘old’ EU member states, more recently, its government managed to increase its leverage in the Western Balkans and central Europe in the context of the migration crisis.; (AN 44676754)
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7.

Greece and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: understanding an ambivalent relationship by Armakolas, Ioannis; Triantafyllou, Giorgos. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p611-629, 19p; Abstract: AbstractGreece’s position towards the EU’s enlargement to the Western Balkans remains ambivalent: on the one hand, Greece remains declaratively one of the most ardent supporters of integrating the whole Balkan region into the EU; on the other hand, Greece is also a persistent obstructing factor whenever its multiple interests in the Balkans produce friction. We investigate this ambivalent position to understand its origins. We argue that Greece’s position can be understood with reference to three key factors: (a) the particularities of Greece’s foreign policy-making and its persistent traits, (b) the background of Greece’s relationship with the region and the legacy of multiple disputes that were created or exacerbated in the early post-Communist period and (c) the legacy of turning EU enlargement policy into a Greek foreign policy tool during the 1990s. These factors not only explicate the existence and persistence of Greece’s ambivalent policies, but also are likely to continue to shape Greece’s enlargement policy in the future. In that context, we expect that Greece will engage in a delicate balance of, on the one hand, strategically placing conditionality to ensure favourable compromises with neighbours, and, on the other, not jeopardizing the continuation of the enlargement process per se.; (AN 44676756)
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8.

Cyprus and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: a balancing act by Ioannides, Isabelle. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p631-647, 17p; Abstract: AbstractCyprus’ commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans is shaped by a range of factors. As well as balancing its national interests, it also aims to stand by a ‘position of principles’ on conflict issues. It equally seeks to be a reliable partner to the EU and move closer to its Western allies, while accommodating its Eastern ones. Nevertheless, over the last 10 years, Nicosia has Europeanised its policies and thinking. This has seen it reach out to Kosovo to try and build de facto relations. However, since the ‘national problem’ remains at the core of its foreign policy, relations with ‘motherland’ Greece are also key. This has in turn complicated dealings with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Overall, Cyprus remains more firmly focused on the Middle East, making it a rather peripheral actor in the Western Balkan countries’ EU integration process.; (AN 44676753)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 42, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Guest Editor’s Introduction by Nayan, Rajiv. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p179-180, 2p; (AN 45593233)
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2.

Walking Back Delusional Nuclear Policies by Karnad, Bharat. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p181-193, 13p; Abstract: AbstractIndia’s ‘dual use’ nuclear policy has been strung out from the beginning between the peaceful atom and military atom as illustrated in Jawaharlal Nehru’s use of the phrase for the country’s nuclear energy programme—‘Janus-faced’. However, the Indian Government has been too influenced by its own rhetoric of peaceful use to equally emphasise the security aspects that the phrase implied.While Nehru championed disarmament, he did so in the 1950s in the United Nations’ First Committee as cover for the military capability being developed under Homi Bhabha’s astute leadership. But the myth about disarmament leadership meant that even after Indira Gandhi refrained from signing the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty because it sought to freeze the ‘have and have-not’ divide, Delhi has been pusillanimous about weaponisation but gung-ho about beefing up its non-proliferation credentials by joining or seeking to join the very technology denial regimes (Missile Technology Control Regime, Nuclear Suppliers Group, Wassenar Arrangement, Australia Group) that have victimised the country. The desire to please the US and the West has to end and national security aspects prioritised as all weapons states are doing.It is time for India to resume nuclear testing to equip the arsenal with proven, reliable and safe thermonuclear weapons/warheads, and limit damage and recover strategic space by ensuring that neither the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty nor the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty happens.; (AN 45593234)
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3.

Pokhran 20 Years After: Did the World Change? by Müller, Harald. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p194-207, 14p; Abstract: AbstractWas the 1998 Pokhran test a historical watershed as many contemporary observers believed? This article looks at its impact on the nuclear non-proliferation regime, regional security, India’s position in global institutions, and the ongoing global power shift: the non-proliferation regime continued along the old dispute lines; regional conflict behaviour did not change at all; India grew into global institutions not because of nuclear tests but because of her remarkable economic development; the re-arrangement of global power follows more basic trends as well. The only tangible effect of the Pokhran test was to change India’s exposition to nuclear blackmail from improbable to impossible, not unimportant but still marginal.; (AN 45593232)
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4.

Military Dimensions of a Multipolar World: Implications for Global Governance by Anthony, Ian. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p208-219, 12p; Abstract: AbstractFor a decade after the Cold War it seemed that multilateral governance might take root under US leadership, including a reinvigorated United Nations and a strengthened international legal framework. The nuclear explosive devices tested by India in 1998 took place in a pivotal period when the so-called ‘unipolar moment’ of the US began to be challenged by states that were not satisfied such an arrangement could advance their national interests.To European eyes, India never fully incorporated the implications of the post-Cold War changes into its national approach to global affairs. While many in Europe and the US expected Indian perspectives to be closely aligned with their own, India did not fully integrate into the West. At the same time, India tried to preserve its place in the Global South, even as its interests diverged from those of its traditional partners in certain key issue areas—the role of nuclear weapons being perhaps one clear example.While a governance system based on US leadership has corroded, no viable replacement has yet evolved. A further iteration of post-Cold War governance may be in the making, as the US is probably unable (and may not be interested) to play the central role in setting the international agenda or organising (and financing) the key frameworks for interstate dialogue. The main priority might be to insulate the US from any negative effects of events in other parts of the world and create a safe platform for more aggressive economic and financial competition.Fluid coalitions of interest form around specific issues, and as a result states that cooperate closely on one issue (such as military security) might take opposing views on another (such as climate). States cooperate and compete in different configurations, depending on how their interests align on specific political, strategic, economic, social and environmental questions. While some analysts draw parallels with the past, in reality there is little precedent or knowledge to guide current thinking and uncertainty contributes to the re-emergence of military factors in international relations as states seek both assurance and insurance.Uncertainties are promoting national investment that is gradually equipping military forces in ways that could provide major powers with capabilities that emphasise deterrence and defence. Although it is intended to reduce any risk of conflict between major powers, whether this investment will produce a stable global environment is unknown and untested.The pattern described above is challenging and problematic for Europeans, who were comfortable with the concept of enhancing the effectiveness of multilateralism under US leadership. A twin-track approach is emerging. Initiatives to strengthen intra-Western solidarity (particularly the promotion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation–European Union cooperation) promote a traditional approach, while intra-European cooperation is being revisited as a hedging strategy, in case autonomous European action is needed in future.In headline documents, India and European states emphasise that they are natural partners and promise to promote rules-based governance of an interconnected and multipolar world. However, Indian perspectives on global governance are largely absent from European discussions, and the promised cooperation appears more aspirational than real.; (AN 45593239)
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5.

Post-Pokhran II: Emerging Global Nuclear Order and India’s Nuclear Challenge by Khanijo, Roshan. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p220-230, 11p; Abstract: AbstractPost-Pokhran II the global nuclear environment has changed both in terms of developing niche technologies as also the nuclear strategies. Apart from the traditional challenges, there are new threats emerging in the form of cyber, space, hypersonic glide vehicles, nuclear terrorism, etc. The development of multiple nuclear dyads and triads further makes the security environment increasingly complex, as nations now have to deal with multiple nuclear problems and adversaries. While India has continued its progress in the nuclear domain since 1998, focused critique is necessary to ensure that India’s posture remains relevant and efficient in safeguarding sovereign interests. This article, thus, tries to analyse some of these issues and recommends that India needs to review its nuclear doctrine.; (AN 45593236)
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6.

Nuclear India and the Global Nuclear Order by Nayan, Rajiv. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p231-243, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe 1998 nuclear tests conducted by India heralded yet another nuclear age. The instant response of a section of the international community was highly pessimistic. It foresaw regional instability, collapse of the global nuclear order and serious crisis in the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. As a result, overlooking India’s security imperatives, a number of countries reacted with hostility against the Indian nuclear tests. Even international organisations were mobilised against India. However, the two decades of India’s nuclearisation appear to have falsified the prediction of doomsayers. On the contrary, India has assumed the mantle of stabilising the global nuclear order and enhancing its own security in the process. Although it has not joined the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), it has accepted the norms of non-proliferation. It is promoting non-proliferation and has joined different institutions associated with it. Concurrently, the international community has also started integrating and accommodating India in the global nuclear order in general and the non-proliferation regimes in particular.; (AN 45593235)
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7.

Nuclear Armed for Uncertain Times by Sharma, Sheel Kant. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p244-250, 7p; (AN 45593237)
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8.

US–Soviet/Russian Dialogue on the Nuclear Weapons Programme of India by Topychkanov, Petr V.. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p251-259, 9p; (AN 45593240)
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9.

India’s Deterrence and Disarmament: The Impact of Pokhran-II by Prasad, Jayant. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p260-280, 21p; (AN 45593238)
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10.

Nuclear Arms Race in South Asia? – An Analysis by Balachandran, G.. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p281-292, 12p; (AN 45593242)
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11.

Indian Nuclear Policy—1964–98 (A Personal Recollection) by Subrahmanyam, K.. Strategic Analysis, May 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p293-311, 19p; (AN 45593241)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 41, no. 7, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction to the Special Issue: The Complexity of Terrorism—Victims, Perpetrators and Radicalization by Argomaniz, Javier; Lynch, Orla. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p491-506, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis special issue examines the complex relationship between radicalization, victimhood. and political violence. The interrelatedness of victims and perpetrators has been long recognized in the fields of criminology and victimology but it is has been often ignored in the case of terrorism and political violence. The key aim of this issue therefore is to assist in enhancing our understanding of this interrelatedness with a particular focus on the relevance of narratives, roles, and identities of victimhood for both the victims and perpetrators. A second, more policy-relevant dimension is to examine the role of victims and perpetrators in the prevention of terrorism and political violence.; (AN 45625863)
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2.

The Construction and Mobilization of Collective Victimhood by Political Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland by Joyce, Carmel; Lynch, Orla. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p507-522, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article attempts to challenge binary notions of “victim” and “perpetrator” categories by taking into account the complex interaction of actors who both participate in, and are impacted by, terrorist violence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with self-identified Republican (n= 25) and Loyalist (n= 27) ex-prisoners in Northern Ireland who are currently involved in self-described peace initiatives. Results suggest that political ex-prisoners evoke notions of collective victimization as a vehicle to bridge their transition from “paramilitary” to “peace maker” in this context. The implications are discussed in terms of understanding the functionality of collective victimhood for those who controversially adopt the label.; (AN 45625862)
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3.

Doing Derad: An Analysis of the U.K. System by Weeks, Douglas. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p523-540, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 2005, Britain has utilized a handful of interventionists to engage with those at risk of violent extremism and those convicted of terrorism related charges in order to manage its risk of terrorism. The goal of the interventionists is to “deradicalize” those that they interact with to facilitate their reintegration in society. This article discusses the mentoring environment in the United Kingdom, how intervention providers establish their credibility with individuals, communities, and government, some of the structural safeguards and their impact on mentoring, how success is conceived, and the absence of reporting.; (AN 45625864)
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4.

Narrative in the Study of Victimological Processes in Terrorism and Political Violence: An Initial Exploration by Pemberton, Antony; Aarten, Pauline G. M.. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p541-556, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNarrative is intimately connected to victimization and radicalization. Trouble, the notion that drives narrative, is often coupled with victimization: the experience of suffering intentional harm. This experience can play a turning point in the stories that radicals construct about their own lives and thus play a role in their pathway to radicalization. In this article, three main themes of narrative will be further explored in relation to victimization and radicalization: identity, emotions, and culture. Central in this article is the discussion on how narrative can contribute to theory and research into victimological processes in radicalization, while offering new means to further develop key constructs.; (AN 45625865)
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5.

The Narrative of Victimization and Deradicalization: An Expert View by Aarten, Pauline G. M.; Mulder, Eva; Pemberton, Antony. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p557-572, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the study of victimology and radicalization mainly focuses on those who suffered from terrorist attacks, this article explores the role of victimological processes in deradicalization. Experts from different international deradicalization initiatives were interviewed. Using the narrative framework with its three key concepts—identity, emotion, and culture—as set forth by Pemberton and Aarten in this issue, the relationship between victimization and deradicalization is more thoroughly examined. Key findings include the delicacy of the term “victim” in radicals' narrative identity, the power of narrative in triggering and transmitting emotions, and the importance of a former radical that acknowledges the narratives of the radical and offers alternative narratives to their radicalized ideologies.; (AN 45625866)
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6.

A Battle of Narratives: Spanish Victims Organizations International Action to Delegitimize Terrorism and Political Violence by Argomaniz, Javier. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p573-588, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSpanish victims groups have provided a visible contribution to European terrorist violence prevention efforts. Instrumental and knowledge transfer motivations partly explain this interest but a separate driver that requires more attention is their opposition to the international narrative that legitimizes Euskadi Ta Askatasuna's violence promulgated by the political movement of the Basque Patriotic Left. This has resulted in a “battle of narratives” played out at the international level in order to shape the future of Basque politics where victims are challenging a discourse that frames the past in a way that justifies terrorism and that leaves the door open to a future return to violence.; (AN 45625868)
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7.

Rebalancing the Agenda by Taylor, Max. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p589-593, 5p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn welcoming the recognition that victimization through terrorism is a significant factor in our thinking about terrorism, a case is made for greater engagement of Civil Society, through nongovernmental organizations, in the development of policy in this area. It argues for a rebalancing of policy toward the “passive victims” of terrorist activity, and a recognition that the lived experience of harm done by terrorism is not mitigated by either context or alleged justification. A case is also made for using the study of victimization as a focus for interdisciplinary work on terrorism, recognizing that expertise in this area lies both within and outwith government.; (AN 45625867)
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8.

Correction to: Argomaniz, A Battle of Narratives: Spanish Victims Organizations International Action to Delegitimize Terrorism and Political Violence Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p594-594, 1p; (AN 45625869)
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10

Survival
Volume 60, no. 2, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Taming Intervention: Sovereignty, Statehood and Political Order in Africa by de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares; Verhoeven, Harry. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p7-32, 26p; Abstract: A continent that was once the world's most insistent on state sovereignty has become highly tolerant of military intervention.; (AN 45123717)
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2.

Russia’s Nuclear Policy: Worrying for the Wrong Reasons by Tertrais, Bruno. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p33-44, 12p; Abstract: The Russian nuclear problem is real and serious – but it is political more than it is military.; (AN 45123712)
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3.

Strategic Stability, Uncertainty and the Future of Arms Control by Williams, Heather. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p45-54, 10p; Abstract: The United States’ new Nuclear Posture Review reflects changes in how the US thinks about its broader strategic environment.; (AN 45123711)
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4.

A Nervous Nuclear Posture Review by Harries, Matthew. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p55-57, 3p; Abstract: The Nuclear Posture Review, along with the debate over preventive war with North Korea, suggests that the US is oddly unsure it can deter weaker adversaries.; (AN 45123715)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p58-60, 3p; (AN 45123714)
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6.

The Nuclear Ban Treaty: A Sign of Global Impatience by Meyer, Paul; Sauer, Tom. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p61-72, 12p; Abstract: Future historians may record summer 2017 as the beginning of the end of the nuclear age.; (AN 45123713)
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7.

Resisting Impunity for Chemical-Weapons Attacks by Hersman, Rebecca. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p73-90, 18p; Abstract: A new, French-led partnership to hold perpetrators of chemical-weapons attacks to account arrives not a moment too soon.; (AN 45123716)
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8.

Smart Cities: A New Age of Digital Insecurity by Joo, Yu-Min; Tan, Teck-Boon. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p91-106, 16p; Abstract: Digitally enabled cities expose their residents to the possibility of a large-scale and damaging cyber attack.; (AN 45123721)
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9.

Brief Notices Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 pe1-e13, 13p; (AN 45123726)
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10.

American Military Superiority and the Pacific-Primacy Myth by Jackson, Van. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p107-132, 26p; Abstract: The claim that the United States seeks primacy – a concept distinct from military superiority – in the Asia-Pacific is fundamentally wrong.; (AN 45123719)
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11.

Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Age of Trump by Ahmadian, Hassan. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p133-150, 18p; Abstract: The Trump administration’s ambiguous Middle East policy is destabilising an already volatile region.; (AN 45123720)
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12.

The Future of al-Qaeda: Lessons from the Muslim Brotherhood by Mendelsohn, Barak. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p151-178, 28p; Abstract: Transnationalism is difficult, and the threat from al-Qaeda is not the direct sum of its aggregate capabilities worldwide.; (AN 45123718)
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13.

Sanctions After Brexit by Moret, Erica; Pothier, Fabrice. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p179-200, 22p; Abstract: The future of joint UK–EU work on sanctions faces substantial risk.; (AN 45123722)
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14.

Democracies Don’t Die, They Are Killed by Jones, Erik. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p201-210, 10p; Abstract: How DemocraciesDie offers one of the best accounts available of the crimes against democracy in America. But its prescriptions for redress are underwhelming.; (AN 45123723)
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15.

Book Reviews by Unger, David C.; Andréani, Gilles; Takeyh, Ray. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p211-230, 20p; Abstract: United StatesDavid C. UngerWhat HappenedHillary Rodham Clinton. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017. £20.00/$30.00. 492 pp.Safeguarding Democratic Capitalism: U.S. Foreign Policy and National Security, 1920–2015Melvyn P. Leffler. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017. £32.95/$39.95. 348 pp.The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution: Why Economic Inequality Threatens Our RepublicGanesh Sitaraman. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2017. £22.50/$28.00. 423 pp.The Impossible Presidency: The Rise and Fall of America's Highest OfficeJeremi Suri. New York: Basic Books, 2017. $32.00. 343 pp.Presidents’ Secrets: The Use and Abuse of Hidden PowerMary Graham. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017. £25.00/$30.00. 258 pp.Politics and International RelationsGilles AndréaniFaces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in an Age of ExtremesAurelian Craiutu. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017. £50.00/$59.95. 295 pp.The Fate of the West: The Battle to Save the World's Most Successful Political IdeaBill Emmott. London: Profile Books, 2017. £20.00. 257 pp.Age of Anger: A History of the PresentPankaj Mishra. London: Allen Lane, 2017. £20.00. 405 pp.Post-Truth: The New War on Truth and How to Fight BackMatthew d'Ancona. London: Ebury Press, 2017. £6.99. 167 pp.Churchill and Orwell: The Fight for FreedomThomas E. Ricks. New York: Penguin Press, 2017. $28.00. 339 pp.Middle EastRay TakeyhRevolution Without Revolutionaries: Making Sense of the Arab SpringAsef Bayat. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2017. £19.99/$24.95. 294 pp.Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDRBruce Riedel. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2018. $25.99. 251 pp.A Life in Middle East StudiesRoger Owen. Washington DC: Tadween Publishing, 2017. $18.99. 194 pp.A Social Revolution: Politics and the Welfare State in IranKevan Harris. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2017. £24.95/$29.95. 316 pp.Montazeri: The Life and Thought of Iran's Revolutionary AyatollahSussan Siavoshi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. £23.99/$29.99. 318 pp.; (AN 45123724)
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16.

Iran Disillusioned by Anonymous. Survival, March 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 2 p231-236, 6p; Abstract: In the age of Donald Trump, Iran is bracing itself for another period of hardship.; (AN 45123725)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 30, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Terrorism and Public Opinion: The Effects of Terrorist Attacks on the Popularity of the President of the United States by Randahl, David. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p373-383, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article uses a large-ndataset to investigate the effect of terrorist attacks with American victims on the popularity of the U.S. president. The study uses two broad theoretical frameworks to analyze this effect, the score-keeping framework and the rally-effect framework. The findings of the study show that, when excluding the effect from the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, actual terrorist attacks have no generalizable short-term impact on the popularity of the U.S. president. This indicates that even though the topics of national security, terrorism, and the president’s ability to handle these issues are important in the political debate in the United States, actual terrorism has little or no short-term impact on presidential approval ratings.; (AN 45392827)
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2.

Beheading the Hydra: Counterinsurgent Violence and Insurgent Attacks in Iraq by Eastin, Joshua; Gade, Emily Kalah. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p384-407, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe evaluate the effectiveness of anti-insurgent violence as a means to suppress insurgency with micro-level data from the Iraq War. Our findings suggest that while violence against insurgents increases the incidence of future insurgent attacks, the intensity of this violence can significantly influence the outcome. Rather than shifting monotonically, the effect is actually curvilinear, first rising, and then contracting. We argue that at low to moderate levels, violence against insurgents creates opportunities for these groups to signal strength and resolve, which enables them to build momentum, heighten civilian cooperation, and diminish political support for counterinsurgency efforts in these forces’ home countries. The result is an escalation in insurgent attacks. However, at higher levels, this effect should plateau and taper off as insurgent attrition rises, and as civilian fears over personal safety displace grievances that might otherwise provoke counter-mobilization. Our empirical tests on data from the Iraq War, 2004–2009, demonstrate robust support for this argument.; (AN 45392826)
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3.

The Al Qaeda Brand: The Strategic Use of the “Terrorist” Label by Pokalova, Elena. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p408-427, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAl Qaeda leaders have consistently praised the Chechen insurgents as an exemplary front of global jihad. Ayman al-Zawahiri recently applauded the steadfastness of the Chechen rebels and indicated that their resolve for jihad is worthy of emulation. Ever since the world found out about a war going on in the Muslim republic in the North Caucasus, Al Qaeda leadership has attempted to represent the Chechen struggle as one of its own battlefields. In turn, the Russian government has tried to justify its policies in the North Caucasus through demonstrating to the world that the Kremlin is fighting nothing less than Osama bin Laden’s agents in Chechnya. The North Caucasus insurgents in turn have embraced some of Al Qaeda’s narratives. While such narratives have proliferated, the factual evidence to show the direct links between the North Caucasus insurgents and Al Qaeda is still lacking. The article examines how terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda use framing for strategic ends. The evidence discussed here suggests that Al Qaeda, the North Caucasus insurgents, and the Russian government have adopted similar narratives. However, the lack of evidence to back up such narratives indicates the differences in reasons driving the convergence of the narratives.; (AN 45392830)
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4.

The Discursive Construction of Terrorist Group Identity by Rothenberger, Liane; Müller, Kathrin; Elmezeny, Ahmed. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p428-453, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe media coverage of terrorist acts has been the subject of numerous scientific studies. However, the terrorist groups’ own communication perspectives have not been thoroughly researched. The following article deals with terrorist groups and their use of websites for identity building. We examine the discursive construction of terrorist group identity through critical discourse analysis (CDA). The CDA of online texts from websites of terrorist groups is based on a five macro-strategy scheme. Our sample consists of six terrorist groups, with each group of two sharing different motivations: social-revolutionary, ethno-nationalist, or religious. All the groups analyzed are listed as terrorist organizations by the European Union. The CDA of 27 terrorist websites, purposively sampled, was conducted using two coders per site. Through this analysis, the researchers draw conclusions on strategies employed by terrorist organizations in building identity and how to counter their unregulated propaganda.; (AN 45392828)
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5.

Ten “Rs” of Social Reaction: Using Social Media to Analyse the “Post-Event” Impacts of the Murder of Lee Rigby by Innes, Martin; Roberts, Colin; Preece, Alun; Rogers, David. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p454-474, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a case study analysis of social reactions to the murder of Fusilier Lee Rigby in 2013. Informed by empirical data collected by systematic monitoring of social media platforms, the analysis identifies a number of online behaviours with offline effects—labeled the ten “Rs”—that collectively constitute the process of social reaction to the crime. These are defined as: reporting; requesting; responding; recruiting; “risking”; retaliating; rumouring; remembering; reheating; and “resiliencing”. It is argued that the ability to observe these behaviours through the application of qualitative social media analysis has considerable potential. Conceptually, the analysis provides new insight into the complex and chaotic processes of sense-making and meaning attribution that arise in the aftermath of terrorist attacks. It illuminates how patterns of social reaction on social media are nuanced and complicated, with different segments of the public interpreting the same developments very differently. In addition, the findings and the conceptual framework outlined have implications for policy and practice development in terms of establishing a more effective and evidence-based approach to the consequence management of “post-event” conflict dynamics and social reactions.; (AN 45392829)
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6.

Hit the Core or Weaken the Periphery? Comparing Strategies to Break the Circle of Violence with an Embryonic Terrorist Group: The Case of Galician Resistance by Buesa, Mikel; Baumert, Thomas. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p475-502, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article studies whether the action-reaction model holds on an “embryonic” terrorist group like Galician Resistance (REGA). After presenting an overview of REGA’s history, structure, financing, terrorist campaigns, and the police measures adopted against them, the text empirically contrasts whether deterrence is an efficient measure in reducing an incipient terrorist group’s actions. Our results show that deterrence does in fact reduce the number of attacks when aimed at the group’s periphery. However, it causes a backlash of new attacks when aimed at the group’s core. In addition, we prove that an increase in the number of attacks also causes a reaction by police forces and a higher number of detentions of core members. Our results give some meaningful insights into the design of counter-terrorism strategies aimed against “embryonic” groups.; (AN 45392832)
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7.

Destabilizing Effects of Terrorism on Party System Stability by Hunter, Lance Y.; J. Bennett, David; Robbins, Joseph W.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p503-523, 21p; Abstract: AbstractIn democracies with stable party systems, voters can more easily trace policy decisions from parties and representatives within the government to specific policy outcomes. Consequently, party system stability (PSS) has been reportedly linked to a variety of factors including economic conditions, democratic performance, political institutions, and socioeconomic cleavages. While informative, these lessons offer precious little insight into other factors that can destabilize a party system. In this work, we surmise that terrorist attacks have important implications for two commonly used measures of PSS. The results of a pooled, cross-sectional time series analysis confirm our hypothesis: deadly attacks proximate to elections destabilize party systems, even when controlling for multiple standard controls. In addition, the level of democratic consolidation within states also influences the degree that fatal terrorist attacks affect party system stability. These findings are based on terrorism data collected from the Global Terrorism Database and from PSS data compiled by the authors.; (AN 45392833)
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8.

“The Movement Moves Against you”: Coercive Spoiler Management in the Northern Ireland Peace Process by Trumbore, Peter F.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p524-543, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMore than a decade on, the Northern Ireland peace process can largely be considered a success. Despite the failure of the Provisional Republican Movement to achieve a united Ireland free of British control, the large-scale violence of “The Troubles” has been relegated to the past. Applying the logic of coercive diplomacy, this study examines the role of threats and the use of selective and limited violence by the Provisional Movement to manage real and potential opponents and challengers that have emerged within its own ideological ranks to maintain its position of dominance and prevent a spoiling of the peace process. This study shows that the Provisional Movement retained the capability to employ violence and demonstrated the credibility of coercive threat through a willingness to use force against its opponents on the Republican spectrum, and was able to do so with a high degree of impunity.; (AN 45392831)
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9.

Changes and Drivers in Contemporary Terrorism by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p544-552, 9p; (AN 45392834)
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10.

Al Qaeda’s Post 9-11 Travails by Celso, Anthony. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p553-561, 9p; (AN 45392835)
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11.

Intractable Conflicts: Socio-Psychological Foundations and Dynamics, Daniel Bar-Tal, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2013, 579 pp., $119.99 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-0-521-86708-5 by Rak, Joanna. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p562-563, 2p; (AN 45392837)
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12.

The Father of Jihad: Abd Allah Azzam’s Jihad Ideas and Implications for National Security, Muhammad Haniff Hassan, New Jersey: Imperial College Press, 2014, 350 pp., Hardcover, $115.00, ISBN 978-1783262878 by Zimmerman, John C.. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p564-565, 2p; (AN 45392836)
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13.

Turning to Political Violence: The Emergence of Terrorism, Marc Sageman, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017, 496 pp., $49.95, ISBN: 978-0-8122-4877-7 by Gallagher, Martin Joseph. Terrorism and Political Violence, May 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p566-567, 2p; (AN 45392838)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 41, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Day after Trump: American Strategy for a New International Order by Friedman Lissner, Rebecca; Rapp-Hooper, Mira. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p7-25, 19p; (AN 45154826)
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2.

What If California Had a Foreign Policy? The New Frontier of States’ Rights by Engstrom, David Freeman; Weinstein, Jeremy M.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p27-43, 17p; (AN 45154827)
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3.

How China Ends Wars: Implications for East Asian and U.S. Security by Mastro, Oriana Skylar. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p45-60, 16p; (AN 45154828)
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4.

The End of Elite Unity and the Stability of Saudi Arabia by Stenslie, Stig. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p61-82, 22p; (AN 45154831)
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5.

The Myth of the Ticking Bomb by Hassner, Ron E.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p83-94, 12p; (AN 45154832)
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6.

Cascading Chaos in Nuclear Northeast Asia by Debs, Alexandre; Monteiro, Nuno P.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p97-113, 17p; (AN 45154833)
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7.

South Korea’s Nuclear Hedging? by Kim, Lami. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p115-133, 19p; (AN 45154829)
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8.

Power Transitions: Thucydides Didn’t Live in East Asia by Kang, David C.; Ma, Xinru. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p137-154, 18p; (AN 45154830)
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9.

Cooperation, Uncertainty, and the Rise of China: It’s About “Time” by Edelstein, David M.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p155-171, 17p; (AN 45154834)
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10.

Status, Prestige, Activism and the Illusion of American Decline by Glaser, John. The Washington Quarterly, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p173-197, 25p; (AN 45154835)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 41, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Assessing democratic representation in multi-level democracies by Däubler, Thomas; Müller, Jochen; Stecker, Christian. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p541-564, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article introduces the special issue ‘Assessing democratic representation in multi-level democracies’ from a conceptual perspective. It adapts Powell’s chain of responsiveness – as a model of the democratic process on the national level – to the context of multi-level systems and discusses conditions that might facilitate or hamper responsiveness in regional democracies. The theoretical reasoning identifies added complexity, multiple actors sharing the same label and cross-level interdependent decisions as the key challenges to multi-level democracy. Empirical illustrations focus on the first stage of the representation process. Here voters should form rational policy preferences and take informed voting decisions, and parties are expected to offer coherent policy platforms that are tailored to the specifics of the regional level. While the analysis of party manifesto data suggests that regional parties cover regional issues, and strategic incentives to focus on other levels appear limited, survey-based information illustrates the cognitive burden of multi-level democracy on voters. In combination with a synopsis of the other contributions assembled in this issue, the findings suggest that information, responsibility and accountability problems may be particular obstacles to responsiveness in multi-level systems.; (AN 44635048)
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2.

Party unity in federal disunity: determinants of decentralised policy-seeking in Switzerland by Mueller, Sean; Bernauer, Julian. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p565-593, 29p; Abstract: AbstractFederalism and decentralisation offer political parties the opportunity to tailor their policy-seeking behaviour to different regional electorates. These electorates often possess different political preferences. However, the regional branches of nationwide parties must be careful not to dilute or even betray the core values of their party, for equally often they remain dependent on central support. This article studies the ensuing tension between regional deviations from national unity by analysing all vote recommendations of the four major Swiss parties on all 251 national referendums held between 1987 and 2015. Vote recommendations constitute an important guidance for voters. Analytically, the article focuses on the conditions of cantonal deviations from federal recommendations as a proxy for decentralised policy-seeking. It finds that ideological (socialism), temporal, vote-specific (distance to next election) as well as vote- and canton-specific factors (regional turnout and contestation) all influence party unity, with some effects varying by policy area and vote type.; (AN 44635047)
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3.

Does EU regional policy increase parties’ support for European integration? by Gross, Martin; Debus, Marc. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p594-614, 21p; Abstract: AbstractHow does EU funding to European regions affect sub-national parties’ support for European integration? This paper aims at analysing whether the EU regional development policy contributes to setting up support for EU institutions and European integration and thus strengthens the whole ‘European idea’ among political parties. To answer this research question, the article analyses election manifestos of parties acting on the regional level in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and the UK for two EU programming periods: 2007─2013 and 2014─2020. The results show that sub-national parties are more supportive of European integration if regions receive more EU funding and if the parties represent regions that are dependent on EU funding.; (AN 44635050)
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4.

Democratic regeneration in European peripheral regions: new politics for the territory? by Scantamburlo, Matthias; Alonso, Sonia; Gómez, Braulio. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p615-639, 25p; Abstract: AbstractScholarly research on the emergence of a new politicsagenda of democratic regeneration, driven by the electoral growth of challenger parties, has focused the analysis primarily at the national and supranational levels, leaving the subnational level underexplored. This article contributes to filling this gap through a comparative analysis of party competition in peripheral regions of Italy, Spain and Great Britain during the European Great Recession. Using Regional Manifestos Projectdata, it shows that the regionalisation of the state and the presence of a centre‒periphery cleavage represent no obstacle when it comes to responding to a change of preferences among the electorate. The transformation of political spaces in the aftermath of the Great Recession is happening as much at the regional as at the national level. At the same time, the political relevance of challenger parties and the diversity of regional responses contradict the alleged secondary nature of regional dynamics.; (AN 44635049)
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5.

When incumbents can only gain: economic voting in local government elections in Poland by Kukołowicz, Paula; Górecki, Maciej A.. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p640-659, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper studies valence economic voting in municipal elections in Poland, a country characterised by a high degree of decentralisation of the provision of crucial public goods and services. The analysis yields four conclusions. First, municipalities’ expenditures per capita have a positive effect on incumbent executive officials’ electoral fortunes. Second, electoral budget cycles are relevant, incumbent candidates benefiting from a potential election-year boost in a municipality’s spending. Third, the aforementioned effects of a short-term increase in expenditures are much stronger in the case of the largest national party, thereby pointing to the presence of multi-level influences on citizens’ propensity to vote economically. Finally, incumbents enjoy a substantial electoral advantage even in the municipalities that spend relatively little, an observation suggesting that the advantage is founded largely on factors other than economic voting effects.; (AN 44635051)
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6.

Passing the buck? Responsibility attribution and cognitive bias in multilevel democracies by León, Sandra; Jurado, Ignacio; Garmendia Madariaga, Amuitz. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p660-682, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores the effect of national partisanship and Euroscepticism on individuals’ causal responsibility attribution in European multilevel democracies. It is particularly focused on the average differences in responsibility attribution in federal and non-federal states, as well as in countries belonging to different European Union enlargement waves. Using a pooled dataset of the 2004, 2009, and 2014 European Election Studies, results show that when poor economic outcomes are at stake, partisans of the national incumbent in federal states are more likely to assign responsibility to regional governments following a blame-attribution logic, while this logic is absent in non-federal states. Likewise, Eurosceptic individuals are more likely to assign responsibility to European authorities when they hold negative views of the economy and they belong to countries that have been European Union members for a longer period.; (AN 44635054)
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7.

Federal reform and the quality of representation in Belgium by van Haute, Emilie; Deschouwer, Kris. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p683-702, 20p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the ways in which ‘good’ representation can be measured and assessed is by the degree of congruence between the preferences of the population and the preferences and policies of the political elite. One of the arguments for defending decentralisation is that governmental institutions on a smaller territorial scale can be closer to the population, and that they can provide policies that are more responsive to the population of the sub-states. This argument is often made in Belgium, where voters in Flanders traditionally vote centre-right, while the voters of Wallonia vote centre-left, and where federal coalitions need to reflect the preferences of both regions whereas regional governments can be responsive to their voters only. Using data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, this paper tests this assumption and compares the left–right orientation of the population and of governments at the different institutional levels and regions. The findings suggest that sub-state governments are partially more congruent to their sub-state voters than federal governments. However, congruence gaps are less related to constraints in government formation than to changes in behaviour of key political actors.; (AN 44635052)
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8.

A world of difference: the sources of regional government composition and alternation by Schakel, Arjan H.; Massetti, Emanuele. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p703-727, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis article aims to explain longitudinal and cross-sectional variation in regional government composition – oversized majorities and incongruence between regional and national governments (cross-cutting) – and regional government alternation. The analysis focuses on the explanatory value of a wide range of regional-level institutional variables, such as majoritarian vs. proportional voting systems and established practices of consociationalism. In addition, it provides a tentative exploration of the impact of regional (i.e. non-state-wide) parties on government composition and alternation. The findings show that most institutional variables have the expected impact, e.g., majoritarian voting systems increase government alternation and consensual practices decrease both cross-cutting and alternation. The analysis also suggests that regional parties impact on government composition and alternation in two ways. Strong regional parties increase cross-cutting and, once in office, they tend to reduce alternation. Smaller regional parties out of office tend to increase alternation and to decrease oversized government as their seat shares grow.; (AN 44635053)
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9.

Who governs? The disputed effects of regionalism on legislative career orientation in multilevel systems by Dodeigne, Jérémy. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p728-753, 26p; Abstract: AbstractIn multilevel systems, patterns of regional and national political careers reflect processes of regionalisation and federalisation. Yet the effects of regionalism on the orientation of legislative careers remain disputed. Such disputes result from the choice of the unit of analysis, the scarcity of comparative research across countries and over time, and bias in case selection. This article offers a systematic intranational comparative analysis of ‘sister regions’ in four countries that are examples of weak and strong regionalism. It tests the regionalism hypothesis based on an original comparative dataset of 4662 regional and national political careers in Belgium, Canada, Spain, and the UK. The results demonstrate that regionalism matters: regional legislative elites emerge more clearly in polities in which regionalism is stronger. The regionalism hypothesis is particularly supported in Spain and Canada, which have a longer history of regional institutions, but that trend is also confirmed in the UK and Belgium.; (AN 44635055)
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10.

Party politics, institutions, and identity: the dynamics of regional venue shopping in the EU by Huwyler, Oliver; Tatham, Michaël; Blatter, Joachim. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p754-778, 25p; Abstract: AbstractWith deepening European integration, domestic interest groups have increasingly engaged in multi-level venue shopping. Regional authorities are no different and have represented their interests through both intra- and extra-state channels. There is some disagreement, however, over which of these channels are most frequently used. Similarly, there is little consensus on the ways in which partisan, institutional, and identity logics can affect the dynamics of venue shopping. To gain some insights into these questions, the article surveys 122 regional administrations in their home country. It finds that, when trying to influence the EU policy-shaping process from home, European regions use extra-state channels more frequently than intra-state ones. Party politics, institutions, and identity logics all affect venue selection, though differently. The general trend towards extra-state channels is indicative of the nature of the EU political system. The findings also have implications for questions of representation and democracy within such a system.; (AN 44635056)
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11.

Ideological alignment and the distribution of public expenditures by Kleider, Hanna; Röth, Leonce; Garritzmann, Julian L.. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p779-802, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article revisits the influential partisan alignment hypothesis, which posits that subnational governments aligned with central governments exhibit higher expenditures. To promote their own and their party’s re-election chances, central government politicians allocate more resources to ideologically aligned co-partisans at the subnational level. Consequently, aligned subnational governments exhibit higher expenditures than non-aligned ones. This article examines alignment effects in subnational education spending. Education is a crucial test case because, unlike other expenditures, the allocation of education spending is discretionary and often does not follow precise formulas. Using a novel dataset covering 266 subnational regions in 14 countries over 20 years, we offer the first cross-country analysis of alignment effects. Controlling for rival explanations, the findings reveal alignment effects on subnational education expenditures. Furthermore, political institutions matter, as alignment effects are stronger in countries where subnational governments have more discretion over education policy while lacking their own revenue sources (vertical fiscal imbalance). These findings imply that decentralisation might increase educational and socio-economic inequalities.; (AN 44635057)
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12.

Decentralising competences in multi-level systems: insights from the regulation of genetically modified organisms by Tosun, Jale; Hartung, Ulrich. West European Politics, May 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p803-823, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe adoption of Directive 2015/412 marks a turning point in policy-making in the European Union since for the first time the legal competence for a regulatory area has been passed from the EU to the member states. The member states can now request their territory to be excluded from authorisation for genetically modified organisms (GMOs) for commercial cultivation. In the first step of the analysis, the article shows that higher levels of public support for GMOs decrease the likelihood of member states filing an opt-out request, while controlling for other potential explanatory factors. In the second step, it concentrates on the controversy between the federal and the state level in Germany regarding the transposition of the new directive. It is found that the directive offers some degree of strategic opportunity for pro-GMO political parties to pursue a regulatory approach that would otherwise be impeded by negative public opinion.; (AN 44635058)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 70, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 70 issue 2 Cover and Back matter World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 45311757)
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2.

WPO volume 70 issue 2 Cover and Front matter World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 pf1-f7, 7p; (AN 45311752)
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3.

“Big” Treaties, Small Effects by Gowa, Joanne; Hicks, Raymond. World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p165-193, 29p; Abstract: It seems obvious that agreements to cut tariffs will raise trade between their signatories. But recent studies show that some agreements widely considered to be landmarks in economic history had either a remarkably small impact on trade or none at all. Among those agreements are the Cobden-Chevalier Treaties and the long series of tariff accords concluded under the auspices of the GATT/WTO. Both sets of agreements cut import duties on many goods that applied to all trading partners entitled to most-favored-nation treatment, but neither increased aggregate trade between their members. This article examines the agreements concluded by the United States under the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA). The authors use an original data set that records changes in tariffs and US imports at the product-line level for each of the twenty-seven bilateral agreements. No comparable data exist either for the nineteenth-century trade network or for the postwar trade regime. The results show that the RTAA treaties failed to raise aggregate US imports from its treaty partners. They also show that these agreements did lead to a large and significant rise in US imports of specific products from specific countries. Because the same bargaining protocol that produced the RTAA agreements also governed the European treaty network and the GATT/WTO, the argument advanced in this article can also help to explain why neither treaty exerted a significant impact on aggregate trade between their signatories.; (AN 45311754)
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4.

Decay or Resilience? by Koos, Carlo. World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p194-238, 45p; Abstract: This article examines the long-term impact of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) on prosocial behavior in Sierra Leone. Two theoretical arguments are developed and tested. The first draws on the feminist literature and suggests the presence of a decay mechanism: victims and their families are stigmatized by their community and excluded from social networks. The second integrates new insights from social psychology, psychological trauma research, and anthropology, and argues for a resilience mechanism. It argues that CRSV-affected households have a strong incentive to remain part of their community and will invest more effort and resources into the community to avert social exclusion than unaffected households. Using data on 5,475 Sierra Leonean households, the author finds that exposure to CRSV increases prosocial behavior—cooperation, helping, and altruism—which supports the resilience hypothesis. The results are robust to an instrumental variable estimation. The ramifications of this finding go beyond the case of Sierra Leone and generate a more general question: What makes communities resilient to shocks and trauma?; (AN 45311753)
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5.

Precolonial Legacies and Institutional Congruence in Public Goods Delivery by Wilfahrt, Martha. World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p239-274, 36p; Abstract: Scholars have long identified political bias in the way African politicians distribute state resources. Much of this literature focuses on the role of group identities, mainly ethnicity, and partisanship. This article shifts the focus to local governments, which have become increasingly important players in basic social service provision, and argues that public goods allocation under democratic decentralization is intimately shaped by historical identities. Specifically, the author highlights the role of identities rooted in the precolonial past. To explain this, she articulates a theory of institutional congruence, arguing that greater spatial overlap between formal institutional space and informal social identities improves the ability of elites to overcome local coordination problems. Looking to the West African state of Senegal, the author deploys a nested analysis, drawing on interviews with rural Senegalese elites to understand how the precolonial past shapes local politics today via the social identities it left behind. She also tests the argument with a unique, geocoded data set of village-level public goods investments in the 2000s, finding that areas that were once home to precolonial states distribute goods more broadly across space. These patterns cannot be explained by ethnic or electoral dynamics. Two brief examples from on-the-line cases illuminate how the presence of precolonial identities facilitates local cooperation. The article thus calls into question the tendency to treat identities as static over time, highlighting the interactive relationship between institutions and identities while drawing attention to emerging subnational variation in local government performance following decentralization reforms across the developing world.; (AN 45311756)
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6.

Party Strength and Economic Growth by Bizzarro, Fernando; Gerring, John; Knutsen, Carl Henrik; Hicken, Allen; Bernhard, Michael; Skaaning, Svend-Erik; Coppedge, Michael; Lindberg, Staffan I.. World Politics, April 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p275-320, 46p; Abstract: While a large literature suggests an important role for political parties in development, this article is the first attempt to layout and test a comprehensive theory connecting parties to economic growth. The authors argue that strong parties broaden the constituencies to which policymakers respond and help politicians solve coordination problems. These features help to ensure better economic management, public services, and political stability. And this, in turn, enhances economic growth. Drawing on a novel measure of party strength from the Varieties of Democracy data set, the authors test this theory on data drawn from more than 150 countries observed annually from 1901–2010. They identify a sizeable effect that is robust to various specifications, estimators, and samples. The effect operates in both democracies and autocracies, and is fairly stable across regions and time periods.; (AN 45311755)
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