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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 29, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Negotiating universalism in India and Latin America: Fiscal decentralization, subnational politics and social outcomes by Mejia Acosta, Andres; Tillin, Louise. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p115-134, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis is the introductory paper for a special issue which focuses on an exploration of how vertical inter-governmental political and fiscal bargains and horizontal variation in political, social and economic conditions across regions contribute to or undermine the provision of inclusive and sustainable social policies at the subnational level in Latin America and India. The papers incorporate both federal, as well as decentralized unitary states, pointing to common political tensions across unitary and federal settings despite the typically greater institutionalization of regional autonomy in federal countries. Jointly, the papers examine the territorial dimension of universalism and explore, in greater and empirical detail, the causal links between fiscal transfers, social policies and outcomes, highlighting the political dynamics that shape fiscal decentralization reforms and the welfare state. This introductory essay reviews existing scholarship, and highlights the contribution of the special issue to understanding these issues beyond OECD contexts.; (AN 49615093)
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2.

Rethinking measures of democracy and welfare state universalism: Lessons from subnational research by Giraudy, Agustina; Pribble, Jennifer. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p135-163, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDemocracy and the welfare state are two of the most extensively studied concepts and themes in the field of comparative politics. Debate about how to best measure the two concepts has failed to contemplate the extent to which political and social rights are uniformly present across distinct regions of the national territory, despite the presence of substantial subnational research that underscores wide variation inside countries. We argue that this omission hampers our understanding of the two phenomena and we propose a new measure of democracy and healthcare universalism, which we call the Adjusted Measures of Democracy and Welfare Universalism. The new measures integrate territorial inequality into existing national-level indicators, providing a more accurate picture of country performance and opening the door to new, multi-level theory building.; (AN 49615086)
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3.

Federal transfers, inequality, and redistribution: Contrasting theories and empirical evidence for five Latin American cases by González, Lucas I.. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p165-185, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes federalism encourage inequality? Or, do transfers from the central government augment redistribution? This research examines whether variation in the institutional structures as well as the mechanisms and criteria for the distribution of fiscal resources in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Mexico affect interregional and interpersonal inequality. Using descriptive statistics and regression models for original panel data from these five cases between 1983 and 2013, the study finds that a more progressive redistributive capacity of the central government is statistically associated with improvements in interregional as well as interpersonal equity, challenging the conventional view that federalism reinforces inequality. The article discusses these findings and others from competing arguments, and explores their implications for the discussion on inequality and redistribution in developing nations.; (AN 49615089)
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4.

The centralization vsdecentralization tug of war and the emerging narrative of fiscal federalism for social policy in India by Aiyar, Yamini; Kapur, Avani. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p187-217, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper examines the relationship between fiscal federalism and social policy in India through an analysis of the effects of a recent effort to increase fiscal decentralization to state governments on the nature of social policy investment at the sub-national level. Through its analysis, this paper highlights the persistence of a strong centralisation bias in India’s fiscal architecture for social policy. We trace this centralisation bias to the political and administrative dynamics of the federal bargain. The peculiar dynamics of this bargain have created a context where the core goal of centralization – to ensure equity – is undermined while the expectation of decentralization – greater accountability through alignment of expenditure with local needs and preferences, fails to take root. India is thus likely to continue to witness significant regional variation in social policy outcomes, despite a centralised financing architecture.; (AN 49615088)
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5.

Who benefits? Intergovernmental transfers, subnational politics and local spending in Ecuador by Mejia Acosta, Andres; Meneses, Karla. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p219-247, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper looks at the intervening role that local political elites play to translate government transfers into effective public spending. We want to know whether mayors spend IGTs to provide basic public services or infrastructure works, and whether such investments are instrumental to secure their advantage as incumbents. To test these arguments, we use a combined dataset of local public finances between 2001 and 2015 and electoral results for the 2009 and 2014 municipal elections in Ecuador. We find that mayors do respond to political incentives and make strategic spending decisions to invest on public services and visible infrastructure projects. However, we find selective spending was insufficient to secure incumbency advantage in the 2014 election. We argue that the executive intervened to block or limit the impact of spending decisions at the local level, thus creating an incumbency disadvantage for mayors. Further research is needed to explain this.; (AN 49615090)
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6.

Extractive industries and regional development: Lessons from Peru on the limitations of revenue devolution to producing regions by Arellano-Yanguas, Javier. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p249-273, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe transfer of oil and mining revenues to the subnational governments of resource-rich jurisdictions is a common policy aimed at promoting development and reducing local opposition to extraction. In the early 2000s, Peru implemented a radical version of that policy. Peruvian mining regions received fiscal transfers many times greater than the national average during the last commodity boom. The strategy had mixed effects on well-being indicators. These transfers had statistically significant positive effects on economic growth and the rate of school attendance at different ages. In contrast, they did not have a significant impact on poverty reduction or the coverage of other basic services, while being positively correlated with an increase in the income gap between women and men. Overall, the results are not as positive as the promoters had expected. The transfers generated political incentives for local authorities to pursue short-term, clientelistic spending that has reduced their potential benefits.; (AN 49615087)
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7.

Public policy provision from a subnational perspective: Context, institutions and spatial inequality by Rodrigues-Silveira, Rodrigo. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p275-294, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how demography – through the heterogeneous spatial distribution of demands – and institutions – via the spatial specialization of provision – generate inequality in the access to welfare policies at the subnational level. We stress that nationally designed policies may not be sufficient to overcome territorial inequalities rooted in demographic, economic, or social legacies. On the contrary, policies can reproduce or enhance such inequalities when they are not complemented or compensated by other measures explicitly tailored to deal with local variation in demography or economic resources. To explore these assumptions we use Brazilian social policies as a case study. We employ a geographical descriptive analysis of official data collected at the municipal level to assess territorial inequality in key demographic and policy provision indicators.; (AN 49615091)
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8.

The Oxford handbook of the Indian Constitution by Sinha, Meenakshi. Regional & Federal Studies, March 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p295-296, 2p; (AN 49615092)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 163, no. 6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p7-7, 1p; (AN 48260027)
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2.

The Foreign Policy of Cities by Curtis, Simon; Acuto, Michele. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p8-17, 10p; Abstract: Over the last decade, cities have gained increasing prominence on the world stage. Simon Curtis and Michele Acuto show how and why cities are increasingly flexing their economic and political muscles, and discuss some of the constraints cities face in developing their own foreign policies, as well as the differences between city-based diplomatic activity and traditional state foreign policy. Finally, they discuss the significance of city diplomacy trends for thinking about the international system.; (AN 48260028)
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3.

Spinning Russia’s 21stCentury Wars by Fedor, Julie. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p18-27, 10p; Abstract: In this article, Julie Fedor examines contemporary Russian militarism through an introduction to one of its most high-profile representatives, the novelist, Chechen war veteran and media personality Zakhar Prilepin. She focuses on Prilepin’s commentary on war and Russian identity, locating his ideas within a broader strand of Russian neo-imperialism.; (AN 48260029)
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4.

Introducing a Trauma-Informed Practice Framework to Provide Support in Conflict-Affected Countries by Lester, Nicola. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p28-41, 14p; Abstract: In response to the complexity of the Syrian conflict and in recognition of the uniqueness of the role of the Syrian White Helmets and their potential to deliver psychosocial support to their wider communities, Nicola Lester proposes a ‘trauma-informed’ framework as a way of structuring a training and support programme for the organisation.; (AN 48260030)
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5.

Bougainville, Papua New Guinea by Regan, Anthony. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p44-54, 11p; Abstract: This article asks whether the experience of a successful peace process such as the one that has brought more than 20 years of peace to Bougainville offers lessons for other peace processes. Anthony Regan shows that while the strong emphasis in the cultures of Bougainville and of Papua New Guinea on reconciliation as a means of ending conflict cannot be readily replicated, an aspect of the peace process that could be considered for use elsewhere is the Peace Agreement offering implementation incentives to opposing parties.; (AN 48260031)
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6.

Beyond Force Transformation by Adeba, Brian. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p56-65, 10p; Abstract: South Sudan’s decade-old defence policy is dated. In this article, Brian Adeba argues that a new defence policy which is tethered to a national security framework that accounts for evolving security challenges and addresses missed opportunities for professionalising the Sudan People’s Liberation Army is necessary.; (AN 48260032)
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7.

Strategic Net Assessment: Opportunities and Pitfalls by Roberts, Peter; Kaushal, Sidharth. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p66-76, 11p; Abstract: The recent interest in a net assessment capability by the UK Ministry of Defence raises questions regarding the usefulness of this instrument. While some might argue that the eclectic nature of net assessment breaks the moribund and short-term thinking that can all too often blinker policy, others contend that it is little more than shorthand for unstructured, unsubstantiated and often Delphic pronouncements. In this article, Peter Roberts and Sidharth Kaushal argue that the key to leveraging the strengths of net assessment is understanding the nature of the tool and the ways in which flexibility can be married with rigour to glean insights from this method while minimising its pitfalls.; (AN 48260033)
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8.

Why the British Government Must Invest in the Next Generation of Intelligence Analysts by Devanny, Joe; Dover, Robert; Goodman, Michael S; Omand, David. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p78-89, 12p; Abstract: In this article, Joe Devanny, Robert Dover, Michael S Goodman and David Omand explore the current problems facing intelligence analysis and analysts in the UK and consider what might be done to tackle them. They argue that nothing less than a revolution in the British government’s approach to intelligence assessment is required and that this ought to take the form of a School of Intelligence Assessment within a properly financed and structured National Security Academy.; (AN 48260034)
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9.

Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way by Szabo, Stephen. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p90-92, 3p; (AN 48260035)
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10.

NATO’s Return to Europe: Engaging Ukraine, Russia, and Beyond by Nünlist, Christian. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p92-94, 3p; (AN 48260036)
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11.

An Army of Tribes: British Army Cohesion, Deviancy and Murder in Northern Ireland by Tripodi, Christian. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p94-96, 3p; (AN 48260037)
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12.

Total Onslaught: War and Revolution in Southern Africa Since 1945 by Onslow, Sue. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p96-98, 3p; (AN 48260038)
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13.

Bolts from the Blue: From Cold War Warrior to Chief of the Air Staff by Elliott, Christopher. The RUSI Journal, November 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 6 p98-99, 2p; (AN 48260039)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 3-4, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

osceMediation in an Eroding International Order by Remler, Philip. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p273-288, 16p; Abstract: The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwiinormative international order has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that underpin that order. Is there a future role for oscemediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fiction of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and provide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare.In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the oscearea and on oscemediation in those conflicts.1He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in light of subsequent events in world politics (in particular the advent of a new administration in the United States) and in the region. The new developments give little cause for optimism that settlement in any of the conflicts is closer. Rather, the question for the osceis whether the international community, in view of the challenges posed by the Ukraine crisis, should continue to engage in the fictions that have allowed it to manage the conflicts since their beginnings in the collapsing Soviet Union.; (AN 43211131)
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2.

NoSCE or Next Generation osce? by Shakirov, Oleg. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p289-314, 26p; Abstract: This article examines how increased tensions between Russia and the West in the wake of the Ukraine crisis impact the conflict management work of the osce. It first looks at Russian perspectives of the osceand focuses on how these changed in the post-2014 period. It then proceeds with an overview of implications resulting from geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West that could positively or negatively affect the role of the oscein conflict management in the long term. The article ends by laying out 4 scenarios on how the situation and the oscecould evolve and argues that in the near future a continuation of the status quo is most probable.; (AN 43211132)
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3.

Geneva International Discussions – Negotiating the Possible by Giuashvili, Teona; Giuashvili, Teona. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p381-402, 22p; Abstract: This paper describes the role that the oscehas played in the Geneva International Discussions, discussing the key political and institutional obstacles to effective mediation, as well as the creative institutional solutions that helped the osceto mediate and implement several specific projects of significant practical importance.; (AN 43211133)
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4.

Forty-five Years of Dialogue Facilitation (1972–2017) by Crump, Laurien. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (csce) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the cscefacilitated the ‘multilateralisation of European security’ through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the osceso as to multilateralise European security again today.; (AN 43211134)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 50, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Assembling European health security: Epidemic intelligence and the hunt for cross-border health threats by Bengtsson, Louise; Borg, Stefan; Rhinard, Mark. Security Dialogue, April 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p115-130, 16p; Abstract: The securitization of health concerns within the European Union has hitherto received scant attention compared to other sectors. Drawing on the conceptual toolbox of actor-network theory, this article examines how a ‘health security assemblage’ rooted in EU governance has emerged, expanded, and stabilized. At the heart of this assemblage lies a particular knowledge regime, known as epidemic intelligence (EI): a vigilance-oriented approach of early detection and containment drawing on web-scanning tools and other informal sources. Despite its differences compared to entrenched traditions in public health, EI has, in only a decade’s time, gained central importance at the EU level. EI is simultaneously constituted by, and performative of, a particular understanding of health security problems. By ‘following the actor’, this article seeks to account for how EI has made the hunt for potential health threats so central that detection and containment, rather than prevention, have become the preferred policy options. This article draws out some of the implications of this shift.; (AN 49346842)
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2.

Dangerous feelings: Checkpoints and the perception of hostile intent by Gregory, Thomas. Security Dialogue, April 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p131-147, 17p; Abstract: Between 2006 and 2007 an average of one Iraqi civilian was killed or injured at a coalition checkpoint each day. In many cases, civilians were shot because soldiers had misinterpreted their behaviour as hostile or as a demonstration of hostile intent. In other words, the soldiers responsible thought that they were acting in self-defence against an imminent threat. Some analysts have argued that these killings can be explained by ambiguities in the rules of engagement, but such explanations wrongly assume that the decision to kill is a purely rational calculation. Drawing upon the work of Sara Ahmed, William Connolly and George Yancy, I will argue that the interpretation of hostile intent and the decision to use lethal force are affective judgements rather than purely conscious decisions and, as such, are shaped by feelings, moods and intuitions. Moreover, I will argue that these judgements are never entirely neutral but clouded by a set of pre-existing assumptions that mark certain bodies as dangerous before they even have a chance to act. Drawing upon an archive of incident reports filed in the aftermath of these shootings and interviews with former soldiers, this article will show how seemingly innocuous behaviours were so readily mistaken for hostile acts with decidedly deadly consequences for the local population.; (AN 49346841)
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3.

Emergent emergency response: Speed, event suppression and the chronopolitics of resilience by Zebrowski, Chris. Security Dialogue, April 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p148-164, 17p; Abstract: Emergency responses are premised on the hope that, even when events cannot be wholly predicted and prevented, timely action in the present can be exercised to strip an emergent event of its disruptive potential. Yet, while the speed of emergency responses plays a critical role in underpinning UK resilience, it has been a relatively neglected subject in studies of resilience advanced through the paradigm of preparedness. This article aims to contribute to and extend work in the field of emergency governance by arguing that concerns surrounding the speed of response contribute to a distinct form of security enacted in contemporary emergency response strategies, which I term ‘event suppression’. Drawing on policy analysis, preparedness exercise observations and practitioner interviews, this article investigates how speed operates as a core problematic informing the design of UK emergency responses, organized through the Integrated Emergency Management framework. Integrated Emergency Management promises to accelerate emergency response operations by utilizing advances in communications technologies to drive the bottom-up emergent self-organization of emergency responses. Event suppression ensures security not by preventing an event from happening, but by quickly closing down the ‘disruptive’ time of the emergency event and restoring the linear historical time of standard political processes.; (AN 49346838)
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4.

Thinking security through the event: Materiality, politics and publicity in the Litvinenko affair by Ingram, Alan. Security Dialogue, April 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p165-180, 16p; Abstract: While the turn towards materiality over the course of the last decade has enriched studies of security in a variety of ways, the security field continues to pose challenges for materially oriented thinking. This article argues that while recent materially oriented work on security has been concerned with events, working through the question of the event as a central analytical strategy is a promising way of addressing such challenges and developing broader insights. The article develops this argument by working through a particular event, the killing of the former Russian security agent Alexander Litvinenko in London in 2006 by means of the radioactive element polonium 210. Approaching the event via the archive and report of the public inquiry that subsequently took place into it, and reflecting further on the utility of Bruno Latour’s idea of dingpolitikfor materially oriented work on security, the article explores transformations of materiality, politics and publicity, and draws out how polonium 210 came to figure in the killing and the inquiry as actant, trace and evidence. In conclusion, the article reflects on the conceptual value of working through events and the methodological issues raised in the analysis.; (AN 49346840)
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5.

‘Situational awareness’: Rethinking security in times of urban terrorism by Krasmann, Susanne; Hentschel, Christine. Security Dialogue, April 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p181-197, 17p; Abstract: The emergence of ‘situational awareness’ as a response to the perception of a new terrorism in European cities marks a significant shift in the conceptualization of security. Focusing on a recently introduced German Federal Police programme that trains ordinary officers in their capability to handle ‘complex life-threatening situations of police operation’, the article explores how situational awareness introduces a warrior logic into policing and urban subjectivity and modifies our understanding of security at large. It points us to the limitations of preparedness and concretizes the hitherto elusive call to resilience. Three analytical dimensions – space–time, sensing and connectivity – will be developed to render the situation thinkable for empirical research as well as to grasp security as a ‘live’ mode of government.; (AN 49346839)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 28, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Handle Him with Care: The Importance of Getting Thucydides Right by Kirshner, Jonathan. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-24, 24p; Abstract: AbstractScholars from numerous disciplines continue to study, debate, and value Thucydides’ The Peloponnesian War. This review essay first explores and elaborates many of the enduring and vital contributions of Thucydides for IR theory. It then assesses and engages three new books, including a major, wide-ranging collection of new essays and a very influential (and deeply flawed) attempt to apply the lessons of that work—one that warns of a “Thucydides Trap” that might unwittingly ensnare the United States and China, resulting in an unwanted and catastrophic war between the two. This review essay argues that, as illustrated by the books under consideration here, contemporary IR scholars would be very well served by taking Thucydides seriously and would benefit from reading and considering his Historywith great care; at the same time, there are enormous, perilous analytical dangers inherent in attempting to draw conclusions from a superficial reading of The Peloponnesian War.; (AN 48778529)
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2.

Suicide Squads: The Logic of Linked Suicide Bombings by Warner, Jason; Chapin, Ellen; Matfess, Hilary. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p25-57, 33p; Abstract: AbstractWhat strategic logics underlie terrorist groups’ use of linked suicide attacks? Are the goals that groups seek to achieve when sending linked bombing teams somehow inherently different than when sending individual suicide bombers? To answer these questions, this article introduces three typologies of linked suicide bomber detonation profiles—simultaneous, sequential, and nonproximate—and theorizes why terrorist groups might view each type of linked suicide bombing to be preferable to deploying a single suicide bomber. Improvements resulting from using an individual attacker include: ensuring a higher likelihood of successfully hitting a given target (simultaneous detonations); causing more casualties than a single bombing (sequential-wave detonations); and engendering wider-spread shock and awe (nonproximate detonations). Drawing on an original dataset detailing the entirety of Boko Haram’s suicide bombing efforts from 2011 to 2017, we then examine the extent to which these linked bombing typologies do actually appear to successfully lead to an improvement over the deployment of single suicide bombers. While we find that sequential-wave and nonproximate suicide bombings demonstrate evidence of hypothesized improvements over the deployment of single suicide bombers, our data show that deploying simultaneous suicide attackers does not lead to higher efficacy at targeting when compared to the deployment of individual bombers. In attempting to account for this fact, we argue that Boko Haram’s simultaneous detonation teams likely fail to show an improvement over single-bomber attacks because they tend to be composed of what we call “unenthusiastic and under-trained” bombers: teams of often uncommitted women, and sometimes children, which it deploys in tandem in a bid to avoid individual defection and increase the likelihood of at least one detonation in an attack. We conclude by suggesting what the process of linked bombing reveals about both terrorist groups in general and Boko Haram specifically.; (AN 48778528)
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3.

Is Grand Strategy a Research Program? A Review Essay by Balzacq, Thierry; Dombrowski, Peter; Reich, Simon. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-86, 29p; Abstract: AbstractThe literature on grand strategy is dynamic and voluminous. Yet a vital set of questions remains unsettled. There is little agreement on such basic issues as a common definition of grand strategy, the appropriate methods that should be employed in studying it, which countries qualify as comparative cases, and whether the purpose of research is explanatory or prescriptive. This article examines four recent, important books as a platform for addressing these issues and argues that, as currently constituted, grand strategy is a field of study rather than a mature research program. It concludes by offering a modest range of options that can be employed to rectify these problems and develop a comparative grand strategy program.; (AN 48778527)
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4.

Closing the Window of Vulnerability: Nuclear Proliferation and Conventional Retaliation by Ludvik, Jan. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p87-115, 29p; Abstract: AbstractLiving with a nuclear-armed enemy is unattractive, but, strangely, states seldom use their military power to prevent the enemy’s entry into the nuclear club. It is puzzling why preventive strikes against nuclear programs have been quite rare. I address this puzzle by considering the role of conventional retaliation, a subfield of deterrence that so far has received scant attention in the literature. I theorize the concept of conventional retaliation and test its explanatory power. First, I explore all historical cases where states struck another state’s nuclear installations and find none occurring when the proliferator threatened conventional retaliation. Second, I explore two cases where a strike was most likely, but the would-be attacker balked and find smoking-gun evidence that the threat of conventional retaliation restrained the would-be attacker. This evidence supports my claim that the threat of conventional retaliation is sufficient to deter a preventive strike against emerging nuclear states.; (AN 48778530)
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5.

Center of Gravity: Domestic Institutions and the Victory of Liberal Strategy in Cold War Europe by Martill, Benjamin. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p116-158, 43p; Abstract: AbstractCold War strategy in Western Europe almost exclusively followed the US policy of containment. Conventional explanations for this continuity, however, fail to account for both the strategic rationale and the scale of domestic support behind attempts to disengage from the Cold War. This article seeks to explain why containment won out over disengagement in European strategy. By highlighting the underlying liberal tenets of containment, it argues this victory owed more to the advantages afforded the political center by the political institutions of Western Europe than to the logic of containment strategy itself. The occupation of the center-ground by advocates of containment afforded them distinct institutional advantages, including an increased likelihood of representation in government, greater bargaining strength relative to other parties, and limited sources of viable opposition. The dependence of containment strategy on centrist strength is demonstrated through a discussion of the politics of strategy in the French Fourth Republic.; (AN 48778531)
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6.

The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War by Ostovar, Afshon. Security Studies, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p159-188, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that militant clients should be understood as a pillar of Iran's grand strategy and an extension of its military power. The article examines why Iran has relied on militant clients since the 1979 revolution and the benefits and costs of its client approach. In evaluating these issues, it identifies five main areas where Iran has gained from its client strategy: 1) maintaining independence from the West; 2) successfully exporting its religio-political worldview; 3) extending its military reach and power; 4) reducing political costs of its foreign activities; and 5) establishing needed regional allies. It further identifies five main dangers that Iran faces by continuing its strategic behavior: 1) increased pressure from the United States and a broader US military regional footprint; 2) more unified regional adversaries; 3) the risk of unintended escalation with the United States and regional adversarial states; and 4) enduring regional instability and insecurity; (AN 48778532)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 29, no. 5-6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

The multidimensional nature of the Boko Haram conflict by Hentz, James J.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p839-862, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe debate concerning the Nigerian terrorist Boko Haram is typically simplified across two false dichotomies. First, it is treated as either a local conflict in northeast Nigeria with its epicentre in Borno State or part of a broader conflict in Northwest Africa (and beyond), encompassing northern Cameroon, southern Chad, Niger, and reaching into Libya and Mali. The second dichotomy concerns whether it is animated by local material conditions on the ground, or is part of a broader anti-West jihad. The Boko Haram insurgency is not that simple. It is, rather, a multidimensional conflict and can change overtime.; (AN 48992075)
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2.

‘The only good jihadist is a dead jihadist’:Boko Haram and de-radicalization around Lake Chad by de Montclos, Marc-Antoine Pérouse. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p863-885, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article discusses the shortcomings of the “de-radicalization doctrine” in sub-Saharan Africa. The issues raised are illustrated by the war against Boko Haram, which involves Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon. Relying on interviews with security officers, insurgents, civil servants, displaced people, humanitarian workers and Muslim and Christian clerics in Nigeria, Niger and Chad since 2005, the investigation shows that the four states focused on repression rather than demobilisation programs in prison or outdoors. The Boko Haram crisis is mainly a story of mismanagement. The article thus challenges the assumptions of the “de-radicalization doctrine” in Muslim Africa South of the Sahara. First, attempts to de-radicalize jihadi terrorists tend to focus too much on religious fanaticism and the exegesis of the Quran. Secondly, they are neither feasible nor efficient. Finally, they obscure priorities that are more important to counter extremism and demobilize insurgents.; (AN 48992076)
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3.

Boko Haram’s increasingly sophisticated military threat by Omeni, Akali. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p886-915, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper evaluates Boko Haram’s military capabilities and details the process of how its standing army, driven by these capabilities, came to pose a phased threat between 2013 and 2015 in particular. This was a period when military fighting dominated the insurgency in north-east Nigeria. Whereas there is an abundance of literature on Boko Haram’s histories and the impact of its insurgency on north-east Nigeria, analysis of Boko Haram’s military campaigning is still deficient. Attempting to fill this gap, this paper uses field findings and battlefield case studies from north-east Nigeria to highlight how Boko Haram’s overt front – its standing army – came to supplant its guerrilla operations as the main security threat to the frontier area.This pivot towards military fighting, for a group initially composed of a few ragtag combatants, on the surface might seem surprising. Yet, whereas Boko Haram may lack the popular support required for ‘people’s war’, classic insurgency theories nevertheless hold some explanatory power for this deliberate shift: away from guerrilla warfare as the expedient of the weaker side, and towards the use of a large standing army of locals to swarm, and sometimes successfully overrun, state forces.; (AN 48992077)
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4.

End of the cycle: assessing ETA’s strategies of terrorism by Mahoney, Charles W.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p916-940, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn May 2018, the Basque insurgent group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna(ETA) officially disbanded after a 60-year struggle. This inquiry assesses ETA’s violent campaigns using recent conceptual and theoretical advancements from the field of terrorism studies. Three conclusions concerning the group’s strategies of terrorism are advanced. First, ETA regularly targeted civilians to achieve goals other than coercing the Government of Spain; these objectives included outbidding rival separatist groups and spoiling negotiation processes. Second, ETA’s most rapid period of organizational growth occurred as the result of an aggressive terrorist campaign, demonstrating that civilian targeting can serve as a stimulus to rebel group recruitment. Finally, while terrorism did not advance ETA’s primary political objective of creating an independent Basque state, it did enable the group to assume a leading position within the radical Basque separatist movement, helping extend ETA’s lifespan and making the group an embedded actor within the contentious political processes surrounding the question of Basque self-determination. Collectively, these conclusions support recent theoretical findings arguing that non-state terrorism often enables insurgent groups to prolong their lifespans while paradoxically making it more difficult for them to advance their long-term political objectives.; (AN 48992078)
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5.

Cyber sheiks and grassroots jihadis: the war in Syria and the devolution of the Bosnian Salafi communities by Zdravkovski, Aleksander. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p941-963, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer.; (AN 48992079)
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6.

Expeditionary police advising: some causes of failure by Stoker, Donald; Westermann, Edward B.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p964-980, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe practice of dispatching teams of police advisors to other states to build or train foreign security forces began at the end of the nineteenth century, yet there exists no definitive history of the practice, or any definitive theoretical approach underpinning why such missions succeed or fail. Drawing upon their recent edited book on expeditionary police advising, and by examining the donor or sending states, the host nations, and the use of police in counterinsurgency situations, the authors present some key reasons why such missions fail, and lay some groundwork for additional study of this important subject.; (AN 48992080)
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7.

The effect of foreign state support to UNITA during the Angolan War (1975–1991) by Hoekstra, Quint. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p981-1005, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTState support for foreign rebel groups has become more salient, yet it remains unclear how this affects armed conflict. This paper therefore analyses the effect of foreign government assistance and does so in the typical case of the Angolan War (1975–1991). It argues that South African and United States support greatly helped the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) wage a large and sustained insurgency campaign but was ultimately insufficient to overthrow the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government because it enabled the incumbent government to obtain similar foreign assistance and because the level of aid awarded to UNITA fluctuated strongly, preventing it from engaging in meaningful long-term planning.; (AN 48992081)
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8.

The myth of Afghan electoral democracy: the irregularities of the 2014 presidential election by Johnson, Thomas H.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p1006-1039, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article systematically assesses the 2014 Afghanistan Presidential Election, the first transfer of power from President Hamid Karzai to an elected successor, using provincial voting data as well as explicit data from polling centers. The analysis finds unusual voting results in the April election, where no candidate received 50%+1 votes required by the Afghan constitution, versus the voting results realized for the June ‘runoff election.’ As in other Afghan voting analyses, this article finds voting based on ethno-linguistic preferences, and interestingly found Dr. Ashraf Ghani receiving almost all the swing votes in the runoff election even though the other leading candidate from the April election all endorsed Dr. Abdullah Abdullah. More importantly, however, the research presented here clearly finds extremely strange voting patterns. For example, the polling data center analysis finds 606 polling places where Ghani received all 600 votes and Abdullah received none and another 900 polling centers that gave virtually all its votes to Ghani. These results in combination with other analyses raise the very real possibility that the election results were illegitimate. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the research to future Afghan elections and their processes as well as to the long-standing conflict in the country.; (AN 48992082)
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9.

Explaining the impact of militancy on Iran–Pakistan relations by Basit, Saira. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p1040-1064, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSectarian militants have for years launched attacks from Pakistan across the border to Iran. Finding sanctuary in a neighbouring country can make the difference between success and failure for militants. Conventional wisdom holds that a lasting transnational militancy challenge would typically create serious interstate conflict. Militancy has triggered armed encounters between Iran and Pakistan. This article argues that despite some tension militancy has resulted in deeper cooperation in the ambivalent dyad. Both states’ overarching security concerns, having exhausted other options, the believed involvement of third-party states, and economic potential, have moderately alleviated negative pressure caused by militancy.; (AN 48992083)
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10.

Are Mao Zedong and Maoist thought irrelevant in the understanding of insurgencies? by Rich, Paul B. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p1065-1078, 14p; (AN 48992084)
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11.

Notes on contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5-6 p1079-1080, 2p; (AN 48992085)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 19, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Turkish secularism and Islam under the reign of Erdoğan by Yavuz, M. Hakan; Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-9, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces a collection of articles that explore the role of religion (Sunni Islam) in the transformation of Turkey under the reign of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). This special issue argues that the Turkish understanding of secularism was also one of the building blocks or/and constitutive elements of Turkey’s modernisation until the rise of the AKP. Currently, however, it seems that religion has become a new or re-born element of the new Turkey and has been transforming many areas such as: the media, the Kurdish issue, implementation of the rule of law, foreign policy and gender issues. This special issue aims to scrutinise the question: how does a religion-based transformation in Turkey influence the raison d’etat of the state?; (AN 49316998)
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2.

From ‘clients’ to ‘magnates’: the (not so) curious case of Islamic authoritarianism in Turkey by Arısan, Mehmet. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p11-30, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper sketches out the historical emergence and progress of political Islam in modern Turkey by emphasizing its statist and clientelistic aspects emanating from the authoritarian basis of Turkish political modernization. The paper contends that there has always been an authoritarian and autocratic tendency in modern Turkish politics that depends on a peculiar and modernist articulation of both Islamism and secularism, which eventually stand on the same ground. This very ground is formed upon a sacred understanding of the state that can be defined as an all-encompassing and absolute perfection of political power, which manifests itself differently in content for secular nationalists and Islamists, and yet produces the same authoritarian tendency. Both the secular nationalism and Islamism appear to be state oriented movements in the sense that they both have emanated from the state, and envisage to control the state in an absolute sense.; (AN 49316988)
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3.

Cold war-era relations between west Germany and Turkish political Islam: from an anti-communist alliance to a domestic security issue by Ozkan, Behlul. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p31-54, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWest Germany played a significant role in the growth of Political Islam in Turkey during the Cold War. By recruiting from among Turkish workers in West Germany, Islamist organizations and the religious communities known as cemaats acquired significant economic revenues, which they used to fund their activities in Turkey. Moreover, West Germany served as a liaison between Turkish Islamists and Syrian and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood members, who have influenced Political Islam in Turkey since the 1960s. Prominent Muslim Brotherhood representatives in West Germany took on important roles in the recruitment of Turks and also played some part in shaping the ideological development of Turkish Islamists. Due to the pervasiveness of anti-communism in West Germany and Turkey during the Cold War, the established orders in both countries viewed Political Islam as an antidote to the ascendancy of the Left. However, in the 1980s, Bonn and Ankara grew concerned about Islamist organizations becoming further radicalized and impossible to control; the two governments often cooperated in order to bring Political Islam under their own authority.; (AN 49316989)
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4.

Understanding Turkish secularism in the 21th century: a contextual roadmap by Yavuz, M. Hakan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p55-78, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper asserts that Turkish secularism and Islamism represent two faces of one coin – contemporary Turkish politics – when one considers their goals and strategies. The two ideological movements have shaped one another and each now seeks to impose itself as superior. This article unpacks these differences and similarities in the following steps: (a) it defines the socio-historic modes of Turkish secularism and (b) examines its social and political origins; (c) it then explores Islam’s return to the public domain as an oppositional Turkish identity; (d) and thereafter considers the diverse understandings of secularism resulting from neoliberal policies that relaxed state control over Islam, which then prompted socially-acceptable reinterpretations of Islam; and finally (e) describes how the AKP’s has re-imagined secularism while (mis)using Islam as a political instrument. The comparison highlights such commonalties as a collectivist character, a desire for state control as a vehicle to realize an ideology, intolerance of diversity and criminalization of other perspectives, and the differentiation of religion as morality in the private sphere versus its cultural role in the public sphere. It concludes that, under the AKP government, Islam is used as a tool to consolidate the power of Erdoğan’s kleptocratic regime.; (AN 49316990)
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5.

An alternative reading of religion and authoritarianism: the new logic between religion and state in the AKP’s New Turkey by Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p79-98, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdoğan have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes.; (AN 49316991)
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6.

The intersectionality of gender, sexuality, and religion: novelties and continuities in Turkey during the AKP era by Mutluer, Nil. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p99-118, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdoğan and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions.; (AN 49316992)
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7.

Islam, ethnicity and the state: contested spaces of legitimacy and power in the Kurdish-Turkish public sphere by Al, Serhun. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p119-137, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe pro-Kurdish nationalist mobilization in Turkey was mostly built on the right to self-determination aligned with the Marxist-Leninist ideology for the insurgent Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the early 1980s and ethnic minority rights for the secular-leftist pro-Kurdish legal parties in the 1990s. The Turkish state mostly framed the legal and illegal pro-Kurdish mobilization as ‘the enemy of the state’ and ‘the enemy of Islam’ in its counter-insurgency efforts. However, in the 2000s, the PKK and the pro-Kurdish legal parties became more tolerant and inclusive toward Islamic Kurdish identity by mobilizing their sympathizers in events such as ‘Civic Friday Prayers’ and a ‘Democratic Islamic Congress’. This move aimed to function as an antidote to the rising popularity of the ruling conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Kurdish Hizbullah in the early 2000s. In other words, Islam and pious Muslim identity has increasingly become contested among Turkish Islamists, Kurdish Islamists, and the secular Kurdish nationalists. This article seeks to unpack why, how, and under what conditions such competing actors and mechanisms shape the discursive and power relationships in the Kurdish-Turkish public sphere.; (AN 49316993)
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8.

Islam and economics in the political sphere: a critical evaluation of the AKP era in Turkey by Emre Erkoc, Taptuk. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p139-154, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince Weber’s articulate conceptualisation of the nexus between religion and economics, these phenomena have been examined through various academic viewpoints. While some take religion as a determining factor of economic performance, others argue that it is the economy that influences religiosity. This paper focuses on the manifestation of religion and economics in the political sphere regarding the case of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). After discussing the literature on the relations between religion and economics, it scrutinises the AKP period, considering three specific pillars: (a) the early years of the AKP in which Western economic policies were implemented as a continuation of the Kemal Derviş period; (b) between 2008 and 2015, when the idea ‘we can do as well’ maintained the centre stage; and (c) 2015 and onwards, when the Islamist influence on economic policy became highly apparent, particularly regarding interest rates. This study argues that the AKP changed politically in terms of Islamic influence upon the economic sphere, however this remains at the discursive level for the time being.; (AN 49316994)
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9.

The transformation of Turkey’s Islamic media and its marriage with neo-liberalism by Sözeri, Ceren. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p155-174, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Islamic press in Turkey started at the beginning of the 20thcentury as a reaction to the secularist Young Turks’ revolution of 1908. In the Republican period, Sufi orders and other religious communities maintained internal communication via periodicals despite being interrupted by the 1960, 1971 and 1980 coup d’etats. In the 1990s, the first private Islamic TV channels were opened and soon were targeted by the Turkish Armed Forces through mainstream media in the run-up to the 1997 military memorandum. Only after Erdoğan came to power did the Islamic media find favourable conditions to flourish, lining up with Erdoğan’s AKP. However, there are still small dissident groups who struggle for an independent identity.; (AN 49316995)
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10.

From paradigm shift to retooling: the foundation and maintenance of the AKP by Ceran, Fatih. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p175-193, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the foundation of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-AKP) after a paradigm shift and its maintenance through retooling, which involves strategic positionings and tactical manoeuvres within its new paradigm. The positionings and manoeuvres that the party took vis-à-vis states of exception have been imperative for its survival in government. The main argument of the article is that the AKP retooled itself in the face of crises rather than going through a paradigmatic change, that is to say, resorting back to the Islamism of the party elite’s origins, in Kuhnian terms. Through the fluidity of its discourse and the unrivalled charisma of its leader, the AKP has -multiple times- changed the center of gravity of its discourse and policies without having to disarticulate its founding political imaginary. Neither its recently increased nationalism nor authoritarianism was the result of an ideological orientation, just like the democratic reforms in its initial years. They were mostly by-products of survival efforts at power positioning, through retooling.; (AN 49316996)
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11.

Making sense of Turkey’s transition from democracy by Köker, Hüseyin Levent. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p195-200, 6p; (AN 49316997)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 43, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Assessing India’s Engagements in the INSTC and Analysing its Implications on India’s Commercial and Strategic Interests by Gogna, Sanjana. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p1-12, 12p; Abstract: AbstractThe INSTC formalised by India, Iran and Russia at the start of the new millennium to develope an alternative transport system linking India with Central Asia and Eurasia floundered for long due to scepticism and neglect by its member states. However, the withdrawal of the UN sanctions against Iran, the steady expansion of the Chinese influence in the region through the OBOR, and the urgent requirement of the land-locked Central Asian countries to gain maritime access offer new incentives for the member states to reinvigorate the project. This article explores the commercial and the strategic implications of the INSTC for India in the present context. .; (AN 49317028)
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2.

India–Japan Defence Ties: Building a Strategic Partnership by Naidu, G. V. C.; Yasuyuki, Ishida. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p13-27, 15p; Abstract: AbstractIndia–Japan defence ties that began less than a decade ago have witnessed unprecedented progress. Until recently they were dominated by military exercises, training and regular dialogues, but now they are entering a new and crucial phase as they embark on ambitious joint research on advanced technologies and development of systems which will have considerable implications for their strategic partnership as well as to Indo-Pacific security. It is imprudent to surmise that this is entirely due to China; rather, a variety of factors are contributing to the burgeoning defence relations. The strategy for consolidating defence links is to create institutional mechanisms at various levels and constantly scale-up cooperation.; (AN 49317027)
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3.

An Iranian Perspective on Iran–US Relations: Idealists Versus Materialists by Chitsazian, Mohammad Reza; Mohammad Ali Taghavi, Seyed. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p28-41, 14p; Abstract: AbstractOver the past four decades, the relationship between Iran and the US has been marked by conflicts, ranging from hostage-taking and sanctions to military confrontation. The present research aims at explaining the dispute by referring to the mindsets of the two countries’ leaders and exploring their epistemological origins. The main question this article seeks to answer is: what are the roots of disputes in US–Iran relationship in the post-Revolutionary era? The hypothesis is that the US governments’ materialistic and Iranian leadership’s idealist, ideational and identity-oriented approaches have led to diverging perceptions on different issues at stake. This has precluded a common understanding between the leaderships of the two countries.; (AN 49317025)
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4.

Saudi Arabia–Iran Contention and the Role of Foreign Actors by Ghoble, Vrushal T.. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p42-53, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Sykes–Picot Agreement, the Iranian Revolution, the Gulf Wars, and other events that have unfolded after the Arab Uprising (the Arab Spring), have altered the course of West Asian history. Saudi Arabia and Iran are the new architects determining the course and its trajectory; also significant is the presence of foreign powers. As is evident that oil has been a crucial factor behind the West’s interests in the region. The article states that the new Cold War can be explained as a variance between Iran and Saudi Arabia; and the situation manoeuvred by foreign actors. The region’s geostrategic significance coupled with resource politics and aspiring influence, apart from the sectarian dimension, has been the motivating factor for the emergent squabble between the regional and global players. Much of it can be seen in the context of the geostrategic energy war in Syria, proxy wars in countries like Yemen and political unrest in Bahrain, also risking smaller vulnerable states like Qatar and Lebanon. The article argues that the current situation is a product of a struggle between the two regional powers and the positioning of the US and Russia in the changing dynamics. It evaluates the continuing adversity, emphasising that the crisis is significantly driven by geo-economic factors, and is not merely confined to the regional hegemony aspect.; (AN 49317029)
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5.

Strategic Wisdom from the Orient: Evaluating the Contemporary relevance of Kautilya’s Arthashastraand Sun Tzu’s Art of War by Joshi, Akshay. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p54-74, 21p; (AN 49317026)
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6.

China’s War on Smuggling: Law, Economic Life and the Making of the Modern State, 1845-1965 by Pandit, Priyanka. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p75-77, 3p; (AN 49317023)
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7.

Preventing Chemical Weapons: Arms Control and Disarmament as the Sciences Converge by Lele, Ajey. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p78-80, 3p; (AN 49317022)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49317022&site=ehost-live

8.

Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State by Singh, Rajrajeshwari. Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p81-83, 3p; (AN 49317024)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49317024&site=ehost-live

9.

Acknowledgement of Referees Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p84-90, 7p; (AN 49317030)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49317030&site=ehost-live

10.

Contributions Published in Strategic Analysisin 2018 Strategic Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p91-99, 9p; (AN 49317031)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49317031&site=ehost-live

 

9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 42, no. 6, June 2019

Record

Results

1.

Sinai's Insurgency: Implications of Enhanced Guerilla Warfare by Ashour, Omar. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p541-558, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to explain the endurance of Sinai's insurgency despite its limited military capacity and resources, and the overwhelming man- and fire-power of the incumbent's regular and tribal forces. After reviewing the literature on how insurgents beat or survive strong incumbents, the article offers a short overview of historical developments and socio-political causes leading to the rise of Sinai Province and its military build-up. It then analyses, qualitatively and quantitatively, how Sinai Province fight, based on its original documents and releases as well as on interviews with individuals who fought against it. Finally, the article concludes with an explanation of why did the insurgency survive and, at times, expanded based on the quality of its military tactics. It also provides policy implications, as a result.; (AN 49790987)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49790987&site=ehost-live

2.

Organizational [Dis]trust: Comparing Disengagement Among Former Left-Wing and Right-Wing Violent Extremists by Windisch, Steven; Scott Ligon, Gina; Simi, Pete. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p559-580, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn order to move beyond the existing push/pull framework to understand disengagement, we apply a systematic coding scheme derived from Mayer and colleagues' integrative model of organizational trust to examine why people leave extremist groups. In doing so, we also rely on in-depth life history interviews with twenty former left- and right-wing extremists to examine whether antecedents of distrust vary between the two groups. Findings suggest substantial similarities and important differences between left- and right-wing extremists' decision to leave. In particular, perceptions of poor planning and organization, low-quality personnel and vindictive behavior generate perceptions of organizational distrust and disillusionment. Although findings from the current study are based on a relatively small sample, notable similarities were identified between both groups regarding sources of distrust (e.g., leaders, group members). We also identified differences regarding the role of violence in weakening solidarity and nurturing disillusionment with extremist activities. We conclude this article with suggestions for future research that extend the study of terrorism and that may have significance for how practitioners address countering violent extremism initiatives.; (AN 49790988)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49790988&site=ehost-live

3.

Spoiling Through Performative Nonviolence: Ritualistic Funerary Practice as a Violent Dissident Irish Republican (VDR) Spoiling Tactic by Hearty, Kevin. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p581-599, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article assesses how Violent Dissident Irish Republican (VDR) groups have turned to funerary practice as a spoiling tactic in post–Good Friday Agreement Northern Ireland. In doing so it moves the lens of interrogation away from the residual violence exercised by these groups and onto other nonviolent mechanisms and strategies. Locating this discussion within the wider study of the VDR phenomenon, the article asserts that militarized and ritualized funerals possess propagandistic and mobilizational benefits that make them particularly conducive to spoiling activity in a post-conflict site that is increasingly embracing the process of normalization.; (AN 49790989)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49790989&site=ehost-live

4.

Minimizing Unintended Deaths Enhanced the Effectiveness of Targeted Killing in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict by Falk, Ophir; Hefetz, Amir. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p600-616, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTargeted killing has become a primary counterterrorism measure used by a number of countries in their confrontation with lethal threats. This article focuses on the impact of unintended deaths on the effectiveness of targeted killing.The article evaluates the effectiveness of targeted killings carried out in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict theater that resulted in unintended deaths, compared to the effectiveness of targeted killings where the intended target is the sole person killed. Using multivariate analysis, we demonstrate that targeted killings with unintended deaths were followed by a greater number of suicide bombings and associated casualties compared with targeted killings with no unintended deaths. Based on these findings, nations involved in such conflicts should strive to inflict as few unintended deaths as possible, not only because it is morally right, but also because it is more effective in mitigating terrorism.; (AN 49790990)
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10

Survival
Volume 61, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

The Once and Future Liberal Order by Maull, Hanns W.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p7-32, 26p; Abstract: The erosion of the international order seems rooted in a decline in the resilience of states.; (AN 49558498)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558498&site=ehost-live

2.

Europe and the Liberal Order by Szewczyk, Bart M.J.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p33-52, 20p; Abstract: If the liberal order is a European strategic interest, it behoves Europe to defend it.; (AN 49558499)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558499&site=ehost-live

3.

Populism or Embedded Plutocracy? The Emerging World Order by Lee, Michael. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p53-82, 30p; Abstract: Neoliberalism opened up the world economy to fundamentally illiberal regimes.; (AN 49558500)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558500&site=ehost-live

4.

The Ebb and Flow of International Orders by Gray, Julia. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p83-86, 4p; Abstract: For every successful international organisation, many others died out or never got off the ground.; (AN 49558501)
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5.

The Demise of the Global Liberal Order by Guillén, Mauro. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p87-90, 4p; Abstract: Liberalism became associated with the negative consequences of trade, migration and technology.; (AN 49558502)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558502&site=ehost-live

6.

Globalisation, Populism and the Decline of the Welfare State by Milner, Helen V.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p91-96, 6p; Abstract: The economic-nationalist bargain substitutes protectionism for welfare policy.; (AN 49558503)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558503&site=ehost-live

7.

The Winners and Losers from International Trade by Pavcnik, Nina. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p97-100, 4p; Abstract: If governments wish to maintain support for freer trade, they need to help those who are left jobless.; (AN 49558504)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558504&site=ehost-live

8.

Brief Notices Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 pe1-e12, 12p; (AN 49558717)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558717&site=ehost-live

9.

The Blurring of War and Peace by Perot, Elie. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p101-110, 10p; Abstract: Obscuring the distinction between peace and war is a systemic response to the fear of a general war.; (AN 49558533)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558533&site=ehost-live

10.

Euroscepticism and the European Elections by de Quant, Sebastian. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p111-119, 9p; Abstract: A larger eurosceptic bloc could emerge that exploits divisions in the pro-EU camp and creates gridlock.; (AN 49558605)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558605&site=ehost-live

11.

Noteworthy Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p120-122, 3p; (AN 49558606)
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12.

The Competing Logics of EU Security and Defence by Duke, Simon W.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p123-142, 20p; Abstract: The EU should think more seriously about not only security but also defence autonomy.; (AN 49558607)
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13.

Will Brexit Change the EU’s Foreign Policy? by Weilandt, Ragnar. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p143-166, 24p; Abstract: Brexit will remove some obstacles to developing a more substantial EU agenda for external action.; (AN 49558608)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558608&site=ehost-live

14.

Israel’s Four Fronts by Byman, Daniel. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p167-188, 22p; Abstract: There is a reasonable chance that Israel can limit conflict to sporadic military campaigns.; (AN 49558609)
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15.

Shaky Foundations: The‘Intellectual Architecture’of Trump’s China Policy by Johnston, Alastair Iain. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p189-202, 14p; Abstract: Michael Pillsbury’s The Hundred-Year Marathoncould distort the United States’ understanding of Chinese strategy.; (AN 49558610)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558610&site=ehost-live

16.

United States by Unger, David C.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p203-210, 8p; Abstract: Empire in Retreat: The Past, Present, and Future of the United StatesVictor Bulmer-Thomas. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2018. £25.00/$32.50. 459 pp.The Last 100 Days: FDR at War and at PeaceDavid B. Woolner. New York: Basic Books, 2017. £25.00/$32.00. 349 pp.American Discontent: The Rise of Donald Trump and Decline of the Golden AgeJohn L. Campbell. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. £18.99/$24.95. 220 pp.The Presidency of Barack Obama: A First Historical AssessmentJulian E. Zelizer, ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018. £20.00/$24.95. 346 pp.Can It Happen Here? Authoritarianism in AmericaCass R. Sunstein, ed. New York: Dey Street Books, 2018. £12.99/$17.99. 481 pp.; (AN 49558611)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558611&site=ehost-live

17.

Culture and Society by Mazo, Jeffrey. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p211-217, 7p; Abstract: Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked ProtestZeynep Tufekci. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017. £20.00/$26.00. 326 pp.The Death of Truth: Notes on Falsehood in the Age of TrumpMichiko Kakutani. New York: Tim Duggan Books, 2018. £10.00/$22.00. 208 pp.It’s Better Than It Looks: Reasons for Optimism in an Age of FearGregg Easterbrook. New York: PublicAffairs, 2018. $30.00. 330 pp.Existential Threats: American Apocalyptic Beliefs in the Technological EraLisa Vox. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017. £45.00/$55.00. 266 pp.Rockin’ the Free World! How the Rock & Roll Revolution Changed America and the WorldSean Kay. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2016. £24.95/$40.00. 276 pp.; (AN 49558612)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558612&site=ehost-live

18.

Middle East by Takeyh, Ray. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p218-224, 7p; Abstract: Covert Regime Change: America’s Secret Cold WarLindsey A. O’Rourke: Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018. £33.00/$39.95. 330 pp.The Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the United StatesDarioush Bayandor. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019. £69.99/$99.99. 438 pp.Cold War in the Islamic World: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Struggle for SupremacyDilip Hiro. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2018. £25.00. 460 pp.Lords of the Desert: The Battle Between the United States and Great Britain for Supremacy in the Modern Middle EastJames Barr. New York: Basic Books, 2018. £20.00/$35.00. 454 pp.Challenged Hegemony: The United States, China, and Russia in the Persian GulfSteve A. Yetiv and Katerina Oskarsson. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018. $29.95. 238 pp.; (AN 49558613)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49558613&site=ehost-live

19.

America’s Military Failures by Ullman, Harlan K.. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p225-226, 2p; Abstract: The prime culprit of US military failures is a poor grasp of the circumstances in which force is used or threatened.; (AN 49558669)
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20.

Cairo Illusions by Allin, Dana H.; Simon, Steven. Survival, March 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p227-232, 6p; Abstract: The US has consistently overestimated its capacity to solve the Middle East’s problems.; (AN 49558715)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 31, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Kaplan, Jeffrey. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p1-8, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn Finland, there is a joke of some vintage that goes roughly like this: When God created the world, He took the angels on a tour of the Earth. The key, He assured the Heavenly Host, is balance. There are people with light skin and with dark skin. There are hot regions and cold ones. There are deserts and jungles. But this, He said proudly, pointing to the land that would one day become Finland, is My greatest creation in this world. Its people will be beautiful and wise. They will become great scientists and world peace makers. And the angels marveled at the perfection of this place until one, finding his courage, said, “But Lord, what about balance?” “Ahhh…” said the Lord pointing to Sweden and Russia, “you should see the idiots that I put on either side of them!”; (AN 48676695)
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2.

The Wests: Decline Management and Geopolitics by Kanin, David B.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p9-32, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe ebbing power of the United States signals the end of the period in which a series of “Wests” have created, globalized, and dominated an international order. Each “West” has had its own norms of authority and coercive utopia, but they shared in common the projection of a sense of modernity, technical proficiency, and inevitable, invincible authority. The two current Wests, the European Union and the United States, boast a partial normative overlap but have different creation myths. American fumbling of its hegemonic moments highlights the narrowing of room for error that defines decline. Still, decline does not necessarily lead to collapse, and skillful management could mitigate its effect. In part, this depends on whether Washington can come to rely less on neo-Wilsonian nostrums and more on the creative side of the American record.; (AN 48676696)
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3.

More East than West: The World Council of Churches at the Dawn of the Cold War by Kaplan, Jeffrey. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p33-63, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBefore there was hybrid warfare or its more innocuously styled component information warfare, there were Soviet Active Measures (Aктивные мероприятия). Conceived in 1948 and fully implemented by the 1970s, Active Measures were a palate of techniques designed to both deceive the West and to turn Western public opinion toward whatever the Soviet policy of the moment might be. “More East than West” presents a brief introduction to the Active Measures program which is followed by a single case study, that of the World Council of Churches (WCC). The image of the World Council of Churches as a Cold War pawn of the Soviet Union has become set in the American popular consciousness. It was not always so. At its birth in 1948, the WCC was seen as a promising ecumenical experiment that might serve to better unite the Christian churches of the world. Its birth, however, coincided precisely with the emergence of the Cold War and the organization was soon dragged kicking and screaming into the conflict. The Americans in the era of President Harry S. Truman saw in the group a potential ally for the Roman Catholic Church in erecting a spiritual barricade against the encroachment of atheistic communism. After 1961, the Soviets saw the group as a useful conduit for propaganda messages as designed by the Active Measures program that designed and disseminated Soviet propaganda throughout the Cold War. In the end, Soviet influence came to dominate the group’s political positions, but it never became an actual front group and successive American Presidents carried on a range of relationships with the WCC. This article offers a history of the early years of the Cold War struggle over the soul of the WCC.; (AN 48676697)
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4.

Useful Idiots or Fellow Travelers? The Relationship between the American Far Right and Russia by Michael, George. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p64-83, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe relationship between the American far right and Russia has varied over time. During the Cold War, American right-wing populists were in the forefront of opposition to the Soviet Union. But as the Cold War waned, the far right became more sympathetic to Russia, viewing it as the last remaining white bastion nation in a world in which a “rising tide of color” threatened to engulf the white race. Despite the recent deterioration of relations between Russia and the United States, the contemporary alt-right is increasingly sympathetic toward President Vladimir Putin and his nationalist agenda. The realm of cyberspace presents new opportunities for the fledging alliance between Russia and its supporters among the alt-right.; (AN 48676698)
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5.

Russian Foreign Policy Management and Manipulation with the Soviet Successor States by Lutz, Carol K. G.; Lutz, Brenda J.; Lutz, James M.. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p84-97, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussia has been anxious to maintain its influence with the other successor states of the Soviet Union (the Near Abroad). It used a variety of methods, both overt and covert, to further its foreign policy objectives with these countries. Moscow has relied on traditional economic statecraft including trade manipulation, free trade arrangements, and currency linkages as well as ethnic appeals and propaganda/news manipulation to influence foreign audiences. In addition, Russia has used clandestine operations, including cyber attacks, and support for dissident groups. With the annexation of Crimea and the conflict with Georgia Russia chose direct military force because all other options had failed.; (AN 48676699)
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6.

Hybrid Warfare and the Legal Domain by Munoz Mosquera, Andres B.; Bachmann, Sascha Dov; Bravo, J. Abraham Munoz. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p98-104, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis short essay aims at shedding some light on the use of lawfare as an emerging domain of full spectrum warfare which can either be used in its own right to achieve its own strategic objectives or as an enabler within the context of influencing the adversary in connection with well-planned Info-Ops and Stratcom operations. The authors conclude that considering the law as a domain, the use of lawfare is an “Offset Strategy,” which will provide a considerable competitive advantage in the proper offensive and defensive applicability of law which will prevent potential adversaries to abuse the rule of law to achieve their own strategic objectives.; (AN 48676700)
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7.

Irregular Militias and Radical Nationalism in Post-Euromaydan Ukraine: The Prehistory and Emergence of the “Azov” Battalion in 2014 by Umland, Andreas. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p105-131, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring and after Ukraine’s celebrated Euromaydan (literally: European Square) Revolution of 2013–2014, a whole number of novel Ukrainian political and societal phenomena emerged. One of the most intriguing was the relatively spontaneous and government-supported emergence of volunteer armed units from late spring 2014 onwards, in connection with the start of Russia’s covert paramilitary intervention in Eastern Ukraine. Among the most widely noted of these initially irregular detachments was the “Azov” battalion or regiment, named after the Azov Sea, created, in May 2014, by an obscure lunatic fringe group of racist activists. This paper briefly sketches the origins of Azov, biographies of some of its founders, and particulars of its creation, without touching upon such issues as Azov’s military performance, later integration into the National Guard under Ukraine’s Ministry of Interior, and political development after 2014.; (AN 48676701)
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8.

The Africa Policy of Russia by Besenyő, János. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p132-153, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe have heard ever more about the growing Russian presence in Africa in the past few years, which might appear strange for many people. Those, however, who know the history of the Black Continent, also know that Russian presence is not a new phenomenon. Africa was an important place during the Cold War where the Soviet Union not only competed with the United States of America, but also with China. For those who observed the robustly growing US and Chinese Africa policies, it could have appeared after the end of the classic Cold War, that the Russians had retreated beyond the borders of their country, abandoning the Black Continent in favour of their previous rivals. However, it did not happen, because the Russians did not close their diplomatic missions as they did in the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. Furthermore, the Russians played a key role in UN Peacekeeping Missions in Africa, where they provided the necessary Air Transportation Capabilities together with the Ukrainians. Today it is becoming obvious that not only a new form of the Cold War has been resumed between the West and Russia but also the fact that the Russian “retreat” was only temporary. The relations with African countries are becoming increasingly important not only for the Russians, but also for the Africans, who need no longer choose between the American and the Chinese way of development. Even though the US and China did not view Russia as a competitor in the recent past, taking into account the events of the past few years the situation has changed. We also need to see that Russia—similarly to China—is primarily a competitor to US great power interests. China intends to cooperate with Russia, rather than competing, whilst not denying the existence of competition between the two countries. I would like to give a picture of this process in my study, including the changing balance of powers in Africa.; (AN 48676702)
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9.

The Asymmetric Approach in Russian Security Strategy: Implications for the Nordic Countries by Pynnöniemi, Katri. Terrorism and Political Violence, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p154-167, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTwo observations stand out from the Russian strategic outlook. First, it corresponds with the real politikvision of world politics where the states engage in (zero-sum) competition for power and resources. Second, the new world order emerges because of a conflict between different models of development and value systems. These two observations highlight a certain “family resemblance” between the current Russian assessment of the current security environment and the situation during the Cold War. Furthermore, Russian national security strategy is oriented toward achieving strategic stability with the other great powers. The maintenance of strategic parity (nuclear and conventional deterrence) is a means to this end. However, given Russia’s relative weakness in comparison to its major geopolitical competitors, this has led to the renewal of the Cold War-era concept of asymmetric approach. Although this concept is most often used in the context of nuclear deterrence and the debate on “strategic stability,” it is not about military security only. The set of asymmetric measuresfrom economic dependence or sanctions, to diplomatic, political, and informational measures are used to preventan emergence of a conflict that would threaten Russia’s sovereignty and domestic stability. The purpose of this paper is to explore the Soviet roots of Active Measures and how the Soviet heritage is present at both the theoretical level and in concrete practices. Finally, insights from the conceptual analysis are applied in assessing the vulnerability of the Nordic countries, in particular Finland and Sweden, to Russian influence operations.; (AN 48676703)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 42, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Advice for a Dark Age: Managing Great Power Competition by Porter, Patrick. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p7-25, 19p; (AN 49791085)
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2.

Addressing the Nuclear Ban Treaty by Gibbons, Rebecca Davis. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p27-40, 14p; (AN 49791086)
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3.

Hedging Our Bets: Why Does Nuclear Latency Matter? by Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth; Mehta, Rupal N.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p41-52, 12p; (AN 49791087)
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4.

Preventing the Next Lashkar-e-Tayyiba Attack by Bacon, Tricia. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p53-70, 18p; (AN 49791088)
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5.

Did India Lose China? by Rajagopalan, Rajesh. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p71-87, 17p; (AN 49791089)
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6.

Where Is Washington? The Missing Mediator between Seoul and Tokyo by Seong-hyon, Lee. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p89-110, 22p; (AN 49791090)
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7.

Will Human Rights Survive in a Multipolar World? by Kaplan, Seth D.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p111-127, 17p; (AN 49791091)
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8.

Is Cyber Strategy Possible? by Hoffman, Wyatt. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p131-152, 22p; (AN 49791092)
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9.

The Perils of Geoeconomics by Kim, Dong Jung. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p153-170, 18p; (AN 49791093)
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10.

Why and How to Succeed at Network Diplomacy by Manulak, Michael W.. The Washington Quarterly, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p171-181, 11p; (AN 49791094)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 42, no. 4, June 2019

Record

Results

1.

MPs’ principals and the substantive representation of disadvantaged immigrant groups by Geese, Lucas; Schwemmer, Carsten. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p681-704, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides an alternative understanding of the substantive representation of immigrant-origin citizens compared to previous work in the ‘politics of presence’ tradition. Rather than assuming that the representational activities of members of parliaments (MPs) are underpinned by intrinsic motivations, it highlights extrinsic motives. Drawing on principal–agent theory, the article conceptualises MPs as delegates who are to act on behalf of their main principals, constituents and party bodies. This approach permits the rigorous analysis of the impact of electoral rules, candidate selection methods and legislative organisation on substantive representation. Based on an analysis of more than 20,000 written parliamentary questions tabled in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013), empirical findings suggest that electoral rules do not influence the relationship between MPs and their principals in relation to the substantive representation of disadvantaged immigrant groups; however, results indicate that candidate selection methods as well as powerful parliamentary party group leaderships do.; (AN 49621658)
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2.

Representing their own? Ethnic minority women in the Dutch Parliament by Mügge, Liza M.; van der Pas, Daphne J.; van de Wardt, Marc. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p705-727, 23p; Abstract: AbstractEthnic minority women tend to be better represented in parliaments than ethnic minority men. What does this mean for their substantive representation? This article makes use of intersectionalanalysis to study how the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation differs within and between gender and ethnic groups. Drawing on written parliamentary questions and the committee memberships of MPs in seven parliamentary sessions (1995–2012) in the Netherlands, a strong link is found between descriptive and substantive representation. Female ethnic minority MPs more often sit on committees and table questions that address ethnic minority women’s interests than male ethnic minority and female ethnic majority MPs. The link, however, is fragile as it is based on a small number of active MPs. This demonstrates the importance of an intersectional approach to understanding how representation works in increasingly diverse parliaments, which cannot be captured by focusing on gender or ethnicity alone.; (AN 49621673)
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3.

‘No politics in the agenda-setting meeting’: plenary agenda setting in the Netherlands by Otjes, Simon. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p728-754, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThe process of agenda setting is fundamental to politics, yet there is surprisingly little research about this process in parliamentary systems. The reason for this lacuna is that agenda setting tends to occur behind closed doors. The Dutch Tweede Kameris an exception to this rule: decisions about the parliamentary agenda are made in public. This study examines agenda setting in the Dutch parliament from an issue-competition perspective. It looks at a sample of more than 400 agenda-setting meetings of the Dutch parliament between 1998 and 2017. It finds that opposition parties which stand far from the government make proposals on issues that they ‘own’; these proposals are supported by other opposition parties, parties that stand close to them and focus on the same issue. Coalition parties and parties that stand far away sabotage these proposals.; (AN 49621664)
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4.

Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament by Ripoll Servent, Ariadna; Panning, Lara. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p755-775, 21p; Abstract: AbstractTrilogues have been studied as sites of secluded inter-institutional decision making that gather the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament (EP) and the European Commission. Trilogues, however, are not exempt from formal and informal party-political dynamics that affect intra- and inter-institutional contestation. The increase in Eurosceptics in the 2014 EP elections offers an opportunity to investigate their efforts to shape the position and behaviour of the EP negotiating team in trilogues. Therefore, this article investigates to what extent Eurosceptic party groups participate in trilogue negotiations and how mainstream groups deal with their presence. The analysis shows that the opportunities to participate in trilogues and shape the EP’s position are higher for those perceived as soft Eurosceptic MEPs, while mainstream groups apply a ‘cordon sanitaire’ to those perceived as being part of hard Eurosceptic groups – which reduces the chances of MEPs from those groups being willing to participate in parliamentary work.; (AN 49621675)
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5.

Losing out on substance but winning procedurally? The European Parliament and accountability in crisis legislation by Dionigi, Maja Kluger; Koop, Christel. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p776-802, 27p; Abstract: AbstractRecent studies have found that the European Parliament (EP) had limited substantive influence on the European Union’s response to the European debt crisis. It has been argued that Parliament compensated this loss by expanding its oversight powers over executive bodies in the implementation of crisis legislation. This article systematically assesses the conditions under which the EP has been successful in increasing its account-holding powers, using new data on the accountability provisions included in economic and financial legislation put forward between 2009 and 2014. It is found that Parliament has indeed been more likely to gain oversight powers in crisis legislation. Levels of accountability are also higher in package deals and more salient legislation. The findings here provide a more nuanced picture of Parliament’s inter-institutional gains and losses in recent years and give more insight into the EP’s account-holding role.; (AN 49621671)
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6.

Electoral competition and the welfare state by Green-Pedersen, Christoffer; Jensen, Carsten. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p803-823, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe article investigates how parties compete over the welfare state by emphasising specific welfare state issues. The core argument is that two issue-specific factors determine how much parties emphasise individual welfare state issues: the character of policy problems related to the policy issues and the type of social risks involved. To test the argument, a new large-Ndataset is employed, with election manifestos from Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The dataset contains information on how much parties have talked about health care, education, and labour market protection in national elections since 1980. With the data at hand, it is possible to provide the first systematic investigation of how parties compete for votes over the welfare state. The approach here is able to explain the empirical fact that health care is consistently receiving increased attention everywhere, while particularly labour market protection has witnessed a decline in attention.; (AN 49621667)
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7.

Does voter polarisation induce party extremism? The moderating role of abstention by Dreyer, Philipp; Bauer, Johann. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p824-847, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article contributes to the literature on representation by examining how the ideological polarisation of the electorate affects parties’ programmatic positions in multiparty systems. The main argument is that parties face incentives to adopt more extreme positions when the electorate becomes more ideologically polarised and the share of non-moderate voters is higher. The reason is that by adopting moderate positions parties will prompt their non-moderate core constituents to sit out the election. This risk is conditioned by voters’ propensity to abstain. A higher (lower) propensity to abstain means that parties alienate a larger (smaller) share of their core constituents when adopting a moderate position. Parties therefore respond to greater voter polarisation by adopting more extreme positions, but the effect declines as voters’ propensity to abstain decreases. An empirical analysis of parties’ programmatic positions in 11 Western European countries between 1977 and 2016 strongly supports this expectation.; (AN 49621669)
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8.

Beyond issue diversification: N-VA and the communitarisation of political, economic and cultural conflicts in Belgium by Abts, Koen; Dalle Mulle, Emmanuel; Laermans, Rudi. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p848-872, 25p; Abstract: AbstractSince the early 2000s, the Flemish nationalist party New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) has experienced a burgeoning growth. Paradoxically, for a stateless nationalist and regionalist party (SNRP), this performance has occurred without major changes in mass support for independence and only ambiguous ones for more regional autonomy, which suggests that the party appeals to different electoral subgroups through a vote-maximisation strategy of issue diversification. Providing an in-depth analysis of the multi-dimensional ideology of N-VA, this article contributes to the literature on SNRPs by arguing that N-VA has gone beyond issue diversification through a strategy of ‘issue communitarisation’ that consists not only in expanding its agenda beyond the centre–periphery cleavage, but rather in framing all other policy issues explicitly in (sub-state) nationalist terms. According to this strategy, all major conflicts on political power, social redistribution and cultural identity are systematically represented as being based on an unresolvable and overarching centre–periphery antagonism between Flanders and francophone Belgium.; (AN 49621679)
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9.

Citizen support for European Union membership: the role of socialisation experiences by Shorrocks, Rosalind; de Geus, Roosmarijn. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p873-894, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe article explores whether European Union membership has a socialisation effect on citizens’ attitudes towards their country’s membership of the EU. Using a sample of 15 Western European countries, it is shown that this is the case. First, evidence is provided of a positive lifelong socialisation effect: citizen support for their country’s membership of the EU increases with years spent living in an EU member state. Second, it is shown that those who joined the EU during their formative years are less supportive of the EU, whilst those who spent their formative years in a non-democracy are more positive about EU membership. The size of these effects is very small in comparison to that found for the lifelong socialisation effect, suggesting that the lifelong socialisation process of continued EU membership is much more important for EU attitudes. This study offers new insights into the formation of EU attitudes.; (AN 49621660)
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10.

To adapt or to defend? Comparing position shifts among Bundestag candidates between 2013 and 2017 by Jankowski, Michael; Schneider, Sebastian H.; Tepe, Markus. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p895-913, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIn this research note, candidate survey data from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) is used to analyse positional shifts of German Bundestag parties between 2013 and 2017. Two developments make Germany a particularly interesting case: (1) the liberal but also controversial policies of the Merkel cabinet during the European refugee crisis and (2) the change of leadership within the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Applying scaling techniques to locate candidates of both elections in the same two-dimensional policy space, the analysis demonstrates that in 2017 the AfD took a distinct radical right position in the party system of Germany. Moreover, the study finds that almost all parties moved to the right on the cultural left–right dimension in 2017, whereas for the economic left–right dimension this has not been the case. Contrary to the mantra of an ideological delineation against right-wing populism, there has been a robust socio-political conservative shift in the German party system.; (AN 49621677)
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11.

The more things change, the more they stay the same? The German federal election of 2017 and its consequences by Faas, Thorsten; Klingelhöfer, Tristan. West European Politics, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p914-926, 13p; (AN 49621662)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 71, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 71 issue 2 Cover and Back matter World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 pb1-b4, 4p; (AN 49706265)
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2.

WPO volume 71 issue 2 Cover and Front matter World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 49706267)
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3.

Bridging the Gap: Lottery-Based Procedures in Early Parliamentarization by Cirone, Alexandra; Van Coppenolle, Brenda. World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p197-235, 39p; Abstract: AbstractHow is the use of political lotteries related to party development? This article discusses the effects of a lottery-based procedure used to distribute committee appointments that was once common across legislatures in nineteenth-century Europe. The authors analyze the effects of a political lottery in budget committee selection in the French Third Republic using a microlevel data set of French deputies from 1877 to 1914. They argue that the adoption and benefit of lottery-based procedures were to prevent the capture of early institutions by party factions or groups of self-interested political elites. The authors find that partial randomization of selection resulted in the appointment of young, skilled, middle-class deputies at the expense of influential elites. When parties gained control of committee assignments in 1910, selection once again favored elites and loyal party members. The authors link lottery-based procedures to party development by showing that cohesive parties were behind the institutional reform that ultimately dismantled this selection process. Lottery-based procedures thus played a sanitizing role during the transformation of emerging parliamentary groups into unified, cohesive political parties.; (AN 49706266)
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4.

The Transition to the Knowledge Economy, Labor Market Institutions, and Income Inequality in Advanced Democracies by Hope, David; Martelli, Angelo. World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p236-288, 53p; Abstract: AbstractThe transition from Fordism to the knowledge economy in the world’s advanced democracies was underpinned by the revolution in information and communications technology (ict). The introduction and rapid diffusion of ictpushed up wages for college-educated workers with complementary skills and allowed top managers and CEOs to reap greater rewards for their own talents. Despite these common pressures, income inequality did not rise to the same extent everywhere; income in the Anglo-Saxon countries remains particularly unequally distributed. To shed new light on this puzzle, the authors carry out a panel data analysis of eighteen oecdcountries between 1970 and 2007. Their analysis stands apart from the existing empirical literature by taking a comparative perspective. The article examines the extent to which the relationship between the knowledge economy and income inequality is influenced by national labor market institutions. The authors find that the expansion of knowledge employment is positively associated with both the 90/10 wage ratio and the income share of the top 1 percent, but that these effects are mitigated by the presence of strong labor market institutions, such as coordinated wage bargaining, strict employment protection legislation, high union density, and high collective bargaining coverage. The authors provide robust evidence against the argument that industrial relations systems are no longer important safeguards of wage solidarity in the knowledge economy.; (AN 49706269)
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5.

Path to Centralization and Development: Evidence from Siam by Paik, Christopher; Vechbanyongratana, Jessica. World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p289-331, 43p; Abstract: AbstractThis article investigates the role of colonial pressure on state centralization and its relationship to subsequent development by analyzing the influence of Western colonial threats on Siam’s internal political reform. Unlike other countries in the region, Siam remained independent by adopting geographical administrative boundaries and incorporating its traditional governance structures into a new, centralized governance system. The authors find that the order in which areas were integrated into the centralized system depended on the interaction between precentralization political structures and proximity to British and French territorial claims. The authors show that areas centralized early in the process had higher levels of infrastructure investment and public goods provision at the time the centralization process was completed in 1915 than those centralized later in the process. They also show that early centralization during the Western colonial era continued to be strongly associated with higher levels of public goods provision and economic development, and that this relationship persists today.; (AN 49706263)
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6.

Strategic Violence during Democratization: Evidence from Myanmar by Christensen, Darin; Nguyen, Mai; Sexton, Renard. World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p332-366, 35p; Abstract: abstractDemocratic transitions are often followed by conflict. This article explores one explanation: the military’s strategic use of violence to retain control of economically valuable regions. The authors uncover this dynamic in Myanmar, a country transitioning from four decades of military rule. Fearing that the new civilian government will assert authority over jade mining, the military initiated violence in mining townships. Using geocoded data on conflict and jade mines, the authors find evidence for this strategic use of violence. As Myanmar started to transition in 2011, conflicts instigated by the military in jademining areas sharply rose. The article also addresses alternative explanations, including a shift in the military’s strategy, colocation of mines and military headquarters, commodity prices, opposition to a controversial dam, and trends specific to Kachin State. With implications beyond Myanmar, the authors argue that outgoing generals can use instability to retain rents where plausible challengers to state authority provide a pretense for violence.; (AN 49706268)
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7.

Why Ethnic Subaltern-Led Parties Crowd Out Armed Organizations: Explaining Maoist Violence in India by Chandra, Kanchan; García-Ponce, Omar. World Politics, April 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p367-416, 50p; Abstract: AbstractThis article asks why some Indian districts experience chronic Maoist violence while others do not. The answer helps to explain India’s Maoist civil war, which is the product of the accumulation of violence in a few districts, as well as to generate a new hypothesis about the causes of civil war more generally. The authors argue that, other things equal, the emergence of subaltern-led parties at the critical juncture before armed organizations enter crowds them out: the stronger the presence of subaltern-led political parties in a district at this juncture, the lower the likelihood of experiencing chronic armed violence subsequently. They develop their argument through field research and test its main prediction using an original, district-level data set on subaltern incorporation and Maoist violence in India between 1967 and 2008. The article contributes a new, party-based explanation to the literatures on both civil war and Maoist violence in India. It also introduces new district-level data on the Maoist movement and on the incorporation of subaltern ethnic groups by political parties in India.; (AN 49706264)
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