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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 28, no. 5, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Explaining subnational parliamentary scrutiny powers: A fuzzy-set analysis of German Landtage by Buzogány, Aron; Häsing, Jens R.. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p547-574, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.; (AN 46642653)
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2.

Building bridges over troubled waters: Administrative change at the regional level in European, multilevel water management by Indset, Marthe. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p575-596, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Commission is promoting more decentralized forms of multilevel administration, without having its own administrative capacity on the ground. This article examines the role of ground-level administration in this multilevel system, by analysing why and how administrative change at sub-national levels comes about in connection with the implementation of European Union (EU) legislation. Despite their similar unitary state systems, Sweden and Norway have implemented the administrative requirements of the Water Framework Directive differently. While Sweden has delegated decision-making authority to novel regional-level bodies, triggering frictions in the hierarchical structure of government, Norway established networked, interdependent structures. Enquiring into the causes, the study finds that complementary use of instrumental, power-oriented and historical institutionalism shed light on the conditions under which European multilevel administration develops. In complex political-administrative systems, domestic legacies and time-specific events provide ‘turfs’ for Europeanization-processes shaping domestic administrative systems from within.; (AN 46642654)
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3.

Choosing channels. Intra-state and extra-state strategies of Belgian subnational authorities in response to the European Semester by Bursens, Peter; De Blauwer, Joeri. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p597-616, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropeanization literature has found that, in general, subnational authorities prefer to target the EU indirectly via member state channels. This article tests whether these findings hold in the non-legislative domain of the European Semester. With respect to the Belgian case, the article concludes that all Belgian subnational authorities indeed primarily use the cooperative intra-state channels as a response to the domestic division of competences and the EU decision-making procedures. It also finds that in addition especially Flanders invests substantially in extra-state strategies towards EU institutions. The article concludes that stronger time constraints, lower compliance pressure and the more politically salient issues of the European Semester trigger the most prosperous and identity prone region to adopt additional extra-state channels on top of the dominant intra-state channels.; (AN 46642655)
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4.

Institutional dynamics in loosely coupled federal systems: The cases of Argentina and Venezuela by Kestler, Thomas. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p617-644, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article takes up recent work on path dependence and dynamism in federal systems. It argues that historical institutionalist suppositions derived from tightly coupled federations cannot be extended to loosely coupled federal systems, as are found in Latin America. Loose coupling means that interaction between actors and state levels is contentious and informal. Loosely coupled federations are less prone to path dependence and exhibit a strong propensity to institutional dynamics, especially after decentralization. In this article, the focus is on the relationship between party system and federal structure to show how the interaction between both components in the context of loose coupling can lead to swift shifts towards centralization or decentralization. By examining two cases, Argentina and Venezuela, the relevant mechanisms of institutional interaction are carved out and the resulting dynamics are reconstructed.; (AN 46642656)
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5.

‘No regionalism please, we are Leghisti !’ The transformation of the Italian Lega Nord under the leadership of Matteo Salvini by Albertazzi, Daniele; Giovannini, Arianna; Seddone, Antonella. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2018, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p645-671, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhilst the Lega Nord has traditionally been defined as a regionalist populist party, since Matteo Salvini became its leader in 2013 it has undergone a process of profound ideological transformation. This article assesses this momentous change and the impact it could have on the future of the Lega, drawing on a content analysis of Salvini’s and the party’s Facebook posts, as well as interviews with regional leaders. It argues that, under Salvini’s personal style of leadership: (a) regionalism has been replaced by an empty form of nativist nationalism, which fails to address socio-economic issues related to the North–South divide; (b) populism remains central to the party’s strategic communication, but the EU has taken Rome’s place as the people’s ‘enemy’; (c) this ideological shift has paid-off at the 2018 general election, but is underpinned by latent fractures between the leader and regional representatives which could have profound implications in the future.; (AN 46642657)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 163, no. 4, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Note by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p7-7, 1p; (AN 46782778)
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2.

Obituary by Clarke, Michael; Lewis, Julian. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p8-9, 2p; (AN 46782779)
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3.

Salisbury, Novichok and International Law on the Use of Force by Lewis, Stephen. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p10-19, 10p; Abstract: Following Prime Minister Theresa May’s statement of 12 March 2018 in response to the Novichok incident in Salisbury, news reports and social media platforms were awash with talk that it constituted an armed attack by Russia against the UK, that the UK had a right to respond in self-defence, and even that an international armed conflict existed between the UK and Russia. The circumstances of the incident and the response of the UK government raise important questions of international law. Stephen Lewis considers whether the Salisbury incident, assuming it was carried out by Russia, amounts to an ‘armed attack’ for the purposes of Article 51 of the UN Charter, engaging the UK’s right to forcible measures in self-defence, and explores the potential legal consequences of characterising the incident as a use of force.; (AN 46782780)
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4.

Russia’s Hybrid State and President Putin’s Fourth-Term Foreign Policy by Herd, Graeme P. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p20-28, 9p; Abstract: President Vladimir Putin’s regime (individuals distributed across the normative state, parastate and oligarchic court) is focused on survival and self-preservation. Destabilisation of neighbours has represented a rational choice since 2007 and will continue to be the organising principle of Putin’s fourth-term foreign policy (2018–24). In this article, Graeme P Herd discusses the logic that governs this power network and the dynamics that contribute to its evolution.; (AN 46782781)
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5.

The Russian Military Commitment in Syria and the Eastern Mediterranean by Thornton, Rod. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p30-38, 9p; Abstract: Western powers are normally keen to stress that their overseas military interventions will be distinctly finite. Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, however, is doing no such thing in relation to Syria. As Rod Thornton shows, he has made it clear that the commitment of Russian forces to the Eastern Mediterranean region is very much for the long haul.; (AN 46782782)
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6.

America First, Third Offset Second? by Fiott, Daniel. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p40-48, 9p; Abstract: In 2014, the US Department of Defense announced that it would embark on a new defence innovation initiative termed the ‘Third Offset Strategy’. This Obama-era strategy was conceived to overcome the perceived military-technological rise of states such as China, Russia, Iran and North Korea. Since the election of President Donald Trump, however, questions about the continued relevance of the Third Offset Strategy have emerged. Daniel Fiott considers the factors that are driving forward defence innovation efforts in the US under the current administration, and the challenges of doing so.; (AN 46782783)
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7.

North Korea’s Missile Programme and Supply-Side Controls: Lessons for Countering Illicit Procurement by Salisbury, Daniel. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p50-61, 12p; Abstract: Despite one of the most extensive sanctions regimes in history, including an embargo on missile technologies, North Korea has taken huge steps forward in its ballistic missile programme. Daniel Salisbury explores the limitations of, and challenges of implementing, supply-side approaches to missile nonproliferation. Considering North Korea’s recent progress and efforts to evade sanctions, the article highlights the continuing need to strengthen efforts to counter illicit trade in missile-related technologies.; (AN 46782784)
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8.

Informal Groups of States: A Growing Role in EU Foreign Policy After Brexit? by Bassiri Tabrizi, Aniseh. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p62-70, 9p; Abstract: In this article, Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi argues that, in the aftermath of Brexit, informal groups of states are likely to become a frequently adopted tool for EU member states when dealing with foreign policy issues. Because of their features, such frameworks enable the UK to continue to cooperate with the EU on an ad hoc basis on areas of mutual concern. Further, they grant a much-needed flexibility compared with treaty-based provisions.; (AN 46782785)
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9.

Rehabilitating the Yemeni Defence and Security Establishment: Then and Now by Wight, Aldwin; Spencer, James. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p72-83, 12p; Abstract: In Yemen, military effectiveness has often been secondary to political or financial advantage. State or military ‘capture’ by self-serving cliques increases corruption and discontent. However, Aldwin Wight and James Spencer argue that viable and equable military organisations and dispositions can be created and maintained, and that a combination of transparency and technology can help to identify and inhibit corruption. The key to achieving a capable military is political will, and this article shows how external sticks and carrots may help.; (AN 46782786)
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10.

A Certain Reserve Strategic Thinking and Britain’s Army Reserve by Mooney, Jeremy; Crackett, John. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p84-92, 9p; Abstract: Over the past 25 years, the UK’s part-time military force has gone through five major revisions – not just changes in size and structure, but significant re-orientations of strategic purpose. Jeremy Mooney and John Crackett revisit the fundamental transformations that it has undergone since the closing years of the Cold War and look at the factors that have reshaped it.; (AN 46782787)
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11.

Insights, Forecasts and Sometimes Getting It Wrong: A Commentary on Three RUSI Journal Articles from 1920 by Taylor, Trevor. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p94-97, 4p; Abstract: Reviewed works:‘The Air Force’ by Air Commodore H R Brooke-Popham (1920) ‘Possibilities of the Next War’ by Major-General Sir Louis C Jackson (1920) ‘The Submarine and Future Naval Warfare’ by Lieutenant W S King-Hall (1920); (AN 46782788)
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12.

Aftermath: Art in the Wake of World War One: An Exhibition Review by Hudson, Sarah. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p100-109, 10p; Abstract: This exhibition is Tate Britain’s contribution to the range of events taking place to mark the centenary of the end of the First World War. It explores the impact of the First World War on the art of Britain, France and Germany between 1916 and 1932. It shows how Western artists attempted to explore and process the powerful psychological trauma of those who survived the war, through differing approaches, media and subject matter, and how Western art was affected.; (AN 46782789)
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13.

Biosecurity in Putin’s Russia by Henrici, Ryan. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p110-112, 3p; (AN 46782790)
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14.

Principled Spying: The Ethics of Secret Intelligence by Scarlett, John. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p112-114, 3p; (AN 46782791)
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15.

Mutual Radicalization: How Groups and Nations Drive Each Other to Extremes by Clark Gill, Diana. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p114-115, 2p; (AN 46782792)
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16.

Gambling and War: Risk, Reward, and Chance in International Conflict by Milevski, Lukas. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p116-117, 2p; (AN 46782793)
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17.

Does War Make States? Investigations of Charles Tilly’s Historical Sociology by Carter, Jeff. The RUSI Journal, July 2018, Vol. 163 Issue: Number 4 p117-119, 3p; (AN 46782794)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 3-4, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

osceMediation in an Eroding International Order by Remler, Philip. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p273-288, 16p; Abstract: The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwiinormative international order has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that underpin that order. Is there a future role for oscemediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fiction of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and provide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare.In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the oscearea and on oscemediation in those conflicts.1He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in light of subsequent events in world politics (in particular the advent of a new administration in the United States) and in the region. The new developments give little cause for optimism that settlement in any of the conflicts is closer. Rather, the question for the osceis whether the international community, in view of the challenges posed by the Ukraine crisis, should continue to engage in the fictions that have allowed it to manage the conflicts since their beginnings in the collapsing Soviet Union.; (AN 43211131)
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2.

NoSCE or Next Generation osce? by Shakirov, Oleg. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p289-314, 26p; Abstract: This article examines how increased tensions between Russia and the West in the wake of the Ukraine crisis impact the conflict management work of the osce. It first looks at Russian perspectives of the osceand focuses on how these changed in the post-2014 period. It then proceeds with an overview of implications resulting from geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West that could positively or negatively affect the role of the oscein conflict management in the long term. The article ends by laying out 4 scenarios on how the situation and the oscecould evolve and argues that in the near future a continuation of the status quo is most probable.; (AN 43211132)
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3.

Geneva International Discussions – Negotiating the Possible by Giuashvili, Teona; Giuashvili, Teona. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p381-402, 22p; Abstract: This paper describes the role that the oscehas played in the Geneva International Discussions, discussing the key political and institutional obstacles to effective mediation, as well as the creative institutional solutions that helped the osceto mediate and implement several specific projects of significant practical importance.; (AN 43211133)
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4.

Forty-five Years of Dialogue Facilitation (1972–2017) by Crump, Laurien. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (csce) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the cscefacilitated the ‘multilateralisation of European security’ through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the osceso as to multilateralise European security again today.; (AN 43211134)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 49, no. 6, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

Audializing migrant bodies: Sound and security at the border by Weitzel, Michelle D. Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 p421-437, 17p; Abstract: Sound represents a salient yet rarely examined counterpoint to visuality and materiality in security, international bordering, and mobility literature. Using the context of sub-Saharan African migration as grounding for empirical analysis and drawing on fieldwork conducted in Morocco in 2015 and 2016, this article lays the foundation for a research agenda that understands voice, and the sonic body more broadly, as mechanisms of political power. In examining the central roles that sound, hearing, and voice play in strategies of individual resistance at border crossings, as well as in state, private, and transnational communication and surveillance regimes, it attends to the ways in which sound and the audialized body reconfigure power relations, and structure mobility and personal identity. This analysis contributes to the growing literature addressing biometric borders and the deterritorialization of security practices, and argues that sound, along with more familiar nodes of securitization, constitutes a critical site of governmentality and therefore of ethical and moral negotiation.; (AN 47069014)
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2.

Governance through pluralization: Jerusalem’s modular security provision by Volinz, Lior. Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 p438-456, 19p; Abstract: Security responses increasingly involve the delegation of security roles from state actors, such as the police and the military, to a plurality of public and private institutions. This article focuses on the emergence of a modular governance logic in security provision, in which urban security is diffused into differing modules – security actors, performances, technologies and practices – which can be enlisted, deployed, instructed, entwined, detached and withdrawn at will. This article identifies three features of urban modular security provision: the heterogeneity of its public and private components, the development of reserved capacities, and the differential multifacetedness of its performances and practices. These are explored through the case study of East Jerusalem, in which a modular security provision emerged where previously undefined and ad-hoc security arrangements became cohesive, normalized and codified through practice and law. In tracing the flows of security authorities, personnel and knowledge produced within a modular security assemblage, this article proposes that the modular assembly of security actors complements policing institutions by providing other informal disciplinary, punitive and statecrafting powers, in a manner which obfuscates controversial state policies and unequally distributes rights and resources.; (AN 47069016)
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3.

Frontex and the convergence of humanitarianism, human rights and security by Perkowski, Nina. Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 p457-475, 19p; Abstract: While there has been growing scholarly interest in the convergence of humanitarianism and security in contemporary EUropean border governance, much of the existing literature has neglected the role of human rights in this process. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Frontex officials, this article takes the simultaneous portrayal of the agency as rescuer of migrants at sea, promoter of fundamental rights and defender of EUropean citizens against migrant threats as a starting point to rethink the relationship of humanitarianism, human rights and security in the governing of EUropean borders. Conceptualizing them as discourses of protection that render their subjects vulnerable in various ways, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the connections and combined effects of humanitarianism, human rights and security in EUropean border governance. Finally, it shows that Frontex’s positioning in humanitarian, human rights and security terms has strengthened the agency in three ways. First, it has allowed Frontex to cooperate with a range of actors in ‘managing’ EUropean borders. Second, it has enabled the agency to become a ‘go-to’ solution to diverse crises in border governance. Third, it has allowed Frontex officials to shift blame for human rights abuses to member-states.; (AN 47069017)
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4.

How to do things with silence: Rethinking the centrality of speech to the securitization framework by Guillaume, Xavier. Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 p476-492, 17p; Abstract: This contribution offers the first steps in a novel conceptualization of how international relations and security studies can provide an analytics of silence. Starting with an analysis of a paradigmatic use of silence in the field, Lene Hansen’s ‘Little Mermaid’, the contribution shows the limitations and issues with an analytics that concentrates on the meaning behind silences. Silence as meaning is problematic because analytically what is offered solely is the overinvestment of the analyst’s ‘horizon of expectation’ upon a sign that is not generally meant to be one. Mobilizing a feminist reading of pornography as speech act, the contribution shows how silence may also be performative, in the sense that it does something to a specific logocentric order at the heart of our analysis of the international or security. The contribution finally offers a possible way of thinking about silence as doing rather than meaning and shows how this can be a possible analytical path to invert our analytics of the international and security from the perspective of the state/the powerful to that of the subaltern.; (AN 47069012)
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5.

Warfare as design: Transgressive creativity and reductive operational planning by Öberg, Dan. Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 p493-509, 17p; Abstract: This article argues that the politics of contemporary Western warfare finds an important reference point in discourses on military design. In the 2010s, military design has become a trending topic in military discourses on command and planning methodology. Since Clausewitz, warfare has been considered a phenomenon characterized by a tension between creativity and linear planning, and the ideal commander as someone with the vision to overcome this. By mapping and analyzing tactical, operational, and strategic narratives and practices, the article illustrates how they emphasize a warfare based both on experimentation and artistry and on traditional operational planning. In so doing, military design relies on reductive military concepts to push the tension identified by Clausewitz towards its extreme end-point, idealizing creativity as an objective of warfare. The article ends by asking to what extent military design risks spilling over into other dimensions of social and political life. It concludes that in pushing creativity as part of war, military design builds on and justifies transgressive political practices with the risk of becoming a vital aspect of future governing.; (AN 47069015)
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6.

Corrigenda: Secular risk governance and the Turkish military’s battle with political Islam, 1980s–2000s Security Dialogue, December 2018, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 6 pNP1-NP1, 1p; (AN 47069013)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 27, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Is the Enemy of My Enemy My Friend? by Bacon, Tricia. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p345-378, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe terrorist organizations that have posed the greatest threat to international security are those with allies. Terrorist groups at the core of alliance networks, particularly the Islamic State and al Qaeda, define the threat today, as they are able to accrue and disperse the benefits of their alliances—including greater lethality, longevity, and resilience—to their partners. While the consequences of these alliances are clear, their causes remain poorly understood, especially with respect to why terrorist alliances cluster around a small number of organizations. I propose that groups ally with the organization at the core of a network to address organizational deficits. In addition, the prospective partners must have both complementary needs and the ability to link their ideologies and frames to build a shared identity. Finally, groups must overcome their inherent suspicions and build trust to ally. These three mechanisms lead to alliance formation, but they also offer numerous avenues for disruption.; (AN 46222023)
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2.

A Means of First Resort: Explaining “Hot Pursuit” in International Relations by Beehner, Lionel M.. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p379-409, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a new theory of hot pursuit—the use of military force by a state against a nonstate actor across borders—in international relations. Drawing from the literature on civil-military relations, I argue that attitudes on limited use of force in peripheral areas will vary between civilian and military, with the latter preferring to treat hot pursuit as a policing operation, whereas the former will treat it as a military one. The logic of my argument is that militaries are oriented structurally and culturally to fight conventionally and against state near-peer adversaries. Threats emanating from nonstate actors, while at times perceived to be existential, require “pin-prick”-style targeted airstrikes, raids by commando forces, or policing operations along a state's periphery. I draw on an original dataset of “hot pursuit” (1975–2009) I collected and examine two recent case studies: India's hot pursuit of ethnic militants into Myanmar and Turkey's pursuit of Kurdish militants into Iraq and Syria.; (AN 46222024)
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3.

Democratic Accountability and Foreign Security Policy: Theory and Evidence from India by Narang, Vipin; Staniland, Paul. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p410-447, 38p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIdentifying the links between democracy and foreign security policy has proven elusive. This paper engages this research agenda by developing a novel theory of “accountability environments” and exploring it in the case of India. We hypothesize that the varying electoral salience of foreign security policy and the clarity of responsibility for policy outcomes combine to create different accountability environments in which politicians operate. Accountability environments determine the incentives that politicians face for devoting effort to external security issues. We illustrate the argument with evidence from India over time and across issue areas (India, Pakistan, and defense procurement/development). Scholars need to incorporate the complexities and diversity of representation and rule into the study of democratic politics and international relations.; (AN 46222025)
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4.

Is International Relations a Global Discipline? Hegemony, Insularity, and Diversity in the Field by Maliniak, Daniel; Peterson, Susan; Powers, Ryan; Tierney, Michael J.. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p448-484, 37p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing data from the Teaching, Research, and International Policy (TRIP) project, we address several questions posed by students of the international relations (IR) discipline, specifically, whether and to what extent: US scholars, institutions, and journals dominate the field; national communities of IR scholars are insular or inward-looking; and/or the discipline is theoretically, methodologically, and epistemologically diverse. We draw from two major data sources: a series of cross-national surveys of IR faculty in thirty-two countries and a database of journal articles published in the twelve leading IR journals from 1980 to 2014. We find obvious signs of US hegemony and insularity. Other national IR communities are relatively open to foreign ideas, if not to hiring scholars trained in other countries. Finally, despite US hegemony in the discipline and pockets of geographic insularity, we see a diverse field characterized by a wide range of theoretical, methodological, and epistemological commitments. We conclude with a discussion on the sources and consequences of diversity in the international relations discipline.; (AN 46222026)
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5.

Uneven Ground: Nationalist Frames and the Variable Salience of Homeland by Zellman, Ariel. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p485-510, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen are domestic publics most sympathetic to nationalist territorial ambitions? Conflict scholars commonly assume support should be greatest when territory is framed as being of intangible value to national identity over tangible importance to national security and economic prosperity. This should be especially true regarding lost homelands, territories wherein a state has previously exercised sovereignty and to which it has enduring ethnic ties. This article presents experimental evidence that directly challenges these assumptions, demonstrating the variability of Serbian popular attachments to three lost territories: Kosovo, Bosnia, and Montenegro. It finds that intangible framings do not necessarily engender stronger assertions that such territories belong to the homeland than tangible framings do. Nor do they necessarily motivate greater support for nationalist territorial agendas. These findings cast doubt on conventional wisdom regarding domestic publics' contributions to territorial conflict and offer refined insights regarding in which instances intangible claims are most conflict-prone.; (AN 46222027)
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6.

Nonviolent Interference in Civic Life During Civil War: Rebel Service Provision and Postwar Norms of Interpersonal Trustworthiness in Sri Lanka by Kubota, Yuichi. Security Studies, July 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3 p511-530, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile previous studies focus most of their attention on the impact of civil-war violence on postwar norms of interpersonal trustworthiness, they overlook the importance of political actors' nonviolent interference in civic life during such conflicts. This paper investigates the relationship between wartime provision of public services and postwar trustworthiness norms among civilians. Using original survey data collected from Sri Lanka, empirical analysis suggests that postwar norms of interpersonal trustworthiness tend to weaken if individuals experienced higher amounts of service provision by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. To build their own apparatus to provide efficient services, the rebels deeply intervened in and altered local institutions. Such transformation of local institutions dissolves existing social groups and associations that previously tied residents together. Efforts of post-civil-war community development would be ill equipped if these institutions were treated as nonexistent. Postwar development programs need to provide new, effective local institutions to replace those established in wartime.; (AN 46222028)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 29, no. 4, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

The social structure of armed groups. Reproduction and change during and after conflict by Bultmann, Daniel. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p607-628, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCurrent research on civil wars and conflict increasingly turns to the inner structure and functioning of state and non-state armed groups and their impact on aspects such as violent practice, internal cohesion and the dissolution of these groups during the conversion to peace. The first aim of this introduction is to set out the theme of this Special Issue on the social structure of armed groups and previous research within the field. The second aim is to introduce the contributions within the Special Issue, alongside possible trajectories of future research on the ‘meso-foundations’ of civil war and conflict.; (AN 46222609)
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2.

The FARC’s militaristic blueprint by Gutiérrez-Sanín, Francisco. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p629-653, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article intends to explain the outstanding sequence of success and failure exhibited by the FARC, the main Colombian guerrilla since the 1980s. It claims that such sequence is unintelligible unless the adoption by the FARC of a militaristic organizational blueprint at its 1982 7thConference is taken into account. By building itself like an army, the FARC could boost its combat capacity, maintain its structural integrity, and develop powerful mechanisms that held the whole structure together. At the same time, the militarization of the FARC also entailed significant risks and costs like political isolation and high personnel turnover. After describing the militaristic blueprint, the article compares the FARC with other irregular forces that operated in the Colombian context – a comparison which is important to understand the specificity of the FARC trajectory, as well as the benefits and costs involved in it. The analysis highlights the critical role of organizational dimensions in the explanation of civil war outcomes, and suggests that at least for some problems organizational dynamics should be observed at a low level of granularity.; (AN 46222610)
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3.

Unity is the exception. Alliance formation and de-formation among armed actors in Northern Mali by Desgrais, Nicolas; Guichaoua, Yvan; Lebovich, Andrew. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p654-679, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOur paper investigates the political trajectories of armed actors in Mali since 2012, using recent theoretical advances on alliance formation and collapse in civil wars. Our paper establishes an analytically productive distinction between levels of wartime cleavages and factors shaping groups’ trajectories. Strategic alliances, we argue, emerge from anticipated benefits on the national political scene as well as in the local political economy. The two sets of considerations do not necessarily converge. This dual logic is studied through the cases of two armed groups, both siding with the government after originally aligning with jihadi and separatist coalitions respectively.; (AN 46222611)
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4.

Bourdieu’s capital and insurgent group resilience:a field-theoretic approach to the polisario front by Metelits, Claire M.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p680-708, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe conflict between the rebel group, the Polisario Front, and the Kingdom of Morocco is nearing its 43rd year. Though under-reported, the conflict itself garners attention for the resilience – some would say tenacity – of the ethnically Sahrawi Polisario Front. Despite shifting regional and international politics and the nearly 150,000 Sahrawi refugees waiting in nearby Algerian camps, the rebel group has survived. What explains its resilience? This article uses Bourdieu’s ‘forms of capital’ to understand the Polisario Front’s persistence. Based on field research in Algeria, Western Sahara, and the United States, it finds that social, cultural, symbolic, and economic capital may provide an explanation.; (AN 46222612)
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5.

Forces of heresy versus forces of conservation: making sense of Hezb-e Islami-ye Afghanistan’s and the Taleban’s positions in the Afghan insurgency by Münch, Philipp. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p709-734, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEthnicity and ideology are frequently used to determine whether an armed group is hostile or friendly vis-à-vis the state. By contrast, I argue that the social structure of insurgent movements holds more explanatory power for their respective positions than ethnicity or ideology. To illustrate this, I apply Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of a contest between forces of ‘conservation’ and forces of ‘heresy’ to the current Afghanistan war. I demonstrate that the social structure of the Taleban renders them prone to ‘heresy’, while the formerly second biggest insurgent group, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s party, has rather been an impeded force of ‘conservation.’; (AN 46222613)
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6.

The structural origins of social cohesion: the dynamics of micro-solidarity in 1991–1995 Wars of Yugoslav Succession by Malešević, Siniša. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p735-753, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the dynamics of social cohesion on the frontline. It attempts to show how micro-level solidarities largely depend on macro level organisational processes. I argue that frontline social cohesion is often the product of social development linked with the organisational structure. This general argument is applied to the case studies of two armed forces involved in the 1991–1995 Wars of Yugoslav Succession – the Croatian Army (HV) and the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS). Drawing on in-depth interviews with the former combatants I show how HV social cohesion played an important role in winning the war and how these networks of micro-level solidarity were shaped by long term organisational development.; (AN 46222614)
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7.

Network structure of insurgent groups and the success of DDR processes in Colombia by Cardenas, Ernesto; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede; Guevara, Luis Carlos. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p754-775, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe argue that organizational structure of insurgent organizations influences the prospects for success in a disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process (DDR). In essence, we argue that more cohesive, tighter networks have higher levels of supervision and control on its military units and increase the probability of successful DDR processes. In order to evaluate our hypotheses, we use the theory of networks to map and characterize the network structure of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Our results suggest that armed military units grouped in smaller and more isolated components on the network remilitarize with higher probability with respect to other units on the network. Also, we find that military units with high degree of centrality on the network play an important role for the risk of conflict recurrence and success in a DDR process.; (AN 46222615)
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8.

The MODEL social structure of an armed group: from Liberian refugees to heroes of Côte d’Ivoire and liberators of the homeland by Käihkö, Ilmari. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p776-800, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) through a revised Weberian framework that focuses on legitimacy and offers a thick description of the different phases of this armed group. The article argues that the key to fostering cohesion is the harmonization of the micro, meso, and macro levels. This proved a difficult undertaking for the MODEL. Not only did the MODEL lack material resources but it also relied on different and evolving kinds of legitimacy on these levels. With its sources of legitimacy exhausted after the war, the MODEL ceased to exist.; (AN 46222616)
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9.

Insurgent courts in civil wars: the three pathways of (trans)formation in today’s Syria (2012–2017) by Schwab, Regine. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p801-826, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs part of research on the meso-foundations of conflict, the field of ‘rebel governance’ examines political institutions that regulate the affairs of civilians in wartime as well as their relations with armed actors. Judicial institutions play an important role in this and research has shown that they are widespread among both historical and current insurgencies. However, usually these bodies have been analysed in the context of one hegemonic faction like the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka and the Afghan Taliban. What is missing so far is an analysis of different pathways of (trans)formation of rebel courts. As exemplified by the three case studies of judicial institutions in Eastern Ghouta, Idlib and Aleppo, these are shaped by the distribution of power between ‘same-side’ groups, yielding unipolar, bipolar, or multipolar constellations. The analysis is located on the meso or movement level of insurgent social structures, complementing research on the micro and macro levels.; (AN 46222617)
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10.

Cauldron of Resistance: Ngo Dinh Diem, the United States and 1950s Southern Vietnam by Rich, Paul B.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p827-834, 8p; (AN 46222618)
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11.

Taliban narratives: the use of stories in the Afghanistan conflict by D’Souza, Shanthie Mariet. Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p830-834, 5p; (AN 46222619)
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12.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, July 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p835-837, 3p; (AN 46222620)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 18, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

The fog of leadership: How Turkish and Russian presidents manage information constraints and uncertainty in crisis decision-making by Unver, Hamid Akin. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p325-344, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLeaders choose to mislead their domestic peers when the political risk and cost associated with a particular foreign policy decision is too great and when the structure of the political system in question is too leader-centric to afford these costs being incurred by the leader. This article argues that risk, uncertainty and imperfect information are not necessarily external, unwanted, or unforeseen factors in foreign policy decisions. In certain cases, they too are instrumentalized and adopted consciously into decision-making systems in order to diffuse the political costs of high-risk choices with expected low utility by insulating the leader from audience costs. This dynamic can be best observed in leader-centric and strong personality cult systems where the leader’s consent or at least tacit approval is required for all policies to be realized. This article uses two important case studies that effectively illustrate the use of deliberate uncertainty in decision-making in leader-centric systems: post-2014 Russia (War in Donbass and the annexation of Crimea), and Turkey (ending of the Kurdish peace process and the change in policy towards Syria).; (AN 46740896)
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2.

Evaluating the prevalence of informal payments for health services in Southeast Europe: an institutional approach by Williams, Colin C.; Horodnic, Adrian V.. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p345-365, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to explain the prevalence of informal payments for health services in Southeast Europe through the lens of institutional theory as resulting from formal institutional failures which lead to an asymmetry between the laws and regulations (formal institutions) and the unwritten rules (informal institutions), making informal payments acceptable. Reporting on a 2013 Eurobarometer survey of the propensity to make informal payments for health services in Southeast Europe, a strong association is found between the degree to which formal and informal institutions are unaligned and the prevalence of informal payments. The relationship between informal payments and formal institutional imperfections is then explored to identify the structural conditions which lead to this institutional asymmetry, and thus the propensity to make informal payments. The paper concludes by exploring the theoretical and policy implications.; (AN 46740897)
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3.

Elite responses to contentious politics on the subnational level: the 2014 Bosnian protests by Hasić, Jasmin; Karabegović, Dženeta. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p367-380, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTProtests in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014 sparked newfound interest in the region and in the potential of citizen-led movements to elicit change in transitional societies. However, much of the academic literature in response has explored this episode with a focus on the protesters, their claims, organization, outputs, and potential to create long-lasting impact. On the other hand, elite responses to citizen-led protests are underexamined and undertheorized, particularly in post-conflict societies facing complex governance arrangements with high horizontal concentration of power. This article analyses how political elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina responded to episodes of contentious politics in the country. We explore the different ways protests were undermined by subnational elites in three cases utilizing process tracing and comparative analysis. Elites with higher levels of power concentration are better equipped to address contentious politics, as they are able to manage and control collective claim making, thus suppressing the domestication of competing norms on subnational levels to varying degrees.; (AN 46740898)
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4.

Unintended consequences: the EU memory framework and the politics of memory in Serbia and Croatia by Milošević, Ana; Touquet, Heleen. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p381-399, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe shared memories of the Second World War have played a crucial role in the process of integration of the European Union (EU). After the Enlargement to the East, the EU also sought to accommodate the historical experiences of the former communist countries. The result of this process was an EU memory framework that focused on shared suffering under totalitarian (both fascist and communist) regimes. This article examines the impact of this framework and its equalization of fascism and communism on Croatia (new member state) and Serbia (in accession talks). We conclude that the framework is used locally as an opportunity structure to renegotiate ideological conflicts.; (AN 46740899)
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5.

Resolving contestation through discursive engagement: towards the contextual diffusion of EU rule of law norms? by Webb, Jonathan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p401-418, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRule of law reform is a key feature of the European Union’s (EU) enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans. However, associated rule of law norms can be contentious. This article considers the role discursive engagement plays in aiding the diffusion of contested rule of law norms. It highlights the role discursive engagement plays in overcoming points of contestation and facilitating the contextual diffusion of rule of law norms. This conceptual argument is substantiated by assessing rule of law reforms in an EU Candidate State, Serbia. Within this case study, four internal cases are outlined. Two of these cases demonstrate the failure of rule of law norms to contextualize in the absence of meaningful discursive engagement. The other two cases demonstrate the role discursive engagement can play in helping to promote norm contextualization.; (AN 46740900)
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6.

EU foreign policy and ‘perceived coherence’: the case of Kosovo by Mutluer, Deniz; Tsarouhas, Dimitris. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p419-438, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo what extent has the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy been coherent in the Western Balkans? Moreover, is EU policy behaviour seen as coherent by local stakeholders? Such questions are of high significance regarding the role of the EU as an external actor and with regard to the Western Balkans in particular. This article assesses EU policy coherence in the case of Kosovo, focusing on the latter’s EU accession prospects and the EU rule of law mission EULEX. Introducing the novel concept of ‘perceived coherence’, the paper argues that EU policies and actors are not perceived as coherent by both local elites and civil society organizations. As a result, the effectiveness of the implementation of the Union’s foreign policy in Kosovo remains low.; (AN 46740901)
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7.

In quest of governance: the failures of regionalism, a pan-European security architecture and ‘bigemony’ in Black Sea Politics by Proedrou, Filippos. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p439-456, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe paper assesses Black Sea politics through the lens of regionalism as the path to a security community, the effects of an outdated and dysfunctional pan-European security architecture, and the shared hegemonic potential of Russia and Turkey in the region. Drawing from diverse strands of literature, the paper critically discusses integrative schemes and their circumscribed successes amidst a volatile pan-European security order and the poor prospects for ‘bigemony’, or shared hegemony, in the Black Sea region. It concludes that none of the following regional governance options, regionalism, or embeddedness in an integrated pan-European security or Russo-Turkish hegemony, has materialized. The paper also underlines the importance of the linkages between the Black Sea area and unfolding Middle Eastern politics for the evolution and study of Black Sea politics.; (AN 46740902)
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8.

Muslim civil society and the politics of religious freedom in Turkey by Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p457-458, 2p; (AN 46740903)
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9.

Divergent pathways: Turkey and the European Union: re-thinking the dynamics of Turkish-European Union relations by Çemen, Rahmi. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p459-460, 2p; (AN 46740904)
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10.

Enver Hoxha: the Iron Fist of Albania by Veremis, Thanos. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p460-461, 2p; (AN 46740905)
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11.

Nationalism, identity and statehood in post-Yugoslav Montenegro by Donia, Robert. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p462-463, 2p; (AN 46740906)
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12.

State capture, political risks and international business. Cases from Black Sea region countries by Manoli, Panagiota. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p463-465, 3p; (AN 46740907)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 42, no. 5, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Energy Security: How Decision-Making Processes in India’s Energy Bureaucracy Shape India’s Energy Policy by Tagotra, Niharika. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p461-475, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEnergy security has evolved to become strategically important for countries, such that the domestic availability of energy resources, coupled with the national energy demand, as well as import and export dependencies on energy resources, have important implications for a country’s economic growth, human development and strategic autonomy. This is especially important for India, which is heavily dependent on imports to meet its domestic energy demand. In India, the fragmentary nature of the institutional apparatus of the energy sector serves to become one of the major limitations on the process of energy policy-making. It leads to competitive and clashing interests, overlapping areas of responsibility and ambiguous lines of command leading to unintended costs, delays and overall incoherence. This article studies the dynamics of energy policy-making in India by exploring the processes of decision-making in the energy sector. It examines the structural challenges linked to systemic conditions and institutional capacities, as well as the functional challenges linked to legislations, policies, politics and personalities in the area of policy-making in the energy sector by studying the roles of various institutions relevant to policy-making, as well as the processes of decision-making specific to given institutions in the energy sector.; (AN 47091225)
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2.

Look/Act East Policy, Roads and Market Infrastructure in North-East India by Ziipao, Raile Rocky. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p476-489, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe socio-politico-economic scene in India’s North-east region has guided certain aspects of the country’s domestic and international policy. The Act East Policy (AEP) of the government of India aims to build relations with the countries of South-East Asia, including trade relations, for which the north-east serves as the gateway. This article seeks to analyse the relevance of the policy: How is it grounded in the complex region of north-east India? In what way can it impact the region? The article argues that the new national road infrastructure bypasses the local economy, and posits the need to link rural infrastructure—especially connectivity and local markets—with regional, national and international markets.; (AN 47091226)
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3.

India’s ‘Act East’ Policy Towards the Two Koreas: Issues and Challenges by Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p490-502, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe Narendra Modi government after coming to power in May 2014 initiated the ‘Act East’ policy to further enhance New Delhi’s engagement with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region. However, India’s engagement with the two Koreas has not seen any significant improvement under the Modi government. North Korea’s isolationist policies and its involvement with India’s neighbouring countries with regard to the proliferation of nuclear and missile technologies have proved detrimental for relations between New Delhi and Pyongyang. Following the United Nations Security Council resolutions India has restricted its trade relations with North Korea since 2017, except for food and medical assistance to this reclusive state. On the other hand, India’s interest in South Korea also appears to have waned as bilateral trade relations have not witnessed any dramatic improvement in recent years. Despite South Korea’s claims of being a ‘middle power’ country, its reluctance to take a stand on several issues that concern India has diminished hopes for further improvement in relations between New Delhi and Seoul. This article seeks to discuss the issues and challenges that hamper the improvement of relations between India and the two Koreas in the context of the Modi government’s ‘Act East’ policy.; (AN 47091227)
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4.

Explaining Public Policy Choices: A Case Study of the First Nuclear Power Plant in Bangladesh by Ashraf, A.S.M. Ali; Islam, Md. Shafiqul. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p503-523, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article employs the 3-i framework to explore the institutions, ideas, and interests that have shaped the Bangladesh government’s policy choices for implementing the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, the first such plant in the country. The logic behind three choices—vendor country, reactor model, and spent fuel management—are analysed. The findings reveal an interactive policy process, involving various domestic and international institutions, whose ideas regarding project funding, reactor safety, technical expertise and calculation of financial, organisational and political interests have played a key role in shaping the choices of Bangladesh.; (AN 47091228)
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5.

India–Bangladesh Relations: An Indian Perspective by Shringla, Harsh Vardhan. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p524-528, 5p; (AN 47091229)
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6.

The Current and Future State of India–Bangladesh Relations by Ali, Syed Muazzem. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p529-537, 9p; (AN 47091230)
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7.

Power Trading and National Security by Mitra, Sanjay; Misra, Richa. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p538-544, 7p; (AN 47091231)
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8.

Balochistan: On The International Drugs Superhighway by Jain, Sandhya. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p545-553, 9p; (AN 47091232)
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9.

Zalmay Khalilzad, The envoy: from Kabul to the White House, my journey through a turbulent world by Prasad, Jayant. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p554-556, 3p; (AN 47091233)
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10.

Building militaries in fragile states: challenges for the United States by Mboce, Harriet Njoki. Strategic Analysis, September 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 5 p556-558, 3p; (AN 47091234)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 41, no. 11, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Walter Laqueur, 26 May 1921–30 September 2018 by Hoffman, Bruce. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 11 p847-849, 3p; (AN 47227478)
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2.

Online as the New Frontline: Affect, Gender, and ISIS-Take-Down on Social Media by Pearson, Elizabeth. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 11 p850-874, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing a dataset of more than 80 accounts during 2015, this article explores the gendered ways in which self-proclaiming Twitter Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) supporters construct community around “suspension.” The article argues that suspension is an integral event in the online lives of ISIS supporters, which is reproduced in online identities. The highly gendered roles of ISIS males and females frame responses to suspension, enforcing norms that benefit the group: the shaming of men into battle and policing of women into modesty. Both male and female members of “Wilayat Twitter” regard online as a frontline, with suspension an act of war against the “baqiya family.” The findings have implications for broader repressive measures against ISIS online.; (AN 47227479)
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3.

A Psychological Re-Examination of Mental Health Problems among the 9/11 Terrorists by Lankford, Adam. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 11 p875-898, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMore than 15 years have passed since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, and a comprehensive re-examination of the 9/11 attackers is now warranted. Research on the psychology of terrorists has evolved dramatically, and there is also new information on some offenders. The present study provides the available psychological and psychiatric evidence on each of the 9/11 pilots, muscle hijackers, and thwarted hijackers who intended to participate in the “planes operation.” Overall, findings suggest that the 9/11 terrorists may have had significantly more mental health problems than previously assumed, and the leaders who planned 9/11 personally approved suicide attackers with prior histories of mental illness. By widely publicizing this information, security officials may be able to more effectively delegitimize suicide terrorism and reduce the number of individuals who would consider funding, supporting, or committing these deadly attacks.; (AN 47227480)
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4.

Who is the Lone Terrorist? A Study of Vehicle-Borne Attackers in Israel and the West Bank by Perry, Simon; Hasisi, Badi; Perry, Gali. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 11 p899-913, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLone actor terrorism has become a significant challenge for Western democracies. Previous studies have failed to point out a comprehensive profile of lone terrorists, and suggested that examining more specific sub-groups of lone actors, sharing contextual factors or ideology, may produce such a profile. The current study examines the sub-group of vehicle-borne lone terrorists, who committed their attacks in Israel and the West Bank between January 2000 and March 2016. Based on confidential and open-source data, we find that general sociodemographic characteristics did not produce a unique profile of attackers. However, a deeper examination of behavioral factors preceding the attack yields common traits. Specifically, we find that previous experience—both in different forms of unlawful behavior and in training related to the attack method—was significantly related to a successful attack. Similarities in regards to the triggers for the attack and personal motivations also emerge, suggesting that while operating independently, lone actors are very much influenced by ongoing events. We conclude that focusing on a sub-group of lone attackers following a spatio-methodological-oriented approach contributes to the construction of a profile for lone terrorists, and discuss these findings in the context of mitigation.; (AN 47227481)
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5.

Civil War and Rebellion by Day, Christopher. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 11 p914-930, 17p; (AN 47227482)
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10

Survival
Volume 60, no. 6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Trump and Brexit by Freedman, Lawrence. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p7-16, 10p; Abstract: One interpretation of Brexit was that it represented a moment when Britain decided to retire from greatness and lead a quieter life.; (AN 47110138)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110138&site=ehost-live

2.

Europe's Defence: Revisiting the Impact of Brexit by Heisbourg, François. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p17-26, 10p; Abstract: A United Kingdom semi-detached from Europe would be a minus for the continent, but a deterioration of Europe’s security would also hurt the UK’s safety.; (AN 47110139)
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3.

Brexit and Security by Inkster, Nigel. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p27-34, 8p; Abstract: The adverse tactical implications of Brexit for European security will be real but ultimately manageable. The strategic implications may be more significant.; (AN 47110140)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110140&site=ehost-live

4.

Four Things We Should Learn from Brexit by Jones, Erik. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p35-44, 10p; Abstract: The British people are paying a high price to serve as a case study.; (AN 47110141)
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5.

Hiding in Plain Sight: Political Effects of Cyber Operations by Sharp, Travis. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p45-53, 9p; Abstract: Cyber operations may not impose much physical destruction, but they can squeeze at least three political pressure points: money, leadership and secrecy.; (AN 47110142)
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6.

Noteworthy Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p54-56, 3p; (AN 47110143)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110143&site=ehost-live

7.

A Gardener's Vision: UAVs and the Dehumanisation of Violence by Renic, Neil C.. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p57-72, 16p; Abstract: UAVs undermine the shared recognition of humanity between enemies that has historically functioned as a prerequisite for battlefield restraint.; (AN 47110144)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110144&site=ehost-live

8.

The Demilitarisation of Cyber Conflict by Boeke, Sergei; Broeders, Dennis. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p73-90, 18p; Abstract: The debate about state behaviour in cyberspace may be set in the wrong legal key.; (AN 47110145)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110145&site=ehost-live

9.

The Strategic Challenge of Society-centric Warfare by Levite, Ariel E.; Shimshoni, Jonathan (Yoni). Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p91-118, 28p; Abstract: Virtually all the actors now challenging the West have adopted multifaceted strategies with society at their core.; (AN 47110146)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110146&site=ehost-live

10.

Brief Notices Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 pe1-e15, 15p; (AN 47110157)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110157&site=ehost-live

11.

Russian Strategy and the End of the INF Treaty by Fitzsimmons, Michael. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p119-136, 18p; Abstract: The US withdrawal from the INF Treaty has risked shifting attention from Russia’s violations to America’s unilateralism. But it need not be a disaster for European security.; (AN 47110147)
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12.

Japan's Pacifism Is Dead by Gustafsson, Karl; Hagström, Linus; Hanssen, Ulv. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p137-158, 22p; Abstract: Japan can now do more or less everything that other, more ‘normal’ countries do in the security field.; (AN 47110148)
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13.

Implementing Safe Areas: Lessons from History by Cevallos, Astrid Stuth; Frederick, Bryan. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p159-180, 22p; Abstract: While safe areas are intuitively attractive, their effectiveness depends on the resources and resolve of the implementing forces, rules of engagement and geography.; (AN 47110149)
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14.

A Patriot's Farewell by Schake, Kori. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p181-188, 8p; Abstract: The Restless Wave, the late Senator John McCain’s final book, is not only a swansong, but also a substantive political accounting and a call to duty.; (AN 47110150)
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15.

Staining the Flag by Crandall, Russell. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p189-198, 10p; Abstract: In The True Flag, Stephen Kinzer approaches late-nineteenth-century US imperialism with commendable balance – until a condemnatory concluding chapter.; (AN 47110151)
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16.

Rhodesia’s Improbably Dirty War by Vogel, Kathleen M.. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p199-206, 8p; Abstract: Glenn Cross’s account of Rhodesia’s use of biological weapons suggests that even taboo weapons remain attractive as military equalisers.; (AN 47110152)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110152&site=ehost-live

17.

Europe by Maull, Hanns W.. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p207-215, 9p; Abstract: Journey into Europe: Islam, Immigration, and IdentityAkbar Ahmed. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2018. $34.99. 573 pp.Continent by Default: The European Union and the Demise of Regional OrderAnne Marie Le Gloannec. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017. $29.95. 266 pp.The Decline of European Naval Forces: Challenges to Sea Power in an Age of Fiscal Austerity and Political UncertaintyJeremy Stöhs. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2018. $36.95. 290 pp.NATO and Article 5: The Transatlantic Alliance and the Twenty-First-Century Challenges of Collective DefenseJohn R. Deni. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. $40.00. 167 pp.Beyond NATO: A New Security Architecture for Eastern EuropeMichael E. O'Hanlon. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017. $14.99. 155 pp.; (AN 47110153)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47110153&site=ehost-live

18.

United States by Unger, David C.. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p216-222, 7p; Abstract: We Were Eight Years in Power: An American TragedyTa-Nehisi Coates. New York: One World, 2017. $28.00. 367 pp.Republic in Peril: American Empire and the Liberal TraditionDavid C. Hendrickson. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. $34.95. 287 pp.Foreign Service: Five Decades on the Frontlines of American DiplomacyJames F. Dobbins. Washington DC and Santa Monica, CA: Brookings Institution Press and The RAND Corporation, 2017. $29.99. 329 pp.The Fifty-Year Rebellion: How the U.S. Political Crisis Began in DetroitScott Kurashige. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2017. $18.95. 178 pp.The Left Behind: Decline and Rage in Rural AmericaRobert Wuthnow. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018. $24.95. 192 pp.; (AN 47110154)
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19.

Counter-terrorism and Intelligence by Stevenson, Jonathan. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p223-230, 8p; Abstract: 22 July (film)Paul Greengrass, writer and director. Distributed by Netflix, 2018.The Future of Terrorism: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and the Alt-RightWalter Laqueur and Christopher Wall. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2018. $26.99. 268 pp.The Rage: The Vicious Circle of Islamist and Far-Right ExtremismJulia Ebner. London: I.B. Tauris, 2017. £11.99. 271 pp.Rules for Rebels: The Science of Victory in Militant HistoryMax Abrahms. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. £35.00. 285 pp.Why Terrorist Groups Form International AlliancesTricia Bacon. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. $69.95. 344 pp.The Ghosts of Langley: Into the CIA's Heart of DarknessJohn Prados. New York: The New Press, 2017. $28.95. 466 pp.Principled Spying: The Ethics of Secret IntelligenceDavid Omand and Mark Phythian. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. £20.00. 295 pp.Under Surveillance: Being Watched in Modern AmericaRandolph Lewis. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017. $27.95. 267 pp.Beyond Snowden: Privacy, Mass Surveillance, and the Struggle to Reform the NSATimothy H. Edgar. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017. $21.99. 276 pp.; (AN 47110155)
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20.

Post-withdrawal Iran by Therme, Clément. Survival, November 2018, Vol. 60 Issue: Number 6 p231-240, 10p; Abstract: The Iranian people perceive a striking difference between the Trump administration and previous US administrations.; (AN 47110156)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 30, no. 6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Pathways into Terrorism: Understanding Entry into and Support for Terrorism in Asia by Hwang, Julie Chernov. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p883-889, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do individuals join Islamist extremist groups? Why do individuals support such groups? What factors contribute to a decision to join? What are the pathways into Islamist extremist groups? Drawing on examples from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia and the Philippines, the articles in this special issue address these critically important questions drawing on original fieldwork, new datasets and large scale national survey research. These articles explore the experiences and perceptions of men and women, South and Southeast Asians, living in majority Muslim and non-Muslim nations. Collectively, they illustrate the importance of social bonds&kinship ties, friendship, teacher-student ties and online relationships in creating a powerful sense of community that fosters a sense of belonging and eventual commitment. The goal of this special issue is to highlight the contributions that Asian cases can make to the often Middle Eastern and European-centric discourses on radicalization, joining and support for militancy.; (AN 46868198)
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2.

Not Just Brainwashed: Understanding the Radicalization of Indonesian Female Supporters of the Islamic State by Nuraniyah, Nava. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p890-910, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do women become extremists? To what extent might they have self-agency? This paper examines the motivations and processes of female radicalization into the so-called Islamic State (IS) by drawing on a case study of Indonesian IS sympathizers, including the three migrant workers-turned-female suicide bombers whose radicalization was facilitated by social media. It argues that far from being coerced, most women join IS of their own free will. Prompted by a mix of personal crisis and socioeconomic and political grievances, the women embark on a religious seeking, exploring the various Islamic options available to them. Ideational congruence might spark the initial interest in IS, but it is generally emotional factors such as a feeling of acceptance and empowerment that make them stay. Contrary to common assumptions, women’s subordination in jihadist organizations is not absolute; it can be negotiated after joining. Most women try to conform to jihadist strict gender rules, but some, often with the support of male allies, try to bend the norms, including on female combat roles. The findings suggest that counter-terrorism agencies should abandon the binary view that women are either just brainwashing victims or terrorist provocateurs, and try to understand the gendered nuances of radicalization in order to formulate suitable preventive measures.; (AN 46868199)
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3.

Why They Join: Pathways into Indonesian Jihadist Organizations by Hwang, Julie Chernov; Schulze, Kirsten E.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p911-932, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do Indonesian Muslims join Islamist extremist groups? This article explores four pathways to entry into Indonesian militant groups: study sessions, local conflict, kinship, and schools. It argues that within all four of these pathways, social bonds and relationships are the common thread in encouraging entry as well as in fostering commitment. Specifically, these relationships contribute to the formation and eventual consolidation of one’s identity as a member of the jihadi group through regular participation in activities, attending meetings, narrowing the circle of friends to those within the group, and participating in increasingly risky and possibly violent activities together. Drawing on original fieldwork including 49 interviews with current and former members of Jemaah Islamiyah, Mujahidin KOMPAK, Darul Islam, Mujahidin Tanah Runtuh, Indonesia’s pro-ISIS network, and other jihadist groups as well as 57 depositions and court documents, this article explores the development and evolution of these pathways and how relational ties play a role in each.; (AN 46868200)
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4.

Radicalisation in the Philippines: The Cotabato Cell of the “East Asia Wilayah” by Jones, Sidney. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p933-943, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe backgrounds of seven suspects arrested in connection with a September 2016 bombing in Davao, Philippines provide clues to how extremist ideology and support for ISIS took root in a middle-class urban environment. The seven men, part of the coalition that eventually took over Marawi in 2017, were drawn in by the idea of a caliphate, propaganda videos that became discussion material for charismatic young religious scholars, and the pull of friends and family. They represented overlapping networks of neighbours, business partners, and students. Their interwoven journeys to violent extremism provide a glimpse into how ISIS managed to transcend traditional clan and regional loyalties in the Philippines, but much more research is needed among pro-ISIS detainees to understand the phenomenon and take measures to address it.; (AN 46868201)
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5.

Bangladeshi Militants: What Do We Know? by Riaz, Ali; Parvez, Saimum. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p944-961, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough militant groups have been present in Bangladesh since the 1990s, the country catapulted to international media attention on July 1, 2016, after an attack on a café in the upscale neighborhood of the capital Dhaka. The Islamic State claimed responsibility for the attack which killed 29 people, mostly foreigners. The attack came in the wake of a series of attacks on religious and ethnic minorities, foreigners, liberal activists, authors, and publishers by both an AQIS affiliate and ISIS. The government denied the existence of militant groups tied to international terrorist organizations. Despite these developments and instances of Bangladeshis joining the ISIS in Iraq and Syria, there has been very little in-depth discussion about who these militants are and what is driving Bangladeshis to militancy. This article addresses this lacuna. This paper examines the common traits of alleged Bangladeshi militants and explores the factors of radicalization. Drawing on media reports of the profiles of the alleged militants, between July 2014 and June 2015, and between July 2016 and August 2017, the article finds that most of the Bangladeshi militants are young, educated males increasingly coming from well-off families. We have also found evidence that four factors—social relationships, use of the Internet, personal crises, and external relations—appear most frequently in the narratives of Bangladeshi militants.; (AN 46868202)
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6.

Women and Support for Terrorism in Pakistan by Fair, C. Christine; Hamza, Ali. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p962-983, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile there have been many scholarly inquiries about the sources of support for terrorism among Muslim publics, to date, scholars have generally not asked whether or not gender predicts support for Islamist militancy. Instead, most scholars and officials assume that “men of military age” are the most important segment of interest. Instead, gender is usually treated as a “control variable” rather than a “study variable,” reflecting the paucity of interest in this subject. This is likely an important scholarly and policy-analytic oversight. Many terrorist groups have women’s wings and women-oriented publications and other outreach programs because they understand the important role that mothers, wives, and sisters play in a male family member’s decision to take up arms with a terrorist group. In some conflicts, women also join as combatants. In this paper, we seek to address these scholarly lacunae by examining gender-wise support for two militant groups based in and operating from Pakistan: the Afghan Taliban, which has no female outreach program, and the sectarian Sipha-e-Sahaba-e-Pakistan, which does. We leverage a dataset drawn from a relatively large national survey of Pakistanis collected in 2011 to model support for these groups using gender as an independent variable along with other demographic and control variables. We find that females are significantly more likely to support the sectarian group with a women’s outreach-wing. In contrast, there is no significant gender effect on support for the Afghan Taliban. We argue, from these results, that gender deserves more attention in understanding who supports and participates in Islamist militancy.; (AN 46868203)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 41, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Misunderstood Roots of International Order—And Why They Matter Again by Goldgeier, James. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p7-20, 14p; (AN 46616171)
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2.

The Road to Recovery: How Once Great Powers Became Great Again by MacDonald, Paul K.; Parent, Joseph M.. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p21-39, 19p; (AN 46616172)
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3.

Who Wants What from Iran Now? The Post-Nuclear Deal U.S. Policy Debate by Tajbakhsh, Kian. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p41-61, 21p; (AN 46616173)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46616173&site=ehost-live

4.

Rohingya: Victims of a Great Game East by Fair, C. Christine. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p63-85, 23p; (AN 46616174)
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5.

How Strong Is the Nuclear Taboo Today? by Tannenwald, Nina. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p89-109, 21p; (AN 46616177)
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6.

When Preventive War Threats Work for Nuclear Nonproliferation by Fuhrmann, Matthew. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p111-135, 25p; (AN 46616175)
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7.

A Nuclear Posture Review for the Third Nuclear Age by Smetana, Michal. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p137-157, 21p; (AN 46616178)
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8.

Beijing’s Bismarckian Ghosts: How Great Powers Compete Economically by Brunnermeier, Markus; Doshi, Rush; James, Harold. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p161-176, 16p; (AN 46616179)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46616179&site=ehost-live

9.

The Himalayan Impasse: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Wake of Doklam by Ganguly, Sumit; Scobell, Andrew. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p177-190, 14p; (AN 46616176)
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10.

Is Southeast Asia Really Balancing against China? by Zhang, Feng. The Washington Quarterly, July 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p191-204, 14p; (AN 46616180)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 42, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Institutional conditions for effective parliamentary oversight of European Union politics by Finke, Daniel. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p1-24, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe implementation of European Union directives into national law frequently triggers extensive parliamentary activities, especially if they are complex, salient, and conflictive. These activities can cause delayed transposition. The literature suggests that early parliamentary involvement may speed up the subsequent transposition process. In this article, it is argued theoretically and empirically shown that this hope is only fulfilled where parliaments are sufficiently strong. On the empirical side, the article looks at the effect of ex-ante scrutiny on the duration of the transposition of more than 650 directives in four weak parliaments as well as in four strong parliaments. It is found that an early involvement of strong parliaments may speed up transposition. By contrast, weak parliaments’ early engagement with EU directives may even cause a further delay of the transposition process.; (AN 47148480)
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2.

Providing information and building capacity: interest group involvement in the application of EU law by Kaya, Cansarp. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p25-44, 20p; Abstract: AbstractPractical implementation has attracted significant scholarly attention in the European Union in the last decade, and the EU compliance literature started to focus more on the players in the domestic arena to help understand the application of EU law. However, a systematic analysis on interest group activities at the application stage is yet to be conducted. Relying on enforcement and management approaches, this article argues that interest groups act as providers of legal and technical information that are needed for correct application of EU law. Also, interest groups actively demand information from political actors to build internal capacity during this period. The results show that interest groups act as providers of information, but only in the national political arena. Moreover, motivation to learn is another factor that explains the level of access seeking during application, and this type of interaction takes place in both European and national venues.; (AN 47148481)
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3.

The birth, life, and death of policy instruments: 35 years of EU gender equality policy programmes by Ahrens, Petra. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p45-66, 22p; Abstract: AbstractPolicy instruments research is an essential part of studying European Union governance. A growing interest in processes of (de-)legalisation and patterns of instrument choice requires a more process- and context-oriented analysis of the EU’s instrument selection. Using a political sociology approach, the article analyses patterns of instrument choice in soft law policy programmes, by examining the life cycle of EU gender equality policy programmes from 1982 to the present day. Gender equality policy programmes offer an in-depth understanding of how the Commission upgrades and downgrades policy instruments. The analysis indicates that patterns of policy instrument choice are not necessarily inflexible once a policy instrument is selected. Instead, patterns vary while the instrument is (de-)legalised. Investigating gender equality policy programmes provides explanations for the shifts in the use of legislative instruments and their limitations.; (AN 47148482)
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4.

The European refugee crisis, party competition, and voters’ responses in Germany by Mader, Matthias; Schoen, Harald. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p67-90, 24p; Abstract: AbstractStudies show that globalisation creates political potentials that can transform electoral competition in Western societies. The specific process of how these potentials become effective is not completely understood. It is argued in the article that attention-grabbing events can trigger the transformation of electoral competition as they force actors to take clear positions and thereby allow citizens to align their partisan preferences and policy attitudes. The article analyses the case of German parties’ reaction to the arrival of large numbers of refugees at Europe’s borders in 2015/16. Using panel data that bracket this event, it is shown how German citizens responded to party behaviour by changing partisan preferences on the basis of prior immigration attitudes. The so-called refugee crisis may thus have been a critical juncture transforming party competition in Germany. As such, the crisis represents a striking example of how events may focus attention on a new policy dimension and catalyse the evolution of new cleavages.; (AN 47148483)
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5.

Are they listening? Public opinion, interest groups and government responsiveness by Klüver, Heike; Pickup, Mark. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p91-112, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhat is the role of interest groups in the transmission of issues between the public and government policy? While government responsiveness to voters has received widespread scholarly attention, little is known about the role of interest groups in the transmission of public opinion to government. It is argued here that interest groups importantly influence government responsiveness to public opinion, but that the effect varies by type of interest group: while cause groups increase the responsiveness of governments to their electorate, sectional groups decrease government responsiveness. Drawing on a new and unique dataset, this article examines the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government expenditure across 13 policy areas in Germany from 1986 until 2012 and shows that interest groups indeed have a differential effect on the responsiveness of governments. The article’s findings have important implications for understanding political representation and the largely overlooked relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government policy.; (AN 47148484)
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6.

Mass media attention to welfare state reforms: evidence from Britain, 1996–2014 by Jensen, Carsten; Lee, Seonghui. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p113-132, 20p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the core questions facing political scientists is how politicians are able to implement cutbacks without suffering electoral backlash. A possible explanation might be that the mass media refrain from reporting on welfare state reforms in a consistent way. In order to explore this, two unique datasets have been collected: one contains information on all policy reforms of British old age pensions and unemployment protection from 1996 to 2014, and the other contains hand-coded media articles that allow the tracking on a monthly basis of what reforms are picked up. It is found that the mass media report on cutbacks, but not on expansions, and that they prioritise easy-to-understand cutbacks over cutbacks that are more technical in nature.; (AN 47148485)
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7.

Does multiple office-holding generate an electoral bonus? Evidence from Belgian national and local elections by Van de Voorde, Nicolas. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p133-155, 23p; Abstract: AbstractTraditionally, scholars have assumed that multiple office-holding (i.e. the combination of a local and national directly elected political mandate) leads to an enhanced electoral performance. Although the prospect of electoral benefits for such a mandate combination seems plausible, it remains unclear whether accumulating a national and local mandate does indeed provide an additional boost compared to holding either one prior to the election. Previous studies have only offered limited support for this assumption. For instance, they have focused exclusively on French national elections. This article, however, scrutinises whether dual mandate-holding pays off individually, for the candidate, as well as collectively, for the list as a whole in both Belgian national and local elections. The results here strongly suggest that cumul des mandatsdoes not yield an additional electoral reward compared to single office-holders, contradicting both theoretical presumptions and normative beliefs.; (AN 47148486)
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8.

Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain by Poletti, Monica; Webb, Paul; Bale, Tim. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p156-172, 17p; Abstract: AbstractWhat makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.; (AN 47148487)
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9.

Governments, decentralisation, and the risk of electoral defeat by Collignon, Sofia. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p173-200, 28p; Abstract: AbstractIn the last three decades several countries around the world have transferred authority from their national to their regional governments. However, not all their regions have been empowered to the same degree and important differences can be observed between and within countries. Why do some regions obtain more power than others? Current literature argues that variation in the redistribution of power and resources between regions is introduced by demand. Yet these explanations are conditional on the presence of strong regionalist parties or territorial cleavages. This article proposes instead a theory that links the government’s risk of future electoral defeat with heterogeneous decentralisation, and tests its effects using data from 15 European countries and 141 regions. The results provide evidence that parties in government protect themselves against the risk of electoral defeat by selectively targeting decentralisation towards regions in which they are politically strong. The findings challenge previous research that overestimates the importance of regionalist parties while overlooking differences between regions.; (AN 47148488)
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10.

How did the euro area survive the crisis? by Sadeh, Tal. West European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p201-226, 26p; Abstract: AbstractSix recent books differ in their explanations as to how the euro area survived the crisis. In this review it is concluded that strong supranational institutions rather than German or Franco-German leadership, shared identity or the popular legitimacy of central institutions have been the crucial condition. Popular support for the euro has remained relatively high in many member states. While the crisis led to some expansion of the intergovernmental method, survival of the euro area required a great expansion in the powers of supranational institutions.; (AN 47148489)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 70, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 70 issue 4 Cover and Back matter World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 pb1-b14, 14p; (AN 46574020)
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2.

WPO volume 70 issue 4 Cover and Front matter World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 pf1-f12, 12p; (AN 46574019)
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3.

The Ratification Premium by Kreps, Sarah E.; Saunders, Elizabeth N.; Schultz, Kenneth A.. World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 p479-514, 36p; Abstract: This article examines the effect of leaders’ foreign policy preferences on their ability to pursue and ratify arms control agreements. Does it take a “Nixon to go to China,” with hawks more effective than doves, when it comes to the domestic politics of treaty ratification? The authors observe that the theoretical logic correctly identifies an asymmetry between hawkish and dovish presidents, with the latter facing a credibility gap in advocating arms reductions. Although existing accounts assume leaders are captives of their type, the authors argue that dovish executives can overcome their credibility gap by obtaining the endorsement of informed legislators. These executives do so by paying a ratification premium, usually in the form of increased defense effort in areas not covered by the treaty. As a result, doves do not necessarily face a lower rate of success at the ratification stage; their disadvantage manifests itself primarily in the higher premium needed to obtain the same level of support as hawkish executives. The article demonstrates this argument through a formal model and tests the implications with paired comparisons of major arms control treaties in the Cold War and post–Cold War periods. The argument helps to resolve the Nixon-to-China theoretical debate. It shows that dovish leaders are not necessarily captives of their type because they can deploy side payments to achieve their policy goals. It also explains important puzzling features of the arms control record.; (AN 46574016)
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4.

Linkage Politics and Complex Governance in Transatlantic Surveillance by Farrell, Henry; Newman, Abraham L.. World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 p515-554, 40p; Abstract: Globalization blurs the traditional distinction between high and low politics, creating connections between previously discrete issue areas. An important existing literature focuses on how states may intentionally tie policy areas together to enhance cooperation. Building on recent scholarship in historical institutionalism, the authors emphasize how the extent of political discretion enjoyed by heads of state to negotiate and implement international agreements varies across issue areas. When policy domains are linked, so too are different domestic political configurations, each with its own opportunity structures or points of leverage. Opening up the possibility for such variation, the article demonstrates how actors other than states, such as nonstate and substate actors, use the heterogeneity of opportunity structures to influence negotiations and their institutional consequences. The authors examine the theory's purchase on international cooperation over intelligence, privacy, and data exchange in the transatlantic space in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the revelations made public by Edward Snowden in 2013. The findings speak to critical international relations debates, including the role of nonstate actors in diplomacy, the interaction between domestic and international politics, and the consequences of globalization and digital technologies for the relationship between international political economy and security.; (AN 46574017)
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5.

Diminished Expectations by Holland, Alisha C.. World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 p555-594, 40p; Abstract: In Latin America, the relationship between income and support for redistribution is weak and variable despite the region's extreme income inequality. This article shows that this condition is rooted in the truncated structure of many Latin American welfare states. Heavy spending on contributory social insurance for formal-sector workers, flat or regressive subsidies, and informal access barriers mean that social spending does far less for the poor in Latin America than it does in advanced industrial economies. Using public opinion data from across Latin America and original survey data from Colombia, the author demonstrates that income is less predictive of attitudes in the countries and social policy areas in which the poor gain less from social expenditures. Social policy exclusion leads the poor to doubt that they will benefit from redistribution, thereby dampening their support for it. The article reverses an assumption in political economy models that welfare exclusion unleashes demands for greater redistribution. Instead, truncation reinforces skepticism about social policy helping the poor. Welfare state reforms to promote social inclusion are essential to strengthen redistributive coalitions.; (AN 46574015)
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6.

Mass Resettlement and Political Violence by McNamee, Lachlan. World Politics, October 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 4 p595-644, 50p; Abstract: This article examines the relationship between mass resettlement and political conflict. The author theorizes that states can use mass resettlement to extend control over contested frontiers. Settlers whose land rights are politically contested will disproportionately participate in violence to defend the incumbent regime. The theory is tested using data on resettlement and violence in postcolonial Rwanda. The author shows that the Hutu revolutionary regime resettled some 450,000 Hutus after independence to frontier and Tutsi-dominated areas to defend itself against external Tutsi militias. The author contends that the invasion of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the 1990s threatened the Hutu settler population because the RPF sought the repatriation of Tutsis onto redistributed land and that consequent land insecurity incentivized violence against Tutsis in 1994. The article identifies the positive effect of resettlement on locality violence during the genocide via a geographic regression discontinuity design. A process tracing of one notoriously violent resettled commune supports the theorized causal sequence. In light of these findings, the author suggests that research should refocus on the way that conflict shapes ethnic demography and that, to understand participation in state-sponsored violence, scholars should attend to the threat posed by regime change to individual livelihoods.; (AN 46574018)
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