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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 27, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) and experimentalist design of multi-level governance: the case of the EU strategy for the Danube region by Gänzle, Stefan. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p1-22, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPlaced within EU Cohesion policy and its objective of European territorial cooperation, macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) aim to improve functional cooperation and coherence across policy sectors at different levels of governance, involving both member and partner states, as well as public and private actors from the subnational level and civil society in a given ‘macro-region’. In forging a ‘macro-regional’ approach, the EU commits to only using existing legislative frameworks, financial programmes and institutions. By applying the analytical lens of multi-level and experimentalist governance (EG), and using the EU Strategy for the Danube Region as a case, this article shows that ‘macro-regional’ actors have been activated at various scales and locked in a recursive process of EG. In order to make the macro-regional experiment sustainable, it will be important to ensure that monitoring and comparative review of implementation experience functions effectively and that partner countries, subnational authorities and civil societies have a voice in what is, by and large, an intergovernmental strategy.; (AN 41249115)
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2.

Reforming the Swedish employment-related social security system: activation, administrative modernization and strengthening local autonomy by Mathias, Jorg. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p23-39, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Swedish system of social security has often been regarded as comprehensive and comprehensive and inclusive. During major reforms in the 1990s and 2000s, it has maintained its essential character as a popular and well-endowed provider of social security and stability. Employment-related benefits are generous in financial terms, but come with the need for recipients to remain actively engaged in the economic or educational field. However, Sweden’s geographical and demographic diversity made it necessary to increase the role of local authorities in implementing active labour market policies. This article tracks these developments since the mid-1990s, both with regard to changing the benefits system and with regard to changing local government involvement. It argues that backed by broad political support, the Swedish system has achieved the necessary modernization and adaptation to remain a viable alternative to more neo-liberal welfare retrenchment projects conducted in other European countries.; (AN 41249116)
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3.

Is cross-border cooperation underpinned by an ethical code of values? A theoretical analysis by Nadalutti, Elisabetta. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p41-62, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIs there an ‘ethical code’ of values that underpins cross-border cooperation activities? By focusing on people as ‘agents’, the article argues that citizens and individuals in their integral development have been neglected so far when the development of cross-border spaces is scrutinized. This study aims to provide an alternative theoretical framework through which cross-border activities can be analysed and operationalized. This is done by synergically reading Benedict XVI’s ‘Caritas in Veritate’ and Sen’s ‘Development as Freedom’. It is suggested that the ethical dimension of cross-border cooperation activities needs to be scrutinized on the ground that cross-border spaces are neither ethically neutral, nor inherently inhuman and opposed to society. They are instead part and parcel of human activities and must be structured and governed in an ethical manner. It follows that ethical values are the means of cohesion in cross-border zones. Without including them in the analysis, real cohesion cannot be achieved.; (AN 41249117)
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4.

Signing up to devolution: the prevalence of contract over governance in English devolution policy by Sandford, Mark. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p63-82, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInitial analyses of the ‘devolution deals’ that form the cornerstone of current efforts to devolve power within England assess the policy against conventional governance criteria: accountability, transparency, and the quality of governance systems. In fact, English devolution policy has little connection with territorial governance. Instead, it closely resembles a contractual process, with central government determining the terms on which it will outsource specified programmes and projects to local governments, complete with requirements for ‘business readiness’, implementation plans, evaluation requirements, and future joint working. Accountability, governance and even geography take second place to the aim of improving central policy outcomes via a contract-style relationship. This perspective is styled ‘post-territorial devolution’: it accounts more effectively for the shape of the policy so far than traditional governance perspectives, which are often laced with normative positions.; (AN 41249118)
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5.

Sticking to the Union? Nationalism, inequality and political disaffection and the geography of Scotland’s 2014 independence referendum by Pattie, Charles; Johnston, Ron. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p83-96, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScotland’s 2014 Independence Referendum affords a rare opportunity to examine public support for the break-up of a long-established, stable democracy. Analyses of support for Scottish independence reveal that while issues of national identity loomed large in the vote, they were not the only factors involved. Questions around the economic and political direction of the state, and around uneven development, ideology and trust in established politicians also influenced voters’ decisions. Partisanship also mattered, as voters were more likely than not to follow the lead of their party in what had become a highly partisan contest. But some parties – especially Labour – saw large minorities of their supporters vote against the party’s line to support independence.; (AN 41249119)
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6.

Theorizing decentralization: comparative evidence from subnational Switzerland by Erk, Jan. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p97-99, 3p; (AN 41249120)
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7.

States falling apart? Secessionist and autonomy movements in Europe by Anderson, Paul; Keil, Soeren. Regional & Federal Studies, January 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p99-101, 3p; (AN 41249121)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 161, no. 6, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p3-3, 1p; (AN 40889544)
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2.

A Reality Check after Thailand’s King Bhumibol by Farrelly, Nicholas. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p4-8, 5p; Abstract: Thailand faces immense challenges as it adjusts to the end of King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s 70-year reign. Its support for the geopolitical agendas of the Western democracies can no longer be taken for granted. For now, Nicholas Farrelly argues, Thailand’s military leadership is preparing for further turbulence and conflict.; (AN 40889545)
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3.

Making Mogadishu Safe by Hills, Alice. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p10-16, 7p; Abstract: The UK’s multi-agency approach to making Mogadishu safe involves multiple defence and development projects, few of which improve street-level security. For this to happen, the UK must support Somali-led initiatives that collect community intelligence while expressing the value residents place on social capital and information. Alice Hills uses a neighbourhood watch scheme in Waberi District to explore the relationship between counterterrorism and community safety and what it means for UK policy. She finds that Waberi’s cheap and sustainable scheme makes an identifiable contribution to the UK’s security objectives while helping to provide the physical security that Mogadishu’s residents want.; (AN 40889546)
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4.

Beyond the UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial by Marley, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p18-27, 10p; Abstract: After a period of declining contributions, there are signs of a renewed UK interest in UN peacekeeping missions. In this article, Jonathan Marley examines the factors that are driving the UK’s current approach. While London may be seeking a greater role in UN missions, to act effectively it will need to signal its intent to international partners and update its practices.; (AN 40889547)
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5.

Is the SSBN Deterrent Vulnerable to Autonomous Drones? by Gates, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p28-35, 8p; Abstract: It has been claimed that drones, such as autonomous unmanned aerial vehicles and autonomous underwater vehicles, will be able to search the oceans for nuclear-powered submarines carrying nuclear-tipped weapons (SSBNs). Deployed in large numbers, it is posited that these drones would make the continuous at-sea deterrent obsolete. Jonathan Gates argues that few of the sensors carried by these drones would be able to detect a deeply submerged submarine, even if it were large. The range of these sensors, however sensitive, is very limited. Given the immense size of the submarines’ potential operating area, the chance of detection is negligible, even if many drones were deployed. Despite this, there may still be a role for these drones in assisting anti-submarine forces to carry out their operations. This article considers these issues as they apply to the UK’s SSBNs.; (AN 40889549)
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6.

Is it Counterproductive to Enlist Minors into the Army? by Gee, David; Taylor, Rachel. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p36-48, 13p; Abstract: As most states now restrict military enlistment to adults from the age of eighteen, the UK’s policy of recruiting from the age of sixteen is unusual. In this article, David Gee and Rachel Taylor discuss whether the policy effectively meets the needs of young people and the army itself, and examine the feasibility of a transition to an all-adult force.; (AN 40889548)
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7.

Planning and Fighting a War by Clarke, Michael. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p50-57, 8p; Abstract: The Iraq Inquiry shows that the armed forces were up against some tough challenges over which they had little effective control. But, Michael Clarke contends, it also indicates that they exacerbated their problems by assuming, even on the basis of thin resources, that they could play a strategically significant role throughout.; (AN 40889550)
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8.

The Somme by Spence, Jack. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p58-63, 6p; Abstract: On the centenary of the Somme, Jack Spence reviews the latest literature on the topic to explore what can still be learned from this scarring experience.; (AN 40889551)
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9.

100 Years On – Arts Experiences of the First World War by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p66-68, 3p; (AN 40889552)
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10.

Biological Threats in the 21st Century: The Politics, People, Science and Historical Roots by Cole, Jennifer. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p70-71, 2p; (AN 40889553)
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11.

War in Europe: 1450 to the Present by James, Alan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p71-73, 3p; (AN 40889554)
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12.

The Bad-Ass Librarians of Timbuktu: And Their Race to Save the World’s Most Precious Manuscripts by Lawson, Ewan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p73-74, 2p; (AN 40889555)
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13.

America and the Politics of Insecurity by Grgic, Gorana. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p74-75, 2p; (AN 40889557)
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14.

The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917–1923 by Eyal, Jonathan. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p75-77, 3p; (AN 40889556)
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15.

Never Surrender: Winston Churchill and Britain’s Decision to Fight Nazi Germany in the Fateful Summer of 1940 by Toye, Richard. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p77-77, 1p; (AN 40889558)
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16.

The Sabotage Diaries by Bennett, Gill. The RUSI Journal, November 2016, Vol. 161 Issue: Number 6 p78-79, 2p; (AN 40889559)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 26, no. 1, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Foreword Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 38099559)
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2.

Key Issues of the German osceChairmanship 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; (AN 38099557)
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3.

What German Responsibility Means Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p11-24, 14p; (AN 38099574)
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4.

Russian Views of the osceand the 2016 German Chairmanship Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p25-32, 8p; (AN 38099562)
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5.

The United States and the osceafter the Ukraine Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p33-47, 15p; (AN 38099604)
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6.

Successful Small States in the osceand the German Chairmanship of 2016 Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p48-64, 17p; (AN 38099560)
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7.

How Can a Dialogue be Restarted with Russia? Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p65-68, 4p; (AN 38099600)
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8.

Human Rights in Times of Crisis Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p69-77, 9p; (AN 38099653)
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9.

Conventional Arms Control in Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p78-87, 10p; (AN 38099601)
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10.

Ukraine, Protracted Conflicts and the osce Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p88-106, 19p; (AN 38099605)
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11.

Tearing Down Real and Cognitive Walls Preventing Osce Compassion For Human Security in South-Eastern Europe Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p107-116, 10p; (AN 38099602)
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12.

The osceNetwork of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions Security and Human Rights, December 2015, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p117-121, 5p; (AN 38099663)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 48, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Securing with algorithms: Knowledge, decision, sovereignty by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; Abstract: Amid the deployment of algorithmic techniques for security – from the gathering of intelligence data to the proliferation of smart borders and predictive policing – what are the political and ethical stakes involved in securing with algorithms? Taking seriously the generative and world-making capacities of contemporary algorithms, this special issue draws attention to the embodied actions of algorithms as they extend cognition, agency and responsibility beyond the conventional sites of the human, the state and sovereignty. Though focusing on different modes of algorithmic security, each of the contributions to the special issue shares a concern with what it means to claim security on the terrain of incalculable and uncertain futures. To secure with algorithms is to reorient the embodied relation to uncertainty, so that human and non-human cognitive beings experimentally generate and learn what to bring to the surface of attention for a security action.; (AN 41246243)
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2.

Embodying algorithmic war: Gender, race, and the posthuman in drone warfare by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Wilcox, Lauren. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p11-28, 18p; Abstract: Through a discussion of drone warfare, and in particular the massacre of 23 people in the Uruzgan province in Afghanistan in 2010, I argue that drone warfare is both embodied and embodying. Drawing from posthuman feminist theorists such as Donna Haraway and N Katherine Hayles, I understand the turn toward data and machine intelligence not as an other-than-human process of decisionmaking that deprives humans of sovereignty, but as a form of embodiment that reworks and undermines essentialist notions of culture and nature, biology and technology. Through the intermediation of algorithmic, visual, and affective modes of embodiment, drone warfare reproduces gendered and racialized bodies that enable a necropolitics of massacre. Finally, the category of gender demonstrates a flaw in the supposed perfectibility of the algorithm in removing issues of identity or prejudice from security practices, as well as the perceptions of drone assemblages as comprising sublime technologies of perfect analysis and vision. Gender as both a mode of embodiment and a category of analysis is not removed by algorithmic war, but rather is put into the service of the violence it enables.; (AN 41246244)
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3.

Algorithmic autoimmunity in the NHS: Radicalisation and the clinic by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Heath-Kelly, Charlotte. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p29-45, 17p; Abstract: This article explores the extension of counter-radicalisation practice into the National Health Service (NHS). In the 2011 reformulation of the UK Prevent strategy, the NHS became a key sector for the identification and suppression of ‘radicalisation’. Optometrists, dentists, doctors and nurses have been incorporated into counter-terrorism and trained to report signs of radicalisation in patients and staff. This article explores how calculative modalities associated with big data and digital analytics have been translated into the non-digital realm. The surveillance of the whole of the population through the NHS indicates a dramatic policy shift away from linear profiling of those ‘suspect communities’ previously considered vulnerable to radicalisation. Fixed indicators of radicalisation and risk profiles no longer reduce the sample size for surveillance by distinguishing between risky and non-risky bodies. Instead, the UK government chose the NHS as a pre-eminent site for counter-terrorism because of the large amount of contact it has with the public. The UK government is developing a novel counter-terrorism policy in the NHS around large-N surveillance and inductive calculation, which demonstrates a translation of algorithmic modalities and calculative regimes. This article argues that this translation produces an autoimmune moment in British security discourse whereby the distinction between suspicious and non-suspicious bodies has collapsed. It explores the training provided to NHS staff, arguing that fixed profiles no longer guide surveillance: rather, surveillance inductively produces the terrorist profile.; (AN 41246246)
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4.

Catching the flu: Syndromic surveillance, algorithmic governmentality and global health security by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Roberts, Stephen L; Elbe, Stefan. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p46-62, 17p; Abstract: How do algorithms shape the imaginary and practice of security? Does their proliferation point to a shift in the political rationality of security? If so, what is the nature and extent of that shift? This article argues that efforts to strengthen global health security are major drivers in the development and proliferation of new algorithmic security technologies. In response to a seeming epidemic of potentially lethal infectious disease outbreaks – including HIV/AIDS, Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), pandemic flu, Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), Ebola and Zika – governments and international organizations are now using several next-generation syndromicsurveillance systems to rapidly detect new outbreaks globally. This article analyses the origins, design and function of three such internet-based surveillance systems: (1) the Program for Monitoring Emerging Diseases, (2) the Global Public Health Intelligence Network and (3) HealthMap. The article shows how each newly introduced system became progressively more reliant upon algorithms to mine an ever-growing volume of indirect data sources for the earliest signs of a possible new outbreak – gradually propelling algorithms into the heart of global outbreak detection. That turn to the algorithm marks a significant shift in the underlying problem, nature and role of knowledge in contemporary security policy.; (AN 41246241)
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5.

Crowdsourced surveillance and networked data by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Lally, Nick. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p63-77, 15p; Abstract: Possibilities for crowdsourced surveillance have expanded in recent years as data uploaded to social networks can be mined, distributed, assembled, mapped, and analyzed by anyone with an uncensored internet connection. These data points are necessarily fragmented and partial, open to interpretation, and rely on algorithms for retrieval and sorting. Yet despite these limitations, they have been used to produce complex representations of space, subjects, and power relations as internet users attempt to reconstruct and investigate events while they are developing. In this article, I consider one case of crowdsourced surveillance that emerged following the detonation of two bombs at the 2013 Boston Marathon. I focus on the actions of a particular forum on reddit.com, which would exert a significant influence on the events as they unfolded. The study describes how algorithmic affordances, internet cultures, surveillance imaginaries, and visual epistemologies contributed to the structuring of thought, action, and subjectivity in the moment of the event. I use this case study as a way to examine moments of entangled political complicity and resistance, highlighting the ways in which particular surveillance practices are deployed and feed back into the event amid its unfolding.; (AN 41246245)
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6.

Flatness versus depth: A study of algorithmically generated camouflage by Amoore, Louise; Raley, Rita; Mollicchi, Silvia. Security Dialogue, February 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p78-94, 17p; Abstract: For the past two decades, the camouflage patterns used on military uniforms have been computed by families of algorithms. The article argues that these computation methods fit within a genealogy of discourses on camouflage practices, which the text reconstructs along the axes of flatness and depth. Camouflage can be explained as an attempt at flattening information related to a target onto the underlying background, by producing general invariances within the environment and in accordance with the observer’s perceptive faculties. Carrying out this task, static camouflage responds to the aporia of using one pattern to disguise presence within multiple contexts. After analysing two discourses on camouflage in relation to the notion of flatness, the article considers a case of algorithmically generated static camouflage. Its disguising method abstracts information from both the environment in which an army is expected to fight and the observer’s perceptive capacities and then computes these threads of abstraction together in a pattern. The meshing function of computation thus flattens the principles embedded in the fabric, making them individually illegible. This changes the value that camouflage usually gives to target/background relations and to the observer’s perceptive faculties.; (AN 41246242)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

With Friends Like These: Brinkmanship and Chain-Ganging in Russia's Near Abroad by Driscoll, Jesse; Maliniak, Daniel. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p585-607, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnrecognized statelets may be forming in the Eastern Donbas region of Ukraine under the aegis of Russian protection—a “frozen conflict.” Georgia's past provides a useful cautionary tale in reference to Ukraine's probable future. The very same conceptual debates that are currently underway in the West with respect to Ukraine—“credibility of great-power security guarantees versus chain-ganging”—have, over the past twenty years, generated policies that facilitated the rise of political coalitions within Georgia that prefer war with Russia to any other outcome.; (AN 40044523)
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2.

Discursive Emotional Appeals in Sustaining Violent Social Movements in Iraq, 2003–11 by Sargsyan, Irena L.; Bennett, Andrew. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p608-645, 38p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow are some rebel leaders able to sustain violent collective action but others not? Most theories focus on leaders' use of selective incentives and efforts to lower their transaction costs and raise those of the government. We argue that a leader's ability to arouse emotions of anger, humiliation, and fear is also critical. Foreign leaders and former exiles typically lack the legitimacy and understanding of local politics necessary to incite such emotions. We test this argument in three case studies in Iraq between 2003 and 2011. In this period, the Sadrist Trend sustained violent collective action and gained lasting political power, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq failed to maintain its influence, and al-Qaeda in Iraq first gained and then lost its ability to mobilize violence.; (AN 40044524)
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3.

Osirak and the Counter-Proliferation Puzzle by Sadot, Uri. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p646-676, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the efforts made by Israel to stymie Iraq's nuclear program from 1974 to 1981. It argues that to fully understand the effects of Israel's campaign, its nonmilitary components need to be addressed, rather than focusing chiefly on the 1981 bombing of the Osirak reactor. While existing views hold that the bombing was counterproductive, this study finds Israel's overall campaign to have been a sophisticated and effective effort at curtailing Saddam Hussein's program. The campaign's main achievement was in buying time that allowed external events to take place, building towards the eventual collapse of Saddam's nuclear program. While Israel's campaign demonstrates that counterproliferation can work, there are instances where it can be highly counterproductive. Buying time can also be achieved without the use of force, through coercive means, as demonstrated by the Iranian case over the previous decade. However, various gradations of military intervention remain an important tool for preventing nuclear proliferation, as demonstrated by the cases of Osirak and the 2007 destruction of the Syrian nuclear reactor in al-Kibar.; (AN 40044525)
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4.

An Evolutionary Approach to Political Leadership by McDermott, Rose; Lopez, Anthony C.; Hatemi, Peter K.. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p677-698, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe combine evolutionary and neurobiological models to provide a theoretically rigorous framework for understanding the origin of political leadership in democratic structures and how such qualities interact with institutional incentives and constraints. Evolutionary, behavioral-genetic, neuropsychological, and physiological studies have identified biological systems related to particular types of leadership behaviors as well as the emergence of leadership itself. These biological systems emerge during specific life stages and interact with a person's life history, influencing the environments one selects into and the perception of those experiences and subsequent reactions to them; these circumstances reinforce, suppress, and inspire various leadership characteristics. Our framework provides insight into the foundational basis of leadership qualities and explains why and how we observe variation in such traits. The evolutionary functions of leadership, including approaches to collective action problems, leader–follower dynamics, institutional and organizational environments, and leader attributes are discussed, and in so doing, we propose several novel questions that can be addressed from this perspective, which suggest new and fruitful lines of research in leadership studies.; (AN 40044526)
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5.

On Combat Effectiveness in the Infantry Platoon: Beyond the Primary Group Thesis by King, Anthony. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p699-728, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 2001, Western troops have been heavily engaged in combat in Iraq and Afghanistan raising once again the long-standing question of why small groups of soldiers are willing and able to fight together. Drawing on evidence from recent campaigns, and specifically focusing on American and British forces, this paper examines why small Western units have generally been effective in combat. Against the primary group thesis, originally proposed by Morris Janowitz and Edward Shils in 1948, the article claims that training and battle drills, not interpersonal relations, are the primary factor in generating performance on the battlefield. Moreover, high levels of training alters the relations between soldiers, giving rise to a core group which generates distinctive patterns of motivation.; (AN 40044528)
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6.

Kill, Capture, or Defend? The Effectiveness of Specific and General Counterterrorism Tactics Against the Global Threats of the Post-9/11 Era by Lehrke, Jesse Paul; Schomaker, Rahel. Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p729-762, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the effectiveness of contemporary counterterrorism strategy in the global fight against terrorism from 2001 to 2011. We seek to maximize the comparative approach more than most existing studies by examining three tactics (killing, capturing, and defending) applied at three scopes (leader, operational, and broad) on three levels (global, movement [jihadi], and organizational [al-Qaeda and Taliban]), while also measuring effectiveness along several quantitative, qualitative, and spatial dimensions. Drawing from resource theory (and its derived analytical approaches) and empirical terrorism studies, we formulate competing hypotheses that are quantitatively tested using a dataset with several original aspects. We find that both killing and capturing can have large effects but these effects vary based on both states' and terrorists' targeting strategies. The most interesting specific findings are that drone strikes seem counterproductive for counterterrorism while renditions seem effective. However, these effects were dwarfed by those of increased defenses, which reduce attacks in the West while redirecting them to other areas in the world. While we find the theory mostly sound, though in need of refocus, we believe current policy trends foretell an increase in terrorist activity in the coming years.; (AN 40044529)
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7.

EOV Editorial Board Security Studies, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40044527)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 28, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Countering Insurgencies, Terrorism and Violent Extremism in South Asia by D’Souza, Shanthie Mariet. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-11, 11p; (AN 41351993)
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2.

Counterinsurgency Challenge in Post-2001 Afghanistan by Giustozzi, Antonio. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p12-33, 22p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough the Taliban insurgency was internally divided and unable to coordinate its activities in 2014–2015, the Afghan security forces were not able to contain it and steadily lost ground throughout 2015. Until 2015, there had been little effort to develop an indigenous Afghan counterinsurgency strategy, but a sense of urgency emerged after a string of Taliban victories. At the beginning of 2016, it was still not clear if and when the National Unity Government would be able to produce a counterinsurgency strategy and, in any case, the need for a coherent counterinsurgency approach became questionable as the Taliban appeared to be transitioning towards conventional warfare.; (AN 41351992)
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3.

Insurgency and Violent Extremism in Pakistan by Weinbaum, Marvin G.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p34-56, 23p; Abstract: AbstractPakistan has an uneven history of dealing with insurgencies and extremism. This article identifies the various campaigns and policies employed to defeat militants and deal with violent extremism. It describes the major anti-state groups and how Pakistan’s military and civilian leaders, relying on the related strategies of selectivity, gradualism and containment, have allowed militancy and terrorism to thrive. This article finds that while the elites and the public may have belatedly come to appreciate the existential internal threats these groups pose to the country, there are strong reasons to doubt the state’s full commitment to its promises to take meaningful action.; (AN 41351991)
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4.

India: Fleeting Attachment to the Counterinsurgency Grand Strategy by Routray, Bibhu Prasad. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p57-80, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIndia’s success in dealing with insurgency movements was based on adherence to four key rules of engagement: identifying a lead counter-insurgent force, launching population-centric counterinsurgency (COIN) operations, non-use of excessive force and confining the role of the COIN operations to preparing a ground for a political solution. While the country does not yet have a COIN doctrine, these four rules of engagement do constitute what can be referred to a COIN grand strategy. Analysis of the several continuing insurgencies, however, reveals the country’s inability to adhere to the grand strategy. Political considerations, incapacity to manoeuvre through the demands of various stake holders, and even the wish to expedite the decimation of insurgent outfits through a force-centric approach has produced a long history of failures in dousing the fires of discontent.; (AN 41351990)
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5.

Terrorism as Method in Nepali Maoist Insurgency, 1996–2016 by Marks, Thomas A.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p81-118, 38p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the period 1996–2006, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged overt people’s war to seize state power and institute a new order that realized the party’s understanding of ‘New Democracy’ as posited by Mao Tse-tung. Contextual shifts led to a crucial strategic turning point in September 2005, when the Maoists agreed to a united front with estranged legal parties to oust the monarchy and establish a republic. Though touted as acceptance of political reintegration, the move was tactical rather than strategic. The party had no intention of supporting a parliamentary version of democracy and thus, 2006–2016, engaged in a covert effort to seize power. Central to this effort was the paramilitary Young Communist League (YCL), the members of which responded to inflammatory party verbiage and exhortations with attacks upon rival political actors. These attacks, academically and legally, were terrorism and offered a salient illustration of intra-state unrestricted warfare. Ultimately, organizational, national, and regional circumstances caused the main Maoist movement to move decisively away from its covert approach. By that time, however, radical splinters had embraced the use of terrorism against rival political actors, creating a situation whereby local politics is yet a dangerous endeavor in certain areas and at certain times.; (AN 41351999)
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6.

Size Still Matters: Explaining Sri Lanka’s Counterinsurgency Victory over the Tamil Tigers by Lalwani, Sameer P.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p119-165, 47p; Abstract: AbstractThe military effectiveness literature has largely dismissed the role of material preponderance in favor of strategic interaction theories. The study of counterinsurgency, in which incumbent victory is increasingly rare despite material superiority, has also turned to other strategic dynamics explanations like force employment, leadership, and insurgent/adversary attributes. Challenging these two trends, this paper contends that even in cases of counterinsurgency, material preponderance remains an essential—and at times the most important—factor in explaining battlefield outcomes and effectiveness. To test this, the paper turns to the case of the Sri Lankan state’s fight against the Tamil Tiger insurgency, a conflict which offers rich variation over time across six periods and over 25 years. Drawing on evidence from historical and journalistic accounts, interviews, memoirs, and field research, the paper demonstrates that material preponderance accounts for variation in military effectiveness and campaign outcomes (including military victory in the final campaign) better than strategic explanations. Additionally, a new quantitative data-set assembled on annual loss-exchange ratios demonstrates the superiority of materialist explanations above those of skill, human capital, and regime type.; (AN 41351997)
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7.

Counter-Insurgency in Pakistan: The Role of Legitimacy by Lieven, Anatol. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p166-190, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe Pakistani security forces have won their fight against the insurgency of the Pakistani Taliban, though terrorism will remain a serious problem for the foreseeable future. Victory was won not chiefly on the basis of new tactics, but of the recovery of legitimacy for the campaign among the population and the armed forces. This occurred when the war came to be seen as one waged not in the interests of the USA, but for the defence of Pakistan. In Balochistan, the nationalist insurgency has been different from and weaker than that of the Taliban—but may prove longer lasting. Military tactics in Balochistan have closely resembled those of the British Raj, and have been based with some success on fomenting tribal divisions and co-opting tribal elites.; (AN 41351995)
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8.

Bangladesh: The Changing Dynamics of Violent Extremism and the Response of the State by Khan, Shahab Enam. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p191-217, 27p; Abstract: AbstractBangladesh is currently facing an incremental growth of radicalization. This radicalization can be traced back to the country’s early post-Independence years. Over time, political violence, ideological clashes between secular and right-wing ideologies, and weak governance have created conditions for the growth of radical Islam. The public rhetoric on corruption, weakening of democratic institutions, inadequate law enforcement agencies, fragile justice delivery system, fledgling educational and social institutions and growing unemployment provides further space for alternative narratives by extremist ideologues. Home-grown extremist outfits have received ideological and tactical supports from transnational terrorist network such as Islamic State (IS) and Al-Qaeda in Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), but only in a limited manner. The supply and demand side of radicalization in Bangladesh has not yet been addressed by actors such as the government, private sector, civil society and media. The failures in multiple sectors in the state governance have led to a situation where IS and AQIS now see Bangladesh as a potential ground for exerting their supremacy as flag bearers of radical forms of Islam.; (AN 41351996)
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9.

Brinkmanship, not COIN, in Pakistan’s post-9/11 Internal War by Puri, Samir. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p218-232, 15p; Abstract: AbstractPolitics is critical to making sense of Pakistani successes and failures in dealing with non-state armed groups. This includes domestic political currents; regional political currents; and the global impetus of the post-9/11 era. How these currents overlap renders to any reading of insurgency in Pakistan real complexity. This article engages with this complexity rather than shirking from it. Its hypothesis is that while the insurgency bordering Afghanistan has been an epicentre of Pakistani military efforts to fight the Taliban, this theatre is in of itself insufficiently inclusive to grasp the nature of Pakistan’s security challenges and its consequent responses.; (AN 41351994)
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10.

From Nationalism to Factionalism: Faultlines in the Naga Insurgency by Panwar, Namrata. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p233-258, 26p; Abstract: AbstractDo ceasefires or peace talks create fragmentation in the insurgent groups? Rather than proposing claims that can offer predictions about armed groups behaviour under ceasefires or peace processes, the analysts tend to focus largely on the dynamics between state and non-state actor. The experts pay little attention to overtime changes in social and local political context which might contribute to propelling a rebel group towards fragmentation and factionalism. The present study intends to fill this gap by exploring the shifting role of public opinion and ethnic support for the peace talks to ascertain whether it can increase the likelihood of factionalism in rebel groups or not. This article applies this approach to the case of Naga National Movement (1947–2015) in India, and finds that the proposed variable appears to have increased the frequency of factionalism in the movement.; (AN 41351998)
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11.

Leo Strauss and the Invasion of Iraq: Encountering the Abyss by Earnshaw, Sarah. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p259-262, 4p; (AN 41352000)
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12.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p263-265, 3p; (AN 41352001)
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13.

Book Reviews by Beckett, Ian F.W.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, June 2006, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p237-240, 4p; (AN 41113891)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 16, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p(ebi)-(ebi); (AN 40488443)
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2.

Exit from democracy: illiberal governance in Turkey and beyond by Öktem, Kerem; Akkoyunlu, Karabekir. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p469-480, 12p; (AN 40488433)
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3.

Understanding Turkey’s democratic breakdown: old vs. new and indigenous vs. global authoritarianism by Somer, Murat. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p481-503, 23p; Abstract: AbstractTurkey’s ‘authoritarian turn’ in recent years indicates a democratic breakdown that can best be analysed by analytically distinguishing between two simultaneous developments. The first is the reproduction of Turkey’s long-existing semi-democratic regime – which the article calls old authoritarianism – in a new historical and dominant political–ideological context and under an Islamist-leaning government. The second is the emergence of a new type of authoritarianism – dubbed new authoritarianism – that is in many respects unprecedented for Turkey, is in need of better comprehension and displays important parallels with contemporary troubles of democracy in the world. Focusing on political society and institutions is insufficient to adequately examine the emergent authoritarian regime, for example to identify it as a regime type, to explain its popular support and to foresee how durable and repressive, and to what extent party-based rather than personalistic, it may become. It is necessary to combine insights from the new political economy of welfare, transition and communication with those from political and institutional democratization. Doing so suggests that new authoritarianism generates a new kind of state–society relationship where, paradoxically, political power becomes simultaneously more particularistic, personalized and mass-based. Hence, new authoritarianism has democratizing potential, but can also become more oppressive than any other regime Turkey has previously experienced. Oscillation between these two outcomes is also possible.; (AN 40488432)
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4.

Existential insecurity and the making of a weak authoritarian regime in Turkey by Akkoyunlu, Karabekir; Öktem, Kerem. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p505-527, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper seeks to explain Turkey’s rapid de-democratization from the conceptual perspective of existential insecurity, which accounts for the unwillingness of incumbents to share or relinquish power. The Kemalist era, the multi-party period and the early AKP era have all shown elements of the radicalizing effects of political insecurity and the weak institutions which stem from them. The concurrence of a revisionist Islamist project and geopolitical and ideological crises in Turkey’s overlapping neighbourhoods, however, have driven existential angst and insecurity among the incumbents to novel proportions. Under the conditions of this aggravated insecurity, the consolidation of a stable authoritarian regime appears unlikely, reducing the possible scenarios for Turkey’s immediate future to a weak and contested authoritarian arrangement or further escalation of conflict and instability.; (AN 40488434)
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5.

Decoding the authoritarian code: exercising ‘legitimate’ power politics through the ruling parties in Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia by Günay, Cengiz; Dzihic, Vedran. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p529-549, 21p; Abstract: AbstractWhile neoliberal interventions and policies have had serious effects on all societies, their impact on the institutional setting of some countries in the European periphery has been particularly drastic. Over the last years, countries as Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia – which we have selected as an illustration for the trend – have gone through processes of Europeanization and neoliberal transformation. For the ruling parties the ‘European agenda’ and neoliberal structural adjustment reforms opened new spaces to alter established political routines and reconfigure institutional settings. In the light of generally weak institutions, the ruling parties in Turkey, Macedonia and Serbia have aimed at consolidating their power through the adoption of authoritarian patterns of governance. The three countries experienced a democratic rollback accompanied by a rise of authoritarian tendencies, limiting the space for democratic contestation. The article explores the foundations and mechanisms of the authoritarian patterns of governance in the three countries. Developments in Macedonia and Serbia are dealt in reference to the power system and the claims to legitimacy of the ruling Justice and Development Party in Turkey. The article argues that the ruling parties’ power derives from their legitimation strategies based on institutional reforms in line with EU conditionality, redistribution through informal channels and populist nationalist narratives. The ruling parties function as machines and clientelistic channels. They have been sidelining or replacing formal institutions and practices with negative long-term repercussions on democracy and the functioning of the state.; (AN 40488436)
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6.

Examining state capacity in the context of electoral authoritarianism, regime formation and consolidation in Russia and Turkey by White, David; Herzog, Marc. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p551-569, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper compares the regimes of Turkey and Russia and how state capacity has facilitated authoritarian regime building at the expense of democratic consolidation. It begins by considering how best to conceptualize the Putin and Erdoğan regimes. Whilst recognizing significant differences between the two cases, we argue that the concepts of electoral authoritarianism and neopatrimonialism are particularly helpful in better understanding how both systems operate. The paper then discusses the concept of state capacity, arguing that for conceptual clarity a parsimonious understanding of the concept based on the state’s extractive, administrative and coercive capacities, provides the most useful framework for the comparative analysis. The paper concludes that in Turkey the shift towards electoral authoritarianism since 2010/11 has happened in a much shorter time span, is more conflictual and characterized by more elite and social contention than in Russia under Putin. The Putinist regime was more capable of harnessing the infrastructural and coercive capacity of the Russian state to institute a stable neopatrimonial authoritarian regime that functions in a setting of electoral authoritarianism. In both cases, authoritarian regime building came at the expense of or supplanted efforts to improve and expand state capacity for effective democratic governance.; (AN 40488435)
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7.

Strong presidents and weak institutions: populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador by Selçuk, Orçun. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p571-589, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article compares contemporary populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador from a cross-regional perspective. Through adopting a political definition of the concept based on the idea of domination, it provides an analysis of the three populist leaders Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Hugo Chávez and Rafael Correa along three interrelated dimensions: an anti-establishment image, a plebiscitary understanding of democracy and a Manichean worldview. These case studies show that in each country, a strong leader positions himself against the traditional establishment, cultivates direct linkages between himself and his followers and polarizes the political environment into two opposing camps. In addition to the discussion on populism, the article provides comparative insights into Turkey’s constitution-making process, the presidential system debate, and the 2016 military coup attempt.; (AN 40488437)
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8.

Populism as the problem child of democracy: the AKP’s enduring appeal and the use of meso-level actors by Yabanci, Bilge. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p591-617, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThis article seeks to explain the endurance of populist parties in power by focusing on the case of Turkey and the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The existing scholarly research on the AKP’s populism either focuses on the discourse and mediagenic performance of Erdoğan constructing an antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ or equates populism with patronage politics. This study argues that in order to understand the AKP’s long-term appeal, populism should be theoretically decoupled from narrow approaches related to economic governance and treated as an essentially anti-pluralist set of ideas in a problematic relationship to democracy. Empirically, this article examines the government-dependent trade unions and women’s organizations in Turkey to understand how ruling populists shape extra-legislative fields. The findings show that the AKP expands the reach of populist antagonism between the people versus the elites through these organizations. Dependent organizations serve to reassert the AKP’s continuing relevance as the only genuine representative of ‘the people’, while transforming the labour and women’s struggle in line with the government’s agenda. They also keep newly arising social demands in check under democratic disguise while denying pluralism to civil society and entrenching undemocratic governance.; (AN 40488438)
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9.

Turkey’s Diyanet under AKP rule: from protector to imposer of state ideology? by Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p619-635, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis article focuses on the complex relations between Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (the Diyanet) and the AKP in the last decade. It claims that the Diyanet, under AKP rule, has been transformed into a pliable state apparatus geared towards implementing the political ideology of the ruling cadre. In exploring this recent transformation, it analyses the ways in which this institution’s role has become synchronized with the ruling party’s discourses and actions, by giving examples from recent discussions on gender, social media, political economy and relations with other social groups.; (AN 40488439)
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10.

Creating a pious generation: youth and education policies of the AKP in Turkey by Lüküslü, Demet. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p637-649, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article addresses the youth and education policies of the Turkey’s third Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) government from 2011 to 2014. This government period was marked by the emergence of a new myth of youth in Turkey: the myth of a pious generation, aimed at replacing the previous myth of a modern and national youth, prevalent in Turkey’s political culture since the nineteenth century and reinforced by the Kemalist Republic. The article first situates the education and youth policies of the AKP in the history of youth in Turkey and discusses the continuities and ruptures between the Kemalist and AKP youth projects. Secondly, through a critical reading of the political discourses of AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and of specific youth and education policies of the government, the paper conceptualizes this newly emerging myth in the context of neoliberal economic and conservative social policies of the AKP government and its aim to control the future through reshaping the young.; (AN 40488440)
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11.

Conflict and reconciliation between Turks and Kurds: the HDP as an agonistic actor by Tekdemir, Omer. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p651-669, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper proposes an alternative form of conflict resolution to analyze ethnic conflict and Kurdish dissent in the polarized and divided society of Turkey. It does so by employing Mouffe’s concept of agonism and radical democracy, in conjunction with Laclau’s model of populism. Through an analysis of the role of the Kurdish-led, left-leaning populist party, the People’s Democratic Party (HDP), and its approach to Turkish-Kurdish reconciliation, the paper makes the case for the political and theoretical effectiveness of an agonistic approach, illustrating the possibility of dispute resolution by taking conflict into the centre of the peace building process.; (AN 40488442)
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12.

The ambiguities of democratic autonomy: the Kurdish movement in Turkey and Rojava by Leezenberg, Michiel. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p671-690, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper traces the ideology of democratic autonomy, as developed by PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan from the libertarian and anarchist writings of Murray Bookchin, as an alternative to the authoritarian and centralist nation state, not only in the Kurdish-inhabited provinces, but in Turkey at large. It explores, first, the ideological underpinnings and second, the practical implementation of democratic autonomy both in south-eastern Turkey and in north-eastern Syria, or Rojava. Divergences between the two, I will argue, are not merely the result of contradictions between ideology and practice, or of the PKK’s enduring Leninist vanguardism, but also arise because the ideology itself remains ambiguous or implicit on the questions of party organization and the legitimacy of armed resistance. These ambiguities help to account for the apparent tension between grassroots anarchism and Leninist centralism in democratic autonomy, not only in practice but also in theory.; (AN 40488441)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Sub-Regionalism in South Asia: A Case Study of the Bangladesh–Bhutan–Nepal–India Motor Vehicles Agreement by Kumar, Vikash. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p1-13, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article has two parts. The first part aims at analysing why nations are increasingly going beyond their multilateral and regional moorings to secure and advance their national interests. In doing so, why and how do they indulge in sub-regional engagements? It has been empirically seen across the board in almost every part of the world that sub-regional growth initiatives play a significant role in regional integration. The second part, by drawing from the above broad conceptualization in South Asia, uses the Bangladesh–Bhutan–India–Nepal Motor Vehicles Agreement (BBIN MVA) as a case study.; (AN 40601237)
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2.

US Security Strategy of Asian Rebalance: India’s Role and Concerns by Nautiyal, Annpurna. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p14-33, 20p; Abstract: AbstractChina’s aggressive rise and strained relations with its Asia-Pacific neighbours—a region with immense economic and strategic potential—have forced the US to forge a strategy of Asian rebalance. Besides making China suspicious, this strategy has aroused the possibility of a new cold war. In contrast, though India’s relations with China have improved considerably since the 1962 War, the unresolved border issue and the threatening Chinese attitude do not allow India to trust China. To deal with the Chinese threat, India has devised a Look East, Act East engagement policy as well as developed close economic and strategic relations with the US and its Asia-Pacific allies. Although the concern of strategic autonomy deters India from being an active partner of US strategy, China’s all-weather friendship with Pakistan and encirclement through infrastructure in its neighbourhood as well as Xi Jinping’s Chinese dream have left limited options for India. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the implications of US re-involvement in the Asia-Pacific and India’s role therein—particularly its concerns regarding this strategy.; (AN 40601240)
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3.

Insurgency, Drugs and Small Arms in Myanmar by Behera, Anshuman. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p34-48, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe many links between drugs, small arms and insurgency have been widely discussed and addressed by scholars. The literature in particular has convincingly shown how several insurgent groups in Myanmar have used the drug business to finance and sustain their violent movements. Funds generated from drug production and circulation help the insurgent groups to procure arms, and are widely believed to be supporting the protracted nature of these movements. In this context, Myanmar presents itself as a classic example wherein the relationship between drugs, small arms and insurgency becomes clearly apparent. The country has become a major hub for illicit drugs production. It has been observed that insurgency, arms smuggling and illicit drugs business depend heavily on each other for their sustenance. The ‘ungoverned territories’ bordering other states also help insurgencies and keep the drug business flourishing. Given this context, this article focuses on unravelling the linkages among insurgency, drugs and small arms in Myanmar.; (AN 40601243)
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4.

Preventive Diplomacy and the Role of Civil Maritime Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia by Llewelyn, James D.. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p49-60, 12p; Abstract: AbstractSoutheast Asia’s international shipping lanes (ISL) are essential to the economic security of the Asia-Pacific region. Maintaining good order at sea serves to protect regional trade and can be achieved through collaboration between civil maritime security agencies (coast guards). Japan and China both have significant coast guard capabilities and diplomatic influence in the region that could be harnessed to promote civil maritime security cooperation with the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With regional tensions rising over disputed waters in Southeast Asia, ‘white hull diplomacy’ would seem to be a timely option for governments to consider in search of an intra-Asian de-escalation process.; (AN 40601238)
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5.

Has Nigeria Defeated Boko Haram? An Appraisal of the Counter-Terrorism Approach under the Buhari Administration by Onapajo, Hakeem. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p61-73, 13p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the campaign promises of President Muhammadu Buhari was that he would eliminate Boko Haram six months after assumption of office. By December 2015, the Buhari-led government gave itself a pass mark for countering the terrorists. The government declared that the group had been ‘technically defeated’. This declaration has led to debates in the public space as to the veracity of this claim. This article aims to critically appraise the on-going attempt to eliminate the Boko Haram threat under the Buhari administration. The author questions whether we can actually conclude that the anti-Boko Haram war has really been won. The article analytically demonstrates that Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to Nigeria and the West African sub-region, contrary to claims that it has been defeated.; (AN 40601249)
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6.

Subsystemic Unipolarities? Power Distribution and State Behaviour in South America and Southern Africa by Schenoni, Luis Leandro. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p74-86, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the possibility of conceiving South America and Southern Africa as subsystemic unipolarities under Brazilian and South African primacy, respectively. It argues that this concept, when applied to these regions, sheds light not only on the long-term strategies behind the Brazilian and South African foreign policies towards their neighbourhood, but also on the behaviour of secondary regional powers and small states. This hypothesis questions the maxim that considerations related to polarity affect great powers only. After examining the Brazilian and South African cases, the author undertakes a comparative analysis of 17 countries in these regions, showing that the behaviour of politically stable countries in these regions is as predicted by theories of unipolarity.; (AN 40601246)
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7.

What are India, Iran, and Afghanistan’s Benefits from the Chabahar Port Agreement? by Amirthan, Shawn. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p87-93, 7p; (AN 40601242)
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8.

The Challenges and Opportunities of a Negotiated Settlement in Afghanistan by Dostyar, Aref. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p94-109, 16p; (AN 40601245)
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9.

Brexit: Harbinger of an Unexpected New World Order by Jain, Sandhya. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p110-117, 8p; (AN 40601250)
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10.

Unheeded hinterland: identity and sovereignty in northeast India, by Dillip Gogoi by Waterman, Alex. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p118-120, 3p; (AN 40601236)
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11.

New south Asian security: six core relations underpinning regional security, by Chris Ogden by Bisht, Medha. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p121-123, 3p; (AN 40601239)
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12.

Smart diplomacy: exploring China-India synergy, by P.S. Suryanarayana by Singh, Prashant Kumar. Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p124-125, 2p; (AN 40601247)
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13.

Acknowledgement of Referees Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p126-129, 4p; (AN 40601248)
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14.

Contributions Published in Strategic Analysisin 2016 Strategic Analysis, January 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p130-137, 8p; (AN 40601244)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 40, no. 3, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

What Does DabiqDo? ISIS Hermeneutics and Organizational Fractures within DabiqMagazine by Colas, Brandon. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p173-190, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)'s flagship English-language magazine, Dabiq, is a puzzle. The magazine is not, despite appearances, primarily designed for direct recruiting efforts or inciting violence against the West. In fact, the primary audiences of Dabiqare English-speaking second generation Muslims or converts, Western policymakers, and a third group of current or would-be members of ISIS who are not integrating with the organization itself. The third audience—those members who are failing to function within the organization—is strange to include in an English-language magazine. Why publish organizational weaknesses, in English? One possibility for this puzzle is that the fundamentalist hermeneutics of ISIS is reflected in their own media efforts. One of the assumptions that ISIS holds about their sacred texts is that each text carries a single meaning that reflects the author's original intent. There might be multiple applications of that intent, but each text can only have one intent, and therefore one meaning. Following this logic, a message meant for one person is unlikely to be of utility for another, and so this may be why ISIS exposes their weaknesses as part of the process of correcting their own members.; (AN 41273540)
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2.

Talking to Foreign Fighters: Insights into the Motivations for Hijrahto Syria and Iraq by Dawson, Lorne L.; Amarasingam, Amarnath. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p191-210, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLittle of the discussion of foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq is informed by primary data derived from talking with the foreign fighters. This article reports some initial findings from interviews with twenty foreign fighters in Syria. The findings are compared with three other recent studies of European foreign fighters, and aspiring fighters, based on some primary data. While those studies emphasize the role of low social and economic prospects in motivating the choice to go, this study found little evidence of such factors, and alternatively argues more attention should be given to existential concerns and the role of religiosity. Consideration is also given to the methodological challenges posed by using of terrorists' accounts of their motivations.; (AN 41273541)
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3.

Making the Sky Relevant to Battle Strategy: Counterinsurgency and the Prospects of Air Power in Nigeria by Oyewole, Samuel. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p211-231, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOne of the most important roles in counterinsurgency (COIN) is to maintain adequate security presence to protect lives and properties of the affected population and restore law and order in the society. Accordingly, the state of affairs in Nigeria's COIN theater has been affected by the quantity and quality of security presence, most especially the ability of the operatives to gather timely and relevant information and mobilize for prompt response. Although the roles of the ground operatives have dominated public attention, the local air force and the complementary air powers have affected the security situations with the level of their presence or absence in the sky for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance; firepower; and transportation in the theater. This study examines the relevance of security presence to achieve the objective of COIN and the prospects of air power in this arrangement in Nigeria and the Lake Chad region.; (AN 41273543)
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4.

Introducing the 1993 Terrorism and Political Violence Dataset by Acosta, Benjamin; Ramos, Kristen. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p232-247, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe introduction of the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) nearly a decade ago sparked a revolution in terrorism studies. However, one major flaw in the database continues to plague GTD users. Data lost prior to digitalization, along with unsuccessful data recollection efforts, have left GTD without data on events that took place during the year 1993. The missing data prevents researchers from using the entirety of GTD's annual range (1970–2014) to conduct reliable time-series analyses. Additionally, it has likely contributed to the formation of theories and claims on faulty empirical ground. To remedy the problem, we have collected data on 4,206 unique terror-attack incidents, with the aim of documenting the universe of 1993 terrorism events. This article showcases our 1993 dataset and illustrates the importance of terrorism events in 1993 for the development of conflicts in Israel, Afghanistan, Colombia, and India.; (AN 41273542)
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5.

The Psychology of Foreign Fighters by Borum, Randy; Fein, Robert. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p248-266, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe recent influx of foreign fighters into Syria, particularly those aligning with the Islamic State, has brought renewed attention to the security threat posed by people who cross borders to participate in armed conflict. Although foreign fighters have rarely, if ever, constituted the majority of combatants in a war or insurgency, understanding their role is critical for conflict analysis and prevention. This review focuses on behavioral aspects of the foreign fighter phenomenon. Although other books and articles have focused wholly, or in part, on historical dimensions, the behavioral and social science literature on foreign fighters is much more limited. This review first explores the definitions of “foreign fighter” terminology, then analyzes what is known about their motivations and their pathways toward engaging in armed conflict on foreign soil. It examines recruitment strategies and the role of “radicalization” in feeding the transnational insurgent supply, and finally describes more specifically, the nature of foreign fighter involvement in more recent armed conflicts (e.g., Syria, Chechnya, Iraq, and Afghanistan), and speculates about the prospects for their future involvement.; (AN 41273544)
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10

Survival
Volume 59, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Putinism, Populism and the Defence of Liberal Democracy by Oliker, Olga. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p7-24, 18p; Abstract: Although Russia is a contributor to and beneficiary of the current illiberal surge, its causes lie within democratic countries, and solutions must be found at home.; (AN 41221540)
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2.

Russia and China: A New Model of Great-Power Relations by Charap, Samuel; Drennan, John; Noël, Pierre. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p25-42, 18p; Abstract: By accommodating each other’s strategic interests, Russia and China have achieved an effective partnership despite significant imbalances between them.; (AN 41221539)
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3.

The Logic of Banning Nuclear Weapons by Fihn, Beatrice. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p43-50, 8p; Abstract: If the international community is ever going to get rid of nuclear weapons, it must start by clearly rejecting them.; (AN 41221543)
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4.

The Businessman President by Pocalyko, Michael. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p51-57, 7p; Abstract: An understanding of Donald Trump’s presidency must begin with his uniqueness in a domain that has been alluded to since his election, but little understood.; (AN 41221541)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p58-60, 3p; (AN 41221544)
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6.

Can Women Be Soldiers of the Islamic State? by Lahoud, Nelly. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p61-78, 18p; Abstract: With a small number of high-profile exceptions, the Islamic State’s women are expected to be the enablers, not the agents, of jihad.; (AN 41221542)
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7.

Innovation and Adaptation in Jihadist Digital Security by Brantly, Aaron. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p79-102, 24p; Abstract: Online discussions among jihadists depict a community that is alert to changes both in the technology and the laws and policies of its adversaries.; (AN 41221547)
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8.

Brief Notices Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 pe1-e7, 7p; (AN 41221551)
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9.

Incorporating Offensive Cyber Operations into Conventional Deterrence Strategies by Fischerkeller, Michael. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p103-134, 32p; Abstract: Cyber capabilities, whether used alone or in combination with other military tools, offer an opportunity to influence an adversary’s decision-making.; (AN 41221545)
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10.

The Colombian Peace Process: Trial and Error by Angelo, Paul. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p135-148, 14p; Abstract: To satisfy popular demands for justice, while advancing the long quest for an enduring peace, the Colombian government must learn from past mistakes.; (AN 41221548)
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11.

America’s Path from Malaise to Primacy by Crandall, Russell. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p149-160, 12p; Abstract: Hal Brands’s Making the Unipolar Momentis a breath of fresh air on a topic politicised, or as often romanticised, for far too long.; (AN 41221546)
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12.

Book Reviews by Lewis, Jeffrey; Stent, Angela; Xiang, Lanxin. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p161-180, 20p; (AN 41221552)
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13.

Trump and the Asia-Pacific: Managing Contradictions by Choong, William. Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p181-187, 7p; Abstract: The election of Donald Trump leads the United States and the states of the Asia-Pacific into uncharted territory.; (AN 41221549)
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14.

Corrigendum Survival, January 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 1 p188-188, 1p; (AN 41221550)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29 no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

What Is Domestic Terrorism? A Method for Classifying Events From the Global Terrorism Database by Berkebile, Richard E.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-26, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDomestic terrorism accounts for a vast majority of all attacks, yet it is far less studied than its transnational counterpart. As a result, the literature on domestic terrorism remains theoretically and empirically underdeveloped. One of the reasons for this is the dearth of comprehensive crossnational domestic terrorism datasets. This article seeks to address the problem by proposing a method for refining original Global Terrorism Database (GTD) data into a constructively valid, crossnational domestic terrorism dataset. The analysis begins with the definition of terrorism and further develops it by conceptually distinguishing its domestic and transnational forms. Because the GTD includes nonterrorist events and conflates transnational and domestic incidents, its raw form is unsuited for domestic research. Therefore, the article examines common definitional attributes from terrorism and domestic terrorism literature. It concludes by specifying steps for assembling a dataset and examining descriptive statistics of the resulting population.; (AN 40811302)
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2.

The Transformation of Security Planning for the Olympics: The 1976 Montreal Games by Clément, Dominique. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p27-51, 25p; Abstract: Montreal's Summer Olympics in 1976 was a turning point in Olympic history: it was the Games' first highly visible security operation. It was also a transformative moment in the history of security planning in Canada: preparations for the games contributed to shifting the Security Services' focus from communism towards domestic and international terrorism. The following article documents, for the first time, the scope of this operation. It is based on five years of requests and appeals under the federal Access to Information Act, which led to the release of over fifty thousand pages of Royal Canadian Mounted Police documents. I argue that security for the Montreal Olympics was based largely on imagined threats. In addition, I argue that security costs for the Montreal Olympics were high but modest as compared to the overall budget. Nonetheless, Montreal set a precedent for high security costs that have since become the standard for hosting the Olympics. Finally, I argue that the Montreal Olympics had long-term implications for policing in Canada. The scale of the operation produced new resources and inter-agency links that were only made possible as a result of hosting the games.; (AN 40811303)
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3.

Leaderless Resistance and the Loneliness of Lone Wolves: Exploring the Rhetorical Dynamics of Lone Actor Violence by Joosse, Paul. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p52-78, 27p; Abstract: “Leaderless resistance” and “lone wolf terrorism” are concepts that have steadily gained importance in the study of oppositional subcultures and terrorist groups, being used to describe the operational realities of a variety of terrorisms, from groups like Al Qaeda to Anders Breivik. In this article, I seek to describe leaderless resistance as a rhetorical construct, a meaning-conferring “ideology of effervescence” that lifts the spirits of both movement progenitors who advocate the strategy as well as incipient lone wolves who consider responding to their exhortations. Through an examination of the case of Wiebo Ludwig and the EnCana pipeline bombings of 2008–2009, I show how these rhetorics emerge in the interactions between activists and their political enemies. With this conception, we can (a) understand more fully the discursive/rhetorical dynamics involved in asymmetrical struggle, (b) problematize the acceptance of the organizational reality of leaderless resistance in the terrorism literature, and (c) question the assertion of some terrorism scholarship that refers to leaderless resistance and other ideologies of effervescence as hallmarks of the “new terrorism.”; (AN 40811304)
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4.

Hurdles to International Terrorist Alliances: Lessons From Al Qaeda's Experience by Bacon, Tricia. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p79-101, 23p; Abstract: Despite the threat posed by international terrorist alliances, the conditions that foster and inhibit these relationships remain poorly understood. When seeking allies outside of their primary conflict and political market, groups struggle to forge credible commitments, particularly the requisite ‘shadows of the future’ and reputations conducive to cooperation, without third-party enforcers. Given their suspicious nature and strong in-group identities, terrorist groups sometimes balk at relinquishing independence for security. Alliances risk precipitating counterterrorism pressure, alienating constituents, and increasing the risk of betrayal. Even groups that enjoy alliance success, like Al Qaeda, experience these hurdles in their alliance. What helped to set Al Qaeda apart from most groups was its ability to navigate these obstacles, though some bedeviled its alliances efforts. This offers under-utilized opportunities for alliance disruption.; (AN 40811305)
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5.

Repression and Terrorism: A Cross-National Empirical Analysis of Types of Repression and Domestic Terrorism by Piazza, James A.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p102-118, 17p; Abstract: While some scholars have theorized that repression reduces terrorism because it raises the costs of participating in terrorist activity by dissidents, others argue that repression stimulates terrorism by either closing off nonviolent avenues for expressing dissent or by provoking or sharpening grievances within a population. This study investigates these contradictory sets of expectations by considering whether or not different specific types of repression yield different effects on patterns of terrorism in 149 countries for the period 1981 to 2006. By assessing the impact of nine specific types of repression on domestic terrorism, the study produces some interesting findings: while, as expected, forms of repression that close off nonviolent avenues of dissent and boost group grievances increase the amount of domestic terrorism a country faces, types of repression that raise the costs of terrorist activity have no discernible suppressing effect on terrorism.; (AN 40811306)
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6.

Labelling and Legitimization: Justifying Political Violence in the Basque Country by van den Broek, Hans-Peter. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p119-136, 18p; Abstract: This article focuses on the role of labelling in the discourse employed by the Left-Wing Nationalist movement in the Basque Country to legitimize the use of violence for political ends. The approach in this article goes beyond classic labelling theory. I demonstrate that radical Nationalists do not passively undergo their being labelled as deviants (fanatics, terrorists) by society, but develop counter-labels instead to define their opponents and re-label themselves.; (AN 40811310)
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7.

Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi: The Unknown Mentor of Che Guevara by Er, Mevliyar. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p137-159, 23p; Abstract: Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo.; (AN 40811307)
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8.

Persuasive Narratives and Costly Actions by Zahedzadeh, Giti; Barraza, Jorge A.; Zak, Paul J.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p160-172, 13p; Abstract: Persuasive narratives can induce some individuals to engage in costly actions. Entrepreneurs of suicide missions frame the necessity of violent behavior within the context of persuasive narratives to attract potential recruits. Herein we report results from an experiment to test factors involved with costly action linked to a persuasive narrative. We recruited 164 participants (M = 21, SD = 5.20) and measured hormones, electrodermal activity, and personality to predict who would be influenced by the narrative's message. We found that the persuasive narrative we tested resulted in costly action by those who are high-perspective takers and are more physiologically aroused by the narrative. The findings fill lacunae in the literature, providing a novel approach to examine costly behavior (like martyrdom missions) in the laboratory.; (AN 40811308)
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9.

Conflict and Terrorism in South Asia Since 9/11 by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p173-184, 12p; (AN 40811309)
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10.

Managing Proliferation: National, Regional, and Global Security in the New Age of Nuclear Weapons by Romaniuk, Scott Nicholas. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p185-194, 10p; (AN 40811312)
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11.

David Luban. Torture, Power, and Law by Wells, Dominic D.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p195-196, 2p; (AN 40811311)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 39, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Will China Test Trump? Lessons from Past Campaigns and Elections by Miura, Kacie; Weiss, Jessica Chen. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p7-25, 19p; (AN 40735697)
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2.

The Survival Strategy of the Chinese Communist Party by Dickson, Bruce J.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p27-44, 18p; (AN 40735698)
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3.

Unpacking the Iranian Nuclear Deal: Nuclear Latency and U.S. Foreign Policy by Mehta, Rupal N.; Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p45-61, 17p; (AN 40735700)
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4.

Trumpism and the American Politics of Insecurity by Rojecki, Andrew. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p65-81, 17p; (AN 40735699)
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5.

The Return of Jacksonianism: the International Implications of the Trump Phenomenon by Cha, Taesuh. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p83-97, 15p; (AN 40735701)
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6.

Barack Obama and the Dilemmas of American Grand Strategy by Brands, Hal. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p101-125, 25p; (AN 40735702)
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7.

Belligerent Minimalism: The Trump Administration and the Middle East by Lynch, Marc. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p127-144, 18p; (AN 40735704)
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8.

Reading Reagan in Tehran: A Strategy of Realistic Engagement by McFaul, Michael; Milani, Abbas. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p145-163, 19p; (AN 40735705)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40735705&site=ehost-live

9.

Confronting Pakistan's Support for Terrorism: Don't Designate, Calibrate by Tankel, Stephen. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p165-179, 15p; (AN 40735703)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40735703&site=ehost-live

10.

The Strategic Illogic of Counterterrorism Policy by Jordan, Jenna; Kosal, Margaret E.; Rubin, Lawrence. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p181-192, 12p; (AN 40735706)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40735706&site=ehost-live

11.

The Lingering Problem of Fragile States by Call, Charles T.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 4 p193-209, 17p; (AN 40735707)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40735707&site=ehost-live

 

13

West European Politics
Volume 40, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Corrigendum West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p(i)-(i); (AN 41185492)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185492&site=ehost-live

2.

The dark side of the German ‘welcome culture’: investigating the causes behind attacks on refugees in 2015 by Jäckle, Sebastian; König, Pascal D.. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p223-251, 29p; Abstract: AbstractIn 2015, Germany experienced a record high influx of refugees – and received international praise for its ‘welcome culture’. At the same time, however, attacks on refugees rose to an alarming level. This article describes the distribution of these attacks and probes their causes, using detailed socioeconomic and political data while modelling a hierarchical data structure. Controlling for further relevant factors taken from the extant literature, the analysis first tests whether the strength of extreme right political parties plays a role and, second, it models a contagion effect, taking into account spatial as well as temporal proximity. The findings suggest that the strength of right-wing parties in a district considerably boosts the probability of attacks on refugees in that area. They also corroborate the idea of behavioural contagion. The set of social-structural variables employed as controls yielded only limited explanatory power.; (AN 41185480)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185480&site=ehost-live

3.

Prime ministers and the electoral cost of using the confidence vote in legislative bargaining: evidence from France by Becher, Michael; Brouard, Sylvain; Guinaudeau, Isabelle. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p252-274, 23p; Abstract: AbstractDo prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote.; (AN 41185477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185477&site=ehost-live

4.

Bicameralism in the European Union: parliamentary scrutiny as a tool for reinforcing party unity by Finke, Daniel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p275-294, 20p; Abstract: AbstractDuring recent years, the European Union has increasingly been portrayed as a bicameral political system in which political parties build bridges across the European Parliament (EP) and the Council. From this perspective, national parties’ representation in the Council should affect their members’ voting behaviour in the EP. Survey evidence reveals that most members of the EP (MEPs) frequently receive voting instructions from ‘their’ ministers. Accordingly, these MEPs should have a higher likelihood of defecting from their European Political Group. The observed voting instructions imply that the voting preferences of MEPs and their ministers differ. This article argues that parliamentary scrutiny may be one way effectively to coordinate on a common position at an early stage and, consequently, reinforce party unity at the voting stage. However, effective scrutiny depends on national parliaments being strong enough. On the empirical side, this article studies the voting behaviour of MEPs from eight member states during the Sixth EP. We include four national parliaments which the literature conceives of as being strong (DK, DE, SF, SK) and four parliaments conceived of as being weak (FR, IE, IT, UK). Overall, the results support the theoretical argument, thereby demonstrating how domestic-level scrutiny affects EU-level voting behaviour.; (AN 41185478)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185478&site=ehost-live

5.

The role of personal parliamentary assistants in the European Parliament by Pegan, Andreja. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p295-315, 21p; Abstract: The article scrutinises the behaviour of the personal staff of MEPs, using newly collected survey data. The personal staff known as accredited parliamentary assistants (APAs) have long been in the shadow of staff in parliamentary groups and staff in the European Parliament’s (EP) central Secretariat. In the 2010s, MEPs’ allowance for personal staff increased and a statute for APAs was adopted. Against the background of these reforms, this article hypothesises that APAs are a frequent source of assistance for MEPs in comparison to the other EP staff. It assumes that the significance of APAs’ involvement depends on their characteristics as direct employees of MEPs. Results show that APAs frequently assist MEPs in activities relevant for the internal life of the EP, but that they are less frequently involved in inter-institutional relations. The article shows that MEPs seek support which is political, but also that is tailored towards them personally.; (AN 41185479)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185479&site=ehost-live

6.

Red Europe versus no Europe? The impact of attitudes towards the EU and the economic crisis on radical-left voting by Beaudonnet, Laurie; Gomez, Raul. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p316-335, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2014 European Parliament election saw a relatively large increase in the size of radical-left parties (RLPs), particularly in Western Europe. This article aims to provide new ways of thinking about the dynamics of radical-left voting by analysing the changing role of attitudes towards the European Union in explaining support for RLPs at European Parliament elections during the Great Recession. It is argued that the Europeanisation of economic issues during the financial crisis, together with the particular kind of Euroscepticism advocated by these parties, have enabled them to successfully attract a heterogeneous pool of voters. Using the 2009 and 2014 European Election Studies, it is shown that the effect of negative opinions about the EU on support for RLPs increased significantly during the crisis. In addition, support for RLPs also increased among voters with positive views of the EU who were nevertheless highly dissatisfied with the economic situation.; (AN 41185482)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185482&site=ehost-live

7.

Do voters learn? Evidence that voters respond accurately to changes in political parties’ policy positions by Seeberg, Henrik Bech; Slothuus, Rune; Stubager, Rune. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p336-356, 21p; Abstract: AbstractA premise of the mass–elite linkage at the heart of representative democracy is that voters notice changes in political parties’ policy positions and update their party perceptions accordingly. However, recent studies question the ability of voters accurately to perceive changes in parties’ positions. The study advances this literature with a two-wave panel survey design that measured voters’ perception of party positions before and after a major policy shift by parties in the government coalition in Denmark 2011–2013. Two key findings extend previous work. First, voters do indeed pay attention to parties when they visibly change policy position. Second, voters update their perceptions of the party positions much more accurately than would have been expected if they merely relied on a ‘coalition heuristic’ as a rule-of-thumb. These findings imply that under some conditions voters are better able to make meaningful political choices than previous work suggests.; (AN 41185490)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185490&site=ehost-live

8.

The predictive power of the left-right self-placement scale for the policy positions of voters and parties by Lesschaeve, Christophe. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p357-377, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe left-right self-placement scale is often used in political science as a proxy for the policy positions of voters and parties. Yet studies have suggested that, for voters, this relation is dependent on education level. These studies were, however, hampered by data limitations and restricted statistical analyses. In addition, the extent to which the relation between the left-right self-placement scale and policy positions differs for parties and voters has not been explored. This article looks at the differential relation between left-right self-placement and policy positions for voters with different education levels on an integrated dataset containing over 50 voter and party policy positions. It is found that the left-right self-placement scale is a much better predictor for the policy positions of parties than it is for the policy preferences of voters. Robustness checks show that neither the saliency of the policy positions nor their complexity moderates these findings.; (AN 41185483)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185483&site=ehost-live

9.

Electoral volatility and the dynamics of electoral reform by Núñez, Lidia; Simón, Pablo; Pilet, Jean-Benoit. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p378-401, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent elections in Europe have shown that a context of increasing citizen distrust towards democratic institutions may lead to very high levels of electoral volatility and to the emergence of new parties. On the other hand, institutional reforms are sometimes presented as a solution to citizens’ discontent with political institutions. Focusing on a specific type of political institution ‒ electoral systems ‒ the question addressed in this study is whether high levels of electoral volatility may trigger electoral reforms. The article investigates the conditions under which reforms affecting the electoral system’s degree of openness to new parties were enacted in 25 European countries between 1945 and 2012. The findings demonstrate that volatility due to the emergence of new parties is the most powerful explanation to account for the introduction of electoral reforms, particularly those that hinder the entry of new parties into the system.; (AN 41185488)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185488&site=ehost-live

10.

Political parties or party systems? Assessing the ‘myth’ of institutionalisation and democracy by Casal Bértoa, Fernando. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p402-429, 28p; Abstract: AbstractNo matter the region of the world under study, party (system) institutionalisation has been traditionally considered to be a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the survival of democracy. Despite being one of the most quoted statements in the democratisation literature, the few studies looking at the relationship between institutionalisation and democratic endurance have found no evidence of the ‘almost magical’ powers of the former. This article revisits the abovementioned research question by making use of an original dataset covering all European democracies between 1848 and 2014. The main findings are threefold: (1) it is not the institutionalisation of political parties but the institutionalisation of party systems as a whole that has fostered the prospects for democratic survival in Europe; (2) there is a threshold of systemic institutionalisation which, once reached, will avoid democratic collapse; and (3) systemic over-institutionalisation does not seem to be so perilous for the survival of democracy.; (AN 41185484)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185484&site=ehost-live

11.

Technocratic attitudes: a citizens’ perspective of expert decision-making by Bertsou, Eri; Pastorella, Giulia. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p430-458, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite repeated appointments of technocratic governments in Europe and increasing interest in technocracy, there is little knowledge regarding citizens’ attitudes towards technocracy and the idea of governance by unelected experts. This article revisits normative debates and hypothesises that technocracy and democracy stand in a negative relationship in the eyes of European citizens. It tests this alongside a series of hypotheses on technocratic attitudes combining country-level institutional characteristics with individual survey data. While findings confirm that individual beliefs about the merits of democracy influence technocratic attitudes, two additional important factors are also identified: first, levels of trust in current representative political institutions also motivate technocratic preferences; second, historical legacies, in terms of past party-based authoritarian regime experience, can explain significant cross-national variation. The implications of the findings are discussed in the broader context of citizen orientations towards government, elitism and the mounting challenges facing representative democracy.; (AN 41185485)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185485&site=ehost-live

12.

The dilemmas of pursuing ‘throughput legitimacy’ through participatory mechanisms by Iusmen, Ingi; Boswell, John. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p459-478, 20p; Abstract: AbstractUnder pressure to open up the ‘black box’ of governance, technocratic bodies are increasingly seeking to include civil society participation in the policy process. This article draws on empirical cases from the European Commission and NHS England to assess the extent to which the participatory mechanisms pursued by these institutions have been successful in eliciting ‘throughput legitimacy’. It is shown that though these mechanisms have taken very different forms – the former a classic instance of ‘window dressing’ participation, the latter closer to ‘best practice’ in this field – they nevertheless share a number of ongoing vulnerabilities. The article outlines the shared organisational, operational and existential dilemmas that technocratic bodies face when eliciting civil society participation, and highlight their reliance on backstage negotiation to sustain stakeholder buy-in. It concludes by highlighting the prospect that the pursuit of throughput legitimacy for technocratic bodies entails inherent limitations and contradictions.; (AN 41185489)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185489&site=ehost-live

13.

The Irish general election of February 2016: towards a new politics or an early election? by Little, Conor. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p479-488, 10p; (AN 41185487)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185487&site=ehost-live

14.

The Oxford handbook of Italian politics by Zucchini, Francesco. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p489-490, 2p; (AN 41185486)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185486&site=ehost-live

15.

Democracy in Poland: representation, participation, competition and accountability since 1989 by Kubik, Jan. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p490-492, 3p; (AN 41185493)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185493&site=ehost-live

16.

Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987: the politics of triumph and despair by Girvin, Brian. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p492-494, 3p; (AN 41185497)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185497&site=ehost-live

17.

The Europeanization of politics: the formation of a European electorate and party system in historical perspective by McEvoy, Caroline. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p494-495, 2p; (AN 41185501)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185501&site=ehost-live

18.

The European Union and the rise of regionalist parties by Chiocchetti, Paolo. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p495-496, 2p; (AN 41185499)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185499&site=ehost-live

19.

European integration between interests and norms by Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p497-499, 3p; (AN 41185495)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185495&site=ehost-live

20.

Europe managing the crisis: the politics of fiscal consolidation by Bojar, Abel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p499-501, 3p; (AN 41185498)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185498&site=ehost-live

21.

An ever more powerful court? The political constraints of legal integration in the European Union by Saurugger, Sabine. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p501-502, 2p; (AN 41185491)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185491&site=ehost-live

Record

Results

1.

Corrigendum West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p(i)-(i); (AN 41185492)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185492&site=ehost-live

2.

The dark side of the German ‘welcome culture’: investigating the causes behind attacks on refugees in 2015 by Jäckle, Sebastian; König, Pascal D.. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p223-251, 29p; Abstract: AbstractIn 2015, Germany experienced a record high influx of refugees – and received international praise for its ‘welcome culture’. At the same time, however, attacks on refugees rose to an alarming level. This article describes the distribution of these attacks and probes their causes, using detailed socioeconomic and political data while modelling a hierarchical data structure. Controlling for further relevant factors taken from the extant literature, the analysis first tests whether the strength of extreme right political parties plays a role and, second, it models a contagion effect, taking into account spatial as well as temporal proximity. The findings suggest that the strength of right-wing parties in a district considerably boosts the probability of attacks on refugees in that area. They also corroborate the idea of behavioural contagion. The set of social-structural variables employed as controls yielded only limited explanatory power.; (AN 41185480)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185480&site=ehost-live

3.

Prime ministers and the electoral cost of using the confidence vote in legislative bargaining: evidence from France by Becher, Michael; Brouard, Sylvain; Guinaudeau, Isabelle. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p252-274, 23p; Abstract: AbstractDo prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote.; (AN 41185477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185477&site=ehost-live

4.

Bicameralism in the European Union: parliamentary scrutiny as a tool for reinforcing party unity by Finke, Daniel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p275-294, 20p; Abstract: AbstractDuring recent years, the European Union has increasingly been portrayed as a bicameral political system in which political parties build bridges across the European Parliament (EP) and the Council. From this perspective, national parties’ representation in the Council should affect their members’ voting behaviour in the EP. Survey evidence reveals that most members of the EP (MEPs) frequently receive voting instructions from ‘their’ ministers. Accordingly, these MEPs should have a higher likelihood of defecting from their European Political Group. The observed voting instructions imply that the voting preferences of MEPs and their ministers differ. This article argues that parliamentary scrutiny may be one way effectively to coordinate on a common position at an early stage and, consequently, reinforce party unity at the voting stage. However, effective scrutiny depends on national parliaments being strong enough. On the empirical side, this article studies the voting behaviour of MEPs from eight member states during the Sixth EP. We include four national parliaments which the literature conceives of as being strong (DK, DE, SF, SK) and four parliaments conceived of as being weak (FR, IE, IT, UK). Overall, the results support the theoretical argument, thereby demonstrating how domestic-level scrutiny affects EU-level voting behaviour.; (AN 41185478)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185478&site=ehost-live

5.

The role of personal parliamentary assistants in the European Parliament by Pegan, Andreja. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p295-315, 21p; Abstract: The article scrutinises the behaviour of the personal staff of MEPs, using newly collected survey data. The personal staff known as accredited parliamentary assistants (APAs) have long been in the shadow of staff in parliamentary groups and staff in the European Parliament’s (EP) central Secretariat. In the 2010s, MEPs’ allowance for personal staff increased and a statute for APAs was adopted. Against the background of these reforms, this article hypothesises that APAs are a frequent source of assistance for MEPs in comparison to the other EP staff. It assumes that the significance of APAs’ involvement depends on their characteristics as direct employees of MEPs. Results show that APAs frequently assist MEPs in activities relevant for the internal life of the EP, but that they are less frequently involved in inter-institutional relations. The article shows that MEPs seek support which is political, but also that is tailored towards them personally.; (AN 41185479)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185479&site=ehost-live

6.

Red Europe versus no Europe? The impact of attitudes towards the EU and the economic crisis on radical-left voting by Beaudonnet, Laurie; Gomez, Raul. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p316-335, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2014 European Parliament election saw a relatively large increase in the size of radical-left parties (RLPs), particularly in Western Europe. This article aims to provide new ways of thinking about the dynamics of radical-left voting by analysing the changing role of attitudes towards the European Union in explaining support for RLPs at European Parliament elections during the Great Recession. It is argued that the Europeanisation of economic issues during the financial crisis, together with the particular kind of Euroscepticism advocated by these parties, have enabled them to successfully attract a heterogeneous pool of voters. Using the 2009 and 2014 European Election Studies, it is shown that the effect of negative opinions about the EU on support for RLPs increased significantly during the crisis. In addition, support for RLPs also increased among voters with positive views of the EU who were nevertheless highly dissatisfied with the economic situation.; (AN 41185482)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185482&site=ehost-live

7.

Do voters learn? Evidence that voters respond accurately to changes in political parties’ policy positions by Seeberg, Henrik Bech; Slothuus, Rune; Stubager, Rune. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p336-356, 21p; Abstract: AbstractA premise of the mass–elite linkage at the heart of representative democracy is that voters notice changes in political parties’ policy positions and update their party perceptions accordingly. However, recent studies question the ability of voters accurately to perceive changes in parties’ positions. The study advances this literature with a two-wave panel survey design that measured voters’ perception of party positions before and after a major policy shift by parties in the government coalition in Denmark 2011–2013. Two key findings extend previous work. First, voters do indeed pay attention to parties when they visibly change policy position. Second, voters update their perceptions of the party positions much more accurately than would have been expected if they merely relied on a ‘coalition heuristic’ as a rule-of-thumb. These findings imply that under some conditions voters are better able to make meaningful political choices than previous work suggests.; (AN 41185490)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185490&site=ehost-live

8.

The predictive power of the left-right self-placement scale for the policy positions of voters and parties by Lesschaeve, Christophe. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p357-377, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe left-right self-placement scale is often used in political science as a proxy for the policy positions of voters and parties. Yet studies have suggested that, for voters, this relation is dependent on education level. These studies were, however, hampered by data limitations and restricted statistical analyses. In addition, the extent to which the relation between the left-right self-placement scale and policy positions differs for parties and voters has not been explored. This article looks at the differential relation between left-right self-placement and policy positions for voters with different education levels on an integrated dataset containing over 50 voter and party policy positions. It is found that the left-right self-placement scale is a much better predictor for the policy positions of parties than it is for the policy preferences of voters. Robustness checks show that neither the saliency of the policy positions nor their complexity moderates these findings.; (AN 41185483)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185483&site=ehost-live

9.

Electoral volatility and the dynamics of electoral reform by Núñez, Lidia; Simón, Pablo; Pilet, Jean-Benoit. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p378-401, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent elections in Europe have shown that a context of increasing citizen distrust towards democratic institutions may lead to very high levels of electoral volatility and to the emergence of new parties. On the other hand, institutional reforms are sometimes presented as a solution to citizens’ discontent with political institutions. Focusing on a specific type of political institution ‒ electoral systems ‒ the question addressed in this study is whether high levels of electoral volatility may trigger electoral reforms. The article investigates the conditions under which reforms affecting the electoral system’s degree of openness to new parties were enacted in 25 European countries between 1945 and 2012. The findings demonstrate that volatility due to the emergence of new parties is the most powerful explanation to account for the introduction of electoral reforms, particularly those that hinder the entry of new parties into the system.; (AN 41185488)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185488&site=ehost-live

10.

Political parties or party systems? Assessing the ‘myth’ of institutionalisation and democracy by Casal Bértoa, Fernando. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p402-429, 28p; Abstract: AbstractNo matter the region of the world under study, party (system) institutionalisation has been traditionally considered to be a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the survival of democracy. Despite being one of the most quoted statements in the democratisation literature, the few studies looking at the relationship between institutionalisation and democratic endurance have found no evidence of the ‘almost magical’ powers of the former. This article revisits the abovementioned research question by making use of an original dataset covering all European democracies between 1848 and 2014. The main findings are threefold: (1) it is not the institutionalisation of political parties but the institutionalisation of party systems as a whole that has fostered the prospects for democratic survival in Europe; (2) there is a threshold of systemic institutionalisation which, once reached, will avoid democratic collapse; and (3) systemic over-institutionalisation does not seem to be so perilous for the survival of democracy.; (AN 41185484)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185484&site=ehost-live

11.

Technocratic attitudes: a citizens’ perspective of expert decision-making by Bertsou, Eri; Pastorella, Giulia. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p430-458, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite repeated appointments of technocratic governments in Europe and increasing interest in technocracy, there is little knowledge regarding citizens’ attitudes towards technocracy and the idea of governance by unelected experts. This article revisits normative debates and hypothesises that technocracy and democracy stand in a negative relationship in the eyes of European citizens. It tests this alongside a series of hypotheses on technocratic attitudes combining country-level institutional characteristics with individual survey data. While findings confirm that individual beliefs about the merits of democracy influence technocratic attitudes, two additional important factors are also identified: first, levels of trust in current representative political institutions also motivate technocratic preferences; second, historical legacies, in terms of past party-based authoritarian regime experience, can explain significant cross-national variation. The implications of the findings are discussed in the broader context of citizen orientations towards government, elitism and the mounting challenges facing representative democracy.; (AN 41185485)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185485&site=ehost-live

12.

The dilemmas of pursuing ‘throughput legitimacy’ through participatory mechanisms by Iusmen, Ingi; Boswell, John. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p459-478, 20p; Abstract: AbstractUnder pressure to open up the ‘black box’ of governance, technocratic bodies are increasingly seeking to include civil society participation in the policy process. This article draws on empirical cases from the European Commission and NHS England to assess the extent to which the participatory mechanisms pursued by these institutions have been successful in eliciting ‘throughput legitimacy’. It is shown that though these mechanisms have taken very different forms – the former a classic instance of ‘window dressing’ participation, the latter closer to ‘best practice’ in this field – they nevertheless share a number of ongoing vulnerabilities. The article outlines the shared organisational, operational and existential dilemmas that technocratic bodies face when eliciting civil society participation, and highlight their reliance on backstage negotiation to sustain stakeholder buy-in. It concludes by highlighting the prospect that the pursuit of throughput legitimacy for technocratic bodies entails inherent limitations and contradictions.; (AN 41185489)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185489&site=ehost-live

13.

The Irish general election of February 2016: towards a new politics or an early election? by Little, Conor. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p479-488, 10p; (AN 41185487)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185487&site=ehost-live

14.

The Oxford handbook of Italian politics by Zucchini, Francesco. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p489-490, 2p; (AN 41185486)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185486&site=ehost-live

15.

Democracy in Poland: representation, participation, competition and accountability since 1989 by Kubik, Jan. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p490-492, 3p; (AN 41185493)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185493&site=ehost-live

16.

Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987: the politics of triumph and despair by Girvin, Brian. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p492-494, 3p; (AN 41185497)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185497&site=ehost-live

17.

The Europeanization of politics: the formation of a European electorate and party system in historical perspective by McEvoy, Caroline. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p494-495, 2p; (AN 41185501)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185501&site=ehost-live

18.

The European Union and the rise of regionalist parties by Chiocchetti, Paolo. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p495-496, 2p; (AN 41185499)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185499&site=ehost-live

19.

European integration between interests and norms by Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p497-499, 3p; (AN 41185495)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185495&site=ehost-live

20.

Europe managing the crisis: the politics of fiscal consolidation by Bojar, Abel. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p499-501, 3p; (AN 41185498)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185498&site=ehost-live

21.

An ever more powerful court? The political constraints of legal integration in the European Union by Saurugger, Sabine. West European Politics, March 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p501-502, 2p; (AN 41185491)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41185491&site=ehost-live

 

14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471479&site=ehost-live

2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471473&site=ehost-live

3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471476&site=ehost-live

4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471480&site=ehost-live

5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471483&site=ehost-live

6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471471&site=ehost-live

7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471481&site=ehost-live

8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471482&site=ehost-live

9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471470&site=ehost-live

10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471477&site=ehost-live

11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471469&site=ehost-live

12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471475&site=ehost-live

13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471478&site=ehost-live

14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471472&site=ehost-live

15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471474&site=ehost-live

16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340185&site=ehost-live

17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340186&site=ehost-live

18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340187&site=ehost-live

19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340188&site=ehost-live

20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340189&site=ehost-live

21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340190&site=ehost-live

22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340191&site=ehost-live

23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340193&site=ehost-live

24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340192&site=ehost-live

25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340194&site=ehost-live

26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340196&site=ehost-live

27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340195&site=ehost-live

28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340199&site=ehost-live

31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 69, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Census Enumeration and Group Conflict: A Global Analysis of the Consequences of Counting by Lieberman, Evan S.; Singh, Prerna. World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 p1-53, 53p; Abstract: Abstract:Does the enumeration of ethnic, racial, and/or religious categories on national household censuses increase the likelihood of conflict? The authors propose a theory of intergroup relations that emphasizes the conflictual effects of institutionalizing boundaries between social identity groups. The article investigates the relationship between counting and various forms of conflict with an original, global data set that classifies the type of enumeration used in more than one thousand census questionnaires in more than 150 countries spanning more than two centuries. Through a series of cross-national statistical analyses, the authors find a robust association between enumeration of ethnic cleavages on the census and various forms of competition and conflict, including violent ethnic civil war. The plausibility of the theory is further demonstrated through case study analysis of religious conflict in India.; (AN 41150220)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41150220&site=ehost-live

2.

External Resources and Indiscriminate Violence: Evidence from German-Occupied Belarus by Zhukov, Yuri M.. World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 p54-97, 44p; Abstract: Abstract:Within a single conflict, the scale of government violence against civilians can vary greatly—from mass atrocities in one village to eerie restraint in the next. This article argues that the scale of anticivilian violence depends on a combatant’s relative dependence on local and external sources of support. External resources make combatants less dependent on the local population, yet create perverse incentives for how the population is to be treated. Efforts by the opposition to interdict the government’s external resources can reverse this effect, making the government more dependent on the local population. The article tests this relationship with disaggregated archival data on German-occupied Belarus during World War II. It finds that Soviet partisan attacks against German personnel provoked reprisals against civilians but that attacks against railroads had the opposite effect. Where partisans focused on disrupting German supply lines rather than killing Germans, occupying forces conducted fewer reprisals, burned fewer houses, and killed fewer people.; (AN 41150088)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41150088&site=ehost-live

3.

Autocratic Elections: Stabilizing Tool or Force for Change? by Knutsen, Carl Henrik; Nygård, Håvard Mokleiv; Wig, Tore. World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 p98-143, 46p; Abstract: Abstract:Do elections reduce or increase the risk of autocratic regime breakdown? This article addresses this contested question by distinguishing between election events and the institution of elections. The authors propose that elections stabilize autocracies in the long term but at the price of short-term instability. Elections are conducive to regime survival in the long run because they improve capacities for co-optation and repression but produce short-term instability because they serve as focal points for regime opposition. Drawing on data from 259 autocracies from 1946 to 2008, the authors show that elections increase the short-term probability of regime failure. The estimated effect is retained when accounting for the endogeneity of autocratic elections; this finding is critical, since some autocrats may or may not hold elections because of perceived effects on regime survival. The authors also find that this destabilizing effect does not operate in the long term. They find some, although not as strong, evidence that elections stabilize autocratic regimes in the medium to long term, despite their destabilizing immediate effects. These temporal effect patterns are present for both executive and legislative elections, and they are robust to using different measures, control variable strategies, and estimation techniques. In line with expectations, both effect patterns are much clearer for multiparty autocratic elections than for completely uncontested elections.; (AN 41150224)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41150224&site=ehost-live

4.

The Contributors World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41150143)
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5.

The Politics of Labor Market Reform in Coordinated Welfare Capitalism: Comparing Sweden, Germany, and South Korea by Fleckenstein, Timo; Lee, Soohyun Christine. World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 p144-183, 40p; Abstract: Abstract:Coordinated welfare capitalism has been subject to comprehensive change since the 1990s, with workfare measures and the deregulation of employment protection at the heart of labor market reforms. Developments in Sweden, Germany, and South Korea challenge not only the assumption of relative stability that is commonly associated with the study of coordinated market economies, but also the assertion that this stability is associated with the persistence of established political coalitions. The authors contend that a collapse of longstanding welfare state coalitions is the key political driver of labor market reform, with the withdrawal of employers from previous welfare settlements at the center of this development.; (AN 41150256)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41150256&site=ehost-live

6.

The Breakdown of Industrial Opposition to Trade: Firms, Product Variety, and Reciprocal Liberalization by Osgood, Iain. World Politics, January 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 1 p184-231, 48p; Abstract: Abstract:This article documents systematic deviations from standard models of trade politics, each of which has the effect of undermining sustained efforts at coherent industrial opposition to trade. Industries have internal disagreements about liberalization, support for trade liberalization extends bilaterally across borders in the same industry, and comparative disadvantage industries feature convincing expressions of public support for liberalization. These surprising outcomes are explained by a model of trade politics that emphasizes three factors: firm heterogeneity in export performance, product differentiation, and reciprocal liberalization. The author uses a new data set of industry attitudes about fifteen US trade agreements to show that product differentiation is strongly correlated with these outcomes, even conditional on plausible alternatives. The author concludes that public position-taking and lobbying on trade politics have been fundamentally altered by the rise of product variety; trade’s opponents and indifferents have been overwhelmed by pro-globalization firms breaking out to support trade on their own.; (AN 41150059)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41150059&site=ehost-live

 

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