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Journal Titles: REGIONAL AND FEDERAL STUDIES --- WORLD POLITICS

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1

Regional and Federal Studies
Volume 27, no. 4, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

Do intergovernmental transfers affect the distribution of manufacturing production across regions in federal countries? Theory and evidence for Argentina by Moncarz, Pedro Esteban; Freille, Sebastián; Figueras, Alberto José; Grión, Nestor Clever. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p359-392, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe effect of changes in the distribution of top-to-bottom intergovernmental transfers on the location of manufacturing production is analysed using a modified version of the footloose capital model. An increase in the share of transfers received by a region increases its share of manufacturing production the larger are transaction costs; the larger is the share of transfers going directly to consumers; the larger is the share of manufacturing consumption vis-à-visnon-tradable consumption; and the easier consumers can substitute among manufacturing varieties. Using data for Argentina for 1983-2005, the empirical analysis appears to support the existence of two distinctive regimes, with smaller/poorer provinces benefiting in terms of the location of manufacturing production as a response to an increase in transfers. Also, for these provinces, the benefits are greater if they are politically aligned with the federal government, especially through the receipt of discretionary transfers. For large/rich provinces, the evidence is less conclusive.; (AN 42932423)
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2.

Sub-state diplomacy: Understanding the international opportunity structures by Royles, Elin. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p393-416, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDeveloping explanations for how sub-state governments are active internationally is central to understanding their unexpected growth as international actors. Building upon Lecours’ work [2002, Paradiplomacy: reflections on the foreign policy and international relations of regions, International Negotiation, Vol.7, pp.91–114], this article develops an expanded historical institutionalist analysis of the international agency of sub-state governments. Its original empirical contribution is utilizing this approach to examine within case variation across four contrasting policy domains in a case study of Wales. Reflecting the European Union sub-state mobilization literature, levels of constitutional powers are constrained in their capacity to account for Welsh sub-state international agency. Instead, the article highlights strong variation in the opportunity structures shaping sub-state diplomacy across policy domains. The article argues that institutional continuity and change, the prevalence of ‘path dependence’, can differ significantly between policy domains in sub-state diplomacy, argues for an expanded multi-level framework recognizing the impact of non-governmental organizations and international institutional opportunity structures and confirms historical institutionalism’s ability to enrich understanding of agency-structure relationships.; (AN 42932426)
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3.

Cooperation without the Leviathan: Intergovernmental policymaking in Canadian education by Wallner, Jennifer. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p417-440, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA staple of policymaking in any federation is intergovernmental cooperation, which can take the form of vertical initiatives between the central and substate governments or as horizontal initiatives among the substate governments themselves. Most research has focused the former whereby the central government often deploys powerful levers to encourage the constituent members to cooperate. Such accounts, however, cannot be applied to cases occurring without the influence of the proverbial Leviathan. This article sets out to identify conditions that may be conducive to horizontal cooperation, developing a set of propositions focusing on economic, institutional, and ideational factors. These propositions are then considered on three cases of cooperation with varying results in Canadian education. While no single factor can be identified as necessary and sufficient for horizontal cooperation, institutional and ideational conditions interacted in dynamic ways and appeared to play the leading roles in the outcomes presented here.; (AN 42932424)
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4.

Sovereign Wealth Fund and fiscal federalism in Nigeria (2011–14): An assessment of contending issues by Amusan, Lere; Saka, Luqman; Omede, Adedoyin Jolade. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p441-463, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter more than half a century as a leading oil-producing nation in Africa, Nigeria followed the footsteps of most natural resources rich countries (particularly crude-oil) by establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF). SWF is a large pool of state-owned investment fund composed of diverse financial instruments, invested in whole or in part, outside home countries. Since 2004, ‘Special funds’, of which SWF is part, have become issues of serious contention between the Federal and state governments in Nigeria. On 22 May 2011, the 36 state Governors approached the Nigerian Supreme Court, requesting the Court to use its judicial powers to squash plans by the Federal Government of Nigeria to withdraw $1 billion from the Excess Crude Account to float the planned SWF. The bone of contention surrounds issues of constitutionality, ownership and prudency in the management of the fund. Relying on extant literature, Acts of Parliament as well as commentaries, opinion pieces, editorials and news articles from Nigerian newspapers, this paper examines the controversies that surround the establishment of SWF in Nigeria within the context of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), and assesses the conflict mitigating capacity of the Nigeria’s federalism especially in the light of the nation’s fiscal practices.; (AN 42932425)
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5.

Devolution and identity: Multidirectionality in ‘Welshness’ and ‘Northern Irishness’ by McGrattan, Cillian; Williams, Sophie. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p465-482, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn an era of Brexit and on-going constitutional debates in the UK, questions around devolution and national identifications currently attract scholarly attention as never before. This article focusses on national identification in two devolved regions, Wales and Northern Ireland, never before compared in this way, to explore how devolution can act in a fluid and multidirectional way to produce differing framings of national identification. Using original qualitative research, combining the tools of documentary analysis, structured interviews and focus groups, it considers these theoretical ideas through the prism of both political elites and everyday life to explore and compare the reasoning behind the politicization of key national identifications.; (AN 42932427)
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6.

Critical election and a new party system: Italy after the 2015 regional election by Bolgherini, Silvia; Grimaldi, Selena. Regional & Federal Studies, August 2017, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p483-505, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough party system change has been widely explored, it is less so for the regional level. The article provides the first systematic attempt to discuss party system change at the regional level in Italy. Through a comprehensive overview of the five 1995–2015 regional elections, indicators of party system change, based on an original database, are explored. It will be showed that in the 2013–15 election cycle while party system fragmentation, volatility and recomposition reached their maximum high – parallel to what happened in 1995 – the level of bipolarism, one of the main features of Italian party system since the mid-1990s, dramatically dropped replaced by a three-pole configuration. These results, and their consistency with the relevant junctures at the national level in 1994 and 2013, may allow to state that a party system change at the regional level occurred and thus to consider 2013–15 elections as critical.; (AN 42932428)
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2

RUSI Journal
Volume 162, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by De Angelis, Emma. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p3-3, 1p; (AN 43448249)
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2.

The Origins of Today’s Chemical Weapons Controversy in China–Japan Relations by Guillemin, Jeanne. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p4-7, 4p; Abstract: AbstractJapan’s use and storage of chemical weapons in the Second World War is a relatively unknown aspect of the conflict. Jeanne Guillemin explores the legacy of this issue and reflects on Beijing and Tokyo’s joint efforts to manage the abandoned weapons still present in China.; (AN 43448251)
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3.

China’s Battle with Abandoned Chemical Weapons by Gao, Wanglai. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p8-16, 9p; Abstract: More than 20 years of Sino-Japanese cooperation and China’s efforts – such as its national implementation mechanism – to deal with the legacy of abandoned chemical weapons have resulted in great progress, and have been essential to the disposal of weapons. In this article, Wanglai Gao discusses how the Chinese experience has shown that the best way to deal with the legacy of abandoned chemical weapons is to cooperate with the former enemy and remedy the past by investing for the future.; (AN 43448250)
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4.

The Russian Military’s New ‘Main Emphasis’ by Thornton, Rod. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p18-28, 11p; Abstract: AbstractThe nature of the Russian military threat to Western interests needs to be reassessed. An examination of articles in Russian military journals shows that its senior ranks now see ‘asymmetric means and methods’ as their new ‘main emphasis’ in modern peer-state wars. Rod Thornton explains that for them, winning such wars through asymmetric means has become a key way to impose Moscow’s will on other states. Remarkably, they seek to avoid the use of military violence.; (AN 43448253)
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5.

Reinvigorating Civil–Military Relationships in Building National Resilience by Zekulić, Vlasta; Godwin, Christopher; Cole, Jennifer. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p30-38, 9p; Abstract: Russia’s application of a sophisticated hybrid strategy and the rise of Daesh (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, ISIS) have been drivers for change in the complex security environment of the twenty-first century. While the significance of these threats does not preclude the conventional aspect of national defence planning, it does complicate societal preparedness. Vlasta Zekulić, Christopher Godwin and Jennifer Cole examine the relevance of NATO resilience policies and propose a synchronised approach to crisis decision-making, civil preparedness planning and national and collective defence to ensure they are balanced, mutually supportive and incur manageable cost.; (AN 43448252)
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6.

The Three Pathways (3P) Model of Violent Extremism by Khalil, James. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p40-48, 9p; Abstract: Prominent frameworks relating to terrorism and violent extremism, including that developed by the NYPD and the popular ‘pyramid’ and ‘staircase’ analogies, tend to oversimplify or neglect the diversity of routes that individuals travel to violence. The Three Pathways (3P) model developed by James Khalil contributes to theory, and provides an effective lens through which policymakers and implementers can evaluate their current and future preventive countermeasures under the countering and preventing violent extremism frameworks.; (AN 43448256)
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7.

The Rise of the Fighter-Bomber in the Western Desert by Bronk, Justin. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p50-59, 10p; Abstract: The fighter-bomber rose from obscurity in January 1941 to become the major component of the RAF’s Desert Air Force strike power by late 1942. This was a major shift in the way the RAF employed its aircraft. The tactical and technical factors that led to this change are crucial not only to understanding the course of the Second World War, but also to the history of airpower itself. In this article, Justin Bronk discusses how the fighter-bomber became the most important and practical component in the arsenal of a modern air force in terms of capability to project power on the battlefield.; (AN 43448255)
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8.

The Challenges of Fifth-Generation Transformation by Adamson, André; Snyder, Matthew. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p60-66, 7p; Abstract: AbstractWith Initial Operating Capability (IOC) declared by the US Marine Corps and US Air Force, increasing production and delivery rates, and impressive performances in recent exercises, the F-35 programme and the fifth-generation capability that it represents look to have turned a corner. As the capability moves towards Full Operating Capability (FOC), the debate, so long focused on costs, delays and technical issues, should now begin to be framed in new terms. André Adamson and Matthew Snyder analyse some of the stakes involved as the capability increasingly acts as a driver for fifth-generation transformation, and to consider some of the implications for air forces that have committed to the programme and, perhaps more significantly, for those that have not.; (AN 43448254)
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9.

The Chessboard and the Web: Strategies of Connection in a Networked World by Zala, Benjamin. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p68-69, 2p; (AN 43448257)
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10.

2020: World of War by Melvin, Mungo. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p69-70, 2p; (AN 43448258)
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11.

Britain’s Europe: A Thousand Years of Conflict and Cooperation by Heuser, Beatrice. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p71-72, 2p; (AN 43448259)
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12.

American Foreign Policy and its Thinkers by Cyr, Arthur I. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p72-73, 2p; (AN 43448262)
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13.

The Great War and the Middle East by Reddy, Sneha. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p73-74, 2p; (AN 43448260)
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14.

Sevastopol’s Wars: Crimea from Potemkin to Putin by Kent, Neil. The RUSI Journal, July 2017, Vol. 162 Issue: Number 4 p75-77, 3p; (AN 43448261)
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3

Security and Human Rights
Volume 27, no. 3-4, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

osceMediation in an Eroding International Order by Remler, Philip. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p273-288, 16p; Abstract: The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwiinormative international order has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that underpin that order. Is there a future role for oscemediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fiction of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and provide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare.In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the oscearea and on oscemediation in those conflicts.1He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in light of subsequent events in world politics (in particular the advent of a new administration in the United States) and in the region. The new developments give little cause for optimism that settlement in any of the conflicts is closer. Rather, the question for the osceis whether the international community, in view of the challenges posed by the Ukraine crisis, should continue to engage in the fictions that have allowed it to manage the conflicts since their beginnings in the collapsing Soviet Union.; (AN 43211131)
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2.

NoSCE or Next Generation osce? by Shakirov, Oleg. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p289-314, 26p; Abstract: This article examines how increased tensions between Russia and the West in the wake of the Ukraine crisis impact the conflict management work of the osce. It first looks at Russian perspectives of the osceand focuses on how these changed in the post-2014 period. It then proceeds with an overview of implications resulting from geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West that could positively or negatively affect the role of the oscein conflict management in the long term. The article ends by laying out 4 scenarios on how the situation and the oscecould evolve and argues that in the near future a continuation of the status quo is most probable.; (AN 43211132)
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3.

Geneva International Discussions – Negotiating the Possible by Giuashvili, Teona; Giuashvili, Teona. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p381-402, 22p; Abstract: This paper describes the role that the oscehas played in the Geneva International Discussions, discussing the key political and institutional obstacles to effective mediation, as well as the creative institutional solutions that helped the osceto mediate and implement several specific projects of significant practical importance.; (AN 43211133)
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4.

Forty-five Years of Dialogue Facilitation (1972–2017) by Crump, Laurien. Security and Human Rights, September 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 3-4 p498-516, 19p; Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (csce) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the cscefacilitated the ‘multilateralisation of European security’ through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the osceso as to multilateralise European security again today.; (AN 43211134)
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4

Security Dialogue
Volume 48, no. 5, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Security, economy, population: The political economic logic of liberal exceptionalism by Best, Jacqueline. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p375-392, 18p; Abstract: In an era in which scholars have become increasingly skeptical about the concept of exceptionalism, this article argues that instead of rejecting it, we should rework it: moving beyond seeing it primarily as a security practice by recognizing the crucial role of political economic exceptionalism. Drawing on Foucault’s later lectures on security, population, and biopolitics, this article suggests that we can understand exceptionalist moves in both security and economic contexts as efforts to manage and secure a population. Focusing on three key moments in the production of exceptional politics – defining the limit of normal politics, suspending the norm, and putting the exception into practice – I examine the parallels, intersections, and tensions between political economic and security exceptionalism, using the concept of economic exceptionalism to make sense of the 2008 global financial crisis. Taking seriously Foucault’s insights into the political economic character of liberal government holds out the promise of providing scholars in the fields of both critical security studies and cultural political economy with a richer understanding of the complex dynamics of exceptionalist politics – a promise that is particularly valuable at the present political juncture.; (AN 43400910)
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2.

Reconceptualizing regional security in South Asia: A critical security approach by Barthwal-Datta, Monika; Basu, Soumita. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p393-409, 17p; Abstract: South Asia has garnered much attention in international security scholarship and policymaking, not least due to the number of protracted armed conflicts in the region. Yet, the dominant discourse on regional security in South Asia fails to adequately capture the insecurities that undermine the everyday lives and livelihoods of a majority of South Asians. The article first interrogates this prevalent discourse to reveal the inadequacies of traditional state-centric regional security analysis in South Asia. Drawing on critical approaches to security, including concepts that have been developed in the region, it then offers a reconceptualization of regional security. A brief case study discussion on food insecurity is employed to develop, and demonstrate the relevance of, such an approach to identifying and addressing contemporary security imperatives in South Asia. In doing so, the article presents a critical approach to regional security that is deeply rooted in South Asian experiences.; (AN 43400908)
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3.

Targeting environmental infrastructures, international law, and civilians in the new Middle Eastern wars by Sowers, Jeannie L; Weinthal, Erika; Zawahri, Neda. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p410-430, 21p; Abstract: Research in conflict studies and environmental security has largely focused on the mechanisms through which the environment and natural resources foster conflict or contribute to peacebuilding. An understudied area of research, however, concerns the ways in which warfare has targeted civilian infrastructure with long-term effects on human welfare and ecosystems. This article seeks to fill this gap. We focus on better understanding the conflict destruction of water, sanitation, waste, and energy infrastructures, which we term environmental infrastructures, by drawing on an author-compiled database of the post-2011 wars in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While research across the social sciences has examined the targeting of civilians and environmental destruction during wars, including the issue of urbicide, we expand the study of targeting environmental infrastructure to (1) examine the role of different types of actors (international vs. subnational), (2) document the type of infrastructure targeted, form of attack, and impacts, and (3) situate increased targeting of environmental infrastructure in the changing context of war-making in the MENA. Comparatively analyzing the conflict zones of Libya, Syria, and Yemen, we show that targeting environmental infrastructure is an increasingly prevalent form of war-making in the MENA, with long-term implications for rebuilding states, sustaining livelihoods, and resolving conflicts.; (AN 43400909)
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4.

Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security by Schuetze, Benjamin. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p431-450, 20p; Abstract: The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military collaboration by investigating some of the ways in which war is simulated, marketed, and played at KASOTC. Particular focus is paid to the stark biopolitical judgments about the different worth of human subjects and their role in intersecting processes of militarization and commercialization. The article argues that US–Jordanian military collaboration at KASOTC is marked by the simultaneous blurring and reinforcement of boundaries, as commercial security is moralized and imagined moral hierarchies marketized. While war at KASOTC is an interactive and consumable event for some, it engenders deadly realities for others. The article is an empirically-grounded contribution to critical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013.; (AN 43400906)
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5.

Robot Wars: US Empire and geopolitics in the robotic age by Shaw, Ian GR. Security Dialogue, October 2017, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 5 p451-470, 20p; Abstract: How will the robot age transform warfare? What geopolitical futures are being imagined by the US military? This article constructs a robotic futurology to examine these crucial questions. Its central concern is how robots – driven by leaps in artificial intelligence and swarming – are rewiring the spaces and logics of US empire, warfare, and geopolitics. The article begins by building a more-than-human geopolitics to de-center the role of humans in conflict and foreground a worldlyunderstanding of robots. The article then analyzes the idea of US empire, before speculating upon how and why robots are materializing new forms of proxy war. A three-part examination of the shifting spaces of US empire then follows: (1) Swarm Warsexplores the implications of miniaturized drone swarming; (2) Roboworldinvestigates how robots are changing US military basing strategy and producing new topological spaces of violence; and (3) The Autogenic Battle-Sitereveals how autonomous robots will produce emergent, technologically event-ful sites of security and violence – revolutionizing the battlespace. The conclusion reflects on the rise of a robotic US empire and its consequences for democracy.; (AN 43400907)
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5

Security Studies
Volume 26, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board EOV Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p1-1, 1p; (AN 42716816)
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2.

Nuclear Beliefs: A Leader-Focused Theory of Counter-Proliferation by Whitlark, Rachel Elizabeth. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p545-574, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do some leaders use preventive military force to destroy another country's nuclear program, while others do not? Despite nuclear proliferation becoming a growing source of concern, counter-proliferation decision making remains poorly understood. Additionally, though the preventive logic pervades the scholarship as one potential state response to relative decline, it remains unclear when this leads to war and when it does not, especially in the nuclear context. This article demonstrates that the decision to consider and use preventive force rests not only on material factors but more importantly on a leader's prior beliefs about nuclear proliferation and the threat posed by a specific adversary. Conducting original archival research and process tracing, this manuscript examines American decision making against the Communist Chinese nuclear program, and demonstrates that Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson held fundamentally different nuclear beliefs that led to radically different preventive war preferences.; (AN 42716811)
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3.

Crises and Crisis Generations: The Long-term Impact of International Crises on Military Political Participation by White, Peter B.. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p575-605, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in government and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of acute international crises rather than its chronic threat environment. Poor outcomes—defeats or stalemates—in major international crises lead to professionalization and depoliticization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. A poor outcome creates pressure for military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years later due to generational shifts. As officers of the “crisis generation” become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964–2008 and find strong support for it.; (AN 42716810)
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4.

The MAD Who Wasn't There: Soviet Reactions to the Late Cold War Nuclear Balance by Green, Brendan R.; Long, Austin. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p606-641, 36p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible.; (AN 42716813)
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5.

Challenging the Power Consensus: GDP, CINC, and Power Transition Theory by Rauch, Carsten. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p642-664, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPower Transition Theory (PTT) has hitherto often relied on power indicators like Gross Domestic Product (GDP) or the Composite Index of National Capability (CINC) to capture its power variable. The underlying assumption is that these indicators are highly correlated, and thus it matters little as to which one the researcher chooses. I call this PTT's power consensus and argue that this consensus is problematic, as the choice of power indicator is often crucial. For PTT, it does not only matter whether such indicators come to similar results by and large; the position of certain singular actors—such as the dominant power, its prime challengers, and the top ranked great powers generally—is even more essential. However, it is precisely with regard to the positions of these actors that we find important discrepancies between what PTT's favored indicators (GDP and CINC) suggest. Analysis of some crucial historical and recent cases supports my challenge to the power consensus. First, the celebrated peaceful power transition between the United Kingdom and the United States in the nineteenth century becomes suspect under closer scrutiny, as GDP places the United States entering the parity zone at a time during which it must arguably be counted as a dissatisfied power. Second, a number of CINC-exclusive power transitions in the twentieth century are not accounted for by GDP. A few possible options might mitigate the power-problem for the cases under scrutiny, however scholars of PTT should generally be much more conscious about their choice of power indicator.; (AN 42716814)
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6.

Causes of the US Hostage Crisis in Iran: The Untold Account of the Communist Threat by Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p665-697, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a revisionist account of the occupation of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979, one of the most conspicuous manifestations of anti-Americanism in recent history. Drawing solely upon primary documents, largely from various Iranian communists and Islamists, it questions the conventional wisdom that the Islamists' takeover of the embassy was a grassroots reaction to American policies, particularly after President Carter admitted the ailing Shah. It also challenges the argument that the radical students stormed the embassy primarily to bring down the nationalist provisional government. Instead, I introduce a critical overlooked factor and argue that the Hostage Crisis can be better explained as a preemptive act by the Islamists to outbid the leftists' anti-American activities. I demonstrate that the United States and the Islamists were seeking to maintain normal relations during and even after the 1979 revolution. However, various communist organizations that surfaced after the revolution posed an existential threat to the new Islamist-nationalist government, quickly dominating universities, labor unions, and intellectual circles throughout the country and accusing the Islamists and their nationalist allies of collaborating with the United States. In this climate, the Islamists strategically adopted the Left's anti-imperialist language and eventually occupied the US embassy to establish their anti-American credibility.; (AN 42716812)
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7.

Dangerous Days: The Impact of Nationalism on Interstate Conflict by Gruffydd-Jones, Jamie. Security Studies, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p698-728, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes an upsurge in nationalism make interstate conflict more likely? This article gives evidence to suggest that spikes in nationalism do have a direct impact on the likelihood of disputes between states. In it, I use national days or anniversaries as occasions that increase the salience of a national identity and its historical wars. I show that in the two months following national days, conflict is markedly higher than would be expected—almost 30 percent more likely than the rest of the year—and particularly likely for states who initiate conflict or who have revisionist intentions. I demonstrate further how nationalist sentiment can increase international tensions with a case study of national anniversaries in China and Japan. Together, this evidence suggests that the increase in nationalism around national days provides both risks and opportunities to regimes and shapes when they choose conflict over cooperation in international relations.; (AN 42716815)
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6

Small Wars and Insurgencies
Volume 28, no. 4-5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Rebels & Legitimacy; An Introduction by Duyvesteyn, Isabelle. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p669-685, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis introduction to the double special issue on the theme of rebels and legitimacy aims to set out the parameters for the discussion. It looks at legitimacy as a concept and at legitimation as a process. To date most of the literature on legitimacy has focused on the state. However, rebel groups such as insurgents, terrorists, warlords and guerrillas have all had claims, and continue to claim, legitimacy as well. How and when are these rebels seen as legitimate actors? Existing suggestions of rebel legitimacy focus heavily on state models of social order and the social contract. This first contribution discusses how to conceptualize legitimacy and how to make it operational. A two-pronged approach, borrowing heavily from Max Weber, is proposed. Legitimacy is investigated based on beliefs and belief systems about what is considered legitimate. This is combined with practices whereby legitimacy is enacted, copied and emulated by the population the rebels claim to represent.; (AN 42856262)
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2.

Understanding the Legitimacy of Armed Groups: A Relational Perspective by Podder, Sukanya. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p686-708, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses the multiple pathways through which legitimacy of armed groups is constructed in conflict-affected states. It adopts a political sociological approach to the study of armed group legitimacy. Such a strategy assists in identifying whether armed groups enjoy legitimacy in a given empirical context and avoids applying pre-determined normative criteria. The focus is on three types of relationships: civilian communities, the state or regime in power and external actors including regional and international sponsors, to discern which types of legitimacy matter for armed groups in different relationships.; (AN 42856261)
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3.

(Re-)Emergent Orders: Understanding the Negotiation(s) of Rebel Governance by Worrall, James. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p709-733, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.; (AN 42856263)
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4.

Building Legitimacy: Interactional Dynamics and the Popular Evaluation of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey by Schoon, Eric W.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p734-754, 21p; Abstract: AbstractPrevious research has identified a variety of general mechanisms to explain how insurgents build legitimacy. Yet, there is often a gap between these mechanisms and the interactional dynamics of insurgencies. This article attempts to bridge this gap through a theoretically informed analysis of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s (PKK) insurgency in Turkey. I show how the PKK’s efforts to cultivate legitimacy, Turkey’s counterinsurgency strategies, and civilian perceptions of the PKK, all mutually influenced one another. Based on this analysis, I argue that the mechanisms that produce popular legitimacy coevolve with insurgents’ behaviors, states’ interventions, and civilians’ perceptions.; (AN 42856266)
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5.

Civilian Cooperation and Non-Cooperation with Non-State Armed Groups: The Centrality of Obedience and Resistance by Arjona, Ana. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p755-778, 24p; Abstract: AbstractTerms like ‘support’ and ‘collaboration’ are often used interchangeably to denote a loose set of acts or attitudes that benefit non-state armed groups (NSAGs). However, these terms are seldom defined, and the alternatives available to civilians are rarely identified. Moreover, existing approaches overlook that the interaction between civilians and NSAGs is often one between ruler and ruled, which makes obedience and resistance central. This paper proposes to conceptualize the choices available to civilians as forms of cooperation and non-cooperation, offers a typology, and discusses the implications for theory building on civilian and NSAG behavior, and on the functioning of armed social orders.; (AN 42856264)
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6.

Youth Between State and Rebel (Dis)Orders: Contesting Legitimacy from Below in Sub-Sahara Africa by de Bruijn, Mirjam; Both, Jonna. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p779-798, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe Sahel has gained attention in international politics as one of the central theatres in the war on terrorism. International actors in this war seek alliances with states in the region, reinforcing the latter’s military strength and their legitimacy from outside. At the same time, increasingly-connected young populations question the legitimacy of their states, and contest that legitimacy from within and below. In the absence of states delivering any reasonable form of social contract, young people become torn between different governing orders and find themselves in a liminal space. In this article we present the cases of youth in Mali and Chad, who find themselves in a period of re-definition of their position in society and hence search for legitimate structures representation. In this search they may frame their belonging in terms of ethnicity, religion or political opposition – and increasingly also in adherence to global citizenship. New information flows and connectivity among young people in these regions, and between them and the diaspora, has given a new turn to their search for citizenship/belonging and rightful representation. However, whether their search will be successful in this geopolitical context is questionable.; (AN 42856265)
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7.

Militias and the Politics of Legitimacy by Schneckener, Ulrich. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p799-816, 18p; Abstract: AbstractMilitias and rebels depart from different angles when it comes to the politics of legitimacy. While rebels have to address the issue of legitimacy early on in order to gain popular support, militias can rely on some kind of ‘borrowed legitimacy’. Based on this observation, the paper introduces militias as special form of organised violence visible in many civil wars and fragile states as well as elaborates on the politics of legitimacy typical for militias. By distinguishing different forms of militia violence (counter-insurgency, counter-rival and counter-crime), the articles shows how militias respond to major challenges in legitimizing violent actions.; (AN 42856269)
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8.

Legitimacy and the Politics of Recognition in Kosovo by Seymour, Lee J. M.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p817-838, 22p; Abstract: AbstractHow do contemporary secessionist movements gain international recognition of their claims to self-determination? I argue that international recognition is forthcoming when a sufficient number of states believe a claim to self-determination oughtto be accepted. That is, states recognize claims to self-determination when they perceive them to be legitimate. To convince outsiders of the legitimacy of their claims, separatist movements invoke resonant norms and symbols in a moral economy that structures decision-making. I contrast this argument with prevailing explanations of recognition dynamics. To illustrate the argument, I examine the diplomacy surrounding Kosovo’s independence bid and unilateral secession.; (AN 42856268)
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9.

All Counterinsurgency is Local: Counterinsurgency and Rebel Legitimacy by Gawthorpe, Andrew J.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p839-852, 14p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough the concept of legitimacy is central to Western counterinsurgency theory, most discourse in this area black-boxes the concept. It hence remains under-specified in many discussions of counterinsurgency. Fortunately, recent research on rebel governance and legitimacy contributes to our understanding of the problems faced by counterinsurgents who want to boost state legitimacy while undermining that of the rebels. Taken together, this research illustrates that a rational choice approach to legitimacy is simplistic; that micro-level factors ultimately drive legitimacy dynamics; and that both cooption of existing legitimate local elites and their replacement from the top–down is unlikely to succeed. Western counterinsurgency doctrine has failed to grasp the difficulties this poses for it.; (AN 42856270)
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10.

‘Legitimacy is the Main Objective’: Legitimation in Population-Centric Counterinsurgency by Kitzen, Martijn. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p853-866, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of legitimacy and different forms of legitimation in population-centric counterinsurgency. An analysis of the logic underlying this counterinsurgency concept sheds a light on the former as it identifies legitimacy as the crucial mechanism through which a collaboration strategy seeks to obtain control over the local population. An exploration of Weber’s primary types of legitimate authorities provides the insight that counterinsurgents might operationalize legitimation through either rational-legal ways or by co-opting local power-holders who hold a position as traditional or charismatic leaders. The exact choice of strategy depends on the pattern of legitimacy in the target society and therefore so-called cultural legitimation is pivotal.; (AN 42856267)
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11.

From Rebel to Quasi-State: Governance, Diplomacy and Legitimacy in the Midst of Afghanistan’s Wars (1979–2001) by Malejacq, Romain. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p867-886, 20p; Abstract: AbstractHow do warlords build their legitimacy and eventually exert authority? The case of Afghan leader Ahmad Shah Massoud demonstrates that warlords do not only build legitimacy through the internal provision of goods and services to the population under their control, but also build their legitimacy by projecting authority externally, through the development of their own form of diplomacy. In this article, I show that warlords develop complex and complementary legitimisation strategies that extend beyond their territorial realms to include consequential relationships with foreign actors.; (AN 42856272)
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12.

Subcontracting State-Building by Steele, Abbey; Shapiro, Jacob N.. Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p887-905, 19p; Abstract: AbstractContemporary development assistance often takes the form of subcontracted state-building. Foreign donors hire for-profit firms to provide services and to improve or create institutions in developing countries, particularly those experiencing internal conflict. This arrangement creates two counterproductive dynamics: first, it introduces agency problems between donors, recipient states, subcontractors, and citizens; and second, it undermines the long-run development of domestic bureaucratic capacity by creating disincentives for the host government to invest. These dynamics hinder, rather than foster, the legitimacy of state institutions. This paper summarizes trends in external support to state-building since the 1970s and illustrates subcontracted state-building with examples from Colombia.; (AN 42856273)
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13.

Notes on Contributors Small Wars and Insurgencies, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4-5 p906-908, 3p; (AN 42856271)
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7

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Between practices and demands: ambiguities, controversies and constraints in the emergence of active citizenship in Turkey by Bee, Cristiano; Kaya, Ayhan. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p301-324, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article discusses the emergence of active citizenship in Turkey in the light of two working definitions that provide different outcomes in terms of research objectives and aims. On the one side, we define active citizenship as a practice stimulated by public institutions through public policy with the aim of promoting civic and political engagement in order to shape participatory policy processes and ultimately improve the democratic bases of policy-making. On the other side, we define active citizenship as a demand, which becomes particularly important where the civil society expresses certain claims through different means using both traditional and alternative channels of mobilization. In our discussion, we have examined different macro-processes and macro-events that have been key in bringing about different formulations of active citizenship. Using a case study method – where we overview different contextual elements/dynamics that bring to the fore various elements of civic and political engagement and civic and political participation during the past 15 years – we argue that, in a context where the expression of active citizenship is volatile and constrained, further research should take into account different top-down and bottom-up dynamics that bring about different challenges for the study of this subject in Turkey.; (AN 43152932)
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2.

Continuity and change in instrumentalizing ‘The Precedent’. How Russia uses Kosovo to legitimize the annexation of Crimea by Rotaru, Vasile; Troncotă, Miruna. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p325-345, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe article contributes to the efforts of understanding Russia’s legitimization endeavours by looking at the policy narratives centred around the so-called Kosovo precedent and the way they were perceived by different actors from Ukraine, Russia, and international experts. The aim of the paper is to scrutinize the process of politicization of contested international norms (in particular, territorial sovereignty and the right to self-determination) in the case of Russia’s legitimacy claims in Ukraine. In assessing the instrumentalization of the ‘Kosovo precedent’ in the Crimea crisis, we focused on three main elements identified in the selected policy narratives: the reinterpretation of history, the humanitarian and ethnic factor and the reinterpretation of Western actions in the Balkans.; (AN 43152933)
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3.

The impact of EU multi-level regionalism strategy on Bulgarian local authorities: qualitative comparative analysis among nine border areas by Brusaporci, Gianfranco. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p347-367, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article suggests a new perspective on the analysis of the EU multi-level regionalism strategy (EUMRS) by emphasizing the important role of local authorities in border areas. The EU, indeed, has been pursuing a multi-level strategy formed by three action layers corresponding to three new regional trasnational spaces: (1) the European Union itself; (2) the strategic macro-regional actions – such as the EU Strategy for the Danube Region; (3) cross-border cooperation. Particularly, the article tries to explain why local officers working for different Bulgarian municipalities perceive the EUMRS in a different way. The perception of the EUMRS represents the internalization and impact of the EUMRS among the interviewed local officers of nine borderland Bulgarian municipalities. The research is grounded on a qualitative comparative analysis to identify and explain the different combinations of causally relevant conditions linked to the specific outcome.; (AN 43152934)
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4.

A painful break or agony without end? The stateness problem and its influence on democratization in Croatia and Serbia by Milačić, Filip. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p369-387, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThat matters of the state must always be resolved before democratization seems to be a fairly common position in the scholarly literature. There are, however, also scholars that stress the importance of an alternative perspective: ‘no democracy, no state’. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of this very important issue, advocating the need for a more nuanced argument about the relationship between the state and democracy. To do so, Croatia and Serbia serve as empirical examples as their different outcomes regarding the consolidation of democracy are explained as due to their (un)resolved stateness problem. The article uses process tracing to explain these outcomes and attempts to craft a minimally sufficient explanation of the outcomes by developing causal mechanisms.; (AN 43152935)
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5.

Quality of democracy in unrecognized states: lessons from Northern Cyprus by Kanol, Direnç; Köprülü, Nur. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p389-402, 14p; Abstract: AbstractScholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.; (AN 43152936)
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6.

Issues of local ownership in Kosovo’s security sector by Qehaja, Florian; Prezelj, Iztok. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p403-419, 17p; Abstract: AbstractLocal ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core principles have been occasionally neglected in the practice of state-building such as in the case of Kosovo. This paper explores relations between the international community and local actors in the process of Kosovo security sector development after 2008, when the country declared its independence. This article finds that externally-driven models were imposed in some phases of security sector development. The actions of the international community disregarded the local context and created distrust by the local actors. The study relies on extensive face-to-face interviews with relevant national and international stakeholders, a public opinion survey with a sample of 1102 respondents, focus group and personal observation.; (AN 43152937)
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7.

Romanians’ current perception of threat from immigrants in a context of co-ethnic migration: assessing the role of intergroup conflict and active/passive contact by Vlase, Ionela; Preoteasa, Ana Maria. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p421-439, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates the predictors of natives’ perception of the immigrant threat in Romania, an interesting site given immigrants’ marginal presence in the total population and the sizeable proportion of co-ethnic immigrants. Yet the interplay between nationalism and religion shapes an ideological frame that favours unwelcoming attitudes towards immigrants that challenge the Romanian identity forged along ethnic and religious ties. The authors used regression to analyse immigrant threat according to several dimensions: cosmopolitanism, group conflict and intergroup contact. In order to reflect specificities of this particular context, the latter dimension is conceptualized so as to include active and passive contact with immigrants. This distinction is relevant because of immigrants’ low presence in Romania. Findings suggest that variables from conflict theory explain more of the variation in the perceived threat, while indirect contact through mass-media exposure to immigrant content has the potential to reduce the perception of immigrant threat.; (AN 43152939)
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8.

Between national and European foreign policy: the role of Latvia and Romania in the EU’s policy towards Central Asia by Bossuyt, Fabienne. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p441-460, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores whether and to what extent new member states of the European Union (EU) seek to pursue their national foreign policy goals towards Central Asia through the EU rather than bilaterally. To do so, it focuses on Latvia and Romania. While the article finds evidence of Romanian attempts to project its interests in the region onto the EU level, Latvia appears to rely more extensively on the EU level to pursue its goals towards Central Asia. Using insights from the literature on Europeanization of national foreign policy, the article explains this finding with reference to four variables that determine whether a member state will seek to upload its national foreign policy preferences onto the EU level, namely the perceived salience of the policy goals, the extent to which member states can carve out a niche, their perceived capabilities and the level of Europeanization of their national foreign policies.; (AN 43152940)
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9.

How do MPs in Kosovo develop constituency links? A comparison of MPs’ behaviour under closed-list and open-list PR electoral systems by Mjekiqi, Shqipe. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p461-483, 23p; Abstract: AbstractWhile studies among established democracies suggest MPs’ incentives to develop close links with their constituents are hardly determined by the electoral system, very little is known about MPs’ incentives to establish such links outside these countries. Looking at the case of Kosovo, as a newly democratic country with a low level of party system institutionalization, this article examines the extent to which its MPs develop close links with their constituents. Through interviews, the article compares MPs’ behaviour under closed-list PR system which was used in the 2004 elections and open-list PR system which was used both in the 2007 and 2010 elections. The main argument is that due to the weak nature of the party system institutionalization, MPs elected under open-list PR system, where there is intra-party electoral competition, will develop closer links with their constituents than those elected under closed-list PR, where such intra-party electoral competition is absent.; (AN 43152938)
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10.

Monitoring the rise of a radical force: the British Embassy in Athens and the Ascent of the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 1974–1981 by Kourkouvelas, Lykourgos. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p485-503, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe article deals with perceptions, conceptions and policy implementation of British diplomacy towards the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) from its formation in 1974 until its first rise into power in 1981. PASOK, a political movement that was to dominate Greek politics for more than twenty years, entered the Greek political scene as a new, radical force that threatened Western values and interests and aspired to reshape the international orientation of the country, in a period of high Cold War tensions. It will be shown that British diplomacy, despite its opposition to PASOK, was forced by political realities to modify its policy significantly, in order to accommodate PASOK and preserve its interests in a country that was considered as a vital ally of the Western world.; (AN 43152944)
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11.

Divided we stand: discourses on identity in ‘First’ and ‘Other’ Serbia. Social construction of the Self and the Other by Pavasović Trošt, Tamara. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p505-507, 3p; (AN 43152943)
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12.

Post-Yugoslav constellations: archive, memory, and trauma in contemporary Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian literature and culture by Wachtel, Andrew. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p507-508, 2p; (AN 43152941)
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13.

The Europeanisation of citizenship governance in South-East Europe by Mujanović, Jasmin. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p508-510, 3p; (AN 43152942)
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8

Strategic Analysis
Volume 41, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Optimising India–US Maritime-Strategic Convergence by Khurana, Gurpreet S.. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p433-446, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe current trajectory of India–US relations is encouraging, but needs to be sustained by optimising their maritime-strategic convergence. In the maritime-configured Indo-Pacific region, the two countries could undertake substantive ‘transactions’ in the domain of geopolitics and military-strategic cooperation. In this context, the article examines four key aspects: the ‘restrictiveness’ and ‘permissiveness’ of India’s cornerstone policy of ‘strategic autonomy’; the emerging imperative for their navies to go beyond ‘combined exercises’ to ‘combined operations’; their joint efforts to uphold established norms and tenets of international law, while also recognising their nuanced differences on the interpretation of the law; and to progress defence trade and defence-industry cooperation. The article concludes with specific recommendations on each of these key aspects.; (AN 43054611)
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2.

Compressing Politics in Counterinsurgency (COIN): Implications for COIN Theory from India’s Northeast by Waterman, Alex. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p447-463, 17p; Abstract: AbstractCounterinsurgency (COIN) has long been recognised as a political phenomenon, but current theoretical understandings of politics in COIN reflect ideal types, overlooking the depth and complexity of the politics of insurgency and COIN. Drawing from India’s experience in its northeastern region, this article argues that COIN theory overlooks the political agency and multiplicity of actors, as well as overlooking the fundamentally political scope of interactions that take place between them. It calls upon COIN theorists to begin to map out this complex picture by urging greater integration between academics and practitioners studying COIN and theoretical inputs from wider academic disciplines.; (AN 43054612)
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3.

The US Concept and Practice of Hybrid Warfare by Batyuk, Vladimir I.. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p464-477, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe term ‘hybrid warfare’ has been used by American military experts for more than a decade already. However, until recently, there was no officially accepted definition of the term, and, thus, an ambiguity existed over its meaning. As per the analysis of recent local conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine by the US political and military elite, hybrid warfare is a conflict where actors blend techniques, capabilities and resources to achieve their objectives. Such ‘hybrid’ conflicts may consist of military forces assuming a non-state identity, as Russia did in Crimea, or may involve violent extremist organisations fielding rudimentary combined arms capabilities, as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has demonstrated in Iraq and Syria.; (AN 43054615)
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4.

Framing South Africa’s Soft Power through Non-State Sources by Ogunnubi, Olusola; Tella, Oluwaseun. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p478-495, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSouth Africa arguably stands well above its regional counterparts in terms of soft power resources. This is not entirely unconnected with the uncalculated attempts by non-state actors to extend the reach of the country’s soft power status across the world. This article probes the contributions of the informal drivers of South Africa’s soft power. These ‘soft powered’ institutions and individuals (with no definite state affiliation) are critical contributors to South Africa’s soft power diplomacy. The country’s soft power is in part driven by the unintended outcome of the actions of a wide variety of non-state actors including civil society, the media, iconic individual personalities and multinational corporate entities. The article argues that South Africa can realise its greater foreign policy ambition and cement a benevolent hegemonic profile in Africa by focusing on specific roles that its informal soft power sources can play. Therefore, as an emerging power, South Africa is well placed to harness the substance inherent in its soft power instruments and resources by paying attention to these unofficial soft power sources but also strategically fine-tuning the same with official policy goals in subtly achieving Pretoria’s ambitions as a key player in international political discourse.; (AN 43054613)
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5.

The Battle for Siachen Glacier: Beyond Just a Bilateral Dispute by Joshi, Prateek. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p496-509, 14p; (AN 43054616)
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6.

The Flaw of Immediate Cyber Counter Strikes by Kallberg, Jan; Burk, Rosemary A.. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p510-514, 5p; (AN 43054614)
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7.

CPEC in Pakistan’s Quest for Energy Security by Dadwal, Shebonti Ray; Purushothaman, Chithra. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p515-524, 10p; (AN 43054620)
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8.

In the Hegemon’s Shadow: Leading States and the Rise of Regional Powers by Evan Braden Montgomery by Rajagopalan, Rajesh. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p525-527, 3p; (AN 43054618)
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9.

Mossad: The Greatest Missions of the Israeli Secret Service by Michael Bar-Zohar and Nissim Mishal by Kumar, Jatin. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p528-530, 3p; (AN 43054617)
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10.

Heading East: Security, Trade, and Environment Between India and Southeast Asia by Karen Stoll Farrell and Sumit Ganguly (eds.) by Agrawal, Shivani. Strategic Analysis, September 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 5 p531-533, 3p; (AN 43054619)
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9

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
Volume 40, no. 11, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

What Terrorist Leaders Want: A Content Analysis of Terrorist Propaganda Videos by Abrahms, Max; Beauchamp, Nicholas; Mroszczyk, Joseph. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 11 p899-916, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn recent years, a growing body of empirical research suggests that indiscriminate violence against civilian targets tends to carry substantial political risks compared to more selective violence against military targets. To better understand why terrorist groups sometimes attack politically suboptimal targets, scholars are increasingly adopting a principal-agent framework where the leaders of terrorist groups are understood as principals and lower level members as agents. According to this framework, terrorist leaders are thought to behave as essentially rational political actors, whereas lower level members are believed to harbor stronger non-political incentives for harming civilians, often in defiance of leadership preferences. We test this proposition with an original content analysis of terrorist propaganda videos. Consistent with the principal–agent framework, our analysis demonstrates statistically that terrorist leaders tend to favor significantly less indiscriminate violence than their operatives actually commit, providing unprecedented insight into the incentive structure of terrorist leaders relative to the rank-and-file.; (AN 43209463)
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2.

Prevent Strategies: The Problems Associated in Defining Extremism: The Case of the United Kingdom by Lowe, David. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 11 p917-933, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs the United Kingdom has placed some of its Prevent strategy on a statutory footing and is proposing to introduce a Counter-Extremism Bill, this article argues that a legal definition of extremism must be carefully drafted to provide legal certainty. The main recommendation is that all forms of violent and nonviolent extremism comes under the definition, ensuring it is differentiated from activism. Activism may hold radical views counter to the mainstream opinion, but it is required in liberal democracies as it encourages healthy debate and can prevent the policing of thought in any government strategy or legislation.; (AN 43209462)
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3.

V for Vendetta: Government Mass Killing and Domestic Terrorism by Avdan, Nazli; Uzonyi, Gary. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 11 p934-965, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScholarship explores the impact of human rights abuse and state repression on terrorism. Heretofore, scholarship has ignored the impact of government-sponsored killings on domestic terrorism. This article proposes that mass killings create a focal point for terrorist mobilization. The vendetta agenda fuels violence by animating retributory violence. Additionally, mass atrocities create a permissive environment for violent nonstate activity. A spiral of violence ensues whereby groups resort to terrorism. Utilizing data from the Global Terrorism Database, 1971–2011, the study shows that mass killings significantly increase domestic terrorism. It contributes to emerging scholarship examining how state policies influence terrorist activity.; (AN 43209464)
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4.

Nationalist Jāhiliyyah and the Flag of the Two Crusaders, or: ISIS, Sovereignty, and the “Owl of Minerva” by Mabon, Simon. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 11 p966-985, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that by understanding Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) state-building processes we are able to understand how ISIS has developed while also developing a united citizenship body built from people in Iraq and Syria and those making hijra. The fragmentation of Iraq and Syria resulted in conditions that would prove conducive to the group's expansion and identifying these conditions is imperative to understanding Sunni extremism in the Middle East. The article argues that ISIS builds citizenship in two ways: first, by developing asabiyya—group feeling—among Sunni and second, by securitizing the Shi'a threat. Identifying and engaging with the concepts of sovereignty and citizenship helps to develop much stronger policy responses.; (AN 43209465)
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10

Survival
Volume 59, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

NATO’s Limits: A New Security Architecture for Eastern Europe by O’Hanlon, Michael. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p7-24, 18p; Abstract: Whatever its merits and motivations, the process of NATO enlargement has run its course.; (AN 43209929)
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2.

The Secret to North Korea’s ICBM Success by Elleman, Michael. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p25-36, 12p; Abstract: The explanation for North Korea's rapid progression in long-range missile technology is simple: it acquired a high-performance liquid-propellant engine from a foreign source.; (AN 43209930)
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3.

America’s Generals Are Out of Ideas for Afghanistan by Kolenda, Christopher D.. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p37-46, 10p; Abstract: The decision to do more of the same and expect different results underscores a broader strategic bankruptcy within the US national-security establishment.; (AN 43209931)
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4.

Rethinking NATO’s Tactical Nuclear Weapons by Andreasen, Steve. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p47-53, 7p; Abstract: NATO should move to a safer, more secure and more credible nuclear deterrent – including withdrawing, and not replacing, US tactical nuclear weapons in Europe.; (AN 43209932)
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5.

Noteworthy Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p54-56, 3p; (AN 43209933)
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6.

The Evolution of Autocracy: Why Authoritarianism Is Becoming More Formidable by Frantz, Erica; Kendall-Taylor, Andrea. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p57-68, 12p; Abstract: The twenty-first-century autocrat is not the same as his Cold War predecessor.; (AN 43209934)
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7.

Ideology and Strategy in the Middle East: The Case of Iran by Posch, Walter. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p69-98, 30p; Abstract: The greatest challenge for the West in dealing with Iran stems not so much from its behaviour in the Middle East, or even its nuclear programme, as from uncertainty about its ultimate strategic goals.; (AN 43209935)
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8.

Donald Trump’s Status-Driven Foreign Policy by Wolf, Reinhard. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: The key to understanding Trump's foreign-policy outlook lies in his extreme attention to symbolism.; (AN 43209936)
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9.

Brief Notices Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 pe1-e19, 19p; (AN 43209943)
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10.

Autonomous Weapon Systems and Strategic Stability by Altmann, Jürgen; Sauer, Frank. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p117-142, 26p; Abstract: Autonomous weapon systems are prone to proliferation, and are likely to lead to increased crisis instability and escalation risks.; (AN 43209937)
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11.

Nuclear Legacies of the First Gulf War by Friedman Lissner, Rebecca. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p143-156, 14p; Abstract: Lessons learned in the First Gulf War have shaped the trajectory of US post-Cold War nuclear and non-proliferation policy.; (AN 43209938)
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12.

We Can’t Go On Living Like This by Barrass, Gordon. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p157-166, 10p; Abstract: Mikhail Gorbachev’s Tolstoyan undertaking ended in Shakespearean tragedy.; (AN 43209939)
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13.

Hillbilly Insurgency by Gans, John A.. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p167-174, 8p; Abstract: A growing number of people worldwide share the fear that an anxiety-free night’s rest, let alone dreams of any kind, is becoming a luxury afforded only to the rich, connected and worldly.; (AN 43209940)
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14.

Book Reviews by Schaffer, Teresita C.; Takeyh, Ray; Jones, Erik; Rid, Thomas. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p175-200, 26p; (AN 43209942)
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15.

Charlottesville by Allin, Dana H.. Survival, September 2017, Vol. 59 Issue: Number 5 p201-212, 12p; Abstract: Race is the distinctive problem of American history.; (AN 43209941)
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11

Terrorism and Political Violence
Volume 29, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

“Glory to Breivik!”: The Russian Far Right and the 2011 Norway Attacks by Enstad, Johannes Due. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p773-792, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article documents Anders Behring Breivik's reception on the Russian far Right, with a comparative view to Western Europe. On July 22, 2011, Breivik carried out two terrorist attacks in Norway, killing 77 people. Based on a variety of open sources, the article finds that Breivik has received much more open support in Russia than in Western Europe. I suggest there are three main reasons why Russia stands out. First, a weaker social stigma attached to Right-Wing extremism reduces the cost of publicly embracing Right-Wing terrorists. Second, higher levels of violence in Russian society increase desensitization and violence acceptance. Third, the embrace of Breivik fits into a vibrant tradition of iconizing Right-Wing militants on the Russian far Right. The article highlights Russia as a hotspot of Right-Wing extremist activism in Europe. It also provides insights that may prove useful in future comparative research on cross-national variation in Right-Wing violence and terrorism.; (AN 43055159)
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2.

The Impact of the Threat of Terrorism on U.S. District Court Decisions During Wartime by Tauber, Steven; Banks, Christopher. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p793-829, 37p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFederal courts are key actors in the U.S. government’s fight against terrorism because they adjudicate cases based on the USA PATRIOT Act, and accordingly make national security policy. We examine the extent that the terror threat influences judicial decisions in a dataset of 111 USA PATRIOT Act cases decided in the U.S. District Courts from 2001 through 2013, while controlling for other judicial decision-making variables. The results demonstrate that when a case involves a heightened terror threat, federal judges are more likely to defer to the government. Some key control variables are also significant.; (AN 43055160)
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3.

Leadership Matters: The Effects of Targeted Killings on Militant Group Tactics by Abrahms, Max; Mierau, Jochen. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p830-851, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTargeted killings have become a central component of counterterrorism strategy. In response to the unprecedented prevalence of this strategy around the world, numerous empirical studies have recently examined whether “decapitating” militant groups with targeted killings is strategically effective. This study builds on that research program by examining the impact of targeted killings on militant group tactical decision-making. Our empirical strategy exploits variation in the attack patterns of militant groups conditional on whether a government’s targeted killing attempt succeeded against them operationally. In both the Afghanistan-Pakistan and Israel-West Bank-Gaza Strip theaters, targeted killings significantly alter the nature of militant group violence. When their leaderships are degraded with a successful strike, militant groups become far less discriminate in their target selection by redirecting their violence from military to civilian targets. We then analyze several potential causal mechanisms to account for these results and find strongest evidence that targeted killings tend to promote indiscriminate organizational violence by empowering lower level members with weaker civilian restraint.; (AN 43055162)
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4.

Divergent Paths to Martyrdom and Significance Among Suicide Attackers by Webber, David; Klein, Kristen; Kruglanski, Arie; Brizi, Ambra; Merari, Ariel. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p852-874, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis research used open source information to investigate the motivational backgrounds of 219 suicide attackers from various regions of the world. We inquired as to whether the attackers exhibited evidence for significance quest as a motive for their actions, and whether the eradication of significance lossand/or the aspiration for significance gainsystematically differed according to attackers’ demographics. It was found that the specific nature of the significance quest motive varied in accordance with attackers’ gender, age, and education. Whereas Arab-Palestinians, males, younger attackers, and more educated attackers seem to have been motivated primarily by the possibility of significance gain, women, older attackers, those with little education, and those hailing from other regions seem to have been motivated primarily by the eradication of significance loss. Analyses also suggested that the stronger an attacker’s significance quest motive, the greater the effectiveness of their attack, as measured by the number of casualties. Methodological limitations of the present study were discussed, and the possible directions for further research were indicated.; (AN 43055161)
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5.

“New Terrorism” = Higher Brutality? An Empirical Test of the “Brutalization Thesis” by Jäckle, Sebastian; Baumann, Marcel. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p875-901, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThis article focuses on the so-called “brutalization” of terrorism. The brutalization thesis as part of the larger theoretical concept of “new terrorism” argues that “new terrorism” is more brutal than “old terrorism.” Many scholars claim that the 9/11 attacks mark the beginning of a new era of terrorism that has lifted international as well as domestic terrorism to a new level of violent brutality. Others argue that this process had already started in the early 1990s. After discussing possible ways to operationalize a brutalization of terrorism, for example focusing on suicide bombings or terrorist attacks against soft targets, this article tests the empirical credibility of the brutalization thesis regarding both potential starting points. Data from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) shows that only three out of nine indicators increased significantly during the 1990s, partially backing the idea of a general brutalization, whereas increasing numbers of suicide attacks and beheadings after 9/11 support the notion of a qualitative change in terrorism and its brutality connected with the idea of maximizing media and public attention. Yet, these developments are regionally limited and the brutality of this “new terrorism” exceeds the levels known from the zenith of “old terrorism” in the 1970s and 1980s in only a few cases.; (AN 43055163)
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6.

Hezbollah’s Global Tentacles: A Relational Approach to Convergence with Transnational Organized Crime by Leuprecht, Christian; Walther, Olivier; Skillicorn, David B.; Ryde-Collins, Hillary. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p902-921, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThat terrorists, criminals, and their facilitators exploit the global marketplace is well known. While the global movement of illicit goods is well documented, robust empirical evidence linking terrorism and organized crime remains elusive. This article posits Network Science as a means of making these links more apparent. As a critical case study, Hezbollah is quite possibly the most mature globalized terrorist organization, although it thinks of itself as the “Party of God.” However, the means seem to justify the ends: this article shows that Hezbollah’s holy men have no qualms about resorting to pornography, contraband cigarettes, immigration fraud, and credit card fraud to raise funds. Beyond establishing links, Social Network Analysis reveals other important characteristics, such as the relative autonomy from Hezbollah headquarters that local fundraising networks enjoy. That finding implies a paradigm shift: Hezbollah is no less a terrorist organization than an organized crime syndicate. This is apparent in a network’s structure. Transnational Organized Crime is typically about nodes being connected to many others in the network. Yet, Hezbollah fundraising networks allow such connectivity because of the group’s typically high levels of mutual trust and familial relationships. This creates a vulnerability that can be exploited by law enforcement and intelligence organizations.; (AN 43055164)
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7.

Fragile Proxies: Explaining Rebel Defection Against Their State Sponsors by Popovic, Milos. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p922-942, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTForeign governments frequently intervene in armed conflicts by sponsoring rebels against their adversaries. A sponsorship is less costly than a direct military intervention, but rebels often defy orders, desert fighting, or turn guns against their sponsors. Under what conditions do rebels defect against their sponsors? Drawing on organizational theory, I argue that as rebel organizations become less centralized and formalized, the rebels are likely to defect against their sponsors. This occurs because non-centralized organizations have weak central leadership and allow for dispersed decision-making, both of which narrow the manipulative capacity of sponsors. Due to these disadvantages, non-centralized rebel movements are less accountable to their sponsors, cannot credibly commit to rapidly change their policies in response to changes in the sponsor’s demands, and suffer from frequent and destructive quarrels between the top and lower echelons. Using multilevel logistic models for panel data, I test my argument on a novel dataset. My quantitative analysis shows that rebel structure is a robust predictor of defection.; (AN 43055165)
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8.

Uncertainties of Afghanistan’s Future Security in the Post-2014 Period by Chen, Kai. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p943-947, 5p; (AN 43055167)
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9.

State and Non-State Conflict in a Global Era by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p948-957, 10p; (AN 43055166)
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10.

Inferno in Chechnya: The Russian-Chechen Wars, the Al Qaeda Myth, and the Boston Marathon Bombings, by Brian Glyn Williams by Shaffer, Ryan. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p958-960, 3p; (AN 43055169)
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11.

Terrorism and the Politics of Social Change: A Durkheimian Analysis, by James Dingley by Rak, Joanna. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p961-962, 2p; (AN 43055168)
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12.

Counter-Terrorism, Human Rights and the Rule of Law: Crossing Legal Boundaries in Defence of the State, by Aniceto Masferrer and Clive Walker, eds. by Denton, Donald D.. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p963-964, 2p; (AN 43055171)
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13.

The Future of Violence: Robots and Germs, Hackers and Drones—Confronting a New Age of Threat, by Benjamin Wittes and Gabriella Blum by Kuersten, Andreas. Terrorism and Political Violence, September 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 5 p965-966, 2p; (AN 43055170)
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12

Washington Quarterly
Volume 40, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Germany's Nuclear Education: Why a Few Elites Are Testing a Taboo by Volpe, Tristan; Kühn, Ulrich. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p7-27, 21p; (AN 43403910)
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2.

Whither ISIS? Insights from Insurgent Responses to Decline by Staniland, Paul. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p29-43, 15p; (AN 43403909)
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3.

Networking Security in Asia by Fontaine, Richard. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p45-62, 18p; (AN 43403911)
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4.

Assessing U.S.–Iran Nuclear Engagement by Mousavian, Seyed Hossein; Toossi, Sina. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p65-95, 31p; (AN 43403912)
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5.

Countering Iran by Pollack, Kenneth M.; Saab, Bilal Y.. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p97-108, 12p; (AN 43403913)
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6.

Iran's Uncertain Standing in the Middle East by Akbarzadeh, Shahram. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p109-127, 19p; (AN 43403915)
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7.

Cooperating with Iran to Combat ISIS in Iraq by Tabatabai, Ariane; Esfandiary, Dina. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p129-146, 18p; (AN 43403914)
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8.

Safer at Sea? Pakistan's Sea-Based Deterrent and Nuclear Weapons Security by Clary, Christopher; Panda, Ankit. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p149-168, 20p; (AN 43403917)
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9.

Pakistan's Tactical Nukes: Relevance and Options for India by Biswas, Arka. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p169-186, 18p; (AN 43403916)
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10.

India's Ballistic Missile Defense: Implications for South Asian Deterrence Stability by Khan, Zafar. The Washington Quarterly, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p187-202, 16p; (AN 43403918)
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13

West European Politics
Volume 41, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Erratum West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p(i)-(i); (AN 43404234)
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2.

How established parties reduce other parties’ electoral support: the strategy of parroting the pariah by van Spanje, Joost; de Graaf, Nan Dirk. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p1-27, 27p; Abstract: AbstractIn every democracy, established political parties are challenged by other parties. Established parties react in various ways to other parties’ presence. A key hypothesis in the relevant literature is that established parties can decrease another party’s electoral support by parroting it, i.e. adopting its core policy issue position. This article argues, and demonstrates empirically, that this hypothesised effect mainly occurs in the event that a critical prerequisite is in place. Parroting a party decreases its support only if that party is ostracised at the same time. The article classifies a party as ostracised if its largest established competitor systematically rules out all political cooperation with it. Analysing 296 election results of 28 West European parties (1944–2011), evidence is found for a parrot effect – however, concerning ostracised parties only. On several occasions established parties have substantially decreased another party’s support by simultaneously parroting that party and ostracising it.; (AN 43404224)
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3.

The appeal of nostalgia: the influence of societal pessimism on support for populist radical right parties by Steenvoorden, Eefje; Harteveld, Eelco. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p28-52, 25p; Abstract: AbstractIn the literature, explanations of support for populist radical right (PRR) parties usually focus on voters’ socio-structural grievances, political discontent or policy positions. This article suggests an additional and possibly overarching explanation: societal pessimism. The central argument is that the nostalgic character of PRR ideology resonates with societal pessimism among its voters. Using European Social Survey data from 2012, the study compares levels of societal pessimism among PRR, radical left, mainstream left and mainstream right (MR) voters in eight European countries. The results show that societal pessimism is distributed in a tilted U-curve, with the highest levels indeed observed among PRR voters, followed by radical left voters. Societal pessimism increases the chance of a PRR vote (compared to a MR vote) controlling for a range of established factors. Further analyses show that societal pessimism is the only attitude on which MR and PRR voters take opposite, extreme positions. Finally, there is tentative evidence that societal pessimism is channelled through various more specific ideological positions taken by PRR voters, such as opposition to immigration.; (AN 43404223)
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4.

Between Christian and multicultural democracy: religious legacies and minority politics by Minkenberg, Michael. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p53-79, 27p; Abstract: AbstractThe article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic‒Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses.; (AN 43404225)
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5.

Immigration and support for redistribution: survey experiments in three European countries by Naumann, Elias; Stoetzer, Lukas F.. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p80-101, 22p; Abstract: AbstractIn times of increasing globalisation scholars put considerable efforts into understanding the consequences of immigration to the welfare state. One important factor in this respect is public support for the welfare state and redistribution. This article presents results from a unique survey experiment and a panel study in three European countries (Norway, Germany and the Netherlands) in order to examine whether and how individuals change their preference for redistribution when faced with immigration. Theoretically, citizens with high incomes should be especially likely to withdraw their support for redistribution because they fear the increased fiscal burden, whereas other types of citizens might ask for more compensation for the increased labour market risks caused by immigration. The empirical evidence reveals that only respondents with high incomes and those who face low labour market competition withdraw support for redistribution when faced with immigration.; (AN 43404226)
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6.

Terrorist events, emotional reactions, and political participation: the 2015 Paris attacks by Vasilopoulos, Pavlos. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p102-127, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThe impact of terrorist events on attitude formation and change among mass publics has been well established in political research. Still, no individual-level study has examined the impact of terrorist attacks on political participation. This article aims to fill that gap. Drawing on theories of affect, it is predicted that fear stemming from a terrorist attack will increase motivation to seek out political information, yet will have a negative effect on actual participation. On the contrary, anger will hinder information seeking but will boost the intention to participate in political rallies. These hypotheses are tested using data from a two-wave panel study that collected one wave before and a second wave after the January 2015 Paris attacks, and from one cross-sectional study carried out soon after the November 2015 attacks.; (AN 43404227)
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7.

Political parties and public investments: a comparative analysis of 22 Western democracies by Kraft, Jonas. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p128-146, 19p; Abstract: AbstractWhen do political parties push for public investments in education, research, and infrastructure? Existing literature has mainly answered this question by pointing to parties’ state‒market ideology. In contrast, this article presents a novel argument highlighting the role of parties’ aspirations to office and their ambitions to maximize votes. It builds on the idea that investments not only constitute redistributive tools for politicians, but also work as public means to foster economic growth in the long run. This unique feature makes investments attractive for parties with high office and vote aspirations, because they anticipate government responsibility in the future and can use investments’ dispersed growth effects to appeal broadly to a large, heterogeneous pool of voters. Support for this claim is found through time-series cross-sectional analyses of party manifestos from 22 Western democracies between 1947 and 2013. Results also indicate that parties’ positions on the second social value dimension matter.; (AN 43404228)
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8.

How do gender quotas affect public support for women as political leaders? by Allen, Peter; Cutts, David. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p147-168, 22p; Abstract: AbstractGender quotas have shown themselves to be an effective means of getting more women into political office. Less clear is the broader effect of gender quotas on egalitarian attitudes. This article uses a cross-national dataset of 48 countries worldwide to examine the role of gender quotas in the generation of individual-level attitudes to women as political leaders. Firstly, gender quotas appear to improve perceptions of women’s ability as political leaders in countries where they are present, having controlled for a range of individual-level and contextual influences. Second, this effect differs by sex. For women, the presence of gender quotas alone increases their support for women’s political leadership, something theorised as a ‘vote of confidence’ effect. Thirdly, this effect is not dependent on the type of quota implemented and holds for quotas adopted voluntarily by political parties and those that are brought about via a broader legal change.; (AN 43404229)
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9.

Party animals, career changers and other pathways into parliament by Ohmura, Tamaki; Bailer, Stefanie; Meiβner, Peter; Selb, Peter. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p169-195, 27p; Abstract: AbstractResearch on parliamentary careers has paid little attention to variations in pre-parliamentary career patterns and their value in explaining legislators’ parliamentary success. Using sequence and cluster analysis, this article identifies typical career tracks taken by Party Animals, Local Heroes, Late Bloomers, Land Legislators, High-Flyers and Career Changers based on a comprehensive dataset of German parliamentarians’ biographies (1998–2014). The analysis confirms the role of the party as the primary career facilitator before and within parliament. Nonetheless both Career Changers and High-Flyers climb the greasy pole all the way to the national parliament without much service to the party. The former type, however, suffers from a lack of networks and experience, which is reflected in the limited career success within parliament. This article demonstrates that the use of sequence analysis on career paths offers a promising approach in distinguishing and explaining the opportunities, choices and obstacles MPs face in parliament.; (AN 43404230)
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10.

Political sophistication affects how citizens’ social policy preferences respond to the economy by Kölln, Ann-Kristin. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p196-217, 22p; Abstract: AbstractTheoretical and empirical accounts of public opinion show that people’s social policy preferences are affected by the state of economy. According to the countercyclical view, economic downturn increases citizens’ demands for social policy whereas the procyclical view states that citizens demand less social policy during economically tough times. This article argues that individuals’ differences in political sophistication and, specifically, the commonly associated social-psychological characteristics are part of the micro-foundations for those different responses. People acquire and process information differently, which influences their political preferences. Public opinion and macroeconomic data from Europe during the economic crisis support the argument. The results show that people with lower levels of political sophistication tend to be procyclical, whereas this relationship weakens and moves towards countercyclical opinion structures with increasing levels of sophistication. These findings help to explain social policy preferences in response to the economy, and they offer insights into the origins of social policy preferences.; (AN 43404231)
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11.

March divided, fight united? Trade union cohesion and government appeal for concertation by Ceron, Andrea; Negri, Fedra. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p218-239, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhy does the government appeal for concertation? Starting from the principal‒agent framework and delegation theory, the article argues that the government is more willing to share decision-making power with trade unions when the policy preferences endorsed by the unions are closer to those of the cabinet. Furthermore, it maintains that government propensity to negotiate with trade unions increases as the heterogeneity of union policy preferences grows because the cabinet can exploit its agenda-setting power to divide the union front. The article tests these two hypotheses through a longitudinal analysis of the Italian case (1946–2014). In detail, it takes advantage of two original datasets built through content analysis that provide unique in-depth information on the policy preferences of parties and cabinets and measures the policy positions of the main Italian trade unions, thus allowing assessment of their reciprocal heterogeneity. The results confirm the expectations.; (AN 43404232)
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12.

Can governments use Get Out The Vote letters to solve Europe’s turnout crisis? Evidence from a field experiment by Bhatti, Yosef; Dahlgaard, Jens Olav; Hansen, Jonas Hedegaard; Hansen, Kasper M.. West European Politics, January 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 1 p240-260, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDeclining levels of turnout are a problem in European elections. Are Get Out The Vote campaigns the solution to the problem? While many studies have investigated such campaigns in the US, little is known about their effect in Europe. The article presents a field experiment in which encouragement to vote in an upcoming Danish election is delivered to more than 60,000 first-time voters using direct personal letters. Eight different letters are designed, based on the calculus of voting and prospect theory. The sample is randomly divided into treatment groups or the control group. Using validated turnout, small positive effects of receiving a letter on turnout are found, with little difference across letters. The letters mostly mobilised voters with a low propensity to vote and thus increased equality in participation. In sum, while letters have some effect, they are not likely to be a panacea for solving Europe’s turnout challenges.; (AN 43404233)
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14

World Policy Journal
Volume 32, no. 4, December 2015

Record

Results

1.

Latin America on Life Support? World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 37471479)
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2.

The Big Question: Fixing Roles: What Are the Challenges Determining Your Country’s Position Within Latin America? by Turzi, Mariano; Canofre, Fernanda; de la Paz Meléndez, Gabriela; Serrano, Lorena Oyarzún; Castillo, Hernán; Mendizabal, Enrique; Munyo, Ignacio; Fontana, Andrés. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p3-8, 6p; (AN 37471473)
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3.

Imagining Eden by Gurría-Quintana, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p10-13, 4p; (AN 37471476)
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4.

Map Room: Latin Americans on the Move World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p14-15, 2p; (AN 37471480)
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5.

The Hangover: Latin America Recovers After Shot of Success by Ávila, Ricardo. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p17-22, 6p; (AN 37471483)
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6.

Anatomy: Chinese Investment in South America World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p24-25, 2p; (AN 37471471)
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7.

Goodbye, Venezuela by Reeve, Christopher. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p26-36, 11p; (AN 37471481)
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8.

The Changing Face of Cuba by Mattingly, Amanda. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p37-49, 13p; (AN 37471482)
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9.

Free Trade: A Ticket to a Bigger Party by Gurría, Ángel. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p51-56, 6p; (AN 37471470)
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10.

Nauru: A Cautionary Tale by Sokhin, Vlad. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p58-71, 14p; (AN 37471477)
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11.

The Dark Net: Policing the Internet’s Underworld by Omand, David. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p75-82, 8p; (AN 37471469)
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12.

Deadly Interactions by Yayla, Ahmet S.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p83-91, 9p; (AN 37471475)
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13.

Open SESAME: A Powerful Light Attracts Middle Eastern Scientists by Blaustein, Richard. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p92-99, 8p; (AN 37471478)
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14.

Leadership Challenges in a Hyper-Changing World by Genovese, Michael A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p100-107, 8p; (AN 37471472)
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15.

Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow by Andelman, David A.. World Policy Journal, December 2015, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p108-118, 11p; (AN 37471474)
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16.

Democracy by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 28340185)
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17.

The Big Question: What Is The Biggest Threat To Democracy? by Kaplinski, Jaan; Kathrada, Ahmed; Raza, Raheel; Al-Nafjan, Eman; Wangyal, Lobsang; Hegyi, Gyula; Sha’er, Sawsan; Koukku-Ronde, Ritva. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p3-7, 5p; (AN 28340186)
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18.

Viva Democracy! by de Beer, Patrice. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p9-14, 6p; (AN 28340187)
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19.

The Art of Dissent: A Chat with Ai Weiwei by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p15-21, 7p; (AN 28340188)
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20.

Anatomy: Autocracy Index World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 28340189)
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21.

Afghanistan: Mobilizing for Democracy by Creighton, James. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p25-36, 12p; (AN 28340190)
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22.

Map Room: Electoral Fraud in Afghanistan by Hastey, Joshua. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p28-29, 2p; (AN 28340191)
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23.

Serving Democracy, or America, Abroad? by Kinstler, Linda. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p37-47, 11p; (AN 28340193)
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24.

Ban on Democracy: A Conversation with Ban Ki-moon World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p49-55, 7p; (AN 28340192)
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25.

Water and Our World by Stirton, Brent. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p56-67, 12p; (AN 28340194)
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26.

Ivory Coast: Victor’s Justice by Corey-Boulet, Robbie. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p68-79, 12p; (AN 28340196)
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27.

Basque-ing in Peace by Matloff, Judith. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p81-88, 8p; (AN 28340195)
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28.

Argentina: Back to Peronism by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p90-99, 10p; (AN 28340197)
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29.

Turning Porsches into Malbec by Schmall, Emily. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p97-97, 1p; (AN 28340198)
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30.

Hidden Beneath the Seas by O’Dor, Ron; Berghe, Edward. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p101-108, 8p; (AN 28340199)
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31.

… For the Sake of Change by Andelman, David. World Policy Journal, September 2012, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p110-119, 10p; (AN 28340200)
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15

World Politics
Volume 69, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

WPO volume 69 issue 4 Cover and Back matter World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 pb1-b7, 7p; (AN 43153744)
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2.

WPO volume 69 issue 4 Cover and Front matter World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 pf1-f12, 12p; (AN 43153745)
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3.

Power and Pride by Wimmer, Andreas. World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 p605-639, 35p; Abstract: Why do some individuals embrace nationalist rhetoric and feel proud of their citizen ship while others do not? This article introduces an exchange-theoretic perspective, according to which national pride depends on access to political power. Seen from this perspective, members of ethnic groups that are not represented in national-level government should be less proud of their nation than those included in the polity. Furthermore, ethnic violence in the past or power-sharing arrangements in the present should reduce trust in the future stability of political representation and thus pride in the nation. From a dynamic point of view, members of ethnic groups whose level of political representation decreased in the past should also see their nation in a less positive light today. To show this, the author uses existing surveys to assemble a new dataset with answers to a similar question about national pride. It covers 123 countries that comprise 92 percent of the world's population. For roughly half of these countries, the ethnic groups listed in the surveys could also be found in another data set that contains information on the political status of these groups. Multilevel ordered logistic regressions at both the country and the group level confirm these hypotheses while taking into account a wide range of individual-level and country-level variables discussed in the existing literature.; (AN 43153746)
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4.

Taking Credit by Ahlquist, John S.; Ansell, Ben W.. World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 p640-675, 36p; Abstract: Several recent studies link rising income inequality in the United States to the global financial crisis, arguing that US politicians did not respond to growing inequality with fiscal redistribution. Instead, Americans saved less and borrowed more to maintain relative consumption in the face of widening economic disparities. This article proposes a theory in which fiscal redistribution dampens the willingness of citizens to borrow to fund current consumption. A key implication is that pretax inequality will be more tightly linked with credit in less redistributive countries. The long-run partisan composition of government is, in turn, a key determinant of redistributive effort. Examining a panel of eighteen OECD democracies, the authors find that countries with limited histories of left-wing participation in government are significantly more likely see credit expansion as prefisc inequality grows compared to those in which the political left has been more influential.; (AN 43153748)
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5.

Religion and the Regime by Koesel, Karrie J.. World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 p676-712, 37p; Abstract: What is the nature of religion and state relations in authoritarian regimes? How do religious and regime actors negotiate the terms of their relationship;what do the two sides want from one another; and how cooperative or conflictual are their interactions? To address these questions, the author compares religion-regime relations in contemporary Russia and China—two autocracies with long histories of religious repression, diverse religious profiles, and distinct relations between religion and the state. The article introduces a new theoretical framework anchored in interests and subnational authoritarian politics to explain how religious and political authorities negotiate their relationship and the constraints and opportunities that shape their interaction. Although there are many reasons to expect different types of religion-regime relations across Russia and China, the data demonstrate that subnational governments and diverse religious actors often forge innovative partnerships to govern more efficiently, gain access to resources, and safeguard their survival.; (AN 43153749)
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6.

Why the West Became Wild by Larson, Jennifer M.. World Politics, October 2017, Vol. 69 Issue: Number 4 p713-749, 37p; Abstract: Settlers flocking to boomtowns on the American western frontier were faced with the same task that communities in weak states across the globe face in contemporary times: self-governance. Peer sanctions can enforce cooperation in these environments, but their efficacy depends on the social networks that transmit information from peer to peer. The author uses a game-theoretic model to show that peripheral network positions can generate such strong incentives to misbehave that persistent cheating occurs in equilibrium. The model reveals that groups maintaining high levels of cooperation that face shocks to their strategic environment or to their network can ratchet down into less cooperative equilibria in which the most peripheral become ostracized. Furthermore, population change that features rapid growth, high turnover, and enclave settlements can undermine cooperation. The insights from this article help to explain the trajectory of cooperation in the mining towns of the Wild West in which high levels of cooperation deteriorated as the population surged, and help to make sense of why only certain nonwhite settlers were targets of hostility and racism.; (AN 43153747)
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