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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 21, no. 2, June 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p151-151, 1p; (AN 39766547)
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2.

A Path to a Comprehensive Prohibition of the Use of Chemical Weapons under International Law: From The Hague to Damascus by Asada, Masahiko. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p153-153, 1p; Abstract: The prohibition of the use of chemical weapons under international law has a long history dating back to the 19th century. Until the late 20th century, most of the endeavors by the international community had resulted in partial measures, not amounting to a comprehensive and absolute ban on their use, with limitations inherent in the relevant instruments, with the reservations put to the prohibitions or with different interpretations given to them. The recent use of chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war has revived the discussion on this issue. It is partly because although at that time Syria was a Contracting Party to the Geneva Protocol, which does not prohibit their use in civil war, and was not a State Party to the Chemical Weapons Convention, which may prohibit their use in internal armed conflict, the Security Council in Resolution 2118 (2013) declared that the use of chemical weapons in Syria is a violation of international law. This prompts us to examine whether the use of chemical weapons, including in internal armed conflict, is prohibited under customary international law. Moreover, a couple of years earlier, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was amended to add to its list of crimes a use of chemical weapons in non-international armed conflict. With these facts in mind, this article examines the history of prohibiting the use of chemical weapons under international law, with particular reference to their use in internal armed conflict.; (AN 39766550)
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3.

UN Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Protection of Civilians by Murphy, Ray. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p209-209, 1p; Abstract: UN peacekeeping has had a long and controversial involvement in the affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The current operation there constitutes one of the UN’s most challenging missions to date. MONUC’s (Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en R<a><ac>e</ac><ac>´</ac></a>publique D<a><ac>e</ac><ac>´</ac></a>mocratique du Congo) mandate evolved over time and the force adopted an increasingly robust posture. MONUC needed the military capacity to take action to support the transitional process and to deter spoilers, while at the same time ensuring the protection of civilians who were at risk. As the situation deteriorated, the response of the UN was to modify the mission to meet what were seen as the main challenges to stability. In 2010 MONUC became United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO). This led to a reconfiguration and change in role to that of a stabilisation mission. Subsequently in 2013, the Security Council approved the establishment of the Force Intervention Brigade. This reflected an acknowledgement of the scale of the crisis and that it was necessary to take the initiative militarily to neutralise spoilers. The combat nature of the Brigade mission distinguishes it from other UN operations under Chapter VII and has important implications for the status of the military personnel comprising the whole MONUSCO mission. MONUSCO continues to be subject to criticism for its failure to protect civilians. While the situation would almost certainly have been worse without UN involvement, MONUSCO cannot continue to try and manage the conflict indefinitely while failing to protect civilians at risk.; (AN 39766553)
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4.

Operationalizing Security Council Resolution 1325: The Role of National Action Plans by Barrow, Amy. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p247-247, 1p; Abstract: Since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR 1325) in October 2000, the international community has seen the emergence of a normative framework on women, peace and security. Despite international recognition of women’s multiple roles in armed conflict and its aftermath, the United Nations and its Member States have been criticized for failing to implement SCR 1325. National Action Plans (NAPs) have been adopted as one mechanism to strengthen the operationalization of SCR 1325. The early development of NAPs was driven by Northern European States. Denmark first adopted an NAP in 2005, followed shortly after by the United Kingdom in 2006. States emerging from protracted armed conflict have also adopted national level initiatives, though the development of NAPS in Asia, a region which has been marred by armed insurgency movements and territorial disputes, has lagged behind. To date, only five Asian States have adopted NAPs, Afghanistan, the Philippines, Japan, Nepal and the Republic of Korea. This article analyses the development of NAPs, considering experiences in both ‘donor’ and ‘conflict’ states, to consider whether NAPs provide the necessary catalyst to operationalize soft law instruments and strengthen norms on women, peace and security, including SCR 1325’s broader objectives of women’s empowerment and access to decision-making in peace and security processes.; (AN 39766545)
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5.

'A Few Rotten Apples: A Review of Alleged Detainee Abuse by British Personnel in Iraq Following the Al Sweady Inquiry. Is There Still a Case to Answer? by Wood, Tim. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p277-277, 1p; Abstract: Despite two lengthy public inquiries there remains uncertainty and suspicion about the conduct of British personnel towards Iraqi detainees during Op TELIC. The Al Sweady Inquiry rebuked but largely exonerated the accused personnel and criticised the Iraqi complainants and their legal representatives. Yet, a communication to the International Criminal Court, submitted by ECCHR/PIL, accuses the British government of abuse that is tantamount to war crimes. This article reviews the substantive allegations of mistreatment contained within the communication and considers the Legal Paradigm of the conflict. It assesses allegations of systematic and systemic abuse, including the criminal responsibility of senior politicians and military officers. It offers some conclusions and perspectives with regard to the notion of a few rotten apples and whether there is still a case to answer.; (AN 39766552)
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6.

The Laws Potential to Break--Rather Than Entrench--the South China Sea Deadlock? by McLaughlin, Rob; Nasu, Hitoshi. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p305-305, 1p; Abstract: The complex matrix of territorial claims and counter-claims, and associated resource and maritime disputes, which characterizes the tension in the South China Sea points to a deadlocked, and in some respects apparently intractable, dispute. This article seeks to examine a series of rule-based alternative options aimed at finding or creating fractures in this deadlock—points that may offer pathways, or introduce new possibilities, into the management of the dispute, with a view to breaking the deadlock on a limited scale or in relation to a limited set of issues. The analysis begins with a brief overview of the ways in which law can facilitate initiative, an attribute often forgotten when law is understood only as the language by which disputes are expressed and entrenched. The article then argues that treaty-based cooperative models—namely, the Antarctic regime model and the joint development model—for escaping the deadlock in the South China Sea are unlikely to succeed, at least in the short term, not least because they do not offer mechanisms or opportunities to overcome the regional introspection underpinning the deadlock. Finally, the article outlines four rule-based and legally expressible alternative options for finding or creating fractures in the deadlock.; (AN 39766546)
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7.

The Practice and Patterns of EU Military Operations in Concert with the United Nations by Töro, Csaba. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p339-339, 1p; Abstract: In the light of the experience of European Union (EU) participation in collective international crisis management endeavours by military means in the last 10 years, certain discernible modalities can be observed and identified as patterns for operational arrangements between the EU and the United Nations (UN) in terms of objectives, mandates and functions. The reviewed range of cases illustrates the ways and means of EU security enterprises to reinforce, complement or substitute UN activities and capacities in acute crisis situations or in zones of chronic security threats. Some of the EU military operations were conducted for short periods of time (in 2003 and also in 2006) as direct assistance for the prolonged (though transformed) and largest UN peacekeeping engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The longest EU military presence (in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2004) in a former conflict area demonstrates continuous regional stabilization efforts as an autonomous operation with a UN mandate. As another example of concerted EU and UN engagements, a military contingent under EU banner could be deployed in a critical area (Chad/Central African Republic 2008–2009) temporarily to plug security gaps until the insertion of a UN ‘multidimensional presence’ assuming protective responsibilities in the theatre of operation. The first naval EU military deployment around the Horn of Africa has been sustained in support of UN-led humanitarian aid and relief operation in Somalia since 2008. Occasionally, simultaneous UN and EU military undertakings in the same country (Mali since 2013) are implemented in complementary manner in pursuit of the reconstruction of state functions and security.; (AN 39766548)
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8.

Marco Roscini, Cyber Operations and the Use of Force in International Law by Bannelier-Christakis, Karine. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p367-367, 1p; (AN 39766544)
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9.

Sikander Ahmed Shah, International Law and Drone Strikes in Pakistan: The Legal and Socio-Political Aspects by Byrne, Max. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p368-368, 1p; (AN 39759098)
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10.

Jonas Ebbesson, Marie Jacobsson, Mark Klamberg, David Langlet and Pal Wrange (eds), International Law and Changing Perceptions of Security: Liber Amicorum Said Mahmoudi by Brennan, Anna Marie. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p372-372, 1p; (AN 39766551)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 61, no. 5, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Tracking Underreported Financial Flows: China’s Development Finance and the Aid–Conflict Nexus Revisited by Strange, Austin M.; Dreher, Axel; Fuchs, Andreas; Parks, Bradley; Tierney, Michael J.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p935-963, 29p; Abstract: China’s provision of development finance to other countries is sizable but reliable information is scarce. We introduce a new open-source methodology for collecting project-level development finance information and create a database of Chinese official finance (OF) to Africa from 2000 to 2011. We find that China’s commitments amounted to approximately US$73 billion, of which US$15 billion are comparable to Official Development Assistance following Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development definitions. We provide details on 1,511 projects to fifty African countries. We use this database to extend previous research on aid and conflict, which suffers from omitted-variable bias due to the exclusion of Chinese development finance. Our results show that sudden withdrawals of “traditional” aid no longer induce conflict in the presence of sufficient alternative funding from China. Our findings highlight the importance of gathering more complete data on the development activities of “nontraditional donors” to better understand the link between aid and conflict.; (AN 41733969)
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2.

IMF Programs and the Risk of a Coup d’état by Casper, Brett A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p964-996, 33p; Abstract: Leaders use the distribution of economic rents to maintain the political support of regime elites. When countries join International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs, they are often required to implement a variety of free market-inspired reforms—such as privatization, reductions in government spending, and the restructuring of financial institutions—as a condition for receiving program funds. These types of reforms can diminish a leader’s capacity to redistribute wealth, which ultimately increases the risk of a coup. More specifically, when a leader begins the implementation of an IMF arrangement, the leader’s action provides public information about the leader’s weakened ability to redistribute wealth in the future. Thus, the act of implementing an IMF program provides each individual elite with information about his or her expected value of rents in the future, and this information gives elites who stand to be harmed by a reform an incentive to launch a coup.; (AN 41733975)
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3.

Borrowing Support for War: The Effect of War Finance on Public Attitudes toward Conflict by Flores-Macías, Gustavo A.; Kreps, Sarah E.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p997-1020, 24p; Abstract: How does the way states finance wars affect public support for conflict? Most existing research has focused on costs as casualties rather than financial burdens, and arguments that do speak to the cost in treasure either minimize potential differences between the two main forms of war finance—debt and taxes—or imply that war taxes do not dent support for war among a populace rallying around the fiscal flag. Using original experiments conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, we evaluate the relationship between war finance and support for war. We find that how states finance wars has an important effect on support for war and that the gap in support resulting from different modes of war finance holds across the main democracies engaging in conflict, regardless of the type of war or individuals’ party identification. The findings have important implications for theories of democratic accountability in wartime and the conduct of conflict, since borrowing shields the public from the direct costs of war and in turn reduces opposition to it, giving leaders greater latitude in how they carry out war.; (AN 41733971)
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4.

Oil Wealth, Post-conflict Elections, and Postwar Peace Failure by Keels, Eric. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1021-1045, 25p; Abstract: New research has emerged that suggests there is a troubling relationship between elections and civil wars; primarily, elections increase the risk of civil war recurrence. I investigate this relationship further by examining the economic factors associated with the connection between postwar elections and peace failure. Specifically, how does the presence of oil wealth impact the risk posed by postwar elections. Drawing on previous findings in the democratization literature, I suggest the immobility of oil wealth dramatically increases the stakes associated with postwar elections. As postwar elites use irregular electioneering to consolidate their control of oil revenue, it increases the incentives for postwar opposition to use violence as a means to achieve their objectives. Using post-civil war data from 1945 to 2005, I demonstrate that postwar elections that occur in oil-rich economies dramatically decrease the durability of postwar peace. Once controlling for petro elections, though, I demonstrate that subsequent postwar elections actually increase the durability of postwar peace.; (AN 41733973)
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5.

Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), Military Effectiveness, and Conflict Severity in Weak States, 1990–2007 by Petersohn, Ulrich. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1046-1072, 27p; Abstract: For more than two decades, private military and security companies (PMSCs) have become increasingly involved in armed conflicts. A common view is that PMSCs are menaces who simply take economic advantage of—and thereby aggravate—already bad situations. Yet, empirical research has rarely investigated these claims or the impact of commercial actors’ selling force-related services. This article investigates how PMSCs impact the severity of armed conflict in weak states and advances the argument that PMSC services increase the client’s military effectiveness. In turn, increased military effectiveness translates into increased conflict severity, the extent of which depends on type of service provided by the PMSC, the level of competition on the market, and oversight.; (AN 41733976)
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6.

Economic Sanctions and Demand for Protection by Pond, Amy. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1073-1094, 22p; Abstract: How do the distributional consequences of economic sanctions impact future trade policy? Regardless of whether sanctions are effective in achieving concessions, sanctions restrict international trade flows, creating rents for import-competing producers, who are protected from international competition. These rents can then be used to pressure the government to implement protectionist policies. Thus, while the lifting of sanctions directly facilitates some international transactions, sanctions also have an indirect effect. They create powerful domestic interest groups in the sanctioned country who seek market protection. I use multiple estimators to evaluate the effect of trade sanctions on tariff rates. The evidence is consistent with the argument that sanctions increase market protection in both the short and long run.; (AN 41733972)
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7.

Informally Governing Information: How Criminal Rivalry Leads to Violence against the Press in Mexico by Holland, Bradley E.; Rios, Viridiana. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1095-1119, 25p; Abstract: A well-functioning press is crucial for sustaining a healthy democracy. While attacks on journalists occur regularly in many developing countries, previous work has largely ignored where and why journalists are attacked. Focusing on violence by criminal organizations (COs) in Mexico, we offer the first systematic, micro-level analysis of the conditions under which journalists are more likely to be violently targeted. Contrary to popular belief, our evidence reveals that the presence of large, profitable COs does not necessarily lead to fatal attacks against the press. Rather, the likelihood of journalists being killed only increases when rival criminal groups inhabit territories. Rivalry inhibits COs’ ability to control information leaks to the press, instead creating incentives for such leaks to be used as weapons to intensify official enforcement operations against rivals. Without the capacity to informally govern press content, rival criminals affected by such press coverage are more likely to target journalists.; (AN 41733974)
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8.

The Diffusion of Nonviolent Campaigns by Gleditsch, Kristian S.; Rivera, Mauricio. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1120-1145, 26p; Abstract: Existing research has uncovered strong geographical clustering in civil war and a variety of diffusion mechanisms through which violence in one country can increase the risk of outbreaks in other countries. Popular coverage of nonviolent protest often emphasizes regional waves like the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring. However, most research on nonviolence focuses only on features within countries affecting motivation and opportunities, and we know little about the possible role of diffusion and transnational factors. We detail how nonviolent campaigns in other states can increase nonviolent mobilization and direct action, highlighting important differences in the likely actors for violent and nonviolent direct action and the relevant diffusion mechanisms. We find strong empirical evidence for diffusion in nonviolent campaigns. The effects are largely confined to campaigns in neighboring countries, and there is little evidence of global diffusion. The potential diffusion effects are also specific to whether dissent is violent and nonviolent rather than general political instability. Moreover, we find that the effects of neighboring campaigns on nonviolent direct action apply only in cases with plausible motivation for contesting the government, and the effects are stronger when the regional environment can help expand opportunities for organizing dissent.; (AN 41733970)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 11, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention: finding ‘facts’, telling ‘truth’ by de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann; Kostić, Roland. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article has a twofold aim. First, it discusses the contributions to the scholarly field of conflict knowledge and expertise in this special issue on Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention: finding ‘facts’, telling ‘truth’. Second, it suggests an alternative reading of the issue’s contributions. Starting from the assumption that prevalent ways of knowing are always influenced by wider material and ideological structures at specific times, the article traces the influence of contemporary neoliberalism on general knowledge production structures in Western societies, and more specifically in Western academia, before re-reading the special issue’s contributions through this prism. The main argument is that neoliberalism leaves limited space for independent critical knowledge, thereby negatively affecting what can be known about conflict and intervention. The article concludes with some tasks for reflexive scholarship in neoliberal times.; (AN 41546467)
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2.

The myopic Foucauldian gaze: discourse, knowledge and the authoritarian peace by Lewis, David. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p21-41, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe discourse of liberal peacebuilding has often been characterized by critics as a hegemonic discourse, in which power and knowledge are co-constitutive. Influenced by the work of Michel Foucault, an important strand of the literature has demonstrated how epistemic communities have produced knowledge that supports this discourse, while marginalizing other, contrary voices. A ‘local turn’ has sought to uncover what Foucault termed ‘subjugated knowledges’, peripheral voices that were seen as potentially contributing to a more emancipatory peace. This article, in contrast, argues that the explicit and implicit Foucauldian framing of discourse and knowledge is no longer adequate to conceptualize the contested nature of peace and conflict in a rapidly changing international system. In a period of significant geopolitical shifts away from a Western-centric international order, post-Foucauldian discourse theories offer a more productive analytical perspective that makes visible the multiple, competing discourses that attempt to achieve closure in defining meanings of peace and conflict. A theoretical framework that emphasizes discursive contestation rather than unitary domination allows serious consideration of alternative conceptualizations of peacemaking. In particular, theoretical frameworks that highlight contestation make visible an authoritarian, illiberal approach to managing conflict that challenges both liberal and emancipatory conceptualizations of peace and conflict, but is occluded in the current debate over post-liberal peace.; (AN 41546465)
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3.

Bermuda triangulation: embracing the messiness of researching in conflict by Perera, Suda. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p42-57, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn conflict-affected states, poor transportation infrastructure and risk-averse security protocols can significantly constrain researchers’ ability to access information. Pressure on academics to be methodologically rigorous and produce policy-relevant research means that the problematic nature of the data we use is often obscured and ignored in research outputs. Through an autoethnography of research in the DRC, this article critically discusses the messiness of triangulating information in the field amidst the competing knowledge claims of different actors on the ground. Nonetheless, it argues that information which is messy and difficult to triangulate can itself be a valuable source of conflict knowledge. This knowledge emerges from what is here termed ‘Bermuda Triangulation’—whereby the verification of one piece of information leads to the uncovering of multiple views, which may themselves tell us much about the drivers of conflict.; (AN 41546466)
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4.

Intervention Theatre: performance, authenticity and expert knowledge in politicians’ travel to post-/conflict spaces by Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p58-80, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of official travel activities by politicians to post-/conflict spaces in German foreign policymaking. Starting from the observation that official travel justifications stress the value of authentic insights and unfiltered information, while journeys in practice are meticulously planned and staged, it asks what kind of knowing is possible, how actors make sense of the staged nature of field trips, and how multiple performances create and/or undermine notions of authenticity and first-hand expertise. The article shows that official on-site visits are composed of multiple conscious performances by all actors involved, but that these performances do not undermine the notions of authenticity and expertise. On the contrary, knowledge authenticity—or truth claims on the basis of authentic insights—and related expert authority are produced through travel-as-performance. The emphasis policymakers put on on-site presence and (the performance of) localized knowledge contradicts intervention literature’s generalized finding of a prioritization of technocratic over localized knowledge. The article draws on politics and performance scholarship and authenticity theories in tourism studies to make sense of a wealth of empirical material on the claims, practice and functions of German MPs’ journeys to post-/conflict spaces as part of broader political struggles over policy knowledge.; (AN 41546469)
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5.

Telling the stories of others: claims of authenticity in human rights reporting and comics journalism by Bake, Julika; Zöhrer, Michaela. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p81-97, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere are various intermediaries bearing witness to distant conflicts and atrocities. They travel to distant parts of the world to collect different kinds of evidence and stories, motivated by the assumption that knowledge can evoke change. This article asks how authenticity is claimed in this context of humanitarian witnessing. It focuses on two, at first sight quite different, practices of representation: NGO human rights reporting and comics journalism, also known as graphic reporting. It argues that representations of first-hand access to sites and people involved in abuses, or of ‘having been there’, figure centrally in establishing authenticity and thereby truth. The article discusses two techniques through which first-hand truth claims are performed: representations of field research methodologies, and personifications of truth in the figure of the witness. The intermediaries chosen for an in-depth study are the human rights NGO Human Rights Watch and the US comics journalist Joe Sacco.; (AN 41546471)
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6.

Reproducing remoteness? States, internationals and the co-constitution of aid ‘bunkerization’ in the East African periphery by Fisher, Jonathan. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p98-119, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe physical and social retreat of international interveners behind the walls of ‘bunkered’ aid compounds in (putatively) more remote and dangerous regions of the South has been the focus of growing critical attention in recent years. An increasingly remote and fearful culture of risk aversion and differentiation among Western states and organizations has been largely identified as the driving force behind this set of practices. This article presents a different perspective on the bunkerization phenomenon through focusing on the agency of Southern states in the process. Exploring bunkerization across eastern/central Africa—and in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region in particular—the study emphasizes not only how African states have been key promoters of modern bunkerization, but also how bunkerization behaviour and mentalities have historically characterized how many African borderlands—and contemporary sites of international intervention—have been incorporated into the global state system.; (AN 41546468)
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7.

Shadow peacebuilders and diplomatic counterinsurgencies: informal networks, knowledge production and the art of policy-shaping by Kostić, Roland. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p120-139, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of informal networks in producing strategic knowledge and influencing policy responses to the 2011 post-election crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The analytical focus is on networks of shadow peacebuilders, defined as actors who are often not visible to the public and who promote a mix of altruistic and personal interests of their broader network by generating strategic narratives and influencing peacebuilding policy. As this article shows, shadow peacebuilders engage in diplomatic counterinsurgencies waged by means of diplomacy, politics, public relations and legal means. Strategic narratives are instrumental in legitimizing diplomatic counterinsurgency, inducing internal cohesion within the network and delegitimizing alternative narratives and policy solutions. Yet the production of strategic knowledge by shadow peacebuilders has its limitations. When the gap between strategic narrative and actions becomes too big, the network risks fragmentation and defeat by other networks that promote alternative strategic narratives and paths of action in the battle over control of peacebuilding policy.; (AN 41546470)
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8.

Internal Security and Statebuilding: Aligning Agencies and Functions by Alley, Roderic. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p140-141, 2p; (AN 41546473)
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9.

The Force of Popular Culture Awakens: Hollywood, the National Security State and Star Wars by Stimmer, Anette. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p142-146, 5p; (AN 41546472)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 15, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction by Syse, Henrik; Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p257-258, 2p; (AN 41497657)
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2.

Non-violent Resistance and Last Resort by Parkin, Nicholas. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p259-274, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is commonly accepted that recourse to war is justifiable only as a last resort. If a situation can be resolved by less harmful means, then war is unjust. It is also commonly accepted that violent actions in war should be necessary and proportionate. Violent actions in war are unjust if the end towards which those actions are means can be achieved by less harmful means. In this article, I argue that satisfaction of the last resort criterion depends in part upon the likelihood of success of non-violent alternatives to war, and that the actual and potential effectiveness of non-violent resistance means that the last resort criterion of the jus ad bellumand the proportionality criterion of the jus in belloare harder to satisfy than is often presumed.; (AN 41497658)
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3.

Accreditation Fraud in Brazilian Military Hospitals: Why “Tone at the Top” Matters by Klaus, L.C.O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p275-287, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows under which circumstances fraudulent accreditation can occur in Brazilian military hospitals, calling attention to the tone at the top as a critical aspect of military fraud deterrence – and hence as a critical aspect of this branch of military ethics. The problems allegedly found in Brazilian military health institutions were revealed through in-depth interviews conducted with 29 professionals who reported to work or have worked in a Brazilian military hospital. These fraud allegations were mostly associated with false documentation and procedures designed to give the appearance that legal requirements for accreditation were met and could be traced back to a weak or corrupt “tone at the top” coming from military higher ranks.; (AN 41497659)
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4.

Rebellion and African Ethics by Baker, Deane-Peter. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p288-298, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this paper I draw on Thaddeus Metz’s pioneering work in African ethics, and particularly his account of the concept described by the terms ubuntu(Nguni languages), botho(Sotho-Tswana), hunhu(Shona) or utu(Swahili), to sketch an African normative understanding of the act of rebellion against the authority of the state. Most commonly articulated in the phrase “a person is a person through other persons”, ubuntuis interpreted by Metz as a unique communitarian moral principle which can be described in its essence as the claim that “actions are right, or confer ubuntu(humanness) on a person, insofar as they prize communal relationships, ones in which people identify with each other, or share a way of life, and exhibit solidarity toward one another, or care about each other’s quality of life”. On the face of it, this principle appears at odds with rebellions against state authority. Following Metz, I argue, however, that a deeper grasp of this principle does, in fact, provide a justification for instances of civilian rebellion against state authority, under appropriate circumstances.; (AN 41497660)
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5.

Justifying Cyber-intelligence? by Bellaby, Ross W.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe surge in threats aided by or carried out through cyberspace has placed significant pressure on the intelligence community to adapt or leave itself open to attack. Indeed, many in both political and intelligence circles argue for access to ever greater amounts of cyber information in order to catch potential threats before they become real. By collecting all our digital information, the intelligence community argues that it is not only able to detail what people have done or are currently doing but also predict what their next move might be. However, the ethical implications are unclear and the backlash following Edward Snowden’s revelations have shown that such activities are not without controversy. This leaves the debate stuck between the important, ethical role that intelligence can play and the potential for its unrestrained use to cause undue harm. This paper will resolve this by giving greater detail to cyber-intelligence practices, highlighting the different levels of harm that the various intelligence operations can cause. The essence of this paper is not that cyber-intelligence should be banned outright, but that it can be justified given the necessary circumstances. Therefore, the paper will develop a specialised set of Just Cyber-Intelligence Principles, built on the just war tradition, to outline if and when such activities are justified.; (AN 41497661)
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6.

Message from the Book (and Media) Review Editor by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p320-320, 1p; (AN 41497662)
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7.

Henry V, directed by Dominic Dromgoole by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p321-324, 4p; (AN 41497663)
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8.

Counter Jihad, by Brian Glyn Williams by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p325-328, 4p; (AN 41497664)
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9.

Editorial Board Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 41497665)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 54, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Coup risk, coup-proofing and leader survival by Sudduth, Jun Koga. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p3-15, 13p; Abstract: Under what conditions do political leaders enact ‘coup-proofing’ strategies? There is a broad consensus in the literature that political leaders who face a higher risk of a coup will employ coup-proofing strategies that reduce the military’s capabilities to organize a coup. A closer look at the theory and empirical analyses of earlier studies, however, suggests that the presumed relationship between coup risk and coup-proofing should be re-examined. Drawing on insights from formal studies of authoritarian power-sharing, this article proposes that political leaders become less likely to initiate coup-proofing efforts as the coup risk increases. The reason is that leaders’ coup-proofing actions in themselves could prompt the military to launch a coup and thus political leaders will hesitate to offend officers when they face a high risk of a coup. The statistical models in this article estimate a latent coup risk by aggregating multiple indicators that capture the military’s willingness and ability to organize a coup. The empirical results strongly support the proposition that coup-proofing efforts taken by leaders decrease as coup risk increases.; (AN 41246819)
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2.

The search for rebel interdependence: A study of the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban by Schricker, Ezra. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p16-30, 15p; Abstract: The existing conflict literature tends to treat interdependence between rebel groups as a binary category: either groups are allied or unallied, fragmented or unified, interdependent or independent. Yet much of our qualitative knowledge suggests that interdependence is better understood as a matter of degree where certain groups exert a disproportionate influence over their counterparts. The challenge is how to identify the degree of interdependence in practice. As a solution, I conceptualize interdependence as a property of a system of interactions between rebel groups and government forces within and across borders. My approach is to model the entire system of interactions in order to test hypotheses related to the directionality of influence and the potential for military coordination between groups. I demonstrate the utility of this approach by examining the relationship between Pakistan and the two major factions which make up the Taliban organization – the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban. I analyze the triangular system with a vector autoregressive model and monthly time series data on violent actions initiated by each group from January 2008 to February 2013. The substantive findings support much of the received wisdom concerning Pakistan’s disparate relationship to both groups, which is characterized by antagonism with the Pakistani Taliban and collusion with the Afghan Taliban. The results also suggest that the claims of interdependence between the two Taliban groups have been overstated.; (AN 41246823)
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3.

Women on the frontline: Rebel group ideology and women’s participation in violent rebellion by Wood, Reed M; Thomas, Jakana L. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p31-46, 16p; Abstract: Despite the frequent participation of women in armed groups, few studies have sought to explain the variation in their roles across different rebellions. Herein, we investigate this variation. We argue that the political ideology a group adopts plays a central role in determining the extent of women’s participation, particularly their deployment in combat roles. Specifically, we link variations in women’s roles in armed groups to differences in beliefs about gender hierarchies and gender-based divisions of labor inherent in the specific ideologies the groups adopt. We evaluate hypotheses drawn from these arguments using a novel cross-sectional dataset on female combatants in a global sample of rebel organizations active between 1979 and 2009. We find that the presence of a Marxist-oriented ‘leftist’ ideology increases the prevalence of female fighters while Islamist ideologies exert the opposite effect. However, we find little evidence that nationalism exerts an independent influence on women’s combat roles. We also note a general inverse relationship between group religiosity and the prevalence of female fighters. Our analysis demonstrates that political ideology plays a central role in determining whether and to what extent resistance movements incorporate female fighters into their armed wings.; (AN 41246822)
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4.

Can civilian attitudes predict insurgent violence? Ideology and insurgent tactical choice in civil war by Hirose, Kentaro; Imai, Kosuke; Lyall, Jason. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p47-63, 17p; Abstract: Are civilian attitudes a useful predictor of patterns of violence in civil wars? A prominent debate has emerged among scholars and practitioners about the importance of winning civilian ‘hearts and minds’ for influencing their wartime behavior. We argue that such efforts may have a dark side: insurgents can use pro-counterinsurgent attitudes as cues to select their targets and tactics. We conduct an original survey experiment in 204 Afghan villages and establish a positive association between pro-International Security Assistance Force attitudes and future Taliban attacks. We extend our analysis to 14,606 non-surveyed villages and demonstrate that our measure of civilian attitudes improves out-of-sample predictive performance by 20–30% over a standard forecasting model. The results are especially strong for Taliban attacks with improvised explosive devices. These improvements in predictive power remain even after adjusting for possible confounders, including past violence, military bases, and development aid.; (AN 41246818)
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5.

Cooperation, information, and keeping the peace: Civilian engagement with peacekeepers in Haiti by Gordon, Grant M; Young, Lauren E. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p64-79, 16p; Abstract: Cultivating cooperation with local populations is necessary for peacekeeping operations to effectively prevent and reduce violence. To accomplish their missions in complex foreign theaters of operation, peacekeepers must solicit information about local political actors, social networks, and violence. Under what conditions do local populations cooperate with United Nations peacekeepers? How does exposure to peacekeeping security activities, relief activities, or abuse – three of the primary ways that local communities experience peacekeepers – affect the likelihood that individuals cooperate with peacekeepers by providing information to them? Using an original survey of a random sample of residents of metropolitan Port-au-Prince, Haiti, we show that people who are exposed to security and relief activities by the United Nations peacekeeping operation, MINUSTAH, have more positive opinions of how effective they are, and are more willing to cooperate with peacekeepers by providing them with information. On the other hand, exposure to abuse dramatically undermines civilian opinions of how effective, benevolent, and abusive peacekeepers are but has a smaller effect on cooperation. These findings present an opportunity and challenge for peacekeepers: if public opinion and cooperation are responsive to peacekeeper policy, then peacekeepers must deliver services and prevent abuse in order to solicit the cooperation that is necessary for mission success.; (AN 41246820)
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6.

The economic costs of civil war: Synthetic counterfactual evidence and the effects of ethnic fractionalization by Costalli, Stefano; Moretti, Luigi; Pischedda, Costantino. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p80-98, 19p; Abstract: There is a consensus that civil wars entail enormous economic costs, but there is little systematic analysis of the determinants of their heterogeneous destructiveness. Moreover, reliably estimating these costs has proven challenging, due to the complexity of the relationship between violence and socio-economic conditions. In this article, we study the effect of ethnic fractionalization of war-torn countries on the economic consequences of civil war. Building on an emerging literature on the relationships between ethnicity, trust, economic outcomes, and conflict processes, we argue that civil wars erode interethnic trust and highly fractionalized societies pay an especially high price, as they rely heavily on interethnic business relations. We use the synthetic control method to construct appropriate counterfactuals and measure the economic impact of civil war. Our focus is on the years of armed conflict in a sample of 20 countries for which we observe an average annual loss of local GDP per capita of 17.5%, though with remarkable variation across cases. The empirical analysis provides supporting evidence in the form of a robust positive association between ethnic fractionalization and our measures of war-induced economic costs.; (AN 41246821)
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7.

The Issue Correlates of War Territorial Claims Data, 1816–20011 by Frederick, Bryan A; Hensel, Paul R; Macaulay, Christopher. Journal of Peace Research, January 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p99-108, 10p; Abstract: This article describes the first complete release of the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) Territorial Claims dataset, which covers all interstate territorial claims between 1816 and 2001. Territory can have substantial tangible and intangible value for states, and competing claims for control of territory represent one of the leading sources of interstate conflict. The dataset identifies 843 territorial claims and includes measures of the salience of the claimed territory, as well as details of the militarization and ending of each claim. Beyond a discussion of the structure and contents of the dataset and the coding procedures that were used to generate it, this article also presents descriptive analyses of the dataset. These analyses highlight important patterns across time and space, including changes in the prevalence, frequency of initiation, salience, militarization, and resolution of territorial claims. Notable patterns include recent declines in the frequency with which claims tend to become militarized and a lower prevalence of tangible salience measures such as natural resources. The regional distribution of claims has also shifted markedly over time, from a historical concentration in Europe towards Asia, where by 2001 claims were far more prevalent than in any other region. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.; (AN 41246817)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 29, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Putin and the Nuclear Dimension to Russian Strategy by Cimbala, Stephen J.; McDermott, Roger N.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p535-553, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNuclear weapons and nuclear strategy have found themselves as parts of the discussions among expert and other commentators about the future of Russian President Vladimir Putin and about Russia’s military-strategic options in Europe following its annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Eastern Ukraine. This study considers some of the nuclear-related aspects of Putin’s and Russia’s survivability with respect to: (1) principal challenges for NATO in the face of improving Russian military capabilities and plausible strategies, (2) the future relationship between Russia’s conventional military and nuclear capabilities and military-strategic priorities, and (3) assessment of Russia’s threat perceptions in the context of its ‘strategic history’.; (AN 40217613)
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2.

The Evolution of Russian Military Thought: Integrating Hybrid, New-Generation, and New-Type Thinking by Thomas, Timothy. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p554-575, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article highlights both the evolution of Russian thinking and Russian General Staff interest in a concept known as new-type warfare. In early 2015, General-Lieutenant A. V. Kartapolov, then director of the Russian General Staff’s Main Operation’s Directorate, both explained the concept in an article written for the Journal of the Academy of Military Scienceand provided a schematic visualization of the concept. Before this revelation, Western analysts had thought that the Russian military was using either hybrid warfare concepts or new-generation warfare (NGW) means. In response to these assertions from the West, Russian military officers stated that they do not conduct hybrid war, noting clearly that this is a Western method for waging modern war. However, two retired Russian officers did write extensively on NGW in 2012 and 2013, which prompted much discussion in the West. This concept was not directly refuted by Russian military officers, which may mean it is still a relevant way to consider warfare within the ranks of military professionals. At this moment, however, with General Staff backing, it appears that the new-type warfare concept has won out over NGW, although an evolution and integration of thinking is also apparent in the progression from hybrid, to NGW, to new-type warfare.; (AN 40217615)
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3.

Military Means for Non-Military Measures: The Russian Approach to the Use of Armed Force as Seen in Ukraine by Westerlund, Fredrik; Norberg, Johan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p576-601, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Russian Federation’s approach to the use of armed force abroad is a concern for other states. This case study of Russian armed force use against Ukraine in 2014 and 2015 employs an analytical framework based on Russian conceptualizations. Distinguishing between military and non-military means and measures, we analyze Russia’s deployment of armed forces to carry out measures in interstate conflict resolution, focusing on military forces deployed for non-military measures. We find that the use of armed forces in Ukraine largely conforms to Russian conceptualizations, allowing for extensive fighting without it amounting to a military conflict in the Russian view.; (AN 40217617)
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4.

Partnership for a Secure Future: Montenegrin Road to NATO from 2006 to 2015 by Vučković, Vladimir; Vučinić, Boro; Ðorđević, Vladimir. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p602-625, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes, as based on NATO enlargement strategy and its very nature underpinning democratization and social and political transformation, Montenegro’s bid for NATO membership from 2006 to 2015 by discussing two issues: on the one hand, democratic stabilization and civilian control of the armed forces, and on the other, military reform that has happened in this respect so far. The article confirms that NATO enlargement policy has profoundly impacted the process of democratic stabilization of Montenegro, which as a state has become more democratically mature and institutionally stable, in essence a consolidated democracy. The article also claims that Montenegro has demonstrated visible and significant progress in its military reform, not only by creating a good basis for improving the existing defense capabilities and capacities, but far more importantly by continuing its reform of the defense system, investing in military modernization, and achieving an appropriate level of interoperability in accordance with the NATO standards. As a result, the Montenegrin Army is readily deployable in NATO-led operations and missions.; (AN 40217620)
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5.

The KGB and the Czechoslovak State Security Apparatus in August 1968 by Žáček, Pavel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p626-657, 32p; Abstract: abstractThe KGB of the USSR Council of Ministers, whose interests in the entire Communist bloc were threatened by the reform process of the Prague Spring, had a major share in the preparation and course of the occupation of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. The espionage apparatus of the First KGB Main Directorate was considerably strengthened by the chairman of the KGB, Y. V. Andropov. pecial groups of members of Czechoslovak State Security (StB) were activated in the nights from 20 to 21 August 1968 and charged with taking control of the headquarters of the secret police and paralyzing selected party and state institutions, including communications, radio, and television.Thanks to the resistance of the general public to the occupation, the intended goals were not achieved. The apparatus of the StB essentially fell apart, and only a small minority consisting of the Soviets’ most loyal colleagues remained on their side. The members of the KGB were nervous and unsure, and aggressive in their communication. It was only when the Czechoslovak political representation had signed what are called the Moscow protocols that the situation changed and the StB again became subordinate to the KGB.; (AN 40217619)
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6.

The Outbreak of the Polish-Soviet War: A Polish Perspective by Borzecki, Jerzy. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p658-680, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is much confusion on the issue of when the Polish-Soviet war broke out. Various authors hold that the war started anywhere between late 1918 and early 1920. It is arguable, though, that from a Polish perspective the war began with the January 1919 Soviet attack on the city of Wilno (Vilnius), defended by its Polish inhabitants. Since Poles widely believed the Wilno region to be a part of Polish national territory, the government in Warsaw felt it had little choice but to treat the attack as a casus belli.; (AN 40217618)
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7.

Ukraine’s Other War: The Rule of Law and Siloviky After the Euromaidan Revolution by Kuzio, Taras. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p681-706, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUkraine underwent a second democratic revolution in 2013–2014, which led to the overthrow of President Viktor Yanukovych. The article analyzes the sources of the failure since the Euromaidan Revolution of Dignity to reform the rule of law, reduce high-level corruption, and apply justice to Yanukovych and his entourage for massive corruption that bankrupted Ukraine, murder of protestors, and treason.; (AN 40217621)
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8.

‘To Defeat the Enemy Was Less a Problem Than the Laziness and Indolence of Our Own Commanders … ’ by Zamulin, Valerii Nikolaevich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p707-726, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe most important component of any fighting army’s success is its established rear services. Unfortunately, as recently disclosed documents in the Russian Federation’s Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense [TsAMORF] bear witness, in the spring of 1943 during the preparation for the battle of Kursk, which became a fundamental turning point in the Great Patriotic War, the supply services of the Voronezh Front that was holding the southern shoulder of the Kursk salient were working poorly and seriously affected both the level of combat readiness and the morale of its personnel.; (AN 40217624)
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9.

EOV Editorial Board The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40217622)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 40, no. 1-2, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Editors: Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p1-5, 5p; (AN 41478251)
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2.

Fighting Separately: Jointness and Civil-Military Relations in India by Mukherjee, Anit. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p6-34, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do countries transition from single service to joint operations? This article engages with the discussion on military innovation to argue that civil–military relations are the most important driver for jointness. In doing so it examines jointness in the Indian military. Relying on archival research and primary interviews this article sheds new light on the operations of the Indian Peacekeeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka from 1987–1990, the 1999 Kargil War and the Post-Kargil defence reforms. The main argument is that the Indian military’s transition to jointness has been ‘incomplete’ primarily because of its prevailing model of civil-military relations. This model prevents civilians from interfering in the operational issues of the military, including on matters pertaining to jointness. It therefore recommends more forceful civilian intervention to overcome the prevailing single service approach.; (AN 41478252)
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3.

India’s Taliban Dilemma: To Contain or to Engage? by Paliwal, Avinash. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p35-67, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIndia’s Afghanistan policy in the 1990s is termed a zero-sum game of influence with Pakistan. New Delhi’s aversion to the pro-Pakistan Taliban regime is considered a marker of this rivalry. This paper revisits India’s approach towards Afghanistan and examines if New Delhi was necessarily averse to engaging with pro-Pakistan political factions during 1990s. Based on fresh primary interviews with former Indian policymakers, media archives, and official reports, the paper shows that India engaged with and accommodated pro-Pakistan factions after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 until 1996. The Taliban’s rise to power in Kabul in September 1996 challenged India’s engage-with-all approach. Nonetheless, the decision to sever ties with the Taliban and to bolster anti-Taliban factions was highly debated in New Delhi. Many in India saw the Taliban as a militant Islamist force sponsored by Pakistan. For others, however, it was an ethno-nationalist movement representing Pashtun interests, and not necessarily under Islamabad’s control.; (AN 41478253)
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4.

Drone Strikes and Grand Strategy: Toward a Political Understanding of the Uses of Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Attacks in US Security Policy by Hazelton, Jacqueline L.. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p68-91, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the political utility of US drone strikes theoretically and deductively. Placing strikes within the context of the theorized political functions of force and considering how they fit into two grand strategies, restraint and selective engagement, I argue that these strikes buy the United States relatively little in the way of political effects assuring its own security because the terrorism threat they are intended to combat is a limited one within the skein of US global interests. Furthermore, their contribution to counter-terrorism efforts is likely to diminish with the adoption of armed drones by non-state actors. Drone strikes can, however, provide leverage over recalcitrant US client states while reassuring liberal partners and giving them some leverage over US choices. In addition, within the counter-terrorism sphere, drone strikes are less likely to inflame popular opinion than are alternative uses of force. This analysis contributes to an increasingly rigorous examination of the strikes’ role in US foreign and security policy.; (AN 41478254)
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5.

‘Cumulative Deterrence’ as a New Paradigm for Cyber Deterrence by Tor, Uri. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p92-117, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article suggests that there is a paradigm crisis in the sub-field of cyber deterrence. Cyber deterrence is evolving slowly and unpromisingly as a strategic tool in both theory and practice, mostly due to the ill-fitting theoretical framework and underlining assumptions it borrows from the absolute-nuclear-deterrence context. Therefore, this article suggests replacing the accepted yet inadequate paradigm of absolute deterrence with a better-fitting restrictive-cumulative-deterrence paradigm that draws on the Israeli approach to deterrence, introducing it into the cyber domain. The article further criticizes the current discourse in the field, including some ‘common knowledge’ (mis)understandings of cyberspace and the ways it affects the possibility of deterrence.; (AN 41478257)
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6.

Japan’s Emerging Trajectory as a ‘Cyber Power’: From Securitization to Militarization of Cyberspace by Kallender, Paul; Hughes, Christopher W.. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p118-145, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTJapan has been overlooked as a ‘cyber power’ but it now becoming a serious player in this new strategic domain. Japanese policy-makers have forged a consensus to move cybersecurity to the very core of national security policy, to create more centralized frameworks for cybersecurity, and for Japan’s military institutions to build dynamic cyberdefense capabilities. Japan’s stance has moved rapidly toward the securitization and now militarization of responses to cyber challenges. Japan’s cybersecurity stance has bolstered US–Japan alliance responses to securing all dimensions of the ‘global commons’ and extended its defense perimeter to further deter but potentially raise tensions with China.; (AN 41478255)
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7.

Expanding the Dragon’s Reach:The Rise of China’s Anti-access Naval Doctrine and Forces by Lim, Yves-Heng. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p146-168, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmong the multiple dimensions of the tous azimuthsmodernisation of Chinese naval forces, the development of China’s anti-access capacity has recently elicited considerable interest. The important link between this capacity and an overarching vision of the use of force – i.e. a naval doctrine – has, however, often been left implicit. This article shows that the particular development of China’s naval anti-access forces – more precisely, forces with an impact on the naval balance – can be explained by a shift of China’s naval doctrine towards a distinctly pre-emptive posture, which, itself, stems from the set of constraints imposed by the framework of ‘local war under informationised conditions’.; (AN 41478256)
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8.

‘A Brave New World for Chinese Joint Operations’ by Wuthnow, Joel. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p169-195, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA key organizational challenge for all modern militaries is instituting an effective command-and-control (C2) structure for joint operations. China has been a relative latecomer to joint operations, with a persistent weakness in joint C2. Reforms launched in early 2016 sought to overcome this challenge by establishing a permanent two-level joint C2 structure. Although not a ‘tipping point’ that will lead ineluctably to stronger operational effectiveness, this reform is nonetheless an important milestone in an evolutionary process towards better PLA joint operations. The result could be added operational challenges for several of China’s neighbors and the United States.; (AN 41478261)
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9.

Military Innovation Studies: Multidisciplinary or Lacking Discipline?1 by Griffin, Stuart. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p196-224, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the evolution of the field of military innovation studies, critiquing its theoretical foundations and setting out a number of challenges that must be overcome if the field is to fulfil its potential and enhance its contribution to wider disciplinary debates as well as to the practitioner community. Tensions between the main theoretical approaches to military innovation are examined as are the challenges inherent in its increasingly multidisciplinary character. The issue of whether military innovation studies constitutes a field in its own right is addressed before recommendations are made to expand the field’s research agenda, broaden its theoretical base and strengthen its multidisciplinary credibility.; (AN 41478258)
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10.

Regina Marisand the Command of the Sea: The Sixteenth Century Origins of Modern Maritime Strategy by Heuser, Beatrice. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p225-262, 38p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe concept of the command of the sea has its roots in medieval notions of the sovereignty of coastal waters, as claimed by several monarchs and polities of Europe. In the sixteenth century, a surge of intellectual creativity, especially in Elizabethan England, fused this notion with the Thucydidean term ‘thalassocracy’ – the rule of the sea. In the light of the explorations of the oceans, this led to a new conceptualisation of naval warfare, developed in theory and then put into practice. This falsifies the mistaken but widespread assumption that there was no significant writing on naval strategy before the nineteenth century.; (AN 41478260)
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11.

Academics and Policy-making: Rules of Engagement by Freedman, Lawrence. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p263-268, 6p; (AN 41478259)
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12.

Policy and the Publicly Minded Professor by Gavin, Francis J.. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p269-274, 6p; (AN 41478264)
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13.

Bridging the Gap: Managing Expectations, Improving Communications by Preble, Christopher. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p275-282, 8p; (AN 41478265)
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14.

Building a Bridge or Nurturing the Gap? by Wiers, Jochem. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p283-286, 4p; (AN 41478263)
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15.

The mother of all post-mortems by Jervis, Robert. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p287-294, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe most striking finding of the Chilcot Report is that the record reveals little that was previously unknown. A key point for its authors is that diplomatic alternatives had not been exhausted when the US and UK went to war. But, short of an armed attack by the other side, it is hard to say when they would have been. Here what was crucial was the belief shared by Bush and Blair that Saddam Hussain would not and could not change. For the British the issue of whether alternatives to war remained is particularly important because of its implications for international law, something that did not trouble the Americans. It remains unclear if Blair would have gained or lost leverage over Bush had he made British participation contingent on better American policy, for example on developing a workable plan for the reconstruction of Iraq.; (AN 41478262)
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16.

Did Obama have a grand strategy? by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p295-324, 30p; (AN 41478266)
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17.

Civil–Military Relations and Policy: A Sampling of a New Wave of Scholarship by Feaver, Peter. Journal of Strategic Studies, January 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1-2 p325-342, 18p; (AN 41478267)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 15, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Fracking and framing in transatlantic perspective: a comparison of shale politics in the US and European Union by Bomberg, Elizabeth. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p101-120, 20p; Abstract: This paper offers a transatlantic comparison of shale politics. Both the US and European Union (EU) have ample shale beds; both are high consumption democracies thirsty for plentiful, stable, cheaper sources of energy. Yet exploitation of shale in the US has proceeded at fever pitch, while in the EU development has been hesitant if not stagnant. Structural explanations – geological, geographic, economic, technological – are key to understanding this difference, but so too is the role of agency – who are the actors shaping policy and how do they seek to influence public debate and government agendas? This study, while mindful of structural conditions, applies insights from network and framing analysis to highlight the set of actors, interests and frames that shape shale’s variable development in the US and Europe. Drawing on an in-depth, systematic analysis of news reports, websites and interviews from 2013 to 2015, it demonstrates how differences in shale policy are explained not just by geology, economic or other structural factors, but also by the role of competing pro- and anti-shale networks, and the framing strategies they enjoy. In short, it argues that the interactionof structure and agency best explains transatlantic differences.; (AN 41619708)
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2.

Anglo American military cooperation in Afghanistan 2001–2014 by Chin, Warren. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p121-142, 22p; Abstract: This paper explores a paradox. On the one hand it is believed that 9/11 rekindled the UK–US special relationship, but at the same time it has been argued that British mismanagement of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan caused relations to deteriorate. Whilst I agree with part of this analysis in that Iraq represented a nadir in Anglo American relations I believe Afghanistan did not follow this trajectory. A wide range of factors help to explain this change in fortune, but I focus on the role played by the British military in restoring the trust and confidence of its US counterpart and argue that this institutional relationship was and is a vital component in the Anglo American Alliance.; (AN 41619707)
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3.

The USA and the EU as a third party in Middle East peacemaking: an asymmetric division of labour by Kaya, Taylan Özgür. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p143-160, 18p; Abstract: This article aims to analyse the role played by the USA and the European Union (EU) in Middle East peacemaking. It argues that there exists a de facto division of labour between two actors. While the USA has played a primary role and acted as the principal mediator in successive mediation efforts and dominated political and diplomatic dimension of the peace process; the EU was relegated to a secondary and supplementary role and has mainly focused on economic and financial dimension of the peace process and the creation of the structural conditions for sustainable peace which aimed to complement peacemaking efforts at the diplomatic level.; (AN 41619711)
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4.

The Canadian politics of fair-share: the first burden-sharing debates about NATO by Kunertova, Dominika. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p161-183, 23p; Abstract: After the long domination of economic and collective action theories, the literature on the political aspects of Allied burden-sharing is growing. This article analyses the politics of fair-share in NATO from the perspective of Canadian officials during the first burden-sharing debates in 1949–1952. I focus on sense-making and, through an interpretive methodology, I reconstruct the Canadian discourse on fair-share. This article shows that for Canada sharing NATO’s burden was not only a matter of technicality or realist considerations; in order to make NATO burden-sharing work, the allies needed to balance three dimensions of collective defence burden: military, economic, and moral.; (AN 41619710)
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5.

Obama’s leadership style: enabling transatlantic allies in Libya and Mali by Paquin, Jonathan; Massie, Justin; Beauregard, Philippe. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p184-206, 23p; Abstract: This article assesses President Obama’s transatlantic leadership style with regard to foreign crises and it contrasts it with the style of the previous Bush administration. It argues that the Obama administration exercises what we call enabling leadership, which implies that the US does lead, but that it does not feel the need to project ‘leadership from the front’. The article first analyses the diplomatic aspect of leadership by focusing on the ‘speaking order’ among the United States and three of its core allies, namely the United Kingdom, France and Canada. It presents a computer-assisted content analysis of the 482 official statements issued by these four states in response to the crisis in Libya in 2011 and Mali in 2012–2013. The paper then performs a detailed analysis of the financial and military contributions of the US and its allies to confront these crises. It provides qualitative and quantitative evidence suggesting that the Obama administration consciously adopted enabling leadership, a strategy that is consistent with the worldview of the president and his foreign policy entourage.; (AN 41619709)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 9, no. 2, August 2016

Record

Results

1.

‘These people protesting might not be so strident if their own jobs were on the line’: Representations of the ‘economic consequences’ of opposition to the Iraq war in the Irish national press by Coulter, Colin; Browne, Harry; Flynn, Roddy; Hetherington, Vanessa; Titley, Gavan. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p113-136, 24p; Abstract: In this article, the authors examine the ways in which the social movement in Ireland opposed to the Iraq war was represented in the national press. The article draws upon data generated by the largest research project of its type ever conducted in an Irish context. The authors considered representations of the anti-war movement in 11 daily and Sunday newspapers over a period of 9 months. One of the principal threads that ran through newspaper coverage of the time centred upon concerns about the possible ‘economic consequences’ of opposing the war against Iraq. A close reading of the data reveals that the familiar reliance of journalists on official sources and interpretations ensured that the national press tended to cast the anti-war movement in Ireland as a danger to both the regional and national economy at a time of seemingly unprecedented prosperity.; (AN 39770580)
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2.

Introducing new datasets on Northern Ireland’s media in the peace process and a test of newsworthiness in times of ‘troubles’ by Armoudian, Maria. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p137-161, 25p; Abstract: To assist researchers studying the relationships between mass media messages and escalating conflict or peace-building, this article introduces two new datasets generated from Belfast, Northern Ireland, during the critical period before the Belfast Peace Agreement’s ratification. The first, the Northern Ireland Media Dataset (NIMD), contains coded data from a stratified, systematic random sample of articles from the three daily newspapers plus available articles from two paramilitary-related publications. The second, the Northern Ireland Community Relations Dataset (NICRD), resulted from merging one existing database – the Northern Ireland section of the Global Terrorism Database from the University of Maryland (College Park) – with the University of Ulster’s Chronology of the Conflict and coding the combined data for new variables that signify degrees of antagonism, non-antagonism, or peace-building. The latter set contains significant events, such as acts of violence, demonstrations, ceasefires, elections and peace rallies. Together and with other datasets, the NIMD and NICRD help researchers analyze and measure different aspects of mass media messages in either the escalation of violence or building peace in one conflict region. As a small showcase of the data, the research tests one hypothesis of newsworthiness in times of conflict and peacemaking, demonstrating that news norms of drama, conflict and events favor coverage of political parties like Sinn Fein, which used these norms to become the most covered political party during this time.; (AN 39770584)
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3.

Media coverage and the escalation of militarized interstate disputes, 1992–2001 by Miller, Ross A; Bokemper, Scott E. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p162-179, 18p; Abstract: Some international crises – such as the Cuban Missile Crisis – receive widespread media coverage, while others are barely reported at all. Does this matter for the behavior of the dispute participants? Can widespread media coverage change the course of history? The authors’ goal is to assess how varying levels of coverage in elite news sources – The New York Timesand The Timesof London –influence the outcomes of international crises. Their analysis of over 300 dispute dyads indicates that, even after controlling for potential endogeneity and standard explanations of dispute outcomes, higher levels of media exposure make it more likely that targets of threats will escalate crises.; (AN 39770579)
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4.

Edible lies: How Nazi propaganda represented meat to demonise the Jews by Buscemi, Francesco. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p180-197, 18p; Abstract: This article analyses magazines and books of Nazi propaganda representing meat in order to demonise the Jews. Nazism adopted controversial policies on meat. On the one hand, it banned vegetarian associations; on the other hand, Hitler and many Nazi officials professed their vegetarianism. Moreover, Nazi Animal Protection Law protected animals from the same tortures that the Nazis inflicted in the concentration camps. The article draws on Bauman’s theory that Nazism may be understood through the opposition purity/impurity, and on Gambrill‘s propaganda studies. Moreover, it is based on Elias’s Civilising Process and on Fullbrook’s ‘uncivilising process’. Finally, it focuses on other studies on Nazism and on ancient myths on animals revived by the Nazis. Qualitative propaganda and semiotic analysis focuses on Jews dealing with producing, selling and eating meat. Magazines and books have been sampled according to maximum variation strategy, and therefore this study focuses on a great variety of propagandistic images and texts. Results show that propaganda targeted the Jewish slaughterers, dealers, butchers and eaters in order to represent them as involved in the uncivilising process. In the end, meat contributed to the representation of the Jew as ‘impure’. Related to this, blood is overrepresented and is often part of a code of violence that depicts the Jew as separate from the rest of the world, as threatening the German civilising process and, again, as impure. Moreover, the symbolic meat eating contributed to the fabrication of the legend of the Jews as human flesh eaters. Finally, propaganda for children conveyed the Nazi criminal message more directly than any other form.; (AN 39770581)
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5.

How to warn: ‘Outside-in warnings’ of Western governments about violent conflict and mass atrocities by Meyer, Christoph O.; Otto, Florian. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p198-216, 19p; Abstract: The literature on the warning-response gap in conflict prevention over-emphasizes political will as the crucial variable, whereas warning is not considered problematic. This article makes the case for distinguishing more clearly signs and indications from actual warnings. Furthermore the article argue that the quality of warnings matters for achieving at least partial persuasive success with decision-makers. The article identify key factors limiting or enhancing warning impact, focusing on source credibility, message content and communication mode. They argue that warning communicators need to take credibility problems more seriously, invest more time in identifying, understanding and building relationships with the most relevant recipients and tailor warnings accordingly in terms of content, timing and communication mode. If organizations lack the capacity to provide credible prescriptions on how to act, they should concentrate on high quality reporting to enhance rather than damage their credibility.; (AN 39770578)
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6.

Book review: Disruptive Power: The Crisis of the State in the Digital Age and The Real Cyber War: The Political Economy of Internet Freedom by Maréchal, Nathalie. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p217-222, 6p; (AN 39770582)
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7.

Book review: Strategic Narratives, Public Opinion, and War: Winning Domestic Support for the Afghan War by Colley, Thomas. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p222-224, 3p; (AN 39770583)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 22, no. 2, April 2017

Record Results
1. Political mistrust in southern Europe since the Great Recession by Muro, Diego; Vidal, Guillem. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p197-217, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political effects of the Great Recession on southern Europe were substantial. The rapid economic deterioration of Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain from 2008 onwards was accompanied by an increase in citizens’ dissatisfaction towards national political institutions. The sources of political mistrust in the southern periphery were of a political and economic nature. Using quantitative data from EU member states from 2000 to 2015, this paper evaluates the suitability of competing theories in explaining this shift in political attitudes in southern European countries. It first hypothesizes that political mistrust is explained by citizens’ rationalist evaluations of changing macroeconomic performance. It also hypothesizes that political mistrust changes according to institutional performance. The paper argues that economic crises act as an external shock that places politics, politicians and institutions in the spotlight as a result of citizens’ deteriorating performance of the economy. The findings suggest that unemployment, public debt and political corruption are key variables in understanding short-term changes in political mistrust.; (AN 41677813)
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2. Blurring the borders between old and new social movements: the M15 movement and the radical unions in Spain by Roca, Beltran; Diaz-Parra, Iban. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p218-237, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the relationships between the M15 movement and radical labour organizations in Spain. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it concludes that to the extent that the economic crisis has evolved, the relations between the M15 and the trade unions have moved from mistrust to convergence. This is especially evident in the case of radical trade unionism with which the M15 shares several features. Although the M15 has been studied as an example of a ‘new social movement’, recent changes suggest certain shifts in relation to the type of activated subject and to the motivating factors for collective action. One of the consequences of this is the closeness to the institutions of the workers’ movement, which blurs the borders between old and new social movements.; (AN 41677814)
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3. Relations with North Africa: a new priority in Portuguese bilateral foreign policy? by Pinto Arena, Maria do Céu. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p238-256, 19p; Abstract: AbstractPortugal has remained quite distant from coastal North African states for many centuries. Having recently emerged as a prominent player across North Africa, Portugal’s current relationship with the Maghreb countries is unprecedented in its history. Lisbon has invested in building the Maghreb axis as a ‘new priority’ in the architecture of Portugal’s bilateral foreign policy. This policy already took off, and is now beyond the rhetorical plan, where it stood for many years. Portugal and its partner countries across the Mediterranean have reiterated their willingness to keep up with the positive momentum, especially from the past 10 years, deepening bilateral political dialogue and bolstering trade relations. This article puts Portuguese relations with North Africa into context and offers an up-to-date analysis on recent (and ongoing) developments in Luso‒Maghreb relations.; (AN 41677816)
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4. The Israeli collective memory and the Masada Syndrome: a political instrument to counter the EU funding of Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations by Harpaz, Guy; Jacobsen, Elisha. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p257-277, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe EU’s practice of funding Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations (hereinafter ‘HRNGOs’) has in recent years encountered a counter-strategy, pursued by certain Israeli NGOs and members of the Israeli government, media and academia. This counter-strategy has succeeded in discrediting the HRNGOs and the EU and rendering their mutual collaboration less effective. The purpose of this article is to contextualize the counter-strategy within the sphere of Israel’s collective memory. The article analyses the manner in which certain politicians and various members of the Israeli society (agents of memory), who themselves are the product of the evolving Israeli collective memory and identity (structure), attempt to draw on Israel’s collective memory/structure in order to advance their particular political agenda.; (AN 41677817)
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5. Major rulings of the European Court of Human Rights on Cyprus: the impact of politics by Türkmen, Füsun; Öktem, Emre. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p278-300, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has so far issued six major judgments on Cyprus concerning the ongoing consequences of Turkey’s military intervention of 1974. Starting with the Loizidou case (1995, 1996), the rulings of the court on Cyprus v. Turkey (2001), Demades v. Turkey (2003), Eugenia Michaelidou v. Turkey (2003), Xenides-Arestis v. Turkey (2005), and Demopulos and others v. Turkey (2011) have mostly been criticized for their ‘politicized’ legal content, including by some of the judges of the ECtHR itself, through their dissenting opinions. This article attempts to demonstrate the – not always negative ‒ impact of specific political developments on the court’s rulings as well as on the attitudes of the states parties before the court, as a result of this interaction.; (AN 41677815)
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6. Still a Beacon of Human Rights? Considerations on the EU Response to the Refugee Crisis in the Mediterranean by Barbulescu, Roxana. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p301-308, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe European Union is a political union of democracies which protects human rights and presents itself as a beacon of human rights on the global scene. This Profile reviews the measures the EU has introduced in response to the crisis and highlights the problems they pose from a human rights perspective. Overall, a set of five measures were adopted: (1) improving search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean and the Aegean in order to prevent loss of human lives at sea; (2) initiating military intervention to tackle networks of smugglers; (3) introducing resettlement and relocation quotas to alleviate pressure on the EU member states which serve as entry points (Italy, Greece and Hungary) and from the countries neighbouring Syria (primarily Turkey); (4) creating a common list of safe countries to facilitate and speed up the return of failed asylum seekers and undocumented migrants; and finally (5) strengthening cooperation with countries of origin and transit to readmit migrants and to tighten border controls. Whether the EU will be able to respond to the unfolding crisis by providing international protection to those in need while simultaneously securing its external borders will be a yardstick by which to judge its human rights commitment.; (AN 41677821)
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7. Participatory Democracy in Southern Europe: Causes, Characteristics and Consequences by Rak, Joanna. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p309-311, 3p; (AN 41677820)
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8. Le Hamas et le monde by Brenner, Björn. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p311-314, 4p; (AN 41677818)
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9. Revolutionary Egypt: connecting domestic and international struggles by Malfait, Seppe. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p314-315, 2p; (AN 41677819)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 27, no. 1, 2016

Record

Results

1.

From the Editor by Pagedas, Constantine A.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p1-4, 4p; (AN 38505859)
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2.

The Mediterranean's Future in an Age of Uncertainty by Engelke, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p5-21, 17p; Abstract: As tempting as it is to forecast the Mediterranean's future through the bleak lens of its present, it is unwise to do so. Over and again throughout history, writing the future through the linear extrapolation of contemporary trends has proven foolish. This essay identifies the most critical socioeconomic, political, ecological, and geopolitical drivers of change that together will shape the Mediterranean's future. It analyzes the possible impacts of three major trends (demographic imbalance, ongoing empowerment, and rising natural resource stresses) and three critical uncertainties (the future of collective identity, the role of distant global powers, and economic turbulence).; (AN 38505856)
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3.

Europe and Its Seas in the Twenty-First Century by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p22-29, 8p; Abstract: While Europe is normally viewed through the prism of the great Eurasian landmass, the continent is absolutely dependent on the global maritime domain for commerce, resources, energy extraction, and security. Today Europe faces a number of maritime challenges, ranging from uncontrolled immigration across the Mediterranean to a newly assertive Russia that expresses its ambitions at sea. Europe has so far not formulated a comprehensive approach to the maritime domain and has responded to challenges in a reactionary fashion. Europe must now, however, devise strategies and approaches that can help safeguard European interests at sea.; (AN 38505857)
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4.

From Karamanlis to Tsipras: The Greek Debt Crisis through Historical and Political Perspectives by Bistis, George. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p30-54, 25p; Abstract: The year 2015 started with a great promise for austerity-harmed people in Greece, but within a few months the promise began to fade as reality sunk in. It was a year that the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) achieved a historic electoral triumph in Greece. SYRIZA came to power promising to end the austerity era. However, from its first days in office, the new government realized that keeping this promise would be a far greater challenge than winning the election. Cancelation of the austerity measures required renegotiation of Greece's bailout loans, loans that were conditional on Greece's implementation of these measures. Given that the European lenders had their reasons for setting things up this way, it was not long before Greece's strong anti-austerity drive set the country on a collision course with the eurozone. The negotiations between the two sides are examined in this essay through the perspective of Greece's half-century-long relationship with the European Union and against a backdrop of personal observations and comment, relevant public sentiments, and critical events defining each period discussed.; (AN 38505858)
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5.

The Greek Economic Crisis: Myths, Misperceptions, Truths, and Realities by Catsambas, Thanos. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p55-70, 16p; Abstract: This essay summarizes developments since the outbreak of the Greek economic crisis in 2010 from the perspective of various myths that dominated the public discourse from 2010 to 2016. In the author's view, the perpetuation of these myths, which was partly the result of poor communication policies of the Greek governments, impeded a swifter resolution of the crisis. The analysis is based on the author's personal experiences while he served as an alternate executive director of the International Monetary Fund representing Greece from January 2012 to July 2015.; (AN 38505860)
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6.

Urban Renewal Projects and Democratic Capacities of Citizens by Tepe, Sultan. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p71-96, 26p; Abstract: Many of the urban renewal projects (URPs) in consolidating democracies are not market-led projects but rather projects initiated by the state and implemented by the private sector. Promising to improve urban poor regions with URPs poses unique challenges and opportunities to residents, yet their microfoundations and the impact on citizens remain largely unexplored. Tracing the ways in which state, economic, and individual factors interact in two drastically different URPs in Istanbul, this resident-centered approach highlights two contradictory patterns: (1) citizens' increasing dependency on the central government and reluctance to protest and (2) the exigency to raise land-based demands beyond the confines of elections. Together these introduce URP residents as a new critical urban force in their respective democracies.; (AN 38505862)
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7.

Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Nile River: The Continuing Dispute by Lawson, Fred H.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p97-121, 25p; Abstract: Recent studies of Egypt's long-standing dispute with Ethiopia over the distribution of the waters of the Nile River assume that the adoption of the Nile Basin Initiative in 1999 heralded a sharp turn toward regional conciliation and harmony. This assumption is unwarranted, given Cairo's insistence that its “historic rights” to the Nile be preserved and the belligerent response by Egyptian politicians to Ethiopia's inauguration of the Millennium Project in the spring of 2013. A careful survey of recent relations between the two states demonstrates that the dispute retains a high potential for severe conflict.; (AN 38505861)
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8.

Is the American Century Over? by Ahrari, Ehsan M.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p122-125, 4p; (AN 38505863)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p7-8, 2p; (AN 41392105)
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2.

Tahrir Square, From Place to Space: The Geography of Representation by Bar’el, Zvi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p9-22, 14p; Abstract: Abstract:Due to its role in the Egyptian Revolution, Tahrir Square in Cairo became synonymous with the Arab Spring. During the protests it was transformed from a physical place into a symbolic space and then into an abstract space. This article follows the stages of the square’s transformation and aims to expose the implications that this transformation has on public discourse and on the political legitimacy that abstract spaces might bestow on regimes in general, and particularly in Egypt.; (AN 41391805)
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3.

The Idea of the Civil State in Egypt: Its Evolution and Political Impact following the 2011 Revolution by Lavie, Limor. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p23-44, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:The model of the “civil state” (dawla madaniyya) occupies a central place in the public debate over the character of Egypt following the January 25 Revolution of 2011. The demand to establish a civil state was ostensibly shared by all the political currents in Egypt. However, when these currents attempted to set out agreed-upon guidelines for Egypt’s future, it soon became clear that they were far from a consensus, and that defining the civil state was at the heart of the controversy. This article examines the roots of this concept in Western political philosophy, tracing its evolution in Egypt from its first appearance in the beginning of the 20th century until the recent debate on its inclusion in Article 1 of the 2014 constitution.; (AN 41392008)
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4.

The Islamic Da‘wa Party and the Mobilization of Iraq’s Shi‘i Community, 1958–1965 by Alaaldin, Ranj. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p45-65, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:Based on extensive field research and primary source material, this article analyzes the history of the Islamic Da‘wa Party and its emergence as a sociopolitical movement. It looks at the party’s impact on Iraq’s Shi‘i community. In doing so, it argues that it was with the advent of the party and the 1960s period that Iraq’s traditionally heterogeneous Shi‘i community became increasingly communalized and collectively mobilized.; (AN 41392080)
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5.

The Military and the State in Iran: The Economic Rise of the Revolutionary Guards by Forozan, Hesam; Shahi, Afshin. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p67-86, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is a multilayered political, ideological, and security institution that has steadily acquired an increasing role in Iran’s economy in recent years. This article analyzes the growing economic and business involvement of the IRGC in the broader context of Iranian state-society relations in general, and its civil-military dynamics in particular. More specifically, we look at the political and socioeconomic processes within which the IRGC operates at the interrelated levels of the state and society. This analysis sets out the framework based on which we examine the IRGC’s increasing power in the course of its engagements and various conflicts in both political and societal arenas, in particular its economic expansion under Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency. This article concludes by discussing the implications of the IRGC’s rise on the economic policy of the government under President Hassan Rouhani.; (AN 41392039)
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6.

The Logic and Illogic of an Israeli Unilateral Preventive Strike on Iran by Merom, Gil. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p87-110, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:The Israeli political leadership has invested massively in preparing a credible preventive strike option on Iran’s nuclear program. The article assesses this option in the context of Israel’s operational acumen and strategic preferences. It points out to a critical gap between the capacity to achieve the operational objectives and the strategic utility of a preventive strike. It then discusses the logical fallacies underlying Israeli leaders’ explanations of how this gap would be overcome, assessing the potential downsides of a strike.; (AN 41391939)
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7.

Chronology: July 16, 2016 – October 15, 2016 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p111-146, 36p; (AN 41392144)
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8.

Five Inauguration Days: The US and the Middle East by Clarke, Richard A.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p147-154, 8p; (AN 41392110)
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9.

The Fall of Heaven: The Pahlavis and the Final Days of Imperial Iranby Andrew Scott Cooper (review) by Alvandi, Roham. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p155-156, 2p; (AN 41392068)
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10.

Dwelling in Conflict: Negev Landscapes and the Boundaries of Belongingby Emily McKee (review) by Dinero, Steven C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p156-158, 3p; (AN 41391978)
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11.

Kuwait Transformed: A History of Oil and Urban Lifeby Farah Al-Nakib (review) by Roberts, David B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p158-159, 2p; (AN 41391844)
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12.

Spheres of Intervention: US Foreign Policy and the Collapse of Lebanon, 1967–1976by James R. Stocker (review) by Ellis, Kail C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p159-160, 2p; (AN 41391954)
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13.

Political Rationale and International Consequences of the War in Libyaed. by Dag Henriksen and Ann Karin Larssen (review) by St John, Ronald Bruce. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p161-162, 2p; (AN 41391996)
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14.

Men of Capital: Scarcity and Economy in Mandate Palestineby Sherene Seikaly (review) by Nadan, Amos. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p162-163, 2p; (AN 41392101)
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15.

Palestine Investigated: The Criminal Investigation Department of the Palestine Police Force, 1920–1948by Eldad Harouvi (review) by Hughes, Matthew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 41391848)
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16.

An Intellectual History of Turkish Nationalism: Between Turkish Ethnicity and Islamic Identityby Umut Uzer (review) by Benam, Cigdem. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p165-166, 2p; (AN 41391828)
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17.

Oil Booms and Business Busts: Why Resource Wealth Hurts Entrepreneurs in the Developing Worldby Nimah Mazaheri (review) by Wright, Steven. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p167-168, 2p; (AN 41391834)
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18.

Reporting in the MENA Region: Cyber Engagement and Pan-Arab Social Mediaby Mohammad Ayish and Noha Mellor, and: The Naked Blogger of Cairo: Creative Insurgency in the Arab Worldby Marwan M. Kraidy (review) by Monier, Elizabeth. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p168-170, 3p; (AN 41392136)
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19.

Field Notes: The Making of Middle East Studies in the United Statesby Zachary Lockman (review) by Anderson, Lisa. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p171-172, 2p; (AN 41392137)
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20.

Us versus Them: The United States, Radical Islam, and the Rise of the Green Threatby Douglas Little (review) by Carle, Glenn L.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p172-174, 3p; (AN 41391850)
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21.

Lawrence of Arabia’s War: The Arabs, the British and the Remaking of the Middle East in WWIby Neil Faulkner (review) by Calvert, John. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p174-175, 2p; (AN 41391821)
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22.

Britain in the Middle East, 1619–1971by Robert T. Harrison (review) by Bishku, Michael B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p176-177, 2p; (AN 41391888)
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23.

Salafi-Jihadism: The History of an Ideaby Shiraz Maher (review) by Wagemakers, Joas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p177-179, 3p; (AN 41391966)
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24.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p180-184, 5p; (AN 41391835)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 24, no. 1, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41556957)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p3-4, 2p; (AN 41556955)
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3.

U.S. Commitments in the Middle East: Advice to the Trump Administration by Chollet, Derek; Sullivan, Jake; Simes, Dimitri; Long, Mary Beth. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p5-34, 30p; (AN 41556959)
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4.

Syria and Its Neighbors: Chatham House Special Section by Phillips, Christopher. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p35-35, 1p; (AN 41556960)
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5.

Eyes Bigger than Stomachs: Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in Syria by Phillips, Christopher. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p36-47, 12p; (AN 41556948)
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6.

Syria's Spillover on Iraq: State Resilience by Natali, Denise. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p48-61, 14p; (AN 41556947)
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7.

The Syrian War: Spillover Effects on Lebanon by Salloukh, Bassel F.. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p62-78, 17p; (AN 41556950)
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8.

Sowing Division: Kurds in the Syrian War by Kaya, Zeynep; Whiting, Matthew. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p79-91, 13p; (AN 41556949)
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9.

Social Change, Network Formation and Syria's War Economies by Abboud, Samer. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p92-107, 16p; (AN 41556952)
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10.

Israel, Palestine and Nonterritorial Governance: A Reconfigured Status Quo by Deets, Stephen. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p108-128, 21p; (AN 41556954)
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11.

The GCC and the Muslim Brotherhood: What Does the Future Hold? by Hedges, Matthew; Cafiero, Giorgio. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p129-153, 25p; (AN 41556953)
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12.

Qatar's LNG: Impact of the Changing East‐Asian Market by Wright, Steven. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p154-165, 12p; (AN 41556951)
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13.

The Field of Fight: How to Win the Global War against Radical Islam and Its Allies by Norton, Augustus Richard. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p166-170, 5p; (AN 41556956)
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14.

Trouble in the Tribe: The American Jewish Conflict over Israel by Rubner, Michael. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p170-173, 4p; (AN 41556958)
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15.

The New Arab Wars by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p173-178, 6p; (AN 41556946)
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16.

Review Essay: T.E. Lawrence by Gearon, Eamonn. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p178-181, 4p; (AN 41556945)
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14

Millennium
Volume 45, no. 2, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Neuroscience and War: Human Enhancement, Soldier Rehabilitation, and the Ethical Limits of Dual-use Frameworks by Howell, Alison. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p133-150, 18p; Abstract: Recent breakthroughs in neuroscience have led to increasing concern about its uses in warfare. This article challenges the primacy of dual-use frameworks for posing ethical questions concerning the role of neuroscience in national security. It brings together three fields – critical war studies, bio-ethics, and the history of medicine – to argue that such frameworks too starkly divide ‘good’ and ‘bad’ military uses of neurotechnology, thus focusing on the degradation of human capacities without sufficiently accounting for human enhancement and soldier rehabilitation. It illustrates this through the emergence of diagnoses of Traumatic Brain Injury and Polytrauma in the context of post-9/11 counterinsurgency wars. The article proposes an alternative approach, highlighting the historical co-production and homology of modern war and medicine so as to grapple with how war shapes neuroscience, but also how neuroscience shapes war. The article suggests new routes for thinking through the connections between war, society, science, and technology, proposing that we cease analysis that assumes any fundamental separation between military and civilian life.; (AN 41355982)
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2.

Approaches to Concept Analysis by Berenskoetter, Felix. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p151-173, 23p; Abstract: This article takes as its point of departure Stefano Guzzini’s recent call for ‘ontological theorizing’ as a reflexive engagement with central concepts. In an attempt to advance this agenda, the article presents an accessible overview of different approaches to concept analysis to stake out the field for a discussion of what ontological theorising might entail. The article advances the notion of concepts as ‘basic’ and lays out the parameters through which they obtain meaning, followed by a discussion of three approaches, which tackle the multifaceted nature of basic concepts within and across different contexts. These approaches are labelled ‘historical’, ‘scientific’ and ‘political(critical)’ and presented through the work of Reinhart Koselleck, Giovanni Sartori and Michel Foucault, respectively. The article notes that concept analysis, as discussed here, stands in tension with modern forms of theory building yet is a creative source for theorising that accepts the unstable, political and context-bound nature of ontology.; (AN 41355987)
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3.

The Structure of Feeling – Emotion Culture and National Self-Sacrifice in World Politics by Koschut, Simon. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p174-192, 19p; Abstract: Why do individuals sacrifice themselves to defend a nation-state? This article emphasises the link between emotion and culture by investigating the affective reproduction of culture in world politics. Building on the tradition of Émile Durkheim, it introduces the concept of emotion culture to IR. Emotion cultures are understood as the culture-specific complex of emotion vocabularies, feeling rules, and beliefs about emotions and their appropriate expression that facilitates the cultural construction of political communities, such as the nation-state. It is argued that emotions provide a socio-psychological mechanism by which culture moves individuals to defend a nation-state, especially in times of war. By emotionally investing in the cultural structure of a nation-state, the individual aligns him/herself with a powerful cultural script, which then dominates over other available scripts. The argument is empirically illustrated by the case of the so-called Japanese kamikazepilots.; (AN 41355991)
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4.

Review Article: International Political Theory Today by Brown, Chris. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p193-200, 8p; Abstract: The four books under review offer very different takes on the nature of International Political Theory, but still display certain, cross-cutting, similarities. The books under review are:Jack L. Amoureux, A Practice of Ethics for Global Politics: Ethical Reflexivity(London: Routledge, 2016, 268pp. £90).Michael W. Doyle, The Question of Intervention: John Stuart Mill & the Responsibility to Protect(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015, 272pp. £58.99).Renée Jeffery, Reason and Emotion in International Ethics(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014, 252pp. £69.99).Michael Walzer, The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015, 172pp. £16.99).; (AN 41355981)
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5.

Introduction: The Aesthetic Turn at 15 (Legacies, Limits and Prospects) by Hozić, Aida A.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p201-205, 5p; (AN 41355989)
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6.

Recognising, and Realising, the Promise of The Aesthetic Turn by Steele, Brent J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p206-213, 8p; (AN 41355990)
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7.

Aesthetics, Ethics, and Visual Research in the Digital Age: ‘Undone in the Face of the Otter’ by Shepherd, Laura J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p214-222, 9p; (AN 41355986)
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8.

Aesthetic International Political Economy by Belfrage, Claes; Gammon, Earl. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p223-232, 10p; (AN 41355985)
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9.

Re-Thinking (Post) Communism after The Aesthetic Turn: Art and Politics in The Romanian Context by Pusca, Anca. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p233-240, 8p; (AN 41355983)
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10.

The Art of Losing (In) the International by Choi, Shine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p241-248, 8p; (AN 41355988)
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11.

Thinking Like an Artist-Researcher about War by Gibbon, Jill; Sylvester, Christine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p249-257, 9p; (AN 41355984)
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12.

In Search of Thinking Space: Reflections on the Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory by Bleiker, Roland. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p258-264, 7p; (AN 41355992)
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15

Orbis
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 40813866)
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2.

National Security Challenges by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-12, 9p; Abstract: The most important national security challenge for the next president will be rebuilding a domestic consensus on America's role in the world. Unless the president can answer fundamental questions voters are asking, she or he will be hobbled in foreign policy. Only having done that can our next president proceed to adopt policies and develop strategies that manage a rising China and a declining Russia, organize countries with common interests to stanch the wildfires burning in the Middle East, and reclaim for our country the international stature that fosters our security and prosperity.; (AN 40813865)
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3.

Understanding the Return of the Jacksonian Tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: The 2016 presidential election demonstrated the rise of a “restraint constituency” in American politics that openly questions Washington's bipartisan post-Cold War pursuit of a grand strategy of primacy or liberal hegemony. This constituency has been animated by the return of the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy, most notably in the candidacy of Donald Trump, which directly questions the benefits of alliance relationships as well as U.S. underwriting of an open global economic system. It also stresses the need for the United States to act unilaterally in defense of its core foreign policy interests. The resurgence of the Jacksonian tradition will make it difficult for the next President to reestablish a foreign policy consensus and combat perceptions of American decline.; (AN 40887735)
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4.

How U.S. National Security Decisions Are Made by Gvosdev, Nikolas K.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p27-33, 7p; Abstract: Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election will bring to the Oval Office a person with no past political experience. Having run on a foreign policy platform that, at times, challenged the established bipartisan orthodoxy in Washington, he must also deal with a Congress which, although nominally dominated by his own political party, is more likely to wish to exercise a close check on the new administration. Given the chill between the Republican party's foreign policy establishment and the President-elect and with the proviso that the new Chief Executive will need to get Senatorial confirmation for his nominees to the top echelons of the executive branch departments, it raises the possibility that the new team will continue with trends already noticeable in the last three presidential administrations: to shift the focal point of decision-making away from the national security bureaucracy and the Cabinet in favor of the “palace” of advisors and White House staff surrounding the president.; (AN 40813882)
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5.

Rethinking Geopolitics; Rebuilding Alliances by Granieri, Ronald J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p34-42, 9p; Abstract: Although the recent presidential campaign did not focus on foreign policy, the new President will confront major international challenges and be expected both to make difficult decisions about ongoing conflicts and chart a course for the future. This essay sketches the international situation at the end of the Obama Administration and suggests a course of realistic engagement that recognizes the limits of American power in defense of national interests.; (AN 40813881)
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6.

Shaping the 21stCentury Military by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: To guide the development of the armed forces’ future, the incoming president will want to offer guidance to the Pentagon on grand strategy and the supporting principles and planning framework to size and shape the joint warfighting force. This strategic direction will be a critical aspect of the initial national security planning effort and will provide guidance as to the number of kinds of wars that the Pentagon must be prepared to deter or win should deterrence fail. This article offers options and guidance for two major components of U.S. defense policy. These are Design Principles and alternative Force Design Constructs. These force constructs are not the strategy itself, but they are the requisite building blocks and guidance which defense policymakers use to shape the desired force and explain that force in its requests for the funding required from the American people.; (AN 40887734)
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7.

The Future U.S. Defense Budget by Schroeder, Wayne A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p64-75, 12p; Abstract: The next president should elevate the role of U.S. defense strategy and planning in the next administration toward the goal of developing a new strategic framework that assumes a long-term defense competition with both Russia and China. This goal will require a thorough overhaul of the resource assumptions of the Obama defense budget and future years defense program. The next Administration should also seek the removal of the resource constraints imposed by the Budget Control Act of 2011. To support a new strategic framework, the United States will have to sustain defense spending at a higher, yet affordable level, for the long term.; (AN 40813880)
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8.

Navigating Russia: Pivots & Resets, Walls & Deals by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p76-82, 7p; Abstract: Russia has proved a confounding counterpart to American political leaders over the past decade. To the veritable Rubik's Cube that is today's complex international security environment, American leaders too often react with simplism. Some seem unable or unwilling to articulate a contemporary doctrine to guide U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism, and other contemporary challenges. Faith in the directional march of capital “H” History or the curative effect of Globalism and like nostrums is a poor substitute for a well explicated statement of American geopolitical interests.; (AN 40753609)
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9.

Managing Sino-American Relations by Dreyer, June Teufel. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p83-90, 8p; Abstract: Past Chinese policy has proved deficient in managing the Sino-American relationship. Your administration should break with past assumptions, cease allowing China to set the agenda, be aware of specious Chinese claims based on distortions of history, avoid using meaningless or misleading terms in speaking of the relationship, be cognizant of the tendency of some China specialists to self-censor, establish clear guidelines for the limits of U.S. tolerance of Chinese behavior, and be prepared to respond forcefully if they are transgressed Be aware that failure to do so will be regarded as acquiescence to Chinese claims and an invitation to advance future claims.; (AN 40753608)
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10.

Responding to China's Rising Sea Power by Yoshihara, Toshi; Holmes, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p91-100, 10p; Abstract: America's next president must embrace risk to cope with rising Chinese sea power. The incoming administration should pivot to the Asia-Pacific more boldly than the Obama administration has. As it does so, Washington must accept risk to its interests and forces to uphold freedom of the sea, and it must impress upon Beijing that infringing on freedom of the sea in the South China Sea or elsewhere carries unacceptable risks for China's interests and forces. Rediscovering the art of imposing risk will let the incoming administration hold that which China treasures at risk, should China persist with its belligerence.; (AN 40850515)
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11.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41122563)
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12.

Advice to the Next President on India and South Asia by Ganguly, Sumit. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p101-108, 8p; Abstract: A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing.; (AN 40850516)
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13.

Revisiting the Iran Nuclear Deal by Kahan, Jerome H.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p109-124, 16p; Abstract: One of Donald Trump's stated priorities when he becomes President is to kill the Nuclear Deal with Iran, one of the key legacies President Barack Obama wishes to leave. This article develops a memorandum for President Obama to consider sending to his successor that proposes a series of steps to be taken, with the support of our negotiating partners, on how to make the deal more supportive of the nation's security interests, avoiding the difficult and dramatic step of pulling out of the agreement. A four-part scenario, triggered by an assumed Iranian abrogation of the deal, is employed as a means of gaining insights for drafting this memo.; (AN 40850519)
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14.

Divining a “Trump Doctrine” by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p125-136, 12p; Abstract: This essay, written before Donald J. Trump's election as 45th President of the United States, sought to divine a “Trump doctrine” on national security and foreign policy, based on what Mr. Trump himself said and wrote over the preceding decades. It shows Mr. Trump's sympathy for a unilateralist (but not the pejorative isolationist of which some charge him) approach to defining American interests and for strategic ambiguity in dealing with America's adversaries. There, in fact, is a sizeable body of material from which to discern the contours of his thinking in these areas, much of it quite prescient. What some find disorientating is that Mr. Trump never felt compelled to synthesize it into a definitive “Trump doctrine,” or at least not one that satisfied the orthodoxy.; (AN 41122556)
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15.

History and Statecraft: A Complicated Marriage by McCormick, Evan D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p137-142, 6p; (AN 40850517)
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16.

The Rise and Fall of the BRICS? by Weber, Yuval. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p143-148, 6p; (AN 40850518)
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17.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41122566)
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