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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 27, no. 5, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The purpose of intergovernmental councils: A framework for analysis and comparison by Behnke, Nathalie; Mueller, Sean. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p507-527, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIntergovernmental councils (IGCs) are specific, institutionalized forums of intergovernmental relations. They provide essential horizontal and/or vertical executive channels for preparing, deciding, and implementing multilevel policies. We assume there to be variation, both across federal systems and policy domains, in the purpose they serve – from mutual influence and protection of autonomy through joint decision-making to mere exchange of information – the use that central or sub-state actors make of IGCs, as well as their effectivity. In order to map and explain such variation, this introductory article provides a framework for analysis that includes both conceptual building blocks and conjectural relationships, laying the comparative groundwork for the case studies included in this Special Issue. Findings from the case studies indicate that it is primarily the institutional architecture, but also the structure of the multilevel party system, that account for variation in the purpose and effectiveness of IGCs.; (AN 43827283)
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2.

Horizontal coordination in cooperative federalism: The purpose of ministerial conferences in Germany by Hegele, Yvonne; Behnke, Nathalie. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p529-548, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIntergovernmental councils in Germany comprise 18 sectoral ministerial conferences and the prime ministerial conference as peak organization. They complement the Bundesratas institutions of Intergovernmental Relations in the German system of cooperative federalism, dealing with matters of shared rule as well as self-rule. Based on expert interviews among ministerial bureaucrats, this contribution finds that contrary to conventional wisdom, vertical influence and autonomy protection are not their main purpose. Rather, they serve primarily information exchange and coordination. Still, the emphasis on either influence and autonomy protection or coordination and information as well as the directions of interaction vary across policy sectors. We further investigate constitutional allocation of power and party political composition as determinants on the specific purpose of ministerial conferences. The findings suggest that the allocation of power is more important than party political composition in explaining variation between sectoral ministerial conferences.; (AN 43827285)
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3.

Vertical influence or horizontal coordination? The purpose of intergovernmental councils in Switzerland by Schnabel, Johanna; Mueller, Sean. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p549-572, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 1993, the Swiss cantons established the conference of cantonal governments (KdK). While the literature on Swiss federalism generally acknowledges the important role of the KdK, little is known about its specific purpose, in particular compared to other, older intergovernmental councils operating in Switzerland. We therefore investigate the purpose of the KdK and contrast it with two other intercantonal conferences with nationwide scope, namely those on education and finance. To do so, we trace two of the most important federal reform processes of the last decade: the latest renewal of fiscal equalization and educational harmonization. We find a division of labour between the KdK and policy-specific councils. While the former aims at vertical political influence, the latter primarily engage in genuine horizontal policy coordination. This flexible and smooth interplay of the two types of councils has contributed to further strengthening the political role of the cantons in the Swiss federation.; (AN 43827290)
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4.

Canadian multilateral intergovernmental institutions and the limits of institutional innovation by Simmons, Julie M.. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p573-596, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 2003, the premiers of Canada’s ten provinces and three territories established the Council of the Federation (CoF) to strengthen interprovincial cooperation and exercise leadership on national issues. However, the purpose of COF in practice has not been the subject of systematic study. Against the backdrop of its predecessor, the Annual Premiers’ Conference, and the broader institutional and economic forces that contribute more generally to weak institutionalization of Canada’s multilateral intergovernmental forums, this paper considers the functioning of CoF in practice by analysing the nature of the joint positions of premiers expressed in communiqués it has issued to the end of Conservative government rule, 2015. This analysis reveals the spectrum of ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ measures that CoF has undertaken, and the nature of integration of CoF with other multilateral intergovernmental forums. It concludes that CoF is not immune to the underlying forces contributing more generally to the weak institutionalization of multilateral intergovernmental councils.; (AN 43827288)
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5.

Intergovernmental councils and centralization in Australian federalism by Phillimore, John; Fenna, Alan. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p597-621, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper explores how a high level of vertical intergovernmentalism and a low level of horizontal intergovernmentalism reflect as well as contribute to a high degree of centralization in Australian federalism and in the role and activity of intergovernmental councils (IGCs). Pre-eminent among the latter is the Council of Australian Governments (COAG), which sits at the apex of a system of ministerial councils and attendant agencies. Policy coordination is the principal motivation behind the Commonwealth’s use of COAG. The States established their own horizontal body in 2006 but that faded quickly in an experience that confirmed the underlying realities of Australian federalism.; (AN 43827287)
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6.

Intergovernmental councils in the United States by Bowman, Ann O’M.. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p623-643, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on intergovernmental councils (IGCs) in the United States in which prominent state-level executive politicians, that is, governors, play a leadership role. In the US case, these IGCs developed out of a desire to facilitate interstate information exchanges and a need for state governments to join forces to protect their autonomy vis-à-vis the federal government. In this latter role, the councils function as lobbyists for state government interests. The research question driving the analysis has to do with impact: what difference do executive-led IGCs make, either vertically or horizontally, in the US federal system? The question of impact is particularly relevant because growing partisan polarization in contemporary federal and state political institutions complicates collective action by states.; (AN 43827289)
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7.

Intergovernmental councils in Spain: Challenges and opportunities in a changing political context by Leon, Sandra. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p645-665, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper reviews the most important characteristics and of the Spanish Intergovernmental Councils (IGCs) and theorizes about the effect of the increasing fragmentation of the party system on the nature and dynamics of multilateral bargaining in IGCs. The essential argument is that party system fragmentation may have an impact on IGCs through its effect on the formation of minority and coalition governments. These types of governments may put an end to the two-bloc confrontation, bring to the system higher levels of party congruence between levels of government and lower the costs of compromise, three factors that may help to grease the bargaining process and, in turn, enhance the achievement of intergovernmental cooperation agreements. The positive effect will be conditional on several factors, namely the ideological coherence of inter-party alliances, the predominant type of government in the system (coalition or single-party minority) and the duration of governments.; (AN 43827291)
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8.

Still better together? Purpose and power in intergovernmental councils in the UK by McEwen, Nicola. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 p667-690, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIntergovernmental relations in the United Kingdom were intended to be predominantly informal, but a machinery of intergovernmental councils (IGCs) developed alongside informal relations. This article examines the development, purpose and dynamics of the UK’s IGCs, with a particular focus on the multilateral Joint Ministerial Committee and the bilateral Joint Exchequer Committees. These IGCs remain weakly institutionalized and multilateral forums, in particular, are regarded by the devolved governments as providing limited opportunities for exercising influence. By contrast, bilateral IGCs have enabled devolved governments to utilize a range of non-constitutional resources to exert influence, irrespective of their relative constitutional weakness. The Brexit referendum generated an intensification of multilateral IGCs while exposing their weaknesses as forums for the exercise of shared rule. The purpose and dynamics within IGCs are shaped by the asymmetrical distribution of power, continued constitutional hierarchy, party competition and competing nationalist projects.; (AN 43827293)
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9.

Editorial Board Regional & Federal Studies, October 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 5 pebi-ebi; (AN 43827292)
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10.

Arraying institutional layers in federalism reforms: lessons from the German case by Behnke, Nathalie; Kropp, Sabine. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p585-602, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe introductory article to this Special Issue offers an analytical framework for investigating federal reforms. By looking through the lens of institutional theory, it provides an avenue for grasping the basic mechanisms which are at work in reform processes. It is argued that the German case which comprises three distinct reform steps stretching out over more than one decade represents an especially suitable example for understanding the general logics of federal reform. As a “prototype” of sequential, asynchronous reforms, it allows for generating theoretical insights beyond the findings of a single case study. The article reveals that layering, sequencing, and the linkage of different arenas are the most relevant aspects to be considered when examining federal reforms. Finally, it is established how the contributions to this Special Issue refer to the analytical categories worked out in this introduction.; (AN 40371189)
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11.

The effects of federalism reform on the legislative process in Germany by Stecker, Christian. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p603-624, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen the reform of German federalism was enacted in 2006, the right of the second chamber, Bundesrat, to veto large parts of national legislation had long been identified as a dysfunctional element of the federal system. The need to compromise with an often opposition-controlled Bundesratwas perceived as hurting democratic principles and worsening Germany’s policy performance. Hence, a variety of constitutional amendments was adopted in 2006 to curb the veto threat. This paper sketches how the expansion of the Bundesratveto emerged and how the reform tried to reduce it. Covering all federal legislation between 1978 and 2016 this paper then analyses the actual effects of the reform. It is shown that the veto threat has been reduced by around 17% but that it remains unchanged at around 65% in the area of tax law.; (AN 40371192)
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12.

The effect of reformed legislative competences on Länderpolicy-making: determinants of fragmentation and uniformity by Dose, Nicolai; Reus, Iris. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p625-644, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Federalism Reform I (2006) transferred some additional legal competences to the German Länderto provide them with more autonomy. Our analysis is guided by the question as to how fragmentation and uniformity concerning the content of the new Länderlaws can be explained. To this end, we develop a theoretical framework based on a short review of the literature on the field. Subsequently, the framework is tested empirically on the basis of four selected legislative competences. Our results show that differences in party positions and problem pressures result in the fragmentation of laws. This applies also to competition under budgetary constraints, whereas competition superimposes the first two factors. Uniformity was influenced by similar party positions, and particularly by networks of experts.; (AN 40371191)
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13.

The Role of Party and Coalition Politics in Federal Reform by Detterbeck, Klaus. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p645-666, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article analyses the role of the German political parties as actors of federal change. Parties perceive federal processes through their own organizational lenses, giving priority to electoral logics, programmatic ideas or territorial interests. Each of the three reform steps in the German case was shaped by a specific blend of the three logics. Looking at the sequences of reform, the analysis shows that parties have remained central for organizing federal processes but have become less capable of arriving at cohesive and unified party positions. There have been struggles over which of the strategies was to prevail both within individual parties and across the party divide. The territorial power balances within parties, the timing of the reform, that is, the constellation of political majorities at federal and regional levels in the moment of reform, and the policy issues in question are important framing conditions for the choice of particular party strategies.; (AN 40371190)
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14.

Marble cake dreaming of layer cake: the merits and pitfalls of disentanglement in German federalism reform by Kropp, Sabine; Behnke, Nathalie. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p667-686, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explains the zigzag of the stepwise federalism reform in Germany by accessing the theoretical concept of institutional incongruity. It is argued that the existing imbalance between competencies, policy problems and fiscal resources was further exacerbated as actors adopted inconsistent institutional ‘layers’ during the sequential reform. Two case studies on higher education and unemployment policy reveal that actors finally reverted to joint decision-making and revived ideas of solidarity in order to remedy inconsistent reform results, although ‘disentanglement’ and competition had been the leitmotivs underlying the first reform step. The article confirms that institutional congruity is hardly attainable in federations. Reform attempts aiming at disentangling responsibilities and fiscal resources encounter insuperable difficulties, because policy issues more than ever transcend the borders of single territorial units and need joint financing. The study concludes by discussing the question whether joint decision-making – compared to dual resp. ‘layer-cake’ federalism – owns a specific democratic quality.; (AN 40371194)
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15.

A Path to Balanced Budgets of Bund and Länder? The New Shape of the ‘Debt Brake’ and the ‘Stability Council’ by Korioth, Stefan. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p687-705, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the implementation of new debt rules and the function of the new Stabilitätsrat since its establishment in 2011. The new rules are explained and the effect of the new limit for public debt is examined. Furthermore, the composition, tasks and procedures of the Stabilitätsrat are described and evaluated. Finally, its activity is judged with individual examples. As a result, it is shown that for the new rules of Art. 109 para. 3, Art. 115 and Art. 143d GG to be successful, a normative commitment and corresponding political discipline not to incur new debts is required. The Stabilitätsrat alone is insufficient as an institutional framework to encourage budgetary discipline. Abolishing the Stabilitätsrat would be a first step in giving back control to politics in regard to debt and in dispelling the illusion that technocratic determination of the possibility to take new debt could end the debt problem.; (AN 40371195)
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16.

Gradual Constitutional Change and Federal Dynamics – German Federalism Reform in Historical Perspective by Benz, Arthur. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p707-728, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn order to understand reform in German federalism, this article applies the framework of “dynamic institutionalism”. It explains change as a result of a particular pattern of constitutional policy emerging in a sequential evolution of institutions and responding to changing state–society relations. Historical legacies found expression in negotiations predominated by bargaining among governments, guided by legalist approaches of lawyers and court decisions and influenced by specialists in public administration. In this context, societal change affected the agenda but had limited impact on processes and outcomes. In consequence, the reform ended with many detailed constitutional amendments not amounting to substantial change. In a comparative perspective, German federalism may have its strengths, but its reform should not be regarded as a role model for other federations. Instead, it exemplifies the problematic consequences of a constitutional policy not sufficiently separated from normal intergovernmental policy-making and strongly embedded in a self-enforcing evolution of institutions.; (AN 40371193)
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17.

How differently actors cope with demanding constitutional amendment rules: two types of constitutional politics in federal democracies by Lorenz, Astrid. Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 p729-748, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article seeks to explore why a high formal hurdle for constitutional amendments (constitutional rigidity) as it is present in Germany does not automatically lead to a lower number of amendments when compared with low rigidity countries and why Germany’s amendment rate is so much higher than that of some other federations. It theorizes that the frequency of interactions between stable, interdependent actors influences their willingness to compromise. Thus analyses of constitutional politics must expand the focus to longer time-horizons and to the parliamentary and federal context. Case studies on constitutional politics in two parliamentary federations, Germany and Canada, confirm that actors cope differently with the problem of multiple veto players in constitutional politics. In the long run, two distinct patterns of constitutional politics have emerged.; (AN 40371197)
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18.

Editorial Board Regional & Federal Studies, October 2016, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 5 pebi-ebi; (AN 40371196)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 162, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p3-3, 1p; (AN 44230290)
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2.

Does Russia Have the Fiscal Capacity to Achieve its Military Modernisation Goals? by Hunter Christie, Edward. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p4-15, 12p; Abstract: AbstractIn this article, Edward Hunter Christie sheds light on the extent to which Russia’s economic trajectory may enable or constrain its military modernisation goals. It adds to existing research by using quantitative scenarios and counterfactual analyses of the state’s fiscal conditions under different assumed levels of ambition for defence procurement spending. This approach leads to a more evidence-based assessment of the policy preferences of the Russian leadership. It also provides an objective basis for evaluating Russia’s fiscal capacity to fulfil its ambitions in a mid-term perspective.; (AN 44230289)
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3.

Key Issues for Post-Conflict Elections by Reilly, Benjamin. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p16-24, 9p; Abstract: AbstractElections are central to many contemporary post-conflict accords, but poorly timed elections may have negative consequences for the consolidation of both peace and democracy. Benjamin Reilly examines key issues of: electoral timing, including how soon to hold elections following hostilities; whether to sequence national and local polls; and which models of electoral system and administration are most appropriate in post-conflict environments.; (AN 44230291)
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4.

Mending Vulnerabilities to Isolation by Ljungwall, Christer; Bohman, Viking. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p26-33, 8p; Abstract: The Belt and Road Initiative is gradually moving China and its economy beyond the reach of Western sanctions and reducing the economic impact that a US naval blockade could have. Christer Ljungwall and Viking Bohman contend that, without a measured Western response, this could increase the likelihood of Chinese aggression in regional territorial disputes.; (AN 44230292)
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5.

What’s in a Name? by Sexton, Mark. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p34-43, 10p; Abstract: Politicians, the media and the public remain intensely focused on terrorism and the potential threat posed by ‘foreign fighters’ returning from Syria and Iraq. To aid research and understanding of this phenomenon, Mark Sexton offers a new definition of ‘foreign fighters’ and proposes typologies for classifying those involved and their possible post-conflict pathways.; (AN 44230293)
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6.

Introduction by Louth, John. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p44-45, 2p; (AN 44230295)
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7.

The Twenty-First Century Armoury: A Town Called Barrow by Twort, Lauren; Thompson, Gabriela. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p46-72, 27p; (AN 44230294)
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8.

Jihadi Culture: The Art and Social Practices of Militant Islamists by Glazzard, Andrew. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p74-75, 2p; (AN 44230296)
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9.

The Economics of Arms by Fleurant, Aude-Emmanuelle. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p75-77, 3p; (AN 44230298)
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10.

The Despot’s Guide to Wealth Management: On the International Campaign Against Grand Corruption by de Oliveira, Inês Sofia. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p77-79, 3p; (AN 44230297)
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11.

Everyone Loses: The Ukraine Crisis and the Ruinous Contest for Post-Soviet Eurasia by Lain, Sarah. The RUSI Journal, September 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 5 p79-80, 2p; (AN 44230299)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 3-4, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

osceMediation in an Eroding International Order by Remler, Philip. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p273-288, 16p; Abstract: The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwiinormative international order has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that underpin that order. Is there a future role for oscemediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fiction of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and provide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare.In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the oscearea and on oscemediation in those conflicts.1He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in light of subsequent events in world politics (in particular the advent of a new administration in the United States) and in the region. The new developments give little cause for optimism that settlement in any of the conflicts is closer. Rather, the question for the osceis whether the international community, in view of the challenges posed by the Ukraine crisis, should continue to engage in the fictions that have allowed it to manage the conflicts since their beginnings in the collapsing Soviet Union.; (AN 43211131)
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2.

NoSCE or Next Generation osce? by Shakirov, Oleg. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p289-314, 26p; Abstract: This article examines how increased tensions between Russia and the West in the wake of the Ukraine crisis impact the conflict management work of the osce. It first looks at Russian perspectives of the osceand focuses on how these changed in the post-2014 period. It then proceeds with an overview of implications resulting from geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West that could positively or negatively affect the role of the oscein conflict management in the long term. The article ends by laying out 4 scenarios on how the situation and the oscecould evolve and argues that in the near future a continuation of the status quo is most probable.; (AN 43211132)
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3.

Geneva International Discussions – Negotiating the Possible by Giuashvili, Teona; Giuashvili, Teona. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p381-402, 22p; Abstract: This paper describes the role that the oscehas played in the Geneva International Discussions, discussing the key political and institutional obstacles to effective mediation, as well as the creative institutional solutions that helped the osceto mediate and implement several specific projects of significant practical importance.; (AN 43211133)
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4.

Forty-five Years of Dialogue Facilitation (1972–2017) by Crump, Laurien. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (csce) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the cscefacilitated the ‘multilateralisation of European security’ through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the osceso as to multilateralise European security again today.; (AN 43211134)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 48, no. 5, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Security, economy, population: The political economic logic of liberal exceptionalism by Best, Jacqueline. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p375-392, 18p; Abstract: In an era in which scholars have become increasingly skeptical about the concept of exceptionalism, this article argues that instead of rejecting it, we should rework it: moving beyond seeing it primarily as a security practice by recognizing the crucial role of political economic exceptionalism. Drawing on Foucault’s later lectures on security, population, and biopolitics, this article suggests that we can understand exceptionalist moves in both security and economic contexts as efforts to manage and secure a population. Focusing on three key moments in the production of exceptional politics – defining the limit of normal politics, suspending the norm, and putting the exception into practice – I examine the parallels, intersections, and tensions between political economic and security exceptionalism, using the concept of economic exceptionalism to make sense of the 2008 global financial crisis. Taking seriously Foucault’s insights into the political economic character of liberal government holds out the promise of providing scholars in the fields of both critical security studies and cultural political economy with a richer understanding of the complex dynamics of exceptionalist politics – a promise that is particularly valuable at the present political juncture.; (AN 43400910)
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2.

Reconceptualizing regional security in South Asia: A critical security approach by Barthwal-Datta, Monika; Basu, Soumita. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p393-409, 17p; Abstract: South Asia has garnered much attention in international security scholarship and policymaking, not least due to the number of protracted armed conflicts in the region. Yet, the dominant discourse on regional security in South Asia fails to adequately capture the insecurities that undermine the everyday lives and livelihoods of a majority of South Asians. The article first interrogates this prevalent discourse to reveal the inadequacies of traditional state-centric regional security analysis in South Asia. Drawing on critical approaches to security, including concepts that have been developed in the region, it then offers a reconceptualization of regional security. A brief case study discussion on food insecurity is employed to develop, and demonstrate the relevance of, such an approach to identifying and addressing contemporary security imperatives in South Asia. In doing so, the article presents a critical approach to regional security that is deeply rooted in South Asian experiences.; (AN 43400908)
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3.

Targeting environmental infrastructures, international law, and civilians in the new Middle Eastern wars by Sowers, Jeannie L; Weinthal, Erika; Zawahri, Neda. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p410-430, 21p; Abstract: Research in conflict studies and environmental security has largely focused on the mechanisms through which the environment and natural resources foster conflict or contribute to peacebuilding. An understudied area of research, however, concerns the ways in which warfare has targeted civilian infrastructure with long-term effects on human welfare and ecosystems. This article seeks to fill this gap. We focus on better understanding the conflict destruction of water, sanitation, waste, and energy infrastructures, which we term environmental infrastructures, by drawing on an author-compiled database of the post-2011 wars in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While research across the social sciences has examined the targeting of civilians and environmental destruction during wars, including the issue of urbicide, we expand the study of targeting environmental infrastructure to (1) examine the role of different types of actors (international vs. subnational), (2) document the type of infrastructure targeted, form of attack, and impacts, and (3) situate increased targeting of environmental infrastructure in the changing context of war-making in the MENA. Comparatively analyzing the conflict zones of Libya, Syria, and Yemen, we show that targeting environmental infrastructure is an increasingly prevalent form of war-making in the MENA, with long-term implications for rebuilding states, sustaining livelihoods, and resolving conflicts.; (AN 43400909)
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4.

Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security by Schuetze, Benjamin. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p431-450, 20p; Abstract: The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military collaboration by investigating some of the ways in which war is simulated, marketed, and played at KASOTC. Particular focus is paid to the stark biopolitical judgments about the different worth of human subjects and their role in intersecting processes of militarization and commercialization. The article argues that US–Jordanian military collaboration at KASOTC is marked by the simultaneous blurring and reinforcement of boundaries, as commercial security is moralized and imagined moral hierarchies marketized. While war at KASOTC is an interactive and consumable event for some, it engenders deadly realities for others. The article is an empirically-grounded contribution to critical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013.; (AN 43400906)
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5.

Robot Wars: US Empire and geopolitics in the robotic age by Shaw, Ian GR. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p451-470, 20p; Abstract: How will the robot age transform warfare? What geopolitical futures are being imagined by the US military? This article constructs a robotic futurology to examine these crucial questions. Its central concern is how robots – driven by leaps in artificial intelligence and swarming – are rewiring the spaces and logics of US empire, warfare, and geopolitics. The article begins by building a more-than-human geopolitics to de-center the role of humans in conflict and foreground a worldlyunderstanding of robots. The article then analyzes the idea of US empire, before speculating upon how and why robots are materializing new forms of proxy war. A three-part examination of the shifting spaces of US empire then follows: (1) Swarm Warsexplores the implications of miniaturized drone swarming; (2) Roboworldinvestigates how robots are changing US military basing strategy and producing new topological spaces of violence; and (3) The Autogenic Battle-Sitereveals how autonomous robots will produce emergent, technologically event-ful sites of security and violence – revolutionizing the battlespace. The conclusion reflects on the rise of a robotic US empire and its consequences for democracy.; (AN 43400907)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 26, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board EOV Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p1-1, 1p; (AN 42716816)
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2.

Nuclear Beliefs: A Leader-Focused Theory of Counter-Proliferation by Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p545-574, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do some leaders use preventive military force to destroy another country's nuclear program, while others do not? Despite nuclear proliferation becoming a growing source of concern, counter-proliferation decision making remains poorly understood. Additionally, though the preventive logic pervades the scholarship as one potential state response to relative decline, it remains unclear when this leads to war and when it does not, especially in the nuclear context. This article demonstrates that the decision to consider and use preventive force rests not only on material factors but more importantly on a leader's prior beliefs about nuclear proliferation and the threat posed by a specific adversary. Conducting original archival research and process tracing, this manuscript examines American decision making against the Communist Chinese nuclear program, and demonstrates that Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson held fundamentally different nuclear beliefs that led to radically different preventive war preferences.; (AN 42716811)
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3.

Crises and Crisis Generations: The Long-term Impact of International Crises on Military Political Participation by White, Peter B.. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p575-605, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in government and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of acute international crises rather than its chronic threat environment. Poor outcomes—defeats or stalemates—in major international crises lead to professionalization and depoliticization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. A poor outcome creates pressure for military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years later due to generational shifts. As officers of the “crisis generation” become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964–2008 and find strong support for it.; (AN 42716810)
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4.

The MAD Who Wasn't There: Soviet Reactions to the Late Cold War Nuclear Balance by Green, Brendan R.; Long, Austin. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p606-641, 36p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible.; (AN 42716813)
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5.

Challenging the Power Consensus: GDP, CINC, and Power Transition Theory by Rauch, Carsten. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p642-664, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPower Transition Theory (PTT) has hitherto often relied on power indicators like Gross Domestic Product (GDP) or the Composite Index of National Capability (CINC) to capture its power variable. The underlying assumption is that these indicators are highly correlated, and thus it matters little as to which one the researcher chooses. I call this PTT's power consensus and argue that this consensus is problematic, as the choice of power indicator is often crucial. For PTT, it does not only matter whether such indicators come to similar results by and large; the position of certain singular actors—such as the dominant power, its prime challengers, and the top ranked great powers generally—is even more essential. However, it is precisely with regard to the positions of these actors that we find important discrepancies between what PTT's favored indicators (GDP and CINC) suggest. Analysis of some crucial historical and recent cases supports my challenge to the power consensus. First, the celebrated peaceful power transition between the United Kingdom and the United States in the nineteenth century becomes suspect under closer scrutiny, as GDP places the United States entering the parity zone at a time during which it must arguably be counted as a dissatisfied power. Second, a number of CINC-exclusive power transitions in the twentieth century are not accounted for by GDP. A few possible options might mitigate the power-problem for the cases under scrutiny, however scholars of PTT should generally be much more conscious about their choice of power indicator.; (AN 42716814)
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6.

Causes of the US Hostage Crisis in Iran: The Untold Account of the Communist Threat by Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p665-697, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a revisionist account of the occupation of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979, one of the most conspicuous manifestations of anti-Americanism in recent history. Drawing solely upon primary documents, largely from various Iranian communists and Islamists, it questions the conventional wisdom that the Islamists' takeover of the embassy was a grassroots reaction to American policies, particularly after President Carter admitted the ailing Shah. It also challenges the argument that the radical students stormed the embassy primarily to bring down the nationalist provisional government. Instead, I introduce a critical overlooked factor and argue that the Hostage Crisis can be better explained as a preemptive act by the Islamists to outbid the leftists' anti-American activities. I demonstrate that the United States and the Islamists were seeking to maintain normal relations during and even after the 1979 revolution. However, various communist organizations that surfaced after the revolution posed an existential threat to the new Islamist-nationalist government, quickly dominating universities, labor unions, and intellectual circles throughout the country and accusing the Islamists and their nationalist allies of collaborating with the United States. In this climate, the Islamists strategically adopted the Left's anti-imperialist language and eventually occupied the US embassy to establish their anti-American credibility.; (AN 42716812)
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7.

Dangerous Days: The Impact of Nationalism on Interstate Conflict by Gruffydd-Jones, Jamie. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p698-728, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes an upsurge in nationalism make interstate conflict more likely? This article gives evidence to suggest that spikes in nationalism do have a direct impact on the likelihood of disputes between states. In it, I use national days or anniversaries as occasions that increase the salience of a national identity and its historical wars. I show that in the two months following national days, conflict is markedly higher than would be expected—almost 30 percent more likely than the rest of the year—and particularly likely for states who initiate conflict or who have revisionist intentions. I demonstrate further how nationalist sentiment can increase international tensions with a case study of national anniversaries in China and Japan. Together, this evidence suggests that the increase in nationalism around national days provides both risks and opportunities to regimes and shapes when they choose conflict over cooperation in international relations.; (AN 42716815)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 29, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Illusion of Afghanistan’s Electoral Representative Democracy: The Cases of Afghan Presidential and National Legislative Elections by Johnson, Thomas H.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-37, 37p; Abstract: AbstractThis article is the latest in a series of published articles systematically examining Afghan Presidential and legislative elections. Structural problems including fraud, ethno-linguistic block voting, and the Single Non-Transferable Vote have had significant impacts on the development of Afghan democratic elections. The challenge now facing the current Afghan government and future elections is the daunting task of uniting the Afghan people while not repeating the electoral mistakes of the past. The tricky balancing act of fostering an overarching national identity without being perceived as privileging particular identities requires strong leadership and a willingness to challenge traditional ethnic, linguistic, and religious norms when need be. Karzai and Ghani Administrations have seriously failed relative to this dynamic.; (AN 44327283)
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2.

Beyond the Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora: Countering Comando Vermelho’s Criminal Insurgency by Ramos da Cruz, Claudio; Ucko, David H.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p38-67, 30p; Abstract: AbstractTen years ago, in 2008, the Brazilian Government adopted a strategy to regain control over the favelasin Rio de Janeiro – the Pacifying Police Units (UPP). In spite of initial favorable results, the main threat, namely the Red Command (CV), fought back and by 2014 the UPP strategy was badly frayed. In order to defeat this threat, it is necessary to reconceptualize CV as a criminal insurgencyand to pinpoint and address the social and political factors that sustain it. This allows for a response inspired by the ‘shape-clear-hold-build’ counterinsurgency approach, which while cost-intensive is, in the long term, the most sustainable path to achieving security within the favelasand integrating these neglected areas within the broader city of Rio de Janeiro.; (AN 44327281)
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3.

Diversionary Tactics and the Ethiopia–Eritrea War (1998–2000) by Butcher, Charity; Maru, Makda. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p68-90, 23p; Abstract: AbstractDiversionary theories of war suggest that leaders may engage in bellicose foreign policies to divert the public’s attention from domestic problems and capitalize on a ‘rally around the flag’ type of effect. The evidence regarding diversionary theory is quite mixed. More recently, scholars have focused on situations that create opportunities for diversionary behavior, such as international rivalry and territorial disputes. This paper adds to the growing literature on diversionary conflict by considering the Ethiopia–Eritrea case and applying an opportunity-based approach. We assess whether the Ethiopia–Eritrea War (1998–2000) is consistent with diversionary explanations for the war, as many have previously claimed.; (AN 44327282)
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4.

The Prickly Thorn: A Re-evaluation of Orde Wingate and the Special Night Squads by Lim, Preston Jordan. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p91-111, 21p; Abstract: AbstractOrde Wingate’s Special Night Squads played a key role in defeating the Great Arab Revolt of 1936–1939. Wingate’s Night Squads were distinctive in their approach to counter-insurgency warfare; in addition to bringing Arab insurgents to battle, the Night Squads proved their mettle by ‘flying the flag’ and by improving cooperation between Jewish settlers and British servicemen. Nevertheless, the Night Squad’s accomplishments and legacy must be properly situated within the broader wave of tactical innovations undertaken by the British Army throughout the Rebellion.; (AN 44327286)
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5.

Formation of Insurgent Groups: MEND and Boko Haram in Nigeria by Ajala, Olayinka. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p112-130, 19p; Abstract: AbstractContrary to earlier notions that religious diversity, ethnicity and the lack of economic development are the main factors responsible for the surge of violence in Nigeria, this article argues that the means of attaining or retaining political authority by politicians are responsible for violent conflicts and the formation of insurgent groups. Using theories of patrimonialism and prebendalism, the article argues that political power and authority are often channelled for personal use in a predatory manner that results in the formation of insurgent groups. The aim of this article is to proffer a different analytical framework for the understanding of the formation of insurgent groups based on political authority.; (AN 44327285)
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6.

Looking in: External Views of the Way Forward in Thai Southern Insurgency by Marks, Thomas A.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p131-140, 10p; (AN 44327284)
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7.

Hybrid War and Its Countermeasures: A Critique of the Literature by Johnson, Robert. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p141-163, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines critically the literature of hybrid war and evaluates the countermeasures often proposed. It explains the concept of hybrid warfare and its varied interpretations, illustrating how it is a manifestation of current anxieties in armed conflict. The selection of the literature is based on works that are referenced, that offer a scientific approach, and which review either the phenomenon of hybrid warfare or its countermeasures empirically. Unscientific works have been omitted. The analysis of the literature presented here shows that the antidotes to ‘hybridity’ lie not in the operational or tactical sphere but in strategic and political domains.; (AN 44327289)
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8.

A Cursed and Fragmented Island: History and Conflict Analysis in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea by Adamo, Antonino. Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p164-186, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper is a review piece examining the main factors responsible for the civil war, lasting from 1988 to 1998, on Bougainville island, an autonomous region in Papua New Guinea. History, economy, and social aspects of the island – especially traditional society features, mining activities, the effects of colonization and industrialization – are highlighted. The aim of the article is to identify which factors best explain the outbreak of the conflict. The main assumption is that no single factor can explain the civil war, as these elements require a comprehensive analysis. The ‘resource curse’ theory, i.e. the presence of natural resources leading to economic failure, and the existence of ethnic cleavages, are proposed as explanations, although further factors must also taken into account. Finally, the analysis helps to contextualize the unfolding events in Bougainville and its path to democratization.; (AN 44327288)
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9.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p187-188, 2p; (AN 44327287)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Between practices and demands: ambiguities, controversies and constraints in the emergence of active citizenship in Turkey by Bee, Cristiano; Kaya, Ayhan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p301-324, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article discusses the emergence of active citizenship in Turkey in the light of two working definitions that provide different outcomes in terms of research objectives and aims. On the one side, we define active citizenship as a practice stimulated by public institutions through public policy with the aim of promoting civic and political engagement in order to shape participatory policy processes and ultimately improve the democratic bases of policy-making. On the other side, we define active citizenship as a demand, which becomes particularly important where the civil society expresses certain claims through different means using both traditional and alternative channels of mobilization. In our discussion, we have examined different macro-processes and macro-events that have been key in bringing about different formulations of active citizenship. Using a case study method – where we overview different contextual elements/dynamics that bring to the fore various elements of civic and political engagement and civic and political participation during the past 15 years – we argue that, in a context where the expression of active citizenship is volatile and constrained, further research should take into account different top-down and bottom-up dynamics that bring about different challenges for the study of this subject in Turkey.; (AN 43152932)
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2.

Continuity and change in instrumentalizing ‘The Precedent’. How Russia uses Kosovo to legitimize the annexation of Crimea by Rotaru, Vasile; Troncotă, Miruna. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p325-345, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe article contributes to the efforts of understanding Russia’s legitimization endeavours by looking at the policy narratives centred around the so-called Kosovo precedent and the way they were perceived by different actors from Ukraine, Russia, and international experts. The aim of the paper is to scrutinize the process of politicization of contested international norms (in particular, territorial sovereignty and the right to self-determination) in the case of Russia’s legitimacy claims in Ukraine. In assessing the instrumentalization of the ‘Kosovo precedent’ in the Crimea crisis, we focused on three main elements identified in the selected policy narratives: the reinterpretation of history, the humanitarian and ethnic factor and the reinterpretation of Western actions in the Balkans.; (AN 43152933)
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3.

The impact of EU multi-level regionalism strategy on Bulgarian local authorities: qualitative comparative analysis among nine border areas by Brusaporci, Gianfranco. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p347-367, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article suggests a new perspective on the analysis of the EU multi-level regionalism strategy (EUMRS) by emphasizing the important role of local authorities in border areas. The EU, indeed, has been pursuing a multi-level strategy formed by three action layers corresponding to three new regional trasnational spaces: (1) the European Union itself; (2) the strategic macro-regional actions – such as the EU Strategy for the Danube Region; (3) cross-border cooperation. Particularly, the article tries to explain why local officers working for different Bulgarian municipalities perceive the EUMRS in a different way. The perception of the EUMRS represents the internalization and impact of the EUMRS among the interviewed local officers of nine borderland Bulgarian municipalities. The research is grounded on a qualitative comparative analysis to identify and explain the different combinations of causally relevant conditions linked to the specific outcome.; (AN 43152934)
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4.

A painful break or agony without end? The stateness problem and its influence on democratization in Croatia and Serbia by Milačić, Filip. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p369-387, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThat matters of the state must always be resolved before democratization seems to be a fairly common position in the scholarly literature. There are, however, also scholars that stress the importance of an alternative perspective: ‘no democracy, no state’. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of this very important issue, advocating the need for a more nuanced argument about the relationship between the state and democracy. To do so, Croatia and Serbia serve as empirical examples as their different outcomes regarding the consolidation of democracy are explained as due to their (un)resolved stateness problem. The article uses process tracing to explain these outcomes and attempts to craft a minimally sufficient explanation of the outcomes by developing causal mechanisms.; (AN 43152935)
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5.

Quality of democracy in unrecognized states: lessons from Northern Cyprus by Kanol, Direnç; Köprülü, Nur. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p389-402, 14p; Abstract: AbstractScholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.; (AN 43152936)
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6.

Issues of local ownership in Kosovo’s security sector by Qehaja, Florian; Prezelj, Iztok. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p403-419, 17p; Abstract: AbstractLocal ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core principles have been occasionally neglected in the practice of state-building such as in the case of Kosovo. This paper explores relations between the international community and local actors in the process of Kosovo security sector development after 2008, when the country declared its independence. This article finds that externally-driven models were imposed in some phases of security sector development. The actions of the international community disregarded the local context and created distrust by the local actors. The study relies on extensive face-to-face interviews with relevant national and international stakeholders, a public opinion survey with a sample of 1102 respondents, focus group and personal observation.; (AN 43152937)
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7.

Romanians’ current perception of threat from immigrants in a context of co-ethnic migration: assessing the role of intergroup conflict and active/passive contact by Vlase, Ionela; Preoteasa, Ana Maria. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p421-439, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates the predictors of natives’ perception of the immigrant threat in Romania, an interesting site given immigrants’ marginal presence in the total population and the sizeable proportion of co-ethnic immigrants. Yet the interplay between nationalism and religion shapes an ideological frame that favours unwelcoming attitudes towards immigrants that challenge the Romanian identity forged along ethnic and religious ties. The authors used regression to analyse immigrant threat according to several dimensions: cosmopolitanism, group conflict and intergroup contact. In order to reflect specificities of this particular context, the latter dimension is conceptualized so as to include active and passive contact with immigrants. This distinction is relevant because of immigrants’ low presence in Romania. Findings suggest that variables from conflict theory explain more of the variation in the perceived threat, while indirect contact through mass-media exposure to immigrant content has the potential to reduce the perception of immigrant threat.; (AN 43152939)
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8.

Between national and European foreign policy: the role of Latvia and Romania in the EU’s policy towards Central Asia by Bossuyt, Fabienne. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p441-460, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores whether and to what extent new member states of the European Union (EU) seek to pursue their national foreign policy goals towards Central Asia through the EU rather than bilaterally. To do so, it focuses on Latvia and Romania. While the article finds evidence of Romanian attempts to project its interests in the region onto the EU level, Latvia appears to rely more extensively on the EU level to pursue its goals towards Central Asia. Using insights from the literature on Europeanization of national foreign policy, the article explains this finding with reference to four variables that determine whether a member state will seek to upload its national foreign policy preferences onto the EU level, namely the perceived salience of the policy goals, the extent to which member states can carve out a niche, their perceived capabilities and the level of Europeanization of their national foreign policies.; (AN 43152940)
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9.

How do MPs in Kosovo develop constituency links? A comparison of MPs’ behaviour under closed-list and open-list PR electoral systems by Mjekiqi, Shqipe. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p461-483, 23p; Abstract: AbstractWhile studies among established democracies suggest MPs’ incentives to develop close links with their constituents are hardly determined by the electoral system, very little is known about MPs’ incentives to establish such links outside these countries. Looking at the case of Kosovo, as a newly democratic country with a low level of party system institutionalization, this article examines the extent to which its MPs develop close links with their constituents. Through interviews, the article compares MPs’ behaviour under closed-list PR system which was used in the 2004 elections and open-list PR system which was used both in the 2007 and 2010 elections. The main argument is that due to the weak nature of the party system institutionalization, MPs elected under open-list PR system, where there is intra-party electoral competition, will develop closer links with their constituents than those elected under closed-list PR, where such intra-party electoral competition is absent.; (AN 43152938)
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10.

Monitoring the rise of a radical force: the British Embassy in Athens and the Ascent of the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 1974–1981 by Kourkouvelas, Lykourgos. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p485-503, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe article deals with perceptions, conceptions and policy implementation of British diplomacy towards the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) from its formation in 1974 until its first rise into power in 1981. PASOK, a political movement that was to dominate Greek politics for more than twenty years, entered the Greek political scene as a new, radical force that threatened Western values and interests and aspired to reshape the international orientation of the country, in a period of high Cold War tensions. It will be shown that British diplomacy, despite its opposition to PASOK, was forced by political realities to modify its policy significantly, in order to accommodate PASOK and preserve its interests in a country that was considered as a vital ally of the Western world.; (AN 43152944)
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11.

Divided we stand: discourses on identity in ‘First’ and ‘Other’ Serbia. Social construction of the Self and the Other by Pavasović Trošt, Tamara. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p505-507, 3p; (AN 43152943)
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12.

Post-Yugoslav constellations: archive, memory, and trauma in contemporary Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian literature and culture by Wachtel, Andrew. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p507-508, 2p; (AN 43152941)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43152941&site=ehost-live

13.

The Europeanisation of citizenship governance in South-East Europe by Mujanović, Jasmin. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p508-510, 3p; (AN 43152942)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43152942&site=ehost-live

 

8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 6, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Disaster Relief as a Political Tool: Analysing Indian and Chinese Responses after the Nepal Earthquakes by Chand, Bibek. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p535-545, 11p; Abstract: AbstractIn the aftermath of the 2015 earthquakes in Nepal, China and India immediately sent relief teams. The relief efforts in Nepal showcase a competitive aspect of the two major regional powers, as China seeks to gradually increase its influence in South Asia. This article analyses how these two governments utilised relief efforts to increase influence in Nepal, within the wider context of the contentious Sino–Indian relationship. The Chinese and Indian relief responses after the Nepal earthquakes are extrapolated to assess their strategic utility.; (AN 43612602)
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2.

Waiting for Godot*: India and Unite d Nat ions Security Council Reform by Kumar, Rajeesh. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p546-558, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the history of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform with a particular focus on India’s aspiration and attempts to become a permanent member on the Council. The primary objectives of this historical examination are to appreciate how hard reforming the UNSC is and to understand how challenging it will be for India to acquire a permanent seat on the Council. Probing the General Assembly debates on UNSC reform, the article exposes the fundamental hurdles to change, the duplicity of the permanent five (P-5) and lack of unity among the stakeholders. Accordingly, the article aims to contribute to future strategies and policies of UNSC reforms.; (AN 43612603)
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3.

Korea’s Cultural Diplomacy: An Analysis of the Hallyuin India by Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p559-570, 12p; Abstract: AbstractKorea’s rapid economic transformation from being one of the poorest countries during the 1950s to becoming a member of the Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1996 surprised the world, and is often considered the ‘Miracle on the Han River’. Within a period of a few decades, Korea became an economic powerhouse and one of the largest producers and exporters of steel, ships, automobiles, cell phones, etc. In recent years Hallyuor the ‘Korean Wave’ has taken the world by surprise. The term basically refers to the popularity of Korean cultural products such as Korean music, dance, dramas, movies, food, fashion, cosmetics, etc. across Asia and other parts of the world. The cultural industries have become one of the new engines of economic growth in Korea, and have been generating billions of dollars for this export-dependent country. The Korean Government has been playing an important role in the promotion of these cultural industries through cultural diplomacy. However, one country which has remained the least affected by the Korean Wave is India. Barring some areas in the north-eastern part of India where it has made some impact, the rest of the country largely remains unaware of this phenomenon. In recent years, the Korean Government has been making efforts for the promotion of the Korean Wave in India. This article analyses Korea’s cultural diplomacy efforts to spread the Korean Wave in India.; (AN 43612601)
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4.

Muslim Traditionalism and Violence in the Middle East by Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p571-577, 7p; (AN 43612600)
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5.

Too Early to Celebrate! The Decline of Somali Piracy off the East Coast of Africa by Oyewole, Samuel. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p578-582, 5p; (AN 43612605)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43612605&site=ehost-live

6.

The Brexit-Belt and Road Axis: India for Neighbourhood First by Jain, Sandhya. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p583-590, 8p; (AN 43612604)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43612604&site=ehost-live

7.

War by Other Means: Geoeconomics and Statecraftby Robert D. Blackwill and Jennifer M. Harris by Kalyanaraman, S.. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p591-594, 4p; (AN 43612606)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43612606&site=ehost-live

8.

Negotiating the US–Japan alliance: Japan confidentialby Yukinori Komine by Naidu, G.V.C.. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p595-598, 4p; (AN 43612607)
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9.

Islamic Exceptionalism: How the Struggle Over Islam is Reshaping the Worldby Shadi Hamid by Quamar, Md. Muddassir. Strategic Analysis, November 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 6 p599-601, 3p; (AN 43612608)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 41, no. 2, February 2018

Record

Results

1.

Special Issue: Contemporary Issues and Innovation in Counterterrorism by McIlhatton, David; Monaghan, Rachel. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p77-78, 2p; (AN 44241131)
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2.

Out with the Old and … In with the Old? A Critical Review of the Financial War on Terrorism on the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant by Ryder, Nicholas. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p79-95, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to critically consider the effectiveness of the “Financial War on Terrorism” on the funding streams of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL). The article begins by identifying that the origins of the “Financial War on Terrorism” can be found in the international efforts to tackle money laundering. It then moves on to consider if the “Financial War on Terrorism” is able to tackle the funding streams of ISIL. The article concludes that the “Financial War on Terrorism” is no longer fit for the purpose to tackle the funding streams of ISIL.; (AN 44241129)
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3.

The Logic of Constitutional Engineering: Institutional Design and Counterterrorism from Aristotle to Arend Lijphart by Qvortrup, Matt. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p96-108, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOriginally conceived by Aristotle and Thomas Hobbes, comparative constitutional engineering in its modern form is a relatively new field of political science. It is based on the premise that political behavior and policy outcomes can be affected and shaped by institutional design such as, above all, electoral systems. The article provides an overview of the empirical literature underlying this branch of institutional counterterrorism. The article presents the logic of constitutional engineering from its classical origins and especially through the work of Arend Lijphart. It is suggested that Lijphart provides a new paradigm in the sense employed by Thomas Kuhn. The article provides original research in support of this showing that the presence of consensus institutions has better explanatory value than most social factors.; (AN 44241130)
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4.

Individual Behavior as a Defense in the “War on Cyberterror”: A System Dynamics Approach by Armenia, Stefano; Tsaples, Georgios. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p109-132, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe problem of cyberterrorism, despite its contested nature, is an important area of research. Scholars agree that the most dangerous targets for such attacks are critical infrastructure and organizations that are vital to society due to their interconnectedness to the modern world and their increasing reliance on the cyber domain for their operations. Thus, their security and protection against cyberterrorism is of elevated importance. Given the lack of documented cases of cyberterrorism, the purpose of this article is to simulate the threat of a terrorist act on a critical infrastructure, using a computer virus and to investigate how the individual behavior of employees affects security.; (AN 44241133)
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5.

The Enemy Within? The Connection between Insider Threat and Terrorism by BaMaung, David; McIlhatton, David; MacDonald, Murdo; Beattie, Rona. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p133-150, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the threat from terrorism has gained widespread acknowledgment over the last decade, the infiltration of organizations by “terrorist” insiders has not, and the potential dangers these individuals present has not been fully explored. There is a need to understand the wider aspects of insider threats, including motivations and attack methodologies, and to be able to demonstrate the potential devastation that could be caused. Organizations can attempt to mitigate the potential for insider infiltration by both terrorist and other hostile actors, and if such individuals were within an organization, there are procedures and strategies that can be employed to prevent exploitation of existing organizational vulnerabilities and detection of insiders. This article provides an informed and new approach to the connection between insider threat and terrorism.; (AN 44241132)
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6.

Automatic Gait Recognition and its Potential Role in Counterterrorism by Condell, Joan; Chaurasia, Priyanka; Connolly, James; Yogarajah, Patheepan; Prasad, Girijesh; Monaghan, Rachel. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, February 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p151-168, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTClosed-circuit television footage can be used to assemble an often-complex picture of an incident and aid in the identification of suspects after a crime or terrorist attack has occurred. For example, such footage allowed the police to not only identify the 7/7 London bombers but also to piece together the details of the bombers' movements prior to the attack. In the case of the London bombers little attempt was made to disguise their identities but where such identities are concealed it is possible to identify suspects based on other unique biometric characteristics such as the style of walk, referred to as gait. Gait feature–based individual identification has received increased attention from biometrics researchers. In this article, we propose a novel gait biometric methodology that could contribute to the counterterrorism effort and the identification of individuals involved in crime.; (AN 44241134)
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10

Survival
Volume 59, no. 6, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Unexceptional Superpower: American Grand Strategy in the Age of Trump by Brands, Hal. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p7-40, 34p; Abstract: President Donald Trump is taking aim at many of the core ideas and practices that have made the United States such an effective global leader.; (AN 44373703)
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2.

Catalonia and the Problem of Identity Politics by Jones, Erik. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p41-46, 6p; Abstract: Leaders can harvest great rewards by appealing to narrow identities, but only at the expense of long-term stability.; (AN 44373707)
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3.

Avoiding a Hard Brexit in Foreign Policy by Whitman, Richard G.. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p47-54, 8p; Abstract: It cannot be assumed that the United Kingdom and European Union’s current shared foreign-policy interests will be saved from the broader disruption of Brexit.; (AN 44373704)
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4.

How Will the Islamic State Endure? by Lahoud, Nelly. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p55-57, 3p; Abstract: The Islamic State after the caliphate may yet inspire more and increasing violence.; (AN 44373705)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p58-60, 3p; (AN 44373706)
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6.

European Security after the INF Treaty by Anthony, Ian. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p61-76, 16p; Abstract: Losing the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty could lead to destabilising changes in American, Russian and European forces and doctrines.; (AN 44373710)
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7.

The Thick Red Line: Implications of the 2013 Chemical-Weapons Crisis for Deterrence and Transatlantic Relations by Lewis, Jeffrey; Tertrais, Bruno. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p77-108, 32p; Abstract: Whether or not American policy after the 2013 Syrian chemical-weapons attack was wise, its execution was bungled, causing unnecessary harm to the US– France relationship.; (AN 44373708)
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8.

Brief Notices Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 pe1-e15, 15p; (AN 44373717)
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9.

The End of Cyber Norms by Grigsby, Alex. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p109-122, 14p; Abstract: This summer, a nearly seven-year process to write the rules that should guide state activity in cyberspace came to a halt.; (AN 44373709)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44373709&site=ehost-live

10.

Russia’s Lasting Influence in Central Asia by Skalamera, Morena. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p123-142, 20p; Abstract: Although Russia can no longer exercise hegemonic power or demand exclusive rights of engagement, it is still the preponderant regional player in Central Asia.; (AN 44373711)
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11.

War in Ukraine: Is This the Way It Ends? by Pond, Elizabeth. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p143-156, 14p; Abstract: Russia, Ukraine and the West may finally be groping for a way to dial down the violence in eastern Ukraine.; (AN 44373713)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44373713&site=ehost-live

12.

When Americans Loved Simón Bolívar by Crandall, Russell. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p157-164, 8p; Abstract: Caitlin Fitz’s Our Sister Republicsuncovers a potent sense of American kinship towards Latin America’s nineteenth-century independence movements.; (AN 44373712)
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13.

From the End of History to the Retreat of Liberalism by Jones, Erik. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p165-174, 10p; Abstract: In The Retreat of Western Liberalism, Edward Luce explores the fundamental tensions at the heart of liberal democracy.; (AN 44373714)
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14.

Book Reviews by Stevenson, Jonathan; Maull, Hanns W.; Unger, David C.. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p175-196, 22p; (AN 44373716)
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15.

Cold War in East Asia? by Harper, John L.. Survival, November 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 6 p197-204, 8p; Abstract: Even if the United States and China are not in a global ideological competition, ideas and doctrines have weight.; (AN 44373715)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29, no. 6, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

The counterterrorism agreements of Europol with third countries: Data protection and power asymmetry by Ilbiz, Ethem; Kaunert, Christian; Anagnostakis, Dimitrios. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p967-984, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates empirically the impact of power asymmetry and interest formation in the European Union’s (EU) external relations with third countries in the context of the Europol data exchange and counterterrorism agreements. It focuses on three countries, namely the United States, Turkey, and Morocco, which each have a different level of counterterrorism cooperation with the EU. This article argues that the EU acts as a pragmatic actor with regard to Europol’s data exchange agreements with third countries, and that the power asymmetry between the EU and the third country under question determines the extent of the EU’s flexibility. If the power asymmetry favours the EU, then it insists on its data protection demands. Otherwise, the EU is more flexible towards its counterparts on data protection issues.; (AN 43690377)
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2.

Victims of ETA’s terrorism as an interest group: Evolution, influence, and impact on the political agenda of Spain by Alonso, Rogelio. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p985-1005, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article responds to the following research questions: How and why have victims of ETA’s terrorism in Spain become an interest group with significant influence on the political and legislative agenda of the country. The evolution of the associative movement of victims of terrorism is assessed in order to explain the process by which their influence and impact on the political agenda has gradually grown throughout the years. It analyzes the transition from the isolation suffered by victims of terrorism in the early days of ETA’s campaign to the prominent social and political role played at later stages. The factors that motivate and explain their active role as interest groups are looked into, demonstrating different claims and interests with varying degrees of coherence and leverage. The relevancy of victims of terrorism within the anti-terrorist policies of various Spanish governments will be established, as well as the achievements and limitations of such a significant interest group.; (AN 43690375)
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3.

Why “I” became a combatant: A study of memoirs written by Nepali Maoist combatants by Acharya, Khagendra; Muldoon, Orla T.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1006-1025, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes combatants’ accounts of their engagement with the Communist Party of Nepal, Maoist—CPN (M). We use Self-Categorization Theory (SCT) as a framework and thematic analysis as a method to examine how social relationships and contextual factors contributed to political party identification during the ten-year-long Maoist insurgency in Nepal. Based on the study of autobiographical narratives written by Nepali Maoist combatants, we demonstrate that a) key social and political experiences cumulatively evoked feeling positively inclined to partisan attachment; b) CPN (M) party ideology, which was presented as a cure-all to socio-political difficulties, actuated the predisposed people’s partisan alignment; c) families were largely unsupportive of their members’ intention to take part in the war; and when they participated, the family responded with antagonism; and d) party ideologues of the CPN (M), who met the partisan-leaning individuals as close friends, accelerated and sustained their friends’ motivation to become involved in the armed conflict. Together the findings culminate in a view that engagement with CPN (M) during the insurgency occurred despite resistance from family and increased exponentially because of societal and political experiences, the strong appeal of party ideology, and social network dynamics.; (AN 43690376)
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4.

Analysing labels, associations, and sentiments in Twitter on the Abu Sayyaf kidnapping of Viktor Okonek by Reyes, Joseph Anthony L.; Smith, Tom. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1026-1044, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates Twitter data related to the kidnapping case of two German nationals in the southern region of the Philippines by the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). It explores perceptions of the ASG, along with associated organizations and sentiments indicated in the tweets together with statistically significant relationships. Findings revealed that: “Rebel” and “Militant” were the most frequently used labels for the ASG; a majority of the tweets contained sentiments that assess threats such as abduction and kidnapping of hostages; and almost half contained words that indicate negotiation or concession to the demands of the captors. Logistic regression analyses on “Rebel” and “Islamist” revealed positive coefficients for these sentiments used as predictors. This meant that people who assessed threats and expressed sentiments that responders should concede to the captors’ demands were more likely to use the “Rebel” or “Islamist” labels. Rather than the two longstanding dominant narratives of the ASG as terrorists and criminals, the emerging rebel and militant labels suggest a more domestically and politically sensitive Twitter commentary than is represented in the work of the Al-Qaeda-centric paradigmexponents. These findings, along with the complex associated political and policy contexts and implications, are discussed in this article.; (AN 43690378)
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5.

Understanding the Islamic State’s competitive advantages: Remaking state and nationhood in the Middle East and North Africa by Pollard, Stacey Erin; Poplack, David Alexander; Casey, Kevin Carroll. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1045-1065, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile many researchers have examined the evolution and unique characteristics of the Islamic State (IS), taking an IS-centric approach has yet to illuminate the factors allowing for its establishment in the first place. To provide a clearer explanation for IS’s successes and improve analysts’ ability to predict future occurrences of similar phenomena, we analyze IS’s competitive advantages through the lens of two defining structural conditions in the Middle East North Africa (MENA): failure of state institutions and nationhood. It is commonly understood that the MENA faces challenges associated with state fragility, but our examination of state and national resiliency shows that Syria and Iraq yield the most deleterious results in the breakdown of the nation, suggesting that the combined failure of state and nation, as well as IS’s ability to fill these related vacuities, is a significant reason IS thrives there today. Against this backdrop, we provide a model of IS’s state- and nation-making project, and illustrate IS’s clear competitive advantages over all other state and non-state actors in both countries, except for Kurdish groupings. We conclude with recommendations on how policy-makers may begin halting and reversing the failure of both state and nation in Iraq and Syria.; (AN 43690379)
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6.

The welfare cost of terrorism by Vorsina, Margarita; Manning, Matthew; Fleming, Christopher M.; Ambrey, Christopher L.; Smith, Christine. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1066-1086, 21p; Abstract: AbstractData from 117 countries over the period 2006 to 2011 are used to estimate a macroeconomic cross-country system of equations that examines the association between terrorism, self-reported life satisfaction, and national income. Results indicate that terrorism is negatively associated with life satisfaction, whereas no such association is found between terrorism and real GDP per worker. Stark contrasts are found, however, between OECD and non-OECD members. In all, our results suggest that the social costs of terrorism are potentially much higher than the economic costs, and measuring only the conventional economic costs of terrorism significantly underestimates the true costs.; (AN 43690381)
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7.

Blasphemy and terrorism in the Muslim world by Saiya, Nilay. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1087-1105, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the effect of blasphemy laws on Islamist terrorism in Muslim-majority countries. Although passed with the ostensibly noble purpose of defending religion, I argue that blasphemy laws encourage terrorism by creating a culture of vigilantism in which terrorists, claiming to be the defenders of Islam, attack those they believe are guilty of heresy. This study empirically tests this proposition, along with alternative hypotheses, using a time-series, cross-national negative binomial analysis of 51 Muslim-majority states from 1991–2013. It finds that states that enforce blasphemy laws are indeed statistically more likely to experience Islamist terrorist attacks than countries where such laws do not exist. The statistical analysis is supplemented with a brief case study of blasphemy laws and terrorism in Pakistan. The conclusion situates the findings in the context of policy.; (AN 43690382)
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8.

Too many enemies: Mobilization, marginalization, and political violence by Sajjad, Tazreena; Härdig, Anders C.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1106-1125, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOver the past decades, a pattern has emerged across the Islamic world of secular actors struggling to build sustainable social movements while Islamists show a higher success rate in doing so—a dynamic often accompanied by high levels of violence and little space for dialogue between actors from across the political spectrum. In this article, we illustrate the utility of social movement theory (SMT) in explaining the ability of some movements to mobilize en masse, while others become marginalized. Furthermore, we suggest that SMT is useful in understanding the processes that produce socio-political dynamics conducive to violent rather than non-violent tactics. Through a case study of Bangladesh, where in 2013 the secular Shahbag mobilization was derailed by a massive Islamist counter-mobilization, this article shows how movements not only capitalize on, but actually contribute to, shifts in cultural discourse through political maneuvering and long-term socialization. By anchoring their ideology in pre-existing religio-cultural imagery, Islamists have been successful in casting themselves as “authentic” defenders of Islam and their secular opponents as “atheists.” In such a socio-political context, the space for dialogue among the various political actors is severely limited and the impetus to employ violent tactics strong.; (AN 43690380)
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9.

Doctrine and violence: The impact of combatant training on civilian killings by Oppenheim, Ben; Weintraub, Michael. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1126-1148, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary theorists and practitioners have long argued that training shapes how combatants treat civilians during war. Yet there is little systematic evidence regarding the impact of training on wartime behavior, and almost none for non-state armed groups, despite the fact that such groups intensively train their fighters in order to shape their behavior towards civilian populations. This article argues that among insurgent groups that emphasize the strategic and tactical importance of restraint towards civilian populations, political training can reduce civilian killings. We test the observable implications of our theory in the case of Colombia, using survey data on former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) insurgents and sub-national data on civilian killings. We find support for our hypothesis, with results that are robust to a range of model specifications and controls, including alternate sources of combatant discipline and obedience, such as military training and punishment.; (AN 43690383)
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10.

Conflict and Peace in Central Eurasia: Towards Explanations and Understanding, by Babak Rezvani by Shlapentokh, Dmitry. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1149-1151, 3p; (AN 43690384)
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11.

Culture, Trauma, and Conflict: Cultural Studies Perspectives on War, by Nico Carpentier, ed. by Denton, Donald D.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1152-1153, 2p; (AN 43690385)
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12.

Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection between Violent Extremism and Education, by Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog by Muro, Diego. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1154-1156, 3p; (AN 43690386)
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13.

The Spread of Islamikaze Terrorism in Europe: The Third Islamic Invasion, by Raphael Israeli by Zimmerman, John C.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1157-1158, 2p; (AN 43690387)
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14.

Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo: NATO’s Prototype for the Next Wars of Globalization, by Michel Collon by Stańco-Wawrzyńska, Alicja. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1159-1160, 2p; (AN 43690388)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43690388&site=ehost-live

15.

Operation Demetrius and Its Aftermath: A New History of the Use of Internment without Trial in Northern Ireland 1971–75, by Martin J. McCleery by Craig, Tony. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1161-1162, 2p; (AN 43690389)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43690389&site=ehost-live

16.

The Sayyid Qutb Reader: Selected Writings on Politics, Religion and Society, by Albert J. Bergesen, ed. by Zimmerman, John C.. Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1163-1164, 2p; (AN 43690391)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43690391&site=ehost-live

17.

Corrigendum Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1165-1165, 1p; (AN 43690390)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43690390&site=ehost-live

18.

EOV Editoral Board Terrorism and Political Violence, November 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p1166-1166, 1p; (AN 43690392)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 40, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Perils of Polarization for U.S. Foreign Policy by Schultz, Kenneth A.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p7-28, 22p; (AN 44240353)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240353&site=ehost-live

2.

Rise of the Reactionaries: The American Far Right and U.S. Foreign Policy by Rehman, Iskander. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p29-48, 20p; (AN 44240354)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240354&site=ehost-live

3.

Return of the Clash: Operationalizing a Tainted Worldview by Suleman, M. Arsalan. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p49-70, 22p; (AN 44240355)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240355&site=ehost-live

4.

The Nuclear Ban Treaty: Recasting a Normative Framework for Disarmament by Thakur, Ramesh. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p71-95, 25p; (AN 44240356)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240356&site=ehost-live

5.

A New U.S. Economic Strategy toward China? by Friedberg, Aaron L.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p97-114, 18p; (AN 44240358)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240358&site=ehost-live

6.

Unusual Lessons from an Unusual War: Boko Haram and Modern Insurgency by Allen, Nathaniel D. F.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p115-133, 19p; (AN 44240357)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240357&site=ehost-live

7.

Decapitation in Libya: Winning the Conflict and Losing the Peace by Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p135-149, 15p; (AN 44240360)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240360&site=ehost-live

8.

America's North Korean Nuclear Trilemma by Anderson, Nicholas D.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p153-164, 12p; (AN 44240359)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240359&site=ehost-live

9.

No More Sunshine: The Limits of Engagement with North Korea by Kim, Inhan. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p165-181, 17p; (AN 44240361)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240361&site=ehost-live

10.

The Strategic Rationale for Maritime Tension Reduction in the Yellow Sea by Draudt, Darcie; Warden, John K.. The Washington Quarterly, October 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p183-197, 15p; (AN 44240362)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44240362&site=ehost-live

 

13

West European Politics
Volume 41, no. 2, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Challenging business as usual? The rise of new parties in Spain in times of crisis by Vidal, Guillem. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p261-286, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThe two-party system in Spain collapsed in the aftermath of the Great Recession with the appearance of two new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos. How are we to understand the sudden emergence of these new formations? Using 2015 and 2016 post-electoral survey data to map the ideological space and model voting behaviour, it is shown that economic voting is only part of the story. This article contends that the transformations in the Spanish party system are best understood through the prism of the crisis of representation that unfolded alongside the severe economic crisis. It is dissatisfaction with the political system that drives the vote for both new parties. The results also show that a unidimensional ideological structure and a generational divide cut across these critical attitudes. The young and politically dissatisfied are more likely to vote for new parties, each on different sides of the ideological spectrum.; (AN 44063957)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063957&site=ehost-live

2.

Strategies of mainstream parties towards their right-wing populist challengers: Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland in comparison by Heinze, Anna-Sophie. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p287-309, 23p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough right-wing populist parties (RPPs) have established themselves in most European countries, the academic discourse on political strategies towards them has been slow to start. This article compares the strategic reactions of the mainstream parties in the Nordic countries. The main findings are threefold: (1) in Denmark, Norway and Finland there has been a gradual change from various disengageto engagestrategies over time, while in Sweden there has always been a strong cordon sanitaire; (2) one key difference has been in the speed and extent of the strategy changes; and (3) the choice of strategies, which is a very complex process, can be traced back to a combination of factors at the individual, party and systemic levels. There is a need for more research into the impacts and effectiveness of the strategies, the timing of the choice of strategies and the potential learning effects of political parties.; (AN 44063959)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063959&site=ehost-live

3.

Ideological congruence between party rhetoric and policy-making by Bischof, Daniel. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p310-328, 19p; Abstract: AbstractScholars, citizens and journalists alike question whether political parties keep their electoral promises. A growing body of literature provides empirical evidence that parties do indeed keep their electoral pledges. Yet little is known about the congruence between party rhetoric between elections and the policies delivered by them. Given the increasing influence of party rhetoric in the media with respect to voting decisions, it is highly relevant to understand if parties ‘walk like they talk’. The article suggests that due to electoral reasons parties face strong incentives to deliver policy outputs which are congruent to their daily rhetoric. Analysing data on 54 policy outputs on nuclear energy, drafted by 24 parties after the Fukushima accident, the analysis finds overwhelming evidence that parties deliver ideologically congruent policy outputs to their rhetoric (incongruent only in 7.89%). These findings have important implications for our understanding of the linkage between party communication and the masses in modern media democracies.; (AN 44063960)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063960&site=ehost-live

4.

Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties by Schumacher, Gijs; Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p329-349, 21p; Abstract: AbstractAre politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates.; (AN 44063958)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063958&site=ehost-live

5.

Ideological congruence over government mandates under majoritarian and proportional representation electoral systems by Ferland, Benjamin. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p350-383, 34p; Abstract: AbstractThe existing literature on ideological congruence has typically looked at congruence immediately after elections when governments are formed. This article goes beyond that comparative static approach by examining changes in citizen-government ideological congruence between two fixed points in time, namely at the beginning and end of government mandates. Building on a veto player approach and dynamics of party competition under majoritarian and proportional representation (PR) electoral systems, the results indicate, first, that government positions are more stable in between elections, as the number of parties and their ideological distance increase in cabinet. Second, it appears that single-party and homogeneous coalition governments decrease ideological congruence between elections under low levels of polarisation, while they increase congruence under very high levels of polarisation. Third, it was found that governments under majoritarian systems slightly decrease congruence between elections while congruence stays stable on average under PR systems. The different levels of party system polarisation across majoritarian and PR electoral systems mostly explain this difference.; (AN 44063961)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063961&site=ehost-live

6.

The moderating role of identification and campaign exposure in party cueing effects by Azrout, Rachid; de Vreese, Claes. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p384-399, 16p; Abstract: AbstractIn a democracy, citizens are expected to have political opinions. Previous research has shown that citizens, in part, form their opinions by following cues from political parties. Building on this literature, this article argues that these cueing effects are the result of individuals identifying with political parties, leading to parties as credible sources and alignment of attitudes to maintain in-group coherence (motivated reasoning). However, party cues can only be successful when individuals are actually exposed to these cues, which previous research has not explicitly studied. Using survey data (N= 20,893) collected from 21 EU member states, this study shows that cueing effects indeed depend on the strength of party identification and the degree of exposure. These results demonstrate the contingent natureof party cueing effects which are also changing as party loyalties decrease.; (AN 44063962)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063962&site=ehost-live

7.

The origins of redistributive policy preferences: political socialisation with and without a welfare state by Neundorf, Anja; Soroka, Stuart. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p400-427, 28p; Abstract: AbstractResearch on the impact of the macroeconomy on individual-level preferences for redistribution has produced varying results. This paper presents a new theory on the presence of an expansive welfare state during one’s formative years as a source of heterogeneity in the effect that macroeconomic conditions have on individuals’ preferences for redistributive policy. This theory is tested using cohort analysis via the British Social Attitudes surveys (1983–2010), with generations coming of age between the end of World War I and today. Findings confirm that cohorts that were socialised beforeand afterthe introduction of the welfare state react differently to economic crises: the former become less supportive of redistribution, while the latter become more supportive. The research sheds light on the long-term shifts of support for the welfare state due to generational replacement.; (AN 44063963)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063963&site=ehost-live

8.

Four worlds of morality politics: the impact of institutional venues and party cleavages by Hurka, Steffen; Knill, Christoph; Rivière, Léonie. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p428-447, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe most prominent theory accounting for variation of morality politics across Western Europe is the so-called Two Worlds framework. According to this approach, the presence or absence of a secular‒religious cleavage in national party systems strongly affects the degree of conflict intensity and the framing of morality policy issues. This article shows that the explanatory power of the Two Worlds model could be enhanced significantly by introducing a second analytical dimension that captures the institutional venue (party politics vs. parliamentary politics), in which moral conflicts take place. This is useful because there are instances in which a religious cleavage is lacking, but moral conflicts are nonetheless highly intense and party-based (the traditionalistworld), and there are cases in which the religious cleavage formally exists, but moral conflicts are nonetheless resolved in the parliamentary arena (the unsecularworld).; (AN 44063964)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063964&site=ehost-live

9.

Participation in hard times: how constrained government depresses turnout among the highly educated by Häusermann, Silja; Kurer, Thomas; Wüest, Bruno. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p448-471, 24p; Abstract: AbstractExisting studies on electoral turnout in times of economic crisis have predominantly focused on disadvantaged voters. However, during the recent economic crisis, turnout among highly educated citizens has strongly declined as well. Existing resource-based theories of political participation cannot account for this. This article suggests that the anticipation of government inefficacy is an important driver of abstention among highly educated. Where governments are severely constrained, these citizens anticipate that the hands of future governments will be tied. Hence they are more likely to abstain out of frustration or rational calculations. The study uses the recent economic crisis as test case, as it entails particularly acute constraints on several European governments. The cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence – based on ESS survey data and different measures of government constraint in 28 European countries – provides ample support for the argument.; (AN 44063965)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063965&site=ehost-live

10.

Bring back the party: personalisation, the media and coalition politics by Langer, Ana Ines; Sagarzazu, Iñaki. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p472-495, 24p; Abstract: AbstractWhat effect, if any, does a change in type of government have on the degree of media personalisation? This article argues that the different incentives that single- and multi-party governments provide to individual politicians and parties affect the level of media personalisation. Where the parties are more involved (i.e. multi-party coalitions) there will be less media personalisation. In contrast, where a single individual can command the party, there will be more media personalisation. The article tests these assumptions with a novel dataset created from over 1 million newspaper articles covering a continuous 24-year period in the UK. It finds that the switch to a coalition government in 2010 indeed changed the dynamics of media personalisation. These findings not only provide key insights into the phenomenon of personalisation but also enable us to better understand some of the potential consequences of changes in government types for power dynamics and democratic accountability.; (AN 44063966)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063966&site=ehost-live

11.

Parliamentary questions as strategic party tools by Otjes, Simon; Louwerse, Tom. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p496-516, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article shifts the analysis of parliamentary oversight tools to the level of the political party, asking how political parties make use of written parliamentary questions. It theorises that the use of parliamentary questions is related to the ideological and electoral competition between political parties, borrowing from theories on issue competition and negative campaigning. It provides an empirical test, using data on written questions from the lower house in the Netherlands (1994–2014). The analysis shows that parties tend to put questions to ministers whose portfolios are salient to them, in line with issue ownership theories. Moreover they ask questions of both ministers from parties that are ideologically distant and those with whom they have considerable electoral overlap in line with studies of negative campaigning.; (AN 44063967)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063967&site=ehost-live

12.

Who gets what and why? Committee assignments in the German Bundestag by Mickler, Tim A.. West European Politics, March 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p517-539, 23p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough committee assignments have been researched in various parliaments, findings are inconclusive. This article contributes to the debate by analysing the allocations to specialised committees in the Bundestag, a legislature that establishes strong committees despite having strong parliamentary party groups. Studying assignments in this legislature can, therefore, help us to solve the present disjunction between ‘European’ and ‘American’ experiences regarding committee research. The study uses the congressional theories of legislative organisation as heuristic devices but explicitly highlights the strong involvement of parliamentary party groups. The hypotheses are tested with a multiple membership multilevel model across several legislative periods (1990‒2013) and backed up with evidence from 51 interviews with German legislators. The results show that next to constituency demands and the influence of regional factions, there is strong evidence for a reassignment pattern and that a legislator’s occupational background and connections to interest groups matter in the assignment process.; (AN 44063969)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471473&site=ehost-live

3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471476&site=ehost-live

4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471480&site=ehost-live

5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471483&site=ehost-live

6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471471&site=ehost-live

7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471481&site=ehost-live

8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471482&site=ehost-live

9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471470&site=ehost-live

10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471477&site=ehost-live

11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471469&site=ehost-live

12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471475&site=ehost-live

13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471478&site=ehost-live

14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471472&site=ehost-live

15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=37471474&site=ehost-live

16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340185&site=ehost-live

17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340186&site=ehost-live

18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340187&site=ehost-live

19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340188&site=ehost-live

20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340189&site=ehost-live

21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340190&site=ehost-live

22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340191&site=ehost-live

23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=28340193&site=ehost-live

24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 70, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

International Trade and Coordination by Carter, David B.; Goemans, H. E.. World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 p1-52, 52p; Abstract: This article examines how the institutional design of borders affects international trade. The authors explore variation in the effects of borders by comparing new international borders that follow precedent and thus have a prior institutional history with new international borders that lack such an institutional history. The former minimally disrupt—or restore—previous economic networks, while the latter fundamentally disrupt existing economic networks. A variety of empirical tests show that, consistent with this institutional perspective on borders, new international boundaries that follow precedent are associated with significantly faster recovery and greater increase in subsequent trade flows. By contrast, when new international borders are truly new, they disrupt local economic networks, introduce new transaction costs, and impose higher adjustment costs on states, which the authors show to have long-term deleterious effects on trade.; (AN 44339074)
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2.

Historical Institutionalism and Judicial Decision-Making by Bleich, Erik. World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 p53-85, 33p; Abstract: This article integrates insights from different veins of historical institutionalism to offer an analytical framework that specifies how ideas, institutions, and actors account for key aspects of judicial decision-making, including change over time. To the extent that ideas are widely distributed, highly salient, and stable among actors in the judicial field, they can affect patterns of rulings in a particular issue area. The distribution, salience, and stability of norms, however, may change over time for reasons embedded in the institutional structures themselves. Existing policies, laws, or treaties create the potential for new actors to enter the judicial field through processes that theorists of institutional change have identified as intercurrence, displacement, conversion, layering, and drift. New actors can shift the relative salience of ideas already rooted in the judicial field. This ideational salience amplification can alter patterns of judicial decision-making without the fundamental and often costly battles involved in wholesale paradigm change. French high court hate speech decisions provide the context for the development of this framework and serve to illustrate the dynamic. The author uses evidence from an original dataset of every ruling by the French Court of Cassation regarding racist hate speech from 1972 through 2012 to explain the varying propensity of the high court to restrict speech that targets majorities compared to minorities.; (AN 44339079)
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3.

Endogenous Participation by Falleti, Tulia G.; Riofrancos, Thea N.. World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 p86-121, 36p; Abstract: Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory democracy and resource extraction in Latin America and have important implications for the study of participatory and political institutions worldwide.; (AN 44339077)
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4.

WPO volume 70 issue 1 Cover and Back matter World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 44339078)
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5.

WPO volume 70 issue 1 Cover and Front matter World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f6, 6p; (AN 44339075)
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6.

The Pursuit of Social Welfare by Kruks-Wisner, Gabrielle. World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 p122-163, 42p; Abstract: Who makes claims on the state for social welfare, and how and why do they do so? This article examines these dynamics in the rural Indian context, observing that citizens living in the same local communities differ dramatically in their approaches to the state. The author develops a theory to explain these varied patterns of action and inaction, arguing that citizen claim-making is best understood as a product of exposure to people and places beyond the immediate community and locality. This social and spatial exposure builds citizens’ encounters with, knowledge of, and linkages to the state. This in turn develops their aspirations toward the state and their capabilities for state-targeted action. The author tests the theory in rural Rajasthan, drawing on a combination of original survey data and qualitative interviews. She finds that those who traverse boundaries of caste, neighborhood, and village are more likely to make claims on the state, and that they do so through broader repertoires of action than those who are more constrained by the same boundaries. The article concludes by considering the extensions and limitations of the theory and the role of the state itself in establishing the terrain for citizen action.; (AN 44339076)
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7.

Census Enumeration and Group Conflict: A Global Analysis of the Consequences of Counting—CORRIGENDUM World Politics, January 2018, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 1 p164-164, 1p; (AN 44339080)
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