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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 29, no. 5, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in multi-level states. A comparative assessment by Adam, Ilke; Hepburn, Eve. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p563-589, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of intergovernmental relations (IGR) is a classical research area in scholarship on federalism and territorial politics. However, it has largely ignored the relatively new, and recently decentralized area of immigrant integration. The aim of this Special Issue is twofold. First, it aims to analyse how governments in multi-level states coordinate on immigrant integration. Second, it wishes to explain the dynamics that shape the features of intergovernmental relations. In doing so, we focus on four multi-level states; two of which are federal (Belgium and Canada) and two that are decentralized (Italy and Spain). Whilst we engage with the established literature on intergovernmental relations to formulate hypotheses about the nature and dynamics of intergovernmental relations, we also formulate less explored hypotheses. Our overarching argument is that the scholarship on IGR benefits from in-depth comparative case studies comparing IGR not just across countries, but also across policy areas and over time.; (AN 51097652)
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2.

Defying the traditional theses: Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in Belgium by Adam, Ilke. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p591-612, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article considers the features of intergovernmental relations (IGR) on immigrant integration in Belgium and critically examines the dynamics that shape them. The characteristics of IGR on immigrant integration in Belgium are shown to vary over time and differ across regions and sub-policy areas (immigrant reception policies and anti-discrimination). The comparative case study indicates that the primary traditional theses of the international comparative IGR literature, namely classical institutionalism and party politics, do not provide insights into the nature and mechanisms of IGR on immigrant integration in Belgium. Less established variables like European integration and sub-state claims for distinctiveness constitute key explanatory variables. While European integration explains the increase of IGR over time, notwithstanding the appearance of party incongruence, sub-state claims for distinctiveness enlighten the more conflictual nature of IGR with Flanders, even in cases of more party congruence than for Francophone authorities.; (AN 51097653)
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3.

Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in Canada: Insights from Quebec, Manitoba, and Ontario by Jeram, Sanjay; Nicolaides, Eleni. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p613-633, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe pattern of intergovernmental relations (IGR) on immigrant integration in Canada runs counter to core arguments in the extant literature. In particular, Canada's federal structures have not produced multilateral, institutionalized, and conflictual IGR; IGR in Canada has been predominantly bilateral and only moderately institutionalized. Moreover, IGR has been conflictual at times, while collaborative at others. Several factors explain this unexpected pattern. In an attempt to ward off separatism, the central government devolved authority over immigrant selection and settlement programmes to Quebec, creating a deep asymmetry between Quebec and the Anglophone provinces (and territories) in these areas. Interprovincial competition drove other provinces to seek powers over immigration and integration. The central government – driven by fiscal pressures and a philosophical commitment to symmetry – struck bilateral agreements with Anglophone provinces to fund and devolve settlement programming and some control over the selection of economic immigrants.; (AN 51097654)
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4.

Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in Italy. Insights from Piedmont and South Tyrol by Caponio, Tiziana; Testore, Gaia; Wisthaler, Verena. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p635-654, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article analyses the main features of intergovernmental relations (IGR) on immigrant integration in Italy considering reception policies for asylum seekers and economic or family migrants. We study them in a region with an ordinary statute, Piedmont, and in an autonomous province, South Tyrol.First, we find increasing frequency and institutionalization of IGR. Second, we observe the prevalence of multilateral interaction in ordinary regions, and bilateral interaction in autonomous regions. IGRs related to asylum seekers appear to be more conflictive than those related to economic and family migrants. This is particularly the case in the ordinary region studied here. Hypotheses related to the constitutional structure and the distribution of competency between the central state and regions, have limited explanatory power, whereas party (in)congruence, European integration, and salience of identity claims raised by regionalist parties are stronger. Issue salience emerges as an additional explanation to account for the increasing frequency of IGRs, their institutionalization, and conflictive nature.; (AN 51097655)
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5.

Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in Spain: The case of Catalonia by Franco-Guillén, Núria. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2019, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p655-674, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper examines the nature of intergovernmental relations (IGR) on immigrant integration in Spain, a relatively recent immigration country, with a focus on Catalonia. By means of qualitative document analysis and semi-structured interviews at both levels of government, the paper demonstrates that despite the formal existence of multilateral and institutionalized fora for intergovernmental relations, most intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration tend to be informal and bilateral. The paper also highlights that the conflictual nature of IGR on integration varies across sub-policy areas and over time. The paper contributes to strengthen existing hypotheses regarding institutional features (the distribution of competencies and the territorial organization of power) and party politics for explaining the patterns of IGR.; (AN 51097656)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 164, no. 5, June 2019

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p9-9, 1p; (AN 51044823)
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2.

Military Videogames by Robinson, Nick. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p10-21, 12p; Abstract: This article demonstrates the significance of military videogames, exploring the changes in representations (how war is depicted) and production processes (the links between the military and videogames industries) that have occurred from the 1990s to the present. It argues that representations have moved from a focus on the 9/11 wars to depicting conflicts set in the past and/or future, so depoliticising popular culture. In terms of production, there have been corresponding changes, with a loosening of the historic links between the military and videogames industry.; (AN 51044824)
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3.

Reflecting on the Experiences of Bereaved Military Families in the Coroner’s Court by Lester, Nicola. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p22-34, 13p; Abstract: The practice of repatriating UK personnel killed during military operations means that the death of service personnel falls within the jurisdiction of the UK legal system, which requires that an inquest be conducted. The coroner’s inquiry is a potential source of stress and trauma for bereaved families. However, recent scholarship has highlighted that the inquest process may have a positive effect on families’ wellbeing and assist with the process of meaning-making following traumatic loss. Nicola Lester highlights the importance of understanding the experiences of bereaved military families, and the need to learn lessons and establish recommendations for future practice in this area.; (AN 51044825)
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4.

Some Challenges for the UK’s Combat Air Strategy by Kirkpatrick, David. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p36-44, 9p; Abstract: Among the challenges which must be overcome by the UK’s Combat Air Strategy, David Kirkpatrick highlights the sharp decline in UK defence research, and the destruction of many UK aeronautical test facilities, since the end of the Cold War. He discusses the erratic evolution of the Ministry of Defence’s relationship with the UK defence industry, and considers critically the various management initiatives proposed to facilitate its acquisition of a sixth-generation combat aircraft.; (AN 51044826)
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5.

UK Future Combat Air by Louth, John; Spragg, Adrian. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p46-59, 14p; Abstract: Combat airpower is poised to continue as a key strategic force in the short-to-medium term. Maintaining air superiority against changing diverse threats remains critical to UK national security and freedom of action. The traditional model of combat air acquisition might need to change to exploit the opportunities of the Digital Age, meet the aims of the UK’s defence industrial strategy and embrace new international capability partners. Tempest can be the catalyst for this, enabling the UK to sustain its position as a leading global industrial air power.; (AN 51044827)
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6.

Daesh, Twitter and the Social Media Ecosystem by Macdonald, Stuart; Grinnell, Daniel; Kinzel, Anina; Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p60-72, 13p; Abstract: The presence of Daesh (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, ISIS) on Twitter has greatly diminished over the past five years as Daesh’s propaganda dissemination strategy has evolved. Yet some Daesh supporters have persevered in their use of Twitter, using throwaway accounts to share outlinks to pro-Daesh materials on other platforms. Stuart Macdonald, Daniel Grinnell, Anina Kinzel and Nuria Lorenzo-Dus analyse 892 outlinks found in 11,520 tweets that contained the word Rumiyah(Daesh’s online magazine). They evaluate Twitter’s response to attempts to use its platform to signpost users to Rumiyahin the context of the wider social media ecosystem and highlight the role played by botnet activity in efforts to disseminate the magazine and the impact of traditional news media coverage.; (AN 51044828)
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7.

Gender Stereotyped or Gender Responsive? by Gordon, Eleanor; True, Jacqui. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p74-91, 18p; Abstract: In this article, Eleanor Gordon and Jacqui True analyse policies and programmes to prevent and counter violent extremism in Indonesia and Bangladesh and whether they are gender responsive. Even where the aim is to be gender sensitive, existing policies and programmes reinforce gender stereotypes and are ineffective in preventing and countering threats. Government and non-government policies and programmes in both countries must be attentive to the gender dynamics of violent extremism, including gender-specific drivers of recruitment, gender discrimination and gender-based violence.; (AN 51044829)
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8.

‘Should Art Be Saved During War?’ by Reimer, Stephen. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p94-99, 6p; Abstract: What Remainssurveys over a century of warfare to understand why artefacts, buildings and pieces of art are targeted for destruction or theft during conflict. In this review, Stephen Reimer shows how the exhibition builds on the idea that culture defines a people – forming a vital link between individuals, their societies, and their pasts and futures – to both understand the various logics behind destroying heritage and to emphasise the efforts undergone and underway to restore, recover and protect culture under threat.; (AN 51044830)
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9.

Peace Works: America’s Unifying Role in a Turbulent World by Rathmell, Andrew. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p100-101, 2p; (AN 51044831)
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10.

Chaos in the Liberal Order: The Trump Presidency and International Politics in the Twenty-First Century by Cyr, Arthur I. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p102-103, 2p; (AN 51044832)
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11.

A Not-So-Special Relationship: The US, the UK and German Unification, 1945–1990 by Berghahn, V R. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p103-104, 2p; (AN 51044833)
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12.

Sinn Féin and the IRA: From Revolution to Moderation by English, Richard. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p105-106, 2p; (AN 51044834)
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13.

Asia after Versailles: Asian Perspectives on the Paris Peace Conference and the Interwar Order, 1919–33 by Louro, Michele L. The RUSI Journal, June 2019, Vol. 164 Issue: Number 4 p106-108, 3p; (AN 51044835)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 28, no. 1-4, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

The Application of the osceCommitments Relating to Migration and Integration in Italy by Favilli, Chiara. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p1-23, 23p; (AN 50462573)
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2.

Violence against Women: Assessing Italy’s Compliance with the osceCommitments and the Current International Legal Framework by Capone, Francesca. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p24-48, 25p; (AN 50462572)
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3.

osceAddresses Organized Crime through Police Co-operation by Lyzhenkov, Alexey L.. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p49-61, 13p; (AN 50462574)
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4.

Accommodating Security Imperatives v. Protecting Fundamental Rights by Turkut, Emre. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p62-91, 30p; (AN 50462575)
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5.

E.T. Phoned Home…They Know by Huxtable, Holly. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p92-112, 21p; (AN 50462576)
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6.

Human Rights and Climate Change by Albers, Julie H.. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p113-144, 32p; (AN 50462582)
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7.

The Breakdown of State-building: From the Nation to Radicalisation by Knoope, Peter; Knoope, Saré. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p145-160, 16p; (AN 50462577)
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8.

The Digital Unfitness of Mutual Legal Assistance by De Busser, Els. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p161-179, 19p; (AN 50462578)
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9.

The Purposes and Principles of the unCharter Origins, Subsequent Developments in Law and Practice and (Mis)interpretation in the Context of Unilateral Secession Claims in the osceArea by Musayev, Tofig F.; Sadigbayli, Rovshan. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p180-213, 34p; (AN 50462580)
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10.

osce vs. Transnational Threats: Past, Present, Future, written byAlexey Lyzhenkov by Bloed, Arie. Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p215-217, 3p; (AN 50462579)
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11.

Volume Contents Security and Human Rights, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1-4 p219-220, 2p; (AN 50462581)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 50, no. 5, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Who are the civilians in the wars of South Sudan? by Kindersley, Nicki; Rolandsen, Øystein H. Security Dialogue, October 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 5 p383-397, 15p; Abstract: This longitudinal study explores the place of the civilian populations in the wars of what is now South Sudan. Using a broad range of empirical evidence, we trace the evolution of conflict practices and norms from the 1800s to today. Two main insights stand out: First, since the initial colonial incursions, local residents have been strategic assets to be managed and exploited, and thus populations are not just legitimate targets in conflicts but also key resources to capture and control. Second, violent governance structures and practices have been created and reformed through these generations of coercive rule and civil wars. These two issues have undermined, and redefined, the distinction between military and civilian actors. This analysis does not excuse the massive and systematic violence against the general population of these countries. However, without due consideration of these deeply engraved historical systems and logics of violent governance, today’s brutal conflicts become incomprehensible, and there is a significant risk that international approaches to mitigating this violence – such as Protection of Civilians camps – become incorporated into these systems rather than challenging them.; (AN 50887778)
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2.

Securitizing Zika: The case of Brazil by Wenham, Clare; Farias, Deborah BL. Security Dialogue, October 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 5 p398-415, 18p; Abstract: Brazil’s Zika virus crisis (2015–17), following hot on the heels of the Ebola outbreak (2014–15), dominated newsfeeds and high-level discussions amid governments, the UN system and beyond, with emerging fears relating to Congenital Zika Syndrome (CZS), embodied by microcephaly. However, beyond the ensuing panic in Latin America facing a generation of Zika babies, the outbreak demonstrates key developments in our understanding of the interaction between health and security, based on the Copenhagen School’s securitization approach. It suggests that unlike previous diseases that were securitized, it was not the virus that was the cause of the security threat, nor how many people were affected, but a combined concern over where(in Brazil at a time of domestic political crisis), when(immediately post-Ebola), who(foetuses and babies), how(unknown disease characteristics) and whatwas the existential threat (the vectorized unknown). This article shows these developments for global health security through empirical analysis of the multiple securitization processes that occurred within Brazil for the Zika virus, at the subnational and federal levels.; (AN 50890635)
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3.

Sensing, territory, population: Computation, embodied sensors, and hamlet control in the Vietnam War by Belcher, Oliver. Security Dialogue, October 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 5 p416-436, 21p; Abstract: This article analyses a mid-20th century computerized pacification reporting system, the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES), used by the US military to measure hamlet-level security and development trends in the Vietnam War. The significance of the HES was its capacity to translate US Military Advisor observations of Vietnamese hamlet life into a machine-readable format used by US military systems analysts to disclose ‘patterns of life.’ I show how US Military Advisors operated as ‘embodied sensors’ within the HES, producing a distinctive location-based event ontology – a ‘view of below’ – accompanied by rudimentary digital maps in-formation from incoming hamlet-level observation streams. I argue that acts of translating the rich texture of hamlet and village life into an objectified information format constituted a unique form of ‘epistemic violence,’ rooted not so much in the narrative subjection of the ‘Other,’ but in the pure abstraction of life into a digitally stored data trace.; (AN 50887225)
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4.

The threat of the ‘returning foreign fighter’: The securitization of EU migration and border control policy by Baker-Beall, Christopher. Security Dialogue, October 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 5 p437-453, 17p; Abstract: This article analyses the European Union’s response to the threat of the ‘returning foreign fighter’ (referred to with increasing frequency as the ‘foreign terrorist fighter’), arguing that it has been characterized by a move to (re)frame migration and border control as essential aspects of EU counter-terrorism policy. The article offers three important observations on the significance of this move. First, it critiques the way in which the EU’s response to this problem is based upon and reinforces a narrow understanding of returning foreign fighters. Second, it argues that the EU has invoked the threat from returning foreign fighters not with the sole intention of preventing terrorism but rather as part of the ongoing securitization of migration and the EU border. Third, it suggests that the threat from returning foreign fighters has been invoked as a way of further legitimizing the EU’s emerging role as a security actor and its embrace of preemptive security practice. The article argues throughout that the move to construct the returning foreign fighter issue in this way has important political and social implications for all categories of migrant, with migrant populations now deemed a potential source of terrorist threat.; (AN 50891081)
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5.

The authoritarian surveillant assemblage: Authoritarian state surveillance in Turkey by Topak, Özgün E. Security Dialogue, October 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 5 p454-472, 19p; Abstract: This article examines Turkey’s authoritarian state surveillance regime by developing the concept of the authoritarian surveillant assemblage (ASA), building on and expanding the concept of the surveillant assemblage (SA). Turkey’s ASA is the outcome of diverse surveillance systems, which continuously expand their reach, form new connections and incorporate new actors. These systems include a protest and dissent surveillance system, an internet surveillance system, a synoptic media surveillance system and an informant–collaborator surveillance system. Turkey’s ASA is controlled by the Turkish state and serves its repressive interests. Although pivotal in emphasizing the complexity of surveillance connections and increasing diversification of and collaboration among surveillance actors, the SA model of surveillance puts the main emphasis on decentralized, uncoordinated and multifaceted forms of surveillance, and does not offer sufficient analytical space to understand how an authoritarian state could coordinate diverse surveillance systems and use it for the overarching purpose of control. The article draws on Michael Mann’s theory of state power and the authoritarian state to address these limitations of the SA and conceptualize the ASA. It shows how the diverse systems of Turkey’s ASA work in concert with one another under the hierarchical command of Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) to control the population and suppress dissent.; (AN 50886879)
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6.

Reflecting on Security Dialogueat 50 by Salter, Mark B. Security Dialogue, August 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number Supplement 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 50765963)
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7.

Horizon Scan: Critical security studies for the next 50 years by Salter, Mark B; Cohn, Carol; Neal, Andrew W; Wibben, Annick TR; Burgess, J Peter; Elbe, Stephan; Austin, Jonathan Luke; Huysmans, Jef; Walker, RBJ; Wæver, Ole; Williams, Michael C; Gilbert, Emily; Frowd, Philippe M; Rosenow, Doerthe; Oliveira Martins, Bruno; Jabri, Vivienne; Aradau, Claudia; Leander, Anna; Bousquet, Antoine; Stavrianakis, Anna; Stern, Maria; Sandvik, Kristin Bergtora; Lobo-Guerrero, Luis; de Goede, Marieke; Bellanova, Rocco; Gusterson, Hugh; Epstein, Charlotte; Mustapha, Jennifer; Lidén, Kristoffer; Hansen, Lene. Security Dialogue, August 2019, Vol. 50 Issue: Number Supplement 4 p9-37, 29p; (AN 50765962)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 28, no. 5, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

A Crude Bargain: Great Powers, Oil States, and Petro-Alignment by Kim, Inwook. Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p833-869, 37p; Abstract: AbstractPetro-alignment, a quid pro quo arrangement whereby great powers offer security in exchange for oil states’ friendly oil policies, is a widely used and yet undertheorized energy security strategy. One consequential aspect of this exchange is that great powers choose different levels of security commitment to keep oil producers friendly. With what criteria do great powers rank oil states? How do we conceptualize different types of petro-alignments? What exactly do great powers and oil producers exchange under each petro-alignment type? I posit that a mix of market power and geostrategic location determines the strategic value and vulnerability of individual client oil states, which then generates four corresponding types of petro-alignment—security guarantee, strategic alignment, strategic favor, and neglect. Two carefully selected case comparisons—Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in 1970–91, and Azerbaijan and Ecuador in 1990–2013—show how great powers created, utilized, and maintained petro-alignments under the unique logic of oil markets and across varying geopolitical settings. The findings have important implications on great powers’ grand strategies, strategic behaviors of oil states, and the role of oil in international security.; (AN 51264563)
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2.

Not Whether, But When? Governments’ Use of Militias in War by Ambrozik, Caitlin. Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p870-900, 31p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough government use of militias during civil conflict can ultimately undermine state authority, governments still use militias for battlefield assistance. This paper examines the selectivity of government decisions to use militias by disaggregating civil conflict to the level of battle phases. Civil-conflict battles typically consist of four phases: preparation, clear, hold, and build. I argue that governments decide to use militias based on the strength of government security forces, operational advantages of militias, and the type of battle phase. Governments will limit the use of militias during key battle phases that are likely to receive increased media attention unless a victory secured by government security forces is unlikely or militias hold an operational advantage. A comparative analysis of the offensive operations in Tikrit and Ramadi during Iraq’s war against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) lends initial support to this theory.; (AN 51264564)
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3.

Networked Cooperation: How the European Union Mobilizes Peacekeeping Forces to Project Power Abroad by Henke, Marina E.. Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p901-934, 34p; Abstract: AbstractHow does the European Union (EU) recruit troops and police to serve in EU peacekeeping missions? This article suggests that pivotal EU member states and EU officials make strategic use of the social and institutional networks within which they are embedded to bargain reluctant states into providing these forces. These networks offer information on deployment preferences, facilitate side-payments and issue-linkages, and provide for credible commitments. EU operations are consequently not necessarily dependent on intra-EU preference convergence—as is often suggested in the existing literature. Rather, EU force recruitment hinges on highly proactive EU actors, which use social and institutional ties to negotiate fellow states into serving in an EU missions.; (AN 51264565)
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4.

Balance of Loyalties: Explaining Rebel Factional Struggles in the Nicaraguan Revolution by Mosinger, Eric S.. Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p935-975, 41p; Abstract: AbstractWhat explains the causes and outcomes of rebel factional struggles? Existing explanations focus on exogenous and material factors that disrupt rebel organizations’ internal processes. Yet rebel groups succumb to infighting and organizational splinters even in the absence of external shocks. In this article I present an endogenous and social theory of rebel factional struggles, in which leadership disputes result from a shifting balance of loyalties within a rebel organization. In my model, rival rebel leaders cultivate the loyalty of two types of networks, recruitment networks and operational networks, which serve as power bases to initiate leadership struggles, launch coups, or split organizations. I build my theory through a case study of Nicaragua’s Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), which splintered into three factions in 1975–76. Drawing on an original network dataset of FSLN commanders, I trace how the organization’s network structure changed over time, spurring disputes over rank-and-file fighters’ loyalties that tore the FSLN apart.; (AN 51264566)
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5.

Revisiting the Madman Theory: Evaluating the Impact of Different Forms of Perceived Madness in Coercive Bargaining by McManus, Roseanne W.. Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p976-1009, 34p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reconsiders the theoretical logic behind the “Madman Theory”—the argument that it can be beneficial in coercive bargaining to be viewed as mad, or insane. I theorize about how we can best define perceived madness in a way that is relevant for analyzing coercive bargaining. I identify four types of perceived madness, broken down along two dimensions. The first dimension is whether a leader is perceived to (a) make rational calculations, but based on extreme preferences, or (b) actually deviate from rational consequence-based decision making. The second dimension is whether a leader’s madness is perceived to be (a) situational or (b) dispositional. I argue that situational extreme preferences constitute the type of perceived madness that is most helpful in coercive bargaining. I illustrate my argument using case studies of Adolf Hitler, Nikita Khrushchev, Saddam Hussein, and Muammar Gaddafi.; (AN 51264567)
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6.

Russian Orthodox Church and Nuclear Command and Control: A Hypothesis by Adamsky, Dmitry (Dima). Security Studies, October 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p1010-1039, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThe Russian Orthodox Church plays an immense role in current Russian national security policy. The intertwining of the church and the strategic community is nowhere more visible than in the nuclear-weapons complex, where the priesthood has penetrated all levels of command, been involved in operational activities, and positioned itself as a provider of meanings for, and guardian of, the state’s nuclear potential. The first work to highlight the phenomenon of the Russian church-nuclear nexus, this article focuses on the ecclesiastical impact on Russian nuclear command and control. The findings suggest that it is not inconceivable that the Russian military clergy—like the Soviet political officers and contrary to chaplains worldwide—might become future participants in decision making on matters of national security, and that de facto there might be two parallel chains of command authority emerging in Russia, with potential tensions between them. The article outlines the causes of this overlooked singularity and its implications for the theory and practice of international security.; (AN 51264568)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 30, no. 6-7, November 2019

Record

Results

1.

Gender, insurgency, and terrorism: introduction to the special issue by Bhattacharya, Srobana. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1077-1088, 12p; (AN 51013132)
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2.

Understanding women at war: a mixed-methods exploration of leadership in non-state armed groups by Henshaw, Alexis; Eric-Udorie, June; Godefa, Hannah; Howley, Kathryn; Jeon, Cat; Sweezy, Elise; Zhao, Katheryn. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1089-1116, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent efforts aimed at understanding women’s contributions to nonstate armed groups have produced large-scale data sets on female combatants (Wood and Thomas 2017) and more limited data on women’s roles as supporters and leaders in armed groups (Henshaw 2016; 2017, Loken 2018). The present study aims to build on this literature by providing new data on the scope of women’s leadership in insurgent groups. While existing quantitative literature has focused mostly on the experience of female combatants, we argue that the presence of women in leadership roles is crucial to understanding how gender might influence the outcomes of insurgency. We introduce new data on over 200 insurgent groups active since World War II. While our analysis confirms earlier small-sample work demonstrating women’s presence in leadership roles, a qualitative analysis reveals that leadership is often gendered–revealing patterns of tokenization and tracking women to low-prestige leadership roles. At the same time, our findings challenge past research on jihadist organizations, showing limited expansion in the authority of women.; (AN 51013133)
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3.

The ballot or the bomb belt: the roots of female suicide terrorism before and after 9/11 by Jahanbani, Nakissa P.; Willis, Charmaine N.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1117-1150, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent years, an upward trend in terrorist attacks has mirrored an increase in suicide attacks. According to our preliminary analysis, the events of September 11thmarked a sea change in the number of terrorist attacks. While a rich literature has evaluated why terrorists participate in suicide attacks, none have considered the uptick in volume after 9/11, and fewer yet have considered how female fighters may be contributing to this. We evaluate how both structural and female-specific factors affect the likelihood of female fighter suicide attacks. Recent literature discovered a trend in terrorist groups using females as suicide bombers due to cultural norms that permit them to get closer to targets. We test our theory using data from the Chicago Project on Security and Threats Suicide Attack Database (CPOST-SAD) and various datasets from the Quality of Government (QOG) compendium for the 1986–2016 time period. We construct a series of models that consider both female-specific and structural factors that could explain variation in the number of female suicide attacks. Our results indicate that our models encompass relatively stable patterns. Female political empowerment, female educational attainment, and female employment rates are significant and positive in our post-9/11 models, indicating that they may increase female suicide attacks. Democracy is a relevant structural factor and generally yields a positive effect on female suicide attacks across both time periods and multiple models. Ethnic fractionalization is significant in both time periods but yields a negative effect before 9/11 and a positive effect in the later period.; (AN 51013134)
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4.

Nigerian women and the trends of kidnapping in the era of Boko Haram insurgency: patterns and evolution by Okolie-Osemene, James; Okolie-Osemene, Rosemary I.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1151-1168, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe rising trend of kidnapping targeting women has shown that counterinsurgency does not begin and end with the strategic advantage of state security providers in the security market and the field. Kidnapping of females by Boko Haram insurgents threatens human security and hinders sustainable development goals in Northeastern Nigeria. With primary and secondary sources, this qualitative study examines how Boko Haram insurgents target women in Northeastern Nigeria. The paper argues that community driven security strategy achievable through the collaboration between state and traditional security providers, can prevent the entry and easy escape of the insurgents. It concludes that the forces of order should sustain a policy of stop and searches until insurgents are defeated along with a programme of community-based human rights education and insurgency emergency response system for quick response to security threats.; (AN 51013135)
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5.

Worth many sins: Al-Shabaab’s shifting relationship with Kenyan women by Petrich, Katharine; Donnelly, Phoebe. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1169-1192, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat happens when the world’s ‘oldest profession’ interacts with history’s oldest form of war? In the Horn of Africa, a symbiotic relationship between prostitutes and terrorists has emerged, illuminating critical information about the group’s ideology and strategy. In this article, we argue that al-Shabaab’s differential treatment of Somali and other East African women reveals the group’s strategic focus on Somalia, despite its claims to be a globally focused Islamic extremist organization. Through original ethnographic fieldwork in Kenya, the authors explore al-Shabaab’s deliberate relationships with different groups of women and explain how this helps scholars better understand the group. This article suggests the next phase of scholarship on gender and terrorism, encouraging scholars not only to pay attention to the relationship between women and terrorist groups, but to also examine the nuanced relationships between different categories of women and terrorist groups.; (AN 51013136)
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6.

Radicalizing female empowerment: gender, agency, and affective appeals in Islamic State propaganda by Biswas, Bidisha; Deylami, Shirin. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1193-1213, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWomen, from across the West, have increasingly joined Islamic extremist groups in a variety of roles. Why are women participating in movements which have a misogynistic and violent outlook? The dominant literature ascribes their motivations to conditions that make women vulnerable to extremist pulls. These include lack of marriage prospects, past experiences of sexual violence, and familial loss at the hands of ‘the enemy.’ This model of analysis sees the women as victims, rather than agents who determine their participation in extremism. Such an approach often locates women’s political motivations in a gendered private sphere, where their actions are determined by engagements with men. In contrast, the dominant descriptions of men’s religious extremism are situated through their political and public engagement as citizens. We argue that such a gendered binary does not provide a sufficient explanation of the political motivations of women who join Islamist extremist groups. Through a close reading of the Islamic State’s English-language propaganda materials, we explore how the group’s appeals to women rely on discourses of empowerment and agency. The Islamic State, we argue, reimagines Muslim women, not simply as mothers and wives, but as public agents of change in creating and shaping the global caliphate.; (AN 51013137)
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7.

Boko Haram insurgency and gendered victimhood: women as corporal victims and objects of war by Okoli, Al Chukwuma; Nnaemeka Azom, Stephen. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1214-1232, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBoko Haram insurgency in North East Nigeria has exposed women (girls, ladies, and mothers) to a complex jeopardy. While some women have suffered untimely widowhood or child-lack as a result of the Boko Haram onslaught, others have suffered death, forced abduction, and allied assaults on the main and side lines of the insurgency. Oftentimes, women have faced direct violence that essentially degrade their humanity. This is evident in the deployment of women as war-front sex slaves, human shields, and suicide bombers by the insurgents. The virtual expendability of women in the context of Boko Haram insurgency has been vividly demonstrated by the gale of female suicide bombings in Nigeria over the recent years. By means of a textual and contextual analysis of library sources and/or documentary data, as well as an adroit application of the theory of objectification, this study posits that, in addition to suffering collateral vulnerabilities, women have equally been instrumentalized as objects of terror in the context of Boko Haram insurgency. The paper further argues that the ‘weaponization’ of women’s bodies as bomb vessels and human shields by the insurgents highlights the height of women’s corporal victimization and objectification in contemporary asymmetric warfare.; (AN 51013138)
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8.

The ligaments of counter-terrorism regime: sexual violence and the vicarious traumatisation of female non-governmental organisation workers: evidence from Nigeria by Njoku, Emeka Thaddues. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1233-1263, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is a dearth of studies on indirect victims of sexual violence in counter-terrorism efforts. Using Nigeria as a case study, this paper argues that global and state-level counter-terrorism policies have generally failed to account for the psychological effects of the engagement of female NGO workers in counter-terrorism operations or mitigating the effects of terrorism in conflict zones. Specifically, there has been an increase in sexual violence perpetrated by some members of the security agencies involved in counter-terrorism operations in North-eastern Nigeria. As a result, female NGO workers carry out Medicare, psychosocial counselling and advocacy for these victims. Female NGO workers become exposed to the trauma of victims of sexual violence, which affects their mental health and thus performances in counter-terrorism activities in the country. This altered their worldview on issues of safety even among secured locations or among the presence of security agents and reinforced feelings of powerlessness.; (AN 51013139)
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9.

Empires of the mind: the colonial past and the politics of the present by Rich, Paul B.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1264-1273, 10p; (AN 51013140)
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10.

Mexico’s illicit drug networks and the state reaction by Dittmann, Layne. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1274-1275, 2p; (AN 51013141)
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11.

Dirty war: Rhodesia and chemical biological warfare: 1975–1980 by Wood, J. R. T.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, November 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6-7 p1275-1278, 4p; (AN 51013142)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 19, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Re-engaging the self/other problematic in post-positivist international relations: the 1964 expulsion of Greeks from Istanbul revisited by Kaliber, Alper. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p365-386, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBy critically engaging with the critical constructivist and post-structuralist accounts of foreign policy, this study examines the mass expulsion from Turkey of Istanbul Greeks in 1964 and 1965. As forms of radical post-positivism, these approaches provide ample insights to understand how this expulsion and the Cyprus conflict have become instrumental for reinscribing both Turkish national identity and the expelled Greeks as its inimical/threatening other. Noting that radical post-positivism focused on specific foreign policy cases in specific periods of time tends to overlook the role and significance of state-building processes in the configuration and negotiation of self/other interactions, this study argues that the gross violence in Cyprus in the 1960s was utilized to justify the economic, social and cultural marginalization of Istanbul Greeks as well as their premeditated expulsion. However, the Greek expulsion may be fully comprehended only when it is contextualized within the minority regime shaped throughout the formation of the Turkish nation state in 1923.; (AN 51015667)
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2.

The rise of populism in Turkey: a content analysis by Elçi, Ezgi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p387-408, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe rise of populist parties around the world raises concerns about liberal democracy. Amid the discussions on democratic backsliding, this study scrutinises populism in Turkey by using quantitative content analysis. For this goal, this article uses parliamentary group speeches of political leaders between 2011 and 2019 (N= 569) as raw data. The results illustrate that Erdoğan is significantly more populist than other leaders. Kılıçdaroğlu, on the other hand, appears as the least populist political figure. While Bahçeli exploits a Manichean discourse, Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP)) instrumentalises anti-elitism. The overall results indicate that Turkish politics is stuck in the spiral of populism, which damages democracy in Turkey.; (AN 51015669)
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3.

Discussion networks in Turkey: a social capital approach to informal social relations by Cenker-Özek, Cerem I.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p409-430, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe present study inquires into the informal social network underpinnings of generalized trust in Turkey. For this purpose, it utilizes survey data on Turkish discussion networks. The findings show that informal social relations in Turkey are mostly composed of non-kinship relations, which serve as an important bridge across diverse social groups. The socio-economic cleavages of age and education, however, are found to be important filters through which both kinship and non-kinship relations influence generalized trust. Overall, the analysis affirms the relationship between individuals’ socialization experiences and generalized trust. However, the influence of diverse social relations is not uniform and is much more complicated than is hypothesized in the social capital literature.; (AN 51015659)
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4.

Turkey’s rapprochements with Greece and Armenia: Understanding path breaking steps by Ozturk-Tuncel, Duygu; Celikpala, Mitat. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p431-449, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis comparative analysis considers the Turkish-Greek rapprochement and the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement processes with a three-dimensional approach. Although the deep-rooted conflicts between neither Greece and Turkey nor Armenia and Turkey were resolved via these processes, the bilateral relationships between the countries have significantly differed. This paper argues that two key main reasons lie behind this difference: the nature of the initiatives taken during the two processes and the influence of external actors on the course of the bilateral relations between Turkey and Greece, on the one hand, and Turkey and Armenia on the other hand.; (AN 51015662)
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5.

The 2017 incidents in the Aegean and Turkish foreign policy: using Q-methodology to examine Greek viewpoints by Karakasis, Vasileios P.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p451-472, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn January 2017, relations between Greece and Turkey were under severe strain when warships from both sides engaged in a brief standoff near a pair of uninhabited Greek ‘islets’ in the Aegean, whose sovereignty is disputed by Turkey. Theoretically informed by the literature of foreign policy analysis, we examine how the Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts interpreted Turkey’s behaviour at that particular time. The article considers the following research question: which factors, from a Greek point of view, explain Turkey’s foreign policy in the Aegean in January 2017? Our theoretical expectation is that, in the aftermath of the coup attempt in Turkey, Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts would ascribe domestic calculations into Turkey’s activities. We employed Q- methodology to uncover socially shared perspectives on this topic. Based on our findings, we uncovered two viewpoints: (1) Turkey’s diachronic strategy in the Aegean and (2) the strongman style. According to the former and most widely shared viewpoint, a consistent ‘rationalist’ strategy to change the status quo in the Aegean explains Turkey’s behaviour. According to the second one, the belief system of Turkey’s leadership legitimises the use of force in the conduct of foreign policy.; (AN 51015661)
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6.

Political parties and the meaning of Europe in northern Cyprus by Çıraklı, Mustafa. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p473-492, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the impact of the European Union (EU) on political party discourses in northern Cyprus. While the Turkish Cypriot community remain on the margins of the EU – with their prospects of EU integration depending on the resolution of the Cyprus conflict – an intriguing Europeaniation process has nonetheless taken place there since 2004, carrying significant potential to leave a mark on the future socio-political development of the Turkish Cypriot community. Drawing from constructivist readings on Europeanization, the paper shows that despite the lack of a resolution or substantive effects of EU policy in practice, the day-to-day articulations of Europe still play an important position within political party narratives. Revealing the ways in which political actors conceive of Europe in a context shaped by the on-going Cyprus problem, the paper also complements existing accounts of the EU’s role in other conflict settings.; (AN 51015660)
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7.

Ethno-nationalism, state building and migration: the first wave of migration from Turkey to North Cyprus by Talat Zrilli, Ayşenur. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p493-510, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on the first wave of migration from Turkey to North Cyprus (1975–1980), which is largely absent from existing migration literature. Through extensive oral history interviews with influential policy makers, policy implementers and opposition politicians of the period, as well as through in-depth interviews with immigrants, the complexly interwoven socio-economic and political-ideological parameters of this migratory movement is discussed. Thereby the paper endeavours to challenge the dichotomy between voluntary ‘labour migrations’ characterised by a predominant economic dimension, and ‘ethnic migrations’, which stand out due to their strong political-ideological dimension.; (AN 51015665)
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8.

The ideology of failed states: why intervention fails by Richmond, Oliver P.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p511-514, 4p; (AN 51015666)
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9.

Bosnia’s paralysed peace by Keil, Soeren. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p514-515, 2p; (AN 51015664)
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10.

Multiethnic regionalisms in Southeastern Europe: statehood alternatives by Kapidžić, Damir. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p515-516, 2p; (AN 51015657)
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11.

Turkey’s new foreign policy: Davutoglu, the AKP and the pursuit of regional order by Bechev, Dimitar. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p517-518, 2p; (AN 51015658)
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12.

Conditionality, the EU and Turkey: from transformation to retrenchment by Anagnostakis, Dimitrios. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p518-519, 2p; (AN 51015663)
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13.

The twentieth century in European memory. Transcultural mediation and reception by Banjeglav, Tamara. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p520-521, 2p; (AN 51015668)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 43, no.5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

The Geopolitics of the US-India-Russia Strategic Triangle by Zakharov, Aleksei. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p357-371, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe article deals with the state of play in the relationships between the United States, India and Russia. The focus of the article is placed on the geopolitical environment in which the three countries have been building their relationships in contemporary times. The author analyses the approaches of the US, India and Russia towards two geographical concepts of the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia. The situation in Afghanistan is examined through perspectives and interests of all three players as each of them is involved—though in a different manner—in the resolution of the crisis. The author displays the role of Beijing as a key variable for the US-India-Russia triangle.; (AN 51249846)
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2.

Korea’s Para-diplomacy with States in India: An Analysis of the ‘Caravan Events’ by Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p372-384, 13p; Abstract: AbstractIn the arena of international relations nation-states have been regarded as the primary actors. However, the constituent units of nation-states have also become active in forging relations with the political units which are located outside the national borders through ‘para-diplomacy’. Since the 1990s the states of Indian union have been playing a significant role in India’s foreign affairs. The Narendra Modi government in New Delhi has also established a ‘States Division’ in the Ministry of External Affairs. In this regard, the Republic of Korea has initiated ‘Caravan events’ to engage with the states in India. This article aims to examine and explain Korea’s para-diplomacy with states in India.; (AN 51249847)
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3.

Geopolitics of Western Indian Ocean: Unravelling China’s Multi-dimensional Presence by Gurjar, Sankalp. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p385-401, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe Western Indian Ocean (WIO) is now attaining centrestage in the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean. Apart from France and the US, China holds significant interests in the WIO. China’s interests with the WIO states could be divided in four categories: dual-use infrastructure building, politico-diplomatic focus, connectivity-access and military activities. All four are interconnected and facilitate China’s desire to project power. For China, activities in the WIO serve the purpose of ensuring energy supplies, maintaining economic growth and securing military interests. China’s engagement with the WIO states presents difficult challenges for major powers of the Indian Ocean like India.; (AN 51249848)
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4.

Actions Speak Louder than Words: China’s Consultative Peacekeeping in Africa by Ganchev, Ivo. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p402-417, 16p; Abstract: AbstractExisting concepts (e.g. ‘non-interference’ and ‘pragmatism’) remain too vague to provide explanations for China’s increasingly assertive security policy. To avoid this pitfall, this article adopts a narrower focus on Chinese security policy towards Africa. It explores two contrasting cases, namely Sudan/South Sudan and Mali to demonstrate that China: a) pursues security engagement only after obtaining permission by relevant parties (UN; regional organizations; target state); b) favours peacekeeping (stability) over peacebuilding (arbitrary support for emerging regimes); c) strategically interweaves its economic goals and security policy strategy. The article thus re-conceptualizes China’s new security policy towards Africa as ‘consultative peacekeeping.’; (AN 51249849)
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5.

Theorizing EU-TRACECA relationship in Eurasian context by Kaw, Mushtaq A.. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p418-434, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis article contends that the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA) is European Union’s (EU) most visionary trans-regional connectivity project. It theorizes the EU-TRACECA relationship to show that the TRACECA represents different regional integration concepts, and that the EU scripted it invariably for the mutual benefits of its partner states. Conceptually optimistic, the article, nonetheless, discovers certain inextricable complications in the TRACECA’s real working for varying economic profiles of and mutual conflicts among its member countries. Simultaneously, however, it argues that TRACECA can be a trailblazer for the 2018 ‘New EU-Asia Connectivity Strategy’ as it has already the requisite infrastructure for the purpose.; (AN 51249850)
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6.

Indian Ocean Perspectives: From Sea Power to Ocean Prosperity by Baru, Sanjaya. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p435-440, 6p; (AN 51249851)
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7.

Jordan and the Arab Uprisings: Regime Survival and Politics Beyond the State by Priya, Lakshmi. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p441-443, 3p; (AN 51249852)
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8.

New Directions in India’s Foreign Policy: Theory and Praxis by Kumar, Rajeesh. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p444-446, 3p; (AN 51249853)
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9.

Sri Lanka at the Crossroads: Geopolitical Challenges and NationalInterests by Pattanaik, Smruti S.. Strategic Analysis, September 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 5 p447-449, 3p; (AN 51249854)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 42, no. 12, December 2019

Record

Results

1.

Does Drug Trafficking Impact Terrorism? Afghan Opioids and Terrorist Violence in Central Asia by Omelicheva, Mariya Y.; Markowitz, Lawrence. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, December 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 12 p1021-1043, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe relationship between drug trafficking and terrorism remains a contentious issue. While some assert that drug trafficking is a strong predictor of terrorism, others contest this observation. This study focuses on the impact of the Afghan opioid trade on terrorist violence in Central Asia, a region of drug transit states. We employ Geographic Information Systems–enabled visualizations of the drug trade and terrorism as well as statistical tests to study the drug–terror relationship at the subnational level. Our findings lend support to the argument that the drug trade facilitates terrorism, but we also find that the drug–terror relationship is multifaceted, complex, and intimately linked to the state.; (AN 50950605)
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2.

Community Stakeholder Responses to Countering Violent Extremism Locally by Ambrozik, Caitlin. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, December 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 12 p1044-1068, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the United States, despite federal efforts to empower communities to form local governance networks to develop and implement collaborative countering violent extremism (CVE) programs, local CVE governance networks are rare. Why do CVE governance networks emerge within only some communities? I argue that three factors—interest in CVE, capacity to participate, and facilitation—determine the prospects for the emergence of a CVE governance network within a community. The article uses a matching technique to identify and compare the community stakeholder responses to CVE in two communities—Houston, TX and Columbus, OH. Survey research of stakeholders who participated in Houston and stakeholders most likely to participate in Columbus but did not highlights the importance of the three factors. By focusing on these drivers of collaborative governance, the article provides an explanation for the lack of CVE collaboration in the United States.; (AN 50950606)
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3.

The Strategy of Exclusion in American Counterterrorism by Newell, Michael. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, December 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 12 p1069-1089, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile garnering heightened attention following the Trump administration's travel restrictions, exclusionary tactics in counterterrorism have a much lengthier history. Given that some terrorism studies scholars identify social and political exclusion as an explanation for the resort to terrorist violence, the selection of a strategy of exclusion is significant. In this article, I identify the elements of a strategy of exclusion and the logic behind this strategy. In particular, I examine the origins and persistence of this strategy in the U.S. context. Rather than a contemporary anomaly, exclusion was among the first strategies the United States added to its counterterrorist tool-kit, and has remained among the most consistent strategies relied on. I trace the history of this strategy from its origins in immigration restrictions passed following the assassination of President McKinley by an anarchist through the contemporary War on Terror. Controversy surrounding this strategy, its negative effects on nonviolent immigrant populations, and its failure to prevent further acts of terrorism suggest it was historically ineffective and may also be so today.; (AN 50950607)
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4.

The Clinton Administration's Development and Implementation of Rendition (1993–2001) by Boys, James D.. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, December 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 12 p1090-1102, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA firestorm of protest greeted revelations of the rendition program when it was made public during the George W. Bush administration. The operational and political basis for the rendition initiative, however, had been established years before George W. Bush became president and was viewed as 'a new art form' by the Clinton administration. Despite significant efforts to distinguish between the two administrations, the evolution of the rendition initiative during the 1990s reveals far greater continuity than has been widely acknowledged. This paper examines the manner in which the Clinton administration utilized rendition in its own war on terror, years before George W. Bush came to power, with little public scrutiny or outrage.; (AN 50950608)
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10

Survival
Volume 61, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Should We Stay or Should We Go? The United States and the Middle East by Gause, F. Gregory. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p7-24, 18p; Abstract: By any reasonable baseline comparison, the United States is not leaving the Middle East. But its continuing presence should and probably will have more modest goals.; (AN 51002750)
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2.

Towards a More Prudent American Grand Strategy by Glaser, John; Preble, Christopher A.; Thrall, A. Trevor. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p25-42, 18p; Abstract: Doing less in foreign policy does not mean isolationism or retreat.; (AN 51002751)
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3.

Is America Prepared for Great- power Competition? by Blankenship, Brian D.; Denison, Benjamin. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p43-64, 22p; Abstract: As the Trump administration signals a return to great-power competition, it has also damaged the United States’ ability to prevail.; (AN 51002752)
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4.

Is Major War Still Obsolete? by Mandelbaum, Michael. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p65-71, 7p; Abstract: The period of deep peace ended because Russia, China and Iran adopted policies to overturn the political status quo.; (AN 51002753)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p72-74, 3p; (AN 51002754)
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6.

Securing Europe’s Economic Sovereignty by Leonard, Mark; Pisani-Ferry, Jean; Ribakova, Elina; Shapiro, Jeremy; Wolff, Guntram. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p75-98, 24p; Abstract: To protect European economic independence, the EU needs to better integrate economic policy and geopolitics.; (AN 51002755)
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7.

Decentralising Ukraine: Geopolitical Implications by Romanova, Valentyna; Umland, Andreas. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p99-112, 14p; Abstract: The ongoing devolution of power to the local level in Ukraine deprives Russia’s hybrid warriors of critical entry points and furthers Ukraine’s Europeanisation.; (AN 51002756)
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8.

Brief Notices Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 pe1-e9, 9p; (AN 51002766)
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9.

Decisive Response: A New Nuclear Strategy for NATO by Binnendijk, Hans; Gompert, David. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p113-128, 16p; Abstract: NATO still needs nuclear weapons, purely and simply, to deter Russia from using them first.; (AN 51002757)
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10.

Hypersonic Weapons and Strategic Stability by Wilkening, Dean. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p129-148, 20p; Abstract: If targeted by hypersonic weapons, Russia or China might conclude that its strategic nuclear forces were under attack when they were not.; (AN 51002758)
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11.

Chernobyl: A‘Normal’ Accident? by Braithwaite, Rodric. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p149-158, 10p; Abstract: Wholly engrossing, unsentimental and sympathetic, the television miniseries Chernobyl, by any reasonable yardstick, is a triumph.; (AN 51002759)
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12.

American Nihilist by Stevenson, Jonathan. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p159-170, 12p; Abstract: Salvatore Scibona’s novel The Volunteerjoins and transcends the Vietnam War literary canon, placing the war in the context of America’s post-9/11 decline.; (AN 51002760)
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13.

South Asia by Schaffer, Teresita C.. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p171-177, 7p; Abstract: Pakistan Under Siege: Extremism, Society, and the StateMadiha Afzal. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2018. $36.99. 192 pp.Fierce Enigmas: A History of the United States in South AsiaSrinath Raghavan. New York: Basic Books, 2018. £30.00/$40.00. 486 pp.Emergency Chronicles: Indira Gandhi and Democracy’s Turning PointGyan Prakash. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019. £24.00/$29.95. 439 pp.Messengers of Hindu Nationalism: How the RSS Reshaped IndiaWalter Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2019. £25.00. 405 pp.Many Rivers, One Sea: Bangladesh and the Challenge of Islamist MilitancyJoseph Allchin. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2019. £17.99. 237 pp.; (AN 51002761)
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14.

Middle East by Takeyh, Ray. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p178-184, 7p; Abstract: The English Job: Understanding Iran and Why It Distrusts BritainJack Straw. London: Biteback Publishing, 2019. £20.00. 400 pp.Energy Kingdoms: Oil and Political Survival in the Persian GulfJim Krane. New York: Columbia University Press, 2019. £25.00/$32.00. 206 pp.The Quest for Authority in Iran: A History of the Presidency from Revolution to RouhaniSiavush Randjbar-Daemi. London: I.B. Tauris, 2017. £85.00. 368 pp.Leap of Faith: Hubris, Negligence, and America’s Greatest Foreign Policy TragedyMichael J. Mazarr. New York: PublicAffairs, 2019. $30.00. 528 pp.The Rise and Fall of Peace on EarthMichael Mandelbaum. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. £18.99. 232 pp.; (AN 51002762)
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15.

Economy by Jones, Erik. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p185-192, 8p; Abstract: Globalization Under and After Socialism: The Evolution of Transnational Capital in Central and Eastern EuropeBesnik Pula. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018. $65.00. 258 pp.Financial Citizenship: Experts, Publics, and the Politics of Central BankingAnnelise Riles. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018. £11.99/$14.95. 108 pp.Currencies, Capital, and Central Bank BalancesJohn H. Cochrane, Kyle Palermo and John B. Taylor, eds. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2019. $14.95. 350 pp.Fighting Financial Crises: Learning from the PastGary B. Gorton and Ellis W. Tallman. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2018. £34.00/$45.00. 234 pp.Why Not Default? The Political Economy of Sovereign DebtJerome Roos. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019. £30.00/$39.95. 398 pp.; (AN 51002763)
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16.

Letter to the Editor by Inbar, Efraim; Shaver, Benjamin L.; Ziv, Guy. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p193-196, 4p; Abstract: The key issue is whether the minimum Israeli security conditions for the establishment of a Palestinian state can be fulfilled.; (AN 51002764)
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17.

Moral Compass of Central Europe by Zdrálek, Jan. Survival, September 2019, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p197-204, 8p; Abstract: Thirty years after the fall of communism, young democracies in Europe are threatened.; (AN 51002765)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 31, no. 6, November 2019

Record

Results

1.

Countering Violent Extremism: A Realist Review for Assessing What Works, for Whom, in What Circumstances, and How? by Gielen, Amy-Jane. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1149-1167, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScientific knowledge on what works in countering violent extremism remains limited. This article argues that we should move away from the “what works?” question and towards: “what works, for whom, in what circumstances, and how?” This method is also known as realist evaluation. This article applies the realist review method to CVE studies, which synthesizes the existing CVE literature and helps us gain insight into relevant contexts, mechanisms, and outcomes for CVE. Realist reviews help to develop and shape more effective policy and contribute to further CVE theory development.; (AN 51249964)
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2.

“So, the Killings Continued”: Wartime Mobilization and Post-War Violence in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa by van Baalen, Sebastian; Höglund, Kristine. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1168-1186, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany post-war states experience continuous low-intensity violence for years after the formal end of the conflict. Existing theories often focus on country-level explanations of post-war violence, such as the presence of spoilers or the nature of the peace agreement. Yet, post-war violence does not affect all communities equally; whereas some remain entrenched in violence, others escape the perpetuation of violent conflict. We argue that communities where wartime mobilization at the local level is based on the formation of alliances between armed groups and local elites are more likely to experience post-war violence, than communities where armed groups generate civilian support based on grassroots backing of the group’s political objectives. We explore this argument in a comparison of three communities in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, which have experienced different levels of post-war violence. The analysis supports the main argument and contributes to the research on the microdynamics of civil war by outlining the implications of certain strategies of wartime mobilization and how these may generate localized legacies.; (AN 51249965)
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3.

Chinese Strategy for De-radicalization by Zhou, Zunyou. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1187-1209, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina is fighting a tough battle against separatist terrorism perpetrated by militant Muslim Uyghurs in the far-western region of Xinjiang. De-radicalization is one of the policies the authorities in Xinjiang have recently taken to address the upsurge in terrorist violence. This paper consists of five parts. The first part deals with the background against which the de-radicalization strategy was conceived and developed. The second part discusses several major approaches to the strategy such as “five keys,” “four prongs,” “three contingents,” “two hands,” and “one rule.” The third part presents custodial, post-imprisonment, and social programs for targeting three groups of people: imprisoned radicals, released radicals, as well as those who are radicalized but not prosecuted. The fourth part describes programs for engaging communities in order to win over politically reliable people from civil society for support in de-radicalization. The last part draws a conclusion regarding the characteristics of, effectiveness of, controversies over, and future of the Chinese de-radicalization campaign.; (AN 51249966)
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4.

A Fifth Wave of Terrorism? The Emergence of Terrorist Semi-States by Honig, Or; Yahel, Ido. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1210-1228, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDrawing on Rapoport’s four waves thesis, this study asks whether the emergence of terrorist semi-states (TSS) in the 21st-century MENA region and Pakistan mean that we are seeing the beginning of a new (fifth) wave. We define a TSS as a rebel group that a) has control over portions of a weak state’s territory, maintaining governance there; b) but still launches terrorist attacks against third-party states. To be considered a fifth wave, the new terrorism phenomenon at hand must both fit Rapoport’s criteria of a wave (be global, have the same driving force) and also be significantly different from the prior wave. Clearly, the TSSs are different from the religious terror groups of the fourth wave in key respects: they prioritize territorial control, they engage in a much wider array of governance activities (not just social services), most of their victims have been members of the same religion—namely, Muslims (which suggests that they are driven more by the pursuit of power than by Jihad); and finally, their behavior (though not their statements) shows they have a local rather than a universal agenda. The main counter-argument is that TSSs are all Islamic and have so far not been exported globally.; (AN 51249967)
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5.

Inferno Terror: Forest Fires as the New Form of Terrorism by Besenyő, János. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1229-1241, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBetween the 18th and 26th of November 2016, 220 different locations went up in flames in the Israeli forest. Israeli firefighters were powerless to contain the fires, so army and police units had to contribute. Thousands of civilian volunteers also joined the fight against the fire. The Israeli firemen were unable to curb the continuously blazing fires, which is why the Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, asked and received international support. The operation lasted for eight days, more than 1,700 fires were eliminated, but the conflagration caused considerable damage. Due to the extremely dry and windy periods, many blamed the weather conditions for the damage, but it soon became clear that in several cases, the cause was arson. Although arson as a method of extremism has been continuously practiced in many incidents worldwide, it is still beyond the scope of research on terrorism. This essay aims to prove that we have to raise awareness of the issue, highlighting both relevant incidents and the extremist group’s propaganda incentive towards the enhanced use of arson. We raise the question whether on the basis of the incidents in Israel, arson could become a frequently used method of European terrorist units or individuals. And if yes, how the national counter-terrorist and law-enforcement agencies may adapt to the challenge of hardly controllable arson in order to minimize the chance of similarly executed attacks in the future.; (AN 51249968)
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6.

Navigating ISIS’s Preferred Platform: Telegram1 by Bloom, Mia; Tiflati, Hicham; Horgan, John. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1242-1254, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIslamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) online recruitment has been the subject of considerable interest by journalists and technology writers, but there has been no scholarly work to date exploring ISIS Telegram channels and chat rooms. Telegram has played an important role in recruitment and coordination in recent ISIS/terror attacks in Europe. Further, Telegram is quickly replacing the group’s online presence on more open platforms such as Facebook and Twitter as these companies aggressively police and shut down ISIS-linked accounts. This research note aims to demystify Telegram, explain how it can be used for research, and discuss some of the addictive qualities associated with user engagement.; (AN 51249969)
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7.

Do 90 Percent of Terrorist Groups Last Less than a Year? Updating the Conventional Wisdom by Phillips, Brian J.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1255-1265, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTProminent scholars criticize terrorism research for lacking sufficient empirical testing of arguments. Interestingly, one of the most widely cited estimates in terrorism studies has not been evaluated using the many data sources now available. Rapoport’s 1992 claim, that perhaps 90 percent of terrorist groups last less than one year, has been described as part of the conventional wisdom. This estimate is frequently used to justify studies of terrorist group longevity, a substantial line of research in recent years. Is the estimate accurate? Scholars increasingly publish data sets of terrorist organizations, but no one has analyzed them collectively to see if the 90 percent claim holds up. This article examines the eight largest global data sets of terrorist group longevity, covering 1968–2013. The samples vary considerably, but the percentage of groups that do not survive beyond their first year in these relevant data sets is between 25–74 percent. Across all data sets, on average about 50 percent of terrorist organizations do not make it past their first year. There is some variation depending on group motivations, consistent with Rapoport’s “wave” theory. However, overall, terrorist organizations appear to be more durable than the conventional wisdom suggests.; (AN 51249970)
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8.

The Internet and Its Potentials for Networking and Identity Seeking: A Study on ISIS by Sardarnia, Khalil; Safizadeh, Rasoul. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1266-1283, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith the accelerating process of globalization and the development of its technological dimension, more and more opportunities and channels are available to the terrorist groups in the world to mobilize resources and advocates. “Islamic State of Iraq and Sham” (ISIS), as the most modern terrorist-excommunicative group (Takfiry), has been able to utilize the Internet and social networks highly adeptly. While ignoring the function of long-term structural and essential factors underlying the formation of ISIS, and also combining the networked society theory and triple forms of identities proposed by Manuel Castells with theoretical discussions on identity making, networking, and mobilization of media, the current article seeks to analyze the role of cyberspace and social networks as accelerating and opportunistic agents in mobilizing resources and disseminating ISIS. Using an explanatory analytical research method, the current article mainly intends to find a reply to the question: What has been the role of online social networks in connection with ISIS as an excommunicative and terrorist group? According to the research hypothesis, due to ISIS’s subtle, prevocational-emotional and targeted utilization of online social networks, the networks have played the role of an accelerator and opportunity maker in some areas including network building, guidance of public opinion, identity making, and the promotion of project identity of this terrorist group. The general conclusion obtained from the article is that ISIS, as the most terrifying and the most modern group equipped with cyber media, has been able to attract many forces out of fanatical religious groups, unemployed people, criminals, etc., worldwide. Additionally, with the recruitment of fanatics, ISIS has been able to accomplish identity making and network building. As a result, regional security and even security in Western countries is also highly endangered.; (AN 51249971)
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9.

Palestinian Social Media and Lone-Wolf Attacks: Subculture, Legitimization, and Epidemic by Chorev, Harel. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1284-1306, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the impact of social media on the wave of Palestinian lone-wolf attacks against Israelis from October 2015 through September 2016. My principal argument is that social media played an important role in shaping the identity, perceptions, and behavioral patterns of dozens of assailants, and was key in creating the dynamic that ultimately characterized both the spreading of the idea of lone-wolf attacks and its execution. Social media reflected reality on the ground while simultaneously nourishing, amplifying, and escalating the situation by providing a platform for the emergence of new sources of authority, including an online subculture with distinct codes and pseudo-ritual patterns to support assailants. Social media also contributed substantially to shaping the contagious character of the attacks, and their capacity to persist without direct organizational guidance, following a typical epidemiological dynamic of spread, containment, and preservation.; (AN 51249972)
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10.

Terrorism as Process Narratives: A Study of Pre-Arrest Media Usage and the Emergence of Pathways to Engagement by Holbrook, Donald; Taylor, Max. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1307-1326, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTerrorism is a highly irregular form of crime where multiple factors combine to create circumstances that are unique to each case of involvement, or attempted involvement, in terrorist violence. Yet, there are commonalities in the way in which efforts to become involved unfold as processes, reflected as sequential developments where different forces combine to create conditions where individuals seek to plan acts of violence. The best way to frame this involvement is through analytical approaches that highlight these procedural dimensions but are equally sensitive to the nuances of each case. Analysing pre-arrest media usage of convicted terrorists, this paper focuses on the ways in which belief pathways and operational pathways interact in five distinct cases of terrorist involvement in the UK in what are termed “process narratives.”; (AN 51249973)
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11.

Experimental Effects of a Call-Center Disclaimer Regarding Confidentiality on Callers’ Willingness to Make Disclosures Related to Terrorism by Williams, Michael J.; Bélanger, Jocelyn J.; Horgan, John; Evans, William P.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1327-1341, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUtilizing a sample drawn to represent the general U.S. population, the present study experimentally tested whether a call-center’s disclaimer regarding limits to caller confidentiality (i.e., that operators would be required to refer calls to law enforcement if callers were to discuss anyone who was a danger to themselves or others) affected disclosures related to a third party’s involvement with terrorist groups, gangs, or such party’s commission of assault and/or non-violent crimes.Disclaimer type did not significantly affect the number of terrorism-related disclosures. Furthermore, it did not significantly affect either the number of gang-related disclosures or reports of assault. However, the law enforcement referral disclaimer/condition reduced the number of disclosures of non-violent crimes that were not directly related to terrorism, gangs, or assault, though its effect accounted for less than one percent of the variance between conditions. Additionally, disclaimer type did not significantly affect willingness to recommend the call-center, nor did that effect vary significantly by age or sex. Implications for the call-center’s role in addressing ideologically motivated violence (terrorism, violent extremism), as a form of secondary/targeted prevention, are discussed.; (AN 51249974)
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12.

Apocalypse, Revolution and Terrorism: from the Sicari to the American Revolt against the Modern World by Strenski, Ivan. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1342-1344, 3p; (AN 51249975)
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13.

After the Caliphate by Gallagher, Martin J.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1345-1346, 2p; (AN 51249976)
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14.

Social Media Freaks: Digital Identity in the Network Society by Gilbert, Danielle. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1347-1349, 3p; (AN 51249977)
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15.

Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present by Geran Pilon, Juliana. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1350-1351, 2p; (AN 51249978)
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16.

King of Spies: The Dark Reign of America’s Spy Master in Korea by Burke, Kyle. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1352-1353, 2p; (AN 51249979)
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17.

A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World’s Most Intractable Conflict by Wentling, Sonja. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1354-1355, 2p; (AN 51249980)
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18.

The War Against Al Qaeda: Religion, Policy, and Counter-Narratives by Robinson, Marsha R.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1356-1357, 2p; (AN 51249981)
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19.

What Makes a Terrorist: Economics and the Roots of Terrorism by Chapman, Roger. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1358-1359, 2p; (AN 51249982)
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20.

Afghanistan’s Internal and External Factors by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1360-1365, 6p; (AN 51249983)
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21.

The Holocaust Industry: Reflections On the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering by Denton, Donald D.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1366-1368, 3p; (AN 51249984)
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22.

The Threat from Within: Recognizing Al Qaeda-Inspired Radicalization and Terrorism in the West by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1369-1370, 2p; (AN 51249985)
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23.

Why Terrorists Quit: The Disengagement of Indonesian Jihadists by Ambrozik, Caitlin. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1371-1372, 2p; (AN 51249986)
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24.

Talibanistan: Negotiating the Borders Between Terror, Politics, and Religion by Krause, Peter. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1373-1375, 3p; (AN 51249987)
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25.

Russian Interventions in the Post-Soviet and Syrian Conflicts by Rezvani, Babak. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 6 p1376-1380, 5p; (AN 51249988)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 42, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Economic Statecraft in the Age of Trump by Drezner, Daniel W.. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p7-24, 18p; (AN 51184697)
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2.

The BJP’s Puzzling Victory: Was It about Hindu Nationalism? by Ganguly, Sumit; Jha, Himanshu. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p25-39, 15p; (AN 51184698)
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3.

Great Expectations: Asking Too Much of the US-India Strategic Partnership by Lalwani, Sameer; Byrne, Heather. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p41-64, 24p; (AN 51184699)
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4.

Does Al Qaeda Have a Future? by Byman, Daniel. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p65-75, 11p; (AN 51184700)
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5.

Broken Partnerships: Can Washington Get Security Cooperation Right? by Saab, Bilal Y.. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p77-89, 13p; (AN 51184701)
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6.

The Changing Fundamentals of US-China Relations by Medeiros, Evan S.. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p93-119, 27p; (AN 51184702)
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7.

Unity, Democracy, and Anti-Americanism in China by Meng, Weizhan. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p121-135, 15p; (AN 51184703)
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8.

China, NATO, and the Pitfall of Empty Engagement by Holslag, Jonathan. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p137-150, 14p; (AN 51184704)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51184704&site=ehost-live

9.

India and China: A Managed Nuclear Rivalry? by Basrur, Rajesh. The Washington Quarterly, July 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3 p151-170, 20p; (AN 51184705)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51184705&site=ehost-live

 

13

West European Politics
Volume 43, no. 1, January 2020

Record

Results

1.

Who votes for new parties? Economic voting, political ideology and populist attitudes by Marcos-Marne, Hugo; Plaza-Colodro, Carolina; Freyburg, Tina. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p1-21, 21p; Abstract: AbstractBeginning with the economic crisis in 2008, a number of European societies witnessed the emergence of ‘new parties’. Most authors explain their electoral appeal by focusing on how the perceived state of the economy influences individuals’ voting decisions. This article determines the extent to which political attitudes can also explain voting for new political parties born in the heat of the economic crisis. Specifically, it explores the link between populist attitudes, in contrast to pluralist and elitist attitudes, and voting for two new political parties in Spain (Ciudadanos; Podemos), which are noticeably different in their ideological positions, programmatic proposals and populist discourses. The results show that stronger populist attitudes increase the likelihood of voting for new parties as dissimilar as Podemosand Ciudadanos. Overall, the findings suggest that voting for new parties cannot be understood as a mere economic response. Rather, political factors, and especially populist attitudes, matter too.; (AN 51097640)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51097640&site=ehost-live

2.

New political parties through the voters’ eyes by Wuttke, Alexander. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p22-48, 27p; Abstract: AbstractScholars have mainly studied the formation of political parties on the macro-level, but to explain the conditions of successful party establishment it is important to understand the motivational underpinnings of voting for a new party on the individual level. Using cross-national voter surveys and long-term panel data from Germany (2005–2013) and the Netherlands (1998–2002), this study contrasts the implicit assumptions about voter behaviour of equilibrium- and protest-based theories on party emergence. Although proximity to a new party matters, the evidence does not support the equilibrium perspective’s tenet that new parties gain votes from citizens whose views were not represented in the preceding election. Moreover, political discontent was identified as fertile soil for new parties to gain electoral support, but the relationship between discontent and voting is more complex than theoretically suggested. These findings on individual voter behaviour may inform further theoretical work on the successful establishment of new political parties.; (AN 51097641)
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3.

The party choice set and satisfaction with democracy by Dassonneville, Ruth; McAllister, Ian. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p49-73, 25p; Abstract: AbstractA well-functioning democracy requires citizens’ support for its political institutions and procedures. While scholars have previously studied the role of contextual factors for explaining satisfaction with democracy, a rigorous focus on how the party choice set affects how satisfied citizens are with democracy is largely absent from the literature. This neglect of the impact of parties is surprising, given their central position within modern, representative democracies. In this article, a comprehensive and comparative analysis of the impact of party systems on citizens’ satisfaction with democracy is presented. Use is made of the combined data of the first four modules of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project and various measures of the party system are used to capture different aspects of the party choice set: the number of parties, their polarisation, and the congruence between public opinion and the party offer. In contrast to expectations, only scant evidence is found that having a wider choice increases citizens’ satisfaction with democracy.; (AN 51097642)
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4.

Dimensions of political conflict and party positions in multi-level democracies: evidence from the Local Manifesto Project by Gross, Martin; Jankowski, Michael. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p74-101, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPartisan conflicts have been frequently analysed in comparative political science research. Yet little is known about the dimensions of political conflict at the local level in multi-level democracies. This article contributes to the literature on the estimation and analysis of party positions by first presenting a new dataset of more than 800 local party manifestos in Germany that allows for a systematic analysis of the dimensions of political conflict at the German local level. Secondly, it is demonstrated that (semi-)automatic content analysis of these texts offers a promising approach for gaining new insights into local party positions. Thirdly, the empirical analysis of German local party manifestos shows that partisan conflicts are not only structured along the left–right dimension but also along a dimension which distinguishes between parties addressing ‘local’ and ‘national’ issues to a varying degree in their manifestos, due to the different behaviour of established and populist parties.; (AN 51097643)
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5.

The effect of being conflict non-avoidant: linking conflict framing and political participation by Bjarnøe, Camilla; de Vreese, Claes Holger; Albæk, Erik. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p102-128, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThe news media’s ability to mobilise citizens to participate politically by emphasising elite conflict in politics is not well understood. This article argues that citizens may gain knowledge when exposed to conflict news framing. It further theorises that whether they translate their knowledge into political participation is conditioned by their orientation towards conflict. Individuals who avoid conflict participate less frequently than individuals who do not. The proposed moderated mediation process was tested using a content analysis of news media coverage and a three-wave panel survey (n = 2,061). Results show that the effect of exposure to conflict news framing on (changes in) political participation is positively mediated by knowledge. This mediation effect is moderated by conflict avoidance, where the effect is more positive among conflict non-avoiders than conflict avoiders. This study shows that understanding the news media’s mobilising effect on political participation requires attention to both news content and individual motivational factors.; (AN 51097644)
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6.

When success is an orphan: informal institutional governance and the EU–Turkey deal by Smeets, Sandrino; Beach, Derek. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p129-158, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThis article traces the role of the EU institutions in the process leading up to the EU–Turkey Action Plan and EU–Turkey Statement. The EU–Turkey deal is the proverbial ‘orphan’ in EU crises management, with none of the key actors and institutions eager to claim ownership. Yet when judged from the perspective of process management, the deal resulted from effective inter-institutional collaboration, which stands in stark contrast to the EU’s handling of the relocation schemes or the Dublin reform. Using insights from the informal governance literature, the article maps the inter-institutional network that managed this process, traces the activities within the network, and determines the effects these had on the final outcome. On an analytical level, the mechanism contains five key elements of informal institutional governance: linking, bridging, shielding, laying out the tracks and creative fixes. The conclusion reflects on the wider applicability and scope conditions of this mechanism.; (AN 51097645)
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7.

Relying on agencies in major European Union legislative measures by Migliorati, Marta. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p159-180, 22p; Abstract: AbstractOver the past 30 years European Union legislators have established 34 agencies invested with a wide array of executive tasks. How significant are these new institutions in the implementation of major EU measures? This article extends our understanding of delegation dynamics in the EU by offering original empirical evidence about the reliance of EU legislators upon EU-level bureaucratic agents beyond the Commission. After introducing a new longitudinal dataset (1985–2016) of salient EU secondary legislation, by means of a quantitative analysis, the article tests three hypotheses drawn from the theories of delegation and bureaucratic behaviour. Results show that the likelihood of relying on an agency for implementation increases with the initial growth of the Commission’s policy-making powers, but then decreases significantly when the Commission reaches high levels of policy competences. Moreover, the probability of relying on agencies is positively affected by the complexity of the policy issue at stake.; (AN 51097646)
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8.

Is politics under increasing corporate sway? A longitudinal study on the drivers of corporate access by Aizenberg, Ellis; Hanegraaff, Marcel. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p181-202, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses patterns in interest group access to the political process in the Netherlands from 1970 to 2017. Research has indicated that corporations are amongst the most frequent participants in contemporary political systems. Yet such research has had a strong focus on the US, leaving a gap in our knowledge of corporate lobbying within Europe. This study demonstrates for the first time in a European context that, in contrast to several decades ago, corporations have managed to increase their access to the political process. In doing so, the article tests a new approach that identifies large-scale interest group populations. The method shows itself to be reliable and can therefore be useful for other scholars. The explanatory model indicates that corporate access increases when the economy weakens and political opportunities increase. Overall, the article demonstrates that business interests have managed to expand their access, contributing to a fragmented interest group system.; (AN 51097647)
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9.

Institutional change in parliament through cross-border partisan emulation by Senninger, Roman. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p203-224, 22p; Abstract: AbstractInstitutional responses of parliaments to international developments are widely regarded as efficient changes because they tend to be unaffected by partisan preferences and benefit all members of parliament equally. This article challenges that common notion by providing evidence that the institutional responses of national parliaments to European integration are in large part the result of international partisan emulation. Spatial regression analyses robustly show that parliamentary EU oversight institutions diffuse across member states whose majority parties have similar constitutional preferences. A parliament is more likely to emulate the EU oversight institution of another parliament if their majority parties have similar ideas about the territorial distribution of power and institutional framework for policy making. This result has important implications for our understanding of institutional change in parliament. Responses of parliaments to external developments may appear non-partisan at first sight but unfold partisan characteristics if one looks beyond the domestic level.; (AN 51097648)
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10.

Parliamentary questions as a control mechanism in coalition governments by Höhmann, Daniel; Sieberer, Ulrich. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p225-249, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that government parties can use parliamentary questions to monitor coalition partners in order to reduce agency loss through ministerial drift. According to this control logic, government parties have particular incentives to question ministers whose jurisdictions display high policy conflict andhigh electoral salience and thus hold the prospect of electorally damaging ministerial drift. Multivariate regression analysis of all parliamentary questions in the German Bundestag between 1980 and 2017 supports this hypothesis, showing that cabinet parties address substantially and significantly more questions to ministries held by coalition partners on salient and ideologically divisive issues. This interactive effect does not occur for opposition parties or questions posed to own-party ministers. These findings, as well as the temporal patterns of questioning over the electoral cycle, indicate that control within coalitions is a distinct motivation for questioning ministers that cannot be reduced to existing explanations such as electorally motivated issue competition.; (AN 51097649)
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11.

The market, the state and satisfaction with democracy by Nadeau, Richard; Daoust, Jean-François; Arel-Bundock, Vincent. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p250-259, 10p; Abstract: AbstractSatisfaction with democracy is driven by the two mechanisms that affect citizens’ income: the market and the state. When people consider that the levels of economic growth and redistribution are sufficient, they are more satisfied with the performance of democratic institutions. This relationship is moderated by personal income: since low-income citizens are more sensitive to changes in personal economic circumstances than high-income citizens, they give more weight to economic perceptions and opinions about redistribution. In this paper evidence is found of this conditional relationship in survey data from 16 established democracies. The results offer a rich characterisation of the state and market-based mechanisms that affect satisfaction with democracy.; (AN 51097650)
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12.

When a pariah party exploits its demonised status: the 2019 Finnish general election by Arter, David. West European Politics, January 2020, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 1 p260-273, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe governing Centre and Conservative parties played the ‘economy’ card – we’ve got Finland ‘back into shape’; the green parties, the Greens and Left Alliance, played the ‘climate change’ card, demanding action to go with the talk; the Social Democrats played the ‘caring’ card and the need for a Finland that cares for the elderly, the low-paid and young persons; the Finns Party in contrast played the ‘no one likes us, we don’t care’ card, seeking to exploit its pariah status for electoral gain. The adoption of a siege mentality strategy, designed to capitalise on its ostracised position, served to mobilise protest support and the Finns Party came within a whisker of beating the Social Democrats into second place. The Social Democrats then turned the clock back and put together the type of left‒centre (‘red mud’) coalition that had characterised Finnish governments for half a century from the mid-1930s onwards.; (AN 51097651)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471477&site=ehost-live

11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 71, no. 4, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 71 issue 4 Cover and Back matter World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 50963283)
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2.

WPO volume 71 issue 4 Cover and Front matter World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 pf1-f2, 2p; (AN 50963284)
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3.

Can Transitional Justice Improve the Quality of Representation in New Democracies? by Ang, Milena; Nalepa, Monika. World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p631-666, 36p; Abstract: AbstractCan transitional justice enhance democratic representation in countries recovering from authoritarian rule? The authors argue that lustration, a policy that reveals secret collaboration with the authoritarian regime, can prevent former authoritarian elites from extorting policy concessions from past collaborators who have been elected as politicians in the new regime. Absent lustration, former elites can threaten to reveal information about past collaboration unless the politicians implement policies these elites desire. In this way, lustration policies enable politicians to avoid blackmail and to be responsive to their constituents, improving the quality of representation. The authors show that whether lustration enhances representation depends on its severity and the extent to which dissidents-turned-politicians would suffer if the skeletons in their closets were revealed. The authors also find that the potential to blackmail politicians increases as the ideological distance between authoritarian elites and politicians decreases. They test this theory with original data from the Global Transitional Justice Dataset, which spans eighty-four countries that transitioned to democracy since 1946.; (AN 50963285)
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4.

Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War, Gender, and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya by Lazarev, Egor. World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p667-709, 43p; Abstract: AbstractHow do legacies of conflict affect choices between state and nonstate legal institutions? This article studies this question in Chechnya, where state law coexists with Sharia and customary law. The author focuses on the effect of conflict-induced disruption of gender hierarchies because the dominant interpretations of religious and customary norms are discriminatory against women. The author finds that women in Chechnya are more likely than men to rely on state law and that this gender gap in legal preferences and behavior is especially large in more-victimized communities. The author infers from this finding that the conflict created the conditions for women in Chechnya to pursue their interests through state law—albeit not without resistance. Women’s legal mobilization has generated a backlash from the Chechen government, which has attempted to reinstate a patriarchal order. The author concludes that conflict may induce legal mobilization among the weak and that gender may become a central cleavage during state-building processes in postconflict environments.; (AN 50963286)
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5.

Vote Brokers, Clientelist Appeals, and Voter Turnout: Evidence from Russia and Venezuela by Frye, Timothy; Reuter, Ora John; Szakonyi, David. World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p710-746, 37p; Abstract: AbstractModern clientelist exchange is typically carried out by intermediaries—party activists, employers, local strongmen, traditional leaders, and the like. Politicians use such brokers to mobilize voters, yet little about their relative effectiveness is known. The authors argue that broker effectiveness depends on their leverage over clients and their ability to monitor voters. They apply their theoretical framework to compare two of the most common brokers worldwide, party activists and employers, arguing the latter enjoy numerous advantages along both dimensions. Using survey-based framing experiments in Venezuela and Russia, the authors find voters respond more strongly to turnout appeals from employers than from party activists. To demonstrate mechanisms, the article shows that vulnerability to job loss and embeddedness in workplace social networks make voters more responsive to clientelist mobilization by their bosses. The results shed light on the conditions most conducive to effective clientelism and highlight broker type as important for understanding why clientelism is prevalent in some countries but not others.; (AN 50963289)
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6.

Voting for Victors: Why Violent Actors Win Postwar Elections by Daly, Sarah Zukerman. World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p747-805, 59p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents’ varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents’ provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.; (AN 50963287)
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7.

Imperial Rule, the Imposition of Bureaucratic Institutions, and their Long-Term Legacies by Vogler, Jan P.. World Politics, October 2019, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p806-863, 58p; Abstract: AbstractSignificant variation in the institutions and efficiency of public bureaucracies across countries and regions are observed. These differences could be partially responsible for divergence in the effectiveness of policy implementation, corruption levels, and economic development. Do imperial legacies contribute to the observed variation in the organization of public administrations? Historical foreign rule and colonization have been shown to have lasting effects on legal systems, political institutions, and trade in former controlled territories. Imperial legacies could also explain variations in the performance of public administrations. The author uses the case of Poland to investigate the long-term effects of foreign rule on bureaucratic systems. Historically, Poland was split between three imperial powers with very different public administrations: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Statistical analyses of original data collected through a survey of more than 650 Polish public administrations suggest that some present-day differences in the organization and efficiency of bureaucracies are due to imperial legacies.; (AN 50963288)
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