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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- ORBIS

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 63, no. 10, November 2019

Record

Results

1.

Bruce Russett Award for Article of the Year in JCRfor 2018 Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2235-2235, 1p; (AN 51327746)
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2.

Food Resources and Strategic Conflict by Koren, Ore. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2236-2261, 26p; Abstract: A growing number of studies draw linkages between violent conflict and food scarcities. Yet, evidence suggests that within states, conflict revolves around food resources abundance. I develop an explanation for how the competition over food resources conditions the strategic behaviors of three actors: rebels, civilian producers who grow crops, and state forces. Using a statistical-strategic model, I validate my theory at the subnational level on new high specificity spatial data on staple crop access and productivity in Africa for the years 1998 to 2008 (and use the estimates to forecast conflict on out-of-sample data for 2009 to 2010). In line with theoretical expectations, local variations in food productivity have a positive, statistically significant, and substantive effect on the strategic behaviors of different actors. These findings suggest that the imperative for food denial as a microlevel tactic in civil war should be more seriously incorporated into the work of scholars and policy makers.; (AN 50930264)
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3.

Fighting from the Pulpit: Religious Leaders and Violent Conflict in Israel by Freedman, Michael. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2262-2288, 27p; Abstract: Religious leaders greatly influence their constituents’ political behavior. Yet, it is unclear what events trigger nationalist attitudes among religious leaders and why this effect occurs more among some religious leaders rather than others. In this article, I examine the content of Israeli Rabbinic rhetoric during different military and political conflicts. Drawing on an original collection of Sabbath pamphlets distributed to Synagogues, I demonstrate that religious rhetoric is highly responsive to levels of violence for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. I find that religious rhetoric and tone are more nationalist during conflict with the Palestinians and that this effect is mediated by religious ideologies toward the state. In contrast, religious rhetoric does not respond to military conflict in Lebanon or other internal Israeli political conflicts. These findings highlight under what conditions religious leaders infuse conflict with a religious tone, arguably making it harder to gain support for political compromise among the religious public.; (AN 50930462)
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4.

When Civilians Are Attacked: Gender Equality and Terrorist Targeting by Huber, Laura. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2289-2318, 30p; Abstract: While scholars demonstrate a consistent negative relationship between gender equality and violence, the effect of women’s rights on the quality of terrorism and the type of victims targeted remains unexplored. This article introduces a new model of terrorists’ strategic targeting by examining the trade-off between the ease of a civilian-oriented attack and the negative public reaction these attacks invoke. Within this framework, gender equality increases the costs of civilian targeting by inducing public opinion costs. As gender equality increases, the costs of attacking civilians increase relatively more than government-oriented attacks. Using data on domestic terrorism between 1970 and 2007 and a subnational examination of a randomly implemented gender quota in India, this study demonstrates that as gender equality increases, the ratio of civilian-oriented to government-oriented attacks decreases. Overall, this study refines our understanding of terrorists’ strategic targeting and identifies heterogeneity in the Women, Peace, and Security theory.; (AN 50930513)
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5.

Managing Insurgency by Schram, Peter. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2319-2353, 35p; Abstract: Why would an insurgent group turn away foreign fighters who volunteered to fight for its cause? To explain variation in foreign fighter usage, I present a novel perspective on what foreign fighters offer to militant groups. Because foreign fighters possess a different set of preferences from local fighters, integrated teams of foreign and local fighters can self-manage and mitigate the agency problems that are ubiquitous to insurgent groups. However, to create self-managing teams, insurgent leadership must oversee the teams’ formation. When counterinsurgency pressure prevents this oversight, foreign fighters are less useful and the leadership may exclude them. This theory explains variation in foreign fighter use and agency problems within al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI; 2004 to 2010) and the Haqqani Network (2001–2018). Analysis of the targeting of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, AQI’s former leader, further supports the theory, suggesting that leadership targeting inhibited oversight and aggravated agency problems within the group.; (AN 50930447)
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6.

Why Democracy Protests Do Not Diffuse by Brancati, Dawn; Lucardi, Adrián. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2354-2389, 36p; Abstract: One of the primary international factors proposed to explain the geographic and temporal clustering of democracy is the diffusion of democracy protests. Democracy protests are thought to diffuse across countries, primarily, through a demonstration effect, whereby protests in one country cause protests in another based on the positive information that they convey about the likelihood of successful protests elsewhere and, secondarily, through the actions of transnational activists. In contrast to this view, we argue that, in general, democracy protests are not likely to diffuse across countries because the motivation for and the outcome of democracy protests result from domestic processes that are unaffected or undermined by the occurrence of democracy protests in other countries. Our statistical analysis supports this argument. Using daily data on the onset of democracy protests around the world between 1989 and 2011, we find that in this period, democracy protests were not significantly more likely to occur in countries when democracy protests had occurred in neighboring countries, either in general or in ways consistent with the expectations of diffusion arguments.; (AN 51033715)
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7.

Why Some Democracy Protests Do Diffuse by Weyland, Kurt. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2390-2401, 12p; (AN 50930018)
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8.

How Should We Now Conceptualize Protest, Diffusion, and Regime Change? by Hale, Henry E.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2402-2415, 14p; Abstract: Brancati and Lucardi’s findings on the absence of “democracy protest” diffusion across borders raise important questions for the future of protest studies. I argue that this subfield would benefit from a stronger engagement with theory (in general) and from a “patronal politics” perspective (in particular) when it comes to researching protest in non-democratic regimes. This means curtailing a widespread practice of linking the study of protest with the study of democratization, questioning the dominant “contentious politics” framework as commonly conceptualized, and instead focusing more on the central role of patronal network coordination dynamics (especially elite splits) in driving both protest and the potential for regime change. This perspective emphasizes the role of domestically generated succession expectations and public opinion in generating the most meaningful elite splits, and reveals how protests can be important instruments in the resulting power struggles among rival networks. It accounts not only for why democracy protests do not diffuse from neighbor state to neighbor state as per Brancati and Lucardi, but also for the timing and distribution of protests related to the 1989 downfall of communist systems in Europe, the post-Soviet Color Revolutions of 2003-05, the collapse of regimes in the 2011 Arab Spring, and the apparent failure of many other protest attempts to force far-reaching regime change.; (AN 50930480)
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9.

Findings in Search of a Controversy and in Need of More Data by Bunce, Valerie; Wolchik, Sharon L.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2416-2420, 5p; Abstract: Based on their quantitative survey of democracy protests from 1989 to 2011, Dawn Brancati and Adrian Lucardi conclude that diffusion of such protests is the exception, not the rule; that domestic factors rather than international diffusion are key in determining if diffusion occurs and that their findings call into serious question the received wisdom about democratic diffusion. We have several problems with their analysis. First, no serious scholar of diffusion has claimed that the diffusion of subversive innovations supporting democracy is common or frequent, given the difficulties involved. Their conclusion that such diffusion is not common thus echoes, rather than challenges those of many scholars of diffusion. Second, their conclusion that domestic factors are primary in rejecting or sometimes supporting democratic change is also unsurprising. Virtually every empirical account and every theory of cross-national diffusion identify variation in domestic receptivity to change as a key element in determining if diffusion occurs, and its limits. Finally, we question the authors’ decision to limit their analysis of diffusion to protests. Innovative challenges to authoritarian rule have taken many additional forms, including roundtables and legal challenges, as well as voter registration and get out the vote drives, agreements among opposition parties, work by civil society organizations, and participation in transnational networks of democracy activists, in addition to protests. Democracy protests are in fact a small and perhaps unrepresentative part of challenges to authoritarian rule; they are likely the result of a series of innovative actions that are hard to quantify and hard to trace, and for this reason are missing from Brancatii and Lucardi’s analysis. Their analysis, therefore, does not challenge the accepted wisdom on diffusion, but, in fact, lends partial support to its conclusions, support that is limited by the kinds of data collected and the authors’ understanding of both innovation and diffusion.; (AN 50916513)
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10.

The Two-step Model of Clustered Democratization by Houle, Christian; Kayser, Mark A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2421-2437, 17p; Abstract: Does democratization diffuse? For over two decades, numerous studies have asserted that democratization diffuses across countries but recent research has challenged this claim. Most recently, work by Brancati and Lucardi has buttressed this null finding by demonstrating that an oft assumed mechanism for the diffusion of democratization—the diffusion of pro-democracy protests—lacks empirical support. We review this contribution in the context of recent research and pose the question: if democratization does not diffuse, then why does democratization cluster in time and space? The answer, we argue, is that democratization occurs in two steps. First, common shocks, economic or political, lead to regime collapse. Then, diffusion does emerge in a second step: new elites are more likely to install a democracy following a regime collapse if neighboring countries have recently democratized. We present evidence from democratic transitions in 125 autocracies between 1875 and 2014.; (AN 51074191)
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11.

What We (Do Not) Know about the Diffusion of Democracy Protests by Brancati, Dawn; Lucardi, Adrián. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 10 p2438-2449, 12p; (AN 50930451)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 13, no. 4, August 2019

Record

Results

1.

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’ by Veit, Alex. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p401-417, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.; (AN 50906756)
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2.

‘A Real Woman Waits’ – Heteronormative Respectability, Neo-Liberal Betterment and Echoes of Coloniality in SGBV Programming in Eastern DR Congo by Mertens, Charlotte; Myrttinen, Henri. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p418-439, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDrawing on archival and field research, this article critically examines the production and distribution of gender roles and expectations in SGBV programming, in particular in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). We find the underlying currents in some of these programmes reinscribe heteronormativity and focus on individual betterment which resonates with regulating gender and sexuality during colonialism. In some cases, strongly western-inspired norms of individual agency have been introduced, disregarding structural constraints of people’s lives. To conclude, we explore alternative approaches to SGBV prevention, ones in which international approaches are re-defined and vernacularized for local use – but which also at times inform global understandings.; (AN 50906757)
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3.

‘Without Education You Can Never Become President’: Teenage Pregnancy and Pseudo-empowerment in Post-Ebola Sierra Leone by Menzel, Anne. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p440-458, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the emergence of ‘teenage pregnancy’ as a new policy focus in post-Ebola Sierra Leone and explores how Sierra Leoneans interpret the problem of ‘teenage pregnancy’. I argue that the new policy focus is not indicative of changing or new problems. Rather, ‘teenage pregnancy’ has created opportunities for donors and the Government of Sierra Leone to continue cooperation in gender politics. At the same time, Sierra Leoneans are clearly concerned about ‘teenage pregnancy’, and many agree with sensitization campaigns that responsibilize young women and girls while downplaying structural factors that render them vulnerable to arrangements involving transactional sex.; (AN 50906758)
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4.

Creative appropriation: academic knowledge and interventions against sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo by Veit, Alex; Tschörner, Lisa. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p459-479, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent academic research has questioned assumptions about sexual violence in (post-) conflict contexts. Gender norms rather than military decision-making have been found to constitute a major underlying reason for wartime sexual violence. In this contribution, we investigate whether international organisations seeking to prevent sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo have accordingly changed their analytical perspectives and modified policies and programming. We find that many, but not all, such organisations creatively appropriate new academic work in their policy and project documents. However, incentives for continuity in the humanitarian field have slackened the pace of any substantive practical changes.; (AN 50906759)
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5.

Minustah’s Legitimacy and the ‘Security-first’ Approach: Reassessing Statebuilding and its Violent Features in the Case of Haiti by dos Santos Parra, Mariana. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p480-502, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article aims to reassess the statebuilding endeavour of international interveners in the case of Haiti, from an interpretative and socio-historical perspective. First, the article analyses the existing critical literature on statebuilding and the growing literature on peacebuilding and legitimacy. Second, it introduces the case of Haiti, analysing the process of state formation and the production of the present conditions in the country. It then presents an assessment of Minustah, arguing that the lack of a local source of legitimacy, connected to a ‘security-first’ statebuilding approach, led the intervention to reinforce the predatory and undemocratic logics of Haitian politics.; (AN 50906760)
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6.

Institutionalized Intervention: The ‘Bunker Politics’ of International Aid in Afghanistan by Weigand, Florian; Andersson, Ruben. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p503-523, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfghanistan has come to be seen as emblematic of the security threats besetting peace and security operations, and in this article we consider the response to such threats via the ‘bunkering’ of international staff. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative survey with aid and peacebuilding officials in Kabul, we illustrate how seemingly mundane risk management procedures have negative consequences for intervening institutions; for the relation between interveners and national actors; and for the purpose of intervention itself. Bunkering, we argue, is deeply political – ‘imprisoning’ staff behind ramparts while generating an illusion of presence and control for ill-conceived modes of international intervention.; (AN 50906761)
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7.

Counting Male Victims, Recognizing Women Rapists and Revisiting Assumptions about Conflict-Related Sexual Violence by Hagen, Jamie J.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p524-530, 7p; (AN 50906762)
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8.

Fig Leaves, Paradoxes and Hollow Hopes – The Politics (and Antipolitics) of Protecting Human Rights by Royer, Christof. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, August 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 4 p531-537, 7p; (AN 50906763)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 18, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

The Ethics of Thirteen by Cook, James. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p73-74, 2p; (AN 50797236)
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2.

One Minute in Haditha: Ethics and Non-Conscious Decision-Making by Mullaney, Kevin; Regan, Mitt. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p75-95, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn November 2005, U.S. Marine Sergeant Frank Wuterich fired on and killed five unarmed Iraqi men standing by a car near the site of an improvised explosive device explosion (IED) in Haditha, Iraq. Moments earlier, the IED had destroyed a vehicle in the convoy that Wuterich led, killing one of the men in it. This article argues that analyzing Wuterich's conduct as a rapid non-conscious response captured by the model of Recognition-Primed Decision-Making (RPD) allows us to reconstruct his implicit decision-making in ways that provide insight into psychological processes that may operate during combat. Emerging research in neuroscience suggests that RPD in situations with moral significance involves a complex neural computational process in which emotion plays a powerful role. This article maintains that incorporating these insights can provide greater understanding of the moral psychology of behavior in combat, and may help guide military-ethics training for asymmetric conflicts that pose difficult significant challenges in distinguishing combatants from civilians.; (AN 50797237)
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3.

US-American Intervention in Europe: Morality, Justice, and Freedom in World War II Cinema by Prorokova, Tatiana. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p96-109, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the American intervention in Nazi-oppressed Europe during World War II and the way in which this intervention is represented in film. Examining the visual and cinematic aesthetics of Saving Private Ryanand the mini-series Band of Brothers, the article seeks to demonstrate how film has responded to US intervention overseas. It is argued that the need to liberate Europe from the evil Otherstands forth as the main, heavily moralized purpose of US military intrusion in the film and the mini-series being analyzed. To shore up this speculation, the author considers other films on the topic, namely, The Longest Day(1962) and Shutter Island(2009). The author claims that the scenes in the concentration camps that are crucial in Band of Brothersand Shutter Islandhave an ethical function, i.e. they justify US intervention in the foreign territory. Additionally, the article provides a brief overview of Playing for Time(1980), Schindler’s List(1993), The Devil’s Arithmetic(1999), The Grey Zone(2001), as well as the mini-series Holocaust(1978).; (AN 50797238)
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4.

How Is a Man to Decide? Unjust Combatants, Duress and McMahan’s Killing in War by Deakin, Stephen. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p110-128, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTJeff McMahan’s much-discussed work Killing in Waris an important part of the revisionist school of just war studies. This paper avoids discussion of McMahan’s use of human rights and examines the practical consequences of his argument about duress on soldiers to fight an unjust war. These arguments are found to be wanting and to be impractical ones that do not fit battlefield realities. The importance of the Law of Armed Conflict and the legal equality of combatants that is part of it is emphasised and accepted as the most practical way of regulating battlefield behaviour and saving lives. It is concluded that attempts to tell soldiers what to do when they may be fighting an unjust war add to their burdens and are misplaced.; (AN 50797239)
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5.

Whistleblowing in the Irish Military: The Cost of Exposing Bullying and Sexual Harassment by Flynn, Grace; Hogan, John; Feeney, Sharon. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p129-144, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhistleblowing has gained increasing media attention over the past 40 years, as incidents of abuse and wrongdoing associated with businesses, religious institutions, the media and politics have come to light. In this article, we investigate the consequences of a military whistleblower’s actions for both himself and the military institution that he was a part of. The case concerns former army officer Dr. Tom Clonan and his findings concerning the bullying and sexual harassment of female personnel in the Irish Defence Forces at the turn of the century. As these revelations came to light over 17 years ago we are able to examine their consequences for the military since that time.; (AN 50797240)
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6.

Measuring Military Professionalism in Partner Nations: Guidance for Security Assistance Officials by Paterson, Pat. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p145-163, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe U.S. spends billions of dollars in its security cooperation program to develop “professional, accountable, and capable security forces” in other nations, part of a grand strategy to improve global stability and counter violent extremism. Despite its great investment in professionalizing foreign militaries, however, the U.S. has no functional definition of military professionalism – a term that until now has been considered too vague and multi-faceted to operationalize. In this article, the author seeks to remedy this oversight, drawing from twenty years of security cooperation fieldwork in Latin America and Africa, as well as a vigorous literature review, to define four important components of military professionalism: (1) formal military education and vocational training, (2) military subordination to elected civilian officials, (3) knowledge and practice of the law of armed conflict and human rights law, and (4) a clearly established program of professional military ethics. This article provides guidelines for U.S. and European officials who work with partner nations to develop more professional military forces and, in particular, for officials managing security assistance programs with developing countries.; (AN 50797241)
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7.

The Shadow War: Inside Russia’s and China’s Secret Operations to Defeat America by Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p164-164, 1p; (AN 50797242)
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8.

Army of None: Autonomous Weapons and the Future of War by Lim, Daniel; Liu, Runya. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2019, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p165-167, 3p; (AN 50797243)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 56, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Conflict negotiations and rebel leader selection by Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher; Sawyer, Katherine. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p619-634, 16p; Abstract: The international community often calls for negotiations in civil wars. Yet, we have limited understanding of when and why specific rebels enter into negotiations. The emergence of a new leader in a rebel group can provide an opportunity for the state seeking to end war, but this is conditional on how leaders take power. Rebel leaders who come to power through a local selection process (such as an election) provide information to the state about the likely cohesion of the rebel group. This affects state perceptions of the viability of a rebel group as a bargaining partner in civil war negotiations. Using original data on rebel leaders in civil wars, we show that new leaders coming to power through a local selection process are more likely to get to the negotiating table than leaders coming to power in other ways. We find that the election of a rebel group leader has a particularly strong and positive effect on the chance of getting to the table. Rebel leaders that founded their own group or brought together disparate rebels to create a single group are less likely to get to the negotiating table. This article advances our understanding of conflict dynamics by offering a novel argument of rebel leader ascension and its impact on conflict bargaining and has critical implications for parties external to the conflict interested in conflict resolution. External actors seeking to facilitate lasting peace may benefit from observing patterns of rebel leadership.; (AN 50788498)
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2.

Ideology and armed conflict by Leader Maynard, Jonathan. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p635-649, 15p; Abstract: A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of ‘true believers’ at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies’ influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity, and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and pre-existing ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology’s role in armed conflict.; (AN 50788505)
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3.

Conquering and coercing: Nonviolent anti-regime protests and the pathways to democracy by Kim, Nam Kyu; Kroeger, Alex M. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p650-666, 17p; Abstract: Recent research finds an association between nonviolent protests and democratic transitions. However, existing scholarship either does not specify the pathways through which nonviolent protests bring about democratization or conduct systematic empirical analyses demonstrating that the specified pathways are operative. This article proposes four pathways through which nonviolent anti-regime protests encourage democratic transitions, emphasizing their ability to directly conquer or indirectly coerce such transitions. Most simply, they can conquer democratic reforms by directly overthrowing authoritarian regimes and installing democracies. They can also coerce democratic reforms through three additional pathways. Nonviolent anti-regime protests can coerce incumbent elites into democratic reforms by threatening the survival of authoritarian regimes. They also increase the likelihood of elite splits, which promote negotiated democratic reforms. Finally, they encourage leadership change within the existing authoritarian regime. Following leadership change, nonviolent movements remain mobilized and are able to coerce democratic concessions from the regime’s new leaders. Our within-regime analyses provide robust empirical support for each pathway. We show that nonviolent anti-regime protests conquer democratic reforms by ousting autocratic regimes and replacing them with democracies. Nonviolent anti-regime protests also coerce elites into democratic reforms by threatening regime and leader survival. These findings highlight the importance of protest goals and tactics and also that nonviolent anti-regime protests have both direct and indirect effects on democratization.; (AN 50788499)
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4.

Do they know something we don’t? Diffusion of repression in authoritarian regimes by Olar, Roman-Gabriel. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p667-681, 15p; Abstract: The use of repressive strategies by authoritarian regimes received a great deal of attention in the literature, but most explanations treat repression as the product of domestic events and factors. However, the similarity in repressive actions during the Arab Spring or the intense collaboration in dissident disappearances between the military regimes of Latin America indicate a transnational dimension of state repression and authoritarian interdependence that has gone largely understudied. The article develops a theory of diffusion of repression between autocracies between institutionally and experientially similar autocracies. It proposes that the high costs of repression and its uncertain effect on dissent determines autocracies to adjust their levels of repression based on information and knowledge obtained from their peers. Autocracies’ own experience with repression can offer suboptimal and incomplete information. Repression techniques and methods from other autocracies augment the decisionmaking regarding optimal levels of repression for political survival. Then, autocracies adjust their levels of repression based on observed levels of repression in their institutional and experiential peers. The results indicate that authoritarian regimes emulate and learn from regimes with which they share similar institutions. Surprisingly, regimes with similar dissent experience do not emulate and learn from each other. The results also indicate that regional conflict does not affect autocracies’ levels of repression.; (AN 50788501)
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5.

Intimidating voters with violence and mobilizing them with clientelism by Rauschenbach, Mascha; Paula, Katrin. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p682-696, 15p; Abstract: Recent research suggests that intimidating voters and electoral clientelism are two strategies on the menu of manipulation, often used in conjunction. We do not know much, however, about who is targeted with which of these illicit electoral strategies. This article devises and tests a theoretical argument on the targeting of clientelism and intimidation across different voters. We argue that in contexts where violence can be used to influence elections, parties may choose to demobilize swing and opposition voters, which frees up resources to mobilize their likely supporters with clientelism. While past research on this subject has either been purely theoretical or confined to single country studies, we offer a first systematic cross-national and multilevel analysis of clientelism and voter intimidation in seven African countries. We analyze which voters most fear being intimidated with violence and which get targeted with clientelistic benefits, combining new regional-level election data with Afrobarometer survey data. In a multilevel analysis, we model the likelihood of voters being targeted with either strategy as a function of both past election results of the region they live in and their partisan status. We find that voters living in incumbent strongholds are most likely to report having being bribed in elections, whereas those living in opposition strongholds are most fearful of violent intimidation. We further provide suggestive evidence of a difference between incumbent supporters and other voters. We find support that incumbent supporters are more likely to report being targeted with clientelism, and mixed support for the idea that they are less fearful of intimidation. Our findings allow us to define potential hot spots of intimidation. They also provide an explanation for why parties in young democracies concentrate more positive inducements on their own supporters than the swing voter model of campaigning would lead us to expect.; (AN 50788503)
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6.

Accidental rivals? EU fiscal rules, NATO, and transatlantic burden-sharing by Becker, Jordan M. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p697-713, 17p; Abstract: Both theorists and practitioners continue to show interest in transatlantic burden-sharing. Resource allocation choices – both to and within defense budgets – are grand strategic choices, and membership in alliances and security communities affects how states make those choices. International security and political economy scholarship offers plausible explanations for transatlantic imbalances in military expenditures. However, NATO allies and EU member-states have pledged to one another not just to spend more on defense, but to allocate more defense resources to equipment modernization. Current scholarship does not fully explain the sources of such within-budget choices, which would help anticipate the likelihood of such pledges succeeding. Building on work by security scholars, defense and political economists, and scholars of interorganizational relations, I argue that stringent fiscal rules dampen the kind of defense spending NATO and EU strategists seek. Governments respond to increasingly stringent fiscal rules by reducing overall defense expenditures, while at the same time shifting existing defense resources to personnel, and away from equipment and operational expenditures. I find evidence in support of this argument by using education levels in the states in question as instruments for fiscal rules. This phenomenon represents a significant risk for important transatlantic strategic initiatives, namely NATO’s Wales pledge on defense investment.; (AN 50788504)
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7.

Electoral contention and violence (ECAV): A new dataset by Daxecker, Ursula; Amicarelli, Elio; Jung, Alexander. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p714-723, 10p; Abstract: Recent elections in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Iraq, Kenya, Nigeria, and Pakistan have displayed substantial contestation and violence. A growing literature explores the causes and consequences of electoral contention and violence, but researchers lack comprehensive, disaggregated data establishing a substantive link between elections and violence. The Electoral Contention and Violence (ECAV) dataset conceptualizes electoral contention as nonviolent or violent events of contestation by state or non-state actors related to national elections. The data contain more than 18,000 events of election-related contention covering 136 countries holding competitive national elections between 1990 and 2012. This article describes the scope of ECAV, presents the project’s definition of electoral contention and the variables included, and outlines the coding procedure. We then compare ECAV to other datasets on electoral contention. Cross-national and subnational analyses of electoral competition and violence show that the data are useful for assessing the global and subnational implications of existing theories. ECAV addresses current data limitations by focusing on election-related contention, by using clear criteria to determine whether events are election-related, and by identifying the timing, geocoded location, and actors involved.; (AN 50788502)
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8.

Reconceptualizing resistance organizations and outcomes: Introducing the Revolutionary and Militant Organizations dataset (REVMOD) by Acosta, Benjamin. Journal of Peace Research, September 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 5 p724-734, 11p; Abstract: In recent years, scholars of various forms of conflict involving revolutionary and militant organizations (such as terrorism, civil war, and nonviolent contestation) recognized that arbitrary organizational categories and typologies often leave large-N studies incomplete and biased. In moving away from nominal categorical boundaries that produce such selection biases and looking to a more generalized conception of resistance organizations, I constructed an original dataset that aims to bridge the gap between conflict literatures. Transcending traditional classifications, the Revolutionary and Militant Organizations dataset (REVMOD) consists of over 500 resistance organizations operative sometime between the years 1940 and 2014 and includes a diverse array of types of resistance organizations – many of which utilize a multitude of tactics, operate in various conflict contexts, and/or confront numerous target types. The dataset documents organizational attributes, allies, and adversaries at annual intervals (organization-years), making reliable time-series analyses possible. Tracking variables like organizational outcome-goal type and degree of achievement, political capacity, leader/s, constituent identity group, violence and demonstration levels, size, organization aliases, and several others, REVMOD breaks new ground in the collection of information on resistance organizations and can spur countless studies. A preliminary data analysis demonstrates that differences in organizational political capacity explain variation in resistance outcomes generally and in particular contexts such as civil war, terrorism, and nonviolent revolutions. REVMOD provides a unique opportunity to develop a new research paradigm for resistance studies that employs large-N empirical analyses to uncover generalities between different forms of political contention in the contemporary era, as well as to better understand why and how distinct resistance processes may produce specific outcomes.; (AN 50788500)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 32, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

On the Nature and Focus of Joint Combat Training Events Between the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the Armed Forces of India and Pakistan1 by Shepovalenko, Maksim. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p303-323, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe composition of participants in the combined training exercises (CTXs) conducted by the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation with foreign armed forces points to prospective, preferential, and priority partners of Russia in the field of defense and security cooperation.When staging CTXs, the Russian military, along with professional tasks, has to take note of the difficult relations between its foreign partners, of which India and Pakistan are a good example.Whereas India is a long-standing partner of Russia, Pakistan only recently aspired to develop comprehensive cooperation with Moscow. Moreover, Pakistan is a key regional partner of China, which Russia cannot ignore. Finally, the development of relations with Pakistan balances India’s possible bias toward the United States.; (AN 51100226)
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2.

Putin the ‘Peacemaker’?—Russian Reflexive Control During the 2014 August Invasion of Ukraine by Hosaka, Sanshiro. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p324-346, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines Russia’s use of Reflexive Control, a Soviet-origin technique to control an adversary’s decision-making processes, during the invasion of Ukraine by scrutinizing daily monitoring reports received by Putin’s aide on the policy toward Ukraine, Vladislav Surkov, a possible political-military command. The Kremlin’s moves in political negotiations are closely intertwined with and supported by its military actions. Synchronization between Reflexive Control and combat control becomes more critical and complicated during the combat stage, as the initiator of Reflexive Control simultaneously seeks to maximize its political gains at the ‘peace’ negotiation table, the outcome of which depends not only on the success on the battlefields, but also on the situational awareness of the enemy (in democratic countries, both the leadership and the public) and international third parties.; (AN 51100227)
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3.

Servicemen’s Motivation in the National Guard of Ukraine: Transformation After the ‘Revolution of Dignity' by Prykhodko, Ihor; Matsehora, Janina; Lipatov, Ivan; Tovma, Ihor; Kostikova, Ilona. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p347-366, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo determine the personal motivation of military personnel in the National Guard of Ukraine, which has been directly involved in Russia’s ongoing ‘hybrid war’ against Ukraine for five years, two questionnaires were developed, the Student t-criterion and the cluster analysis. The mathematical processing of data was done using SPSS 17.0. The empirical study allowed to distinguish four main types of servicemen’s motivation for professional activity: unformed, professional, compensatory, psycho-traumatized. For servicemen, motives of professional military dignity, self-improvement and professional liability are crucial. This article shows that officers are more motivated than contracted servicemen. The contracted servicemen’s motivation is more superficial, less forceful. Among the real reasons for their dismissal from service, they point out the high level of fatigue and disappointments.; (AN 51100228)
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4.

The Thorns of the Wild Rose: Russian Ordeals at the Shipka Pass During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 by Statiev, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p367-387, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHaving launched a campaign against the Ottoman Empire in 1877, Russia intended to crush the enemy by one swift sweep that would leave no time for the Turks to recover and for other great powers to intervene. A breakthrough across the Balkan Ridge was a vital aspect of that plan. After the plan failed, the Russian Army was drawn into static mountain warfare at the Shipka Pass. Unskilled in this type of action, it suffered greater attrition to the elements during an uneventful deployment at Shipka than it did to enemy fire in the bloodiest battles of the war. However, this grim experience made no impact on the Russian Army’s approach to mountain warfare in following campaigns.; (AN 51100229)
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5.

The Institutionalization of Paramilitarism in Yugoslav Macedonia: The Case of the Organization Against the Bulgarian Bandits, 1923–19331 by Tasić, Dmitar. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p388-413, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe immediate post-WWI period in Europe was marked by the appearance of numerous paramilitary groups and movements. While they were a consequence of the First World War, in the Balkans they were bearers of a lively and indigenous tradition, originating from Ottoman times. The Bulgarian komitajisof the IMRO and Serbian chetniksquickly adjusted to the new circumstances and continued their rivalries as well as internal clashes. One of such conflicts within the IMRO led to the appearance of a completely new paramilitary organization in Yugoslav Macedonia. Sponsored and organized by the Yugoslav state, a group of IMRO renegades participated in the creation of so-called Organization Against the Bulgarian Bandits, thus contributing to the institutionalization of paramilitarism in this troubled region.; (AN 51100230)
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6.

Marshal of the Soviet Union Leonid Govorov During the First World War and the Russian Civil War1 by Ganin, Andrei Vladislavovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p414-434, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article introduces previously unknown archival documents about the participation in the White movement in the East of Russia of the future Marshal of the Soviet Union, L. A. Govorov. Discovered documents from the Russian State Military Archives established that Govorov, after his transition to the side of the Red Army in December 1919, was hiding his role in the rank of Lieutenant by the order of Admiral Kolchak in July 1919. Apart from that, Govorov hid the fact of his voluntary enlistment into the service of the Whites in the fall of 1918 and other details of his path of fighting in the anti-Bolshevik camp.; (AN 51100231)
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7.

Activities of the Passport Bodies of the Bolshevik Government in Kazakhstan in the 1920s by Talgat, Mekebayev; Omarbayev, Yrysbek; Zhandos, Kumganbayev. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p435-442, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe history of the passport is one of the lesser researched questions in the history of post-Soviet countries. Our research is devoted to the consideration of the role of the passport institutions and associated documents of the Bolshevik government in Kazakhstan in the 1920s. Official pass documents, temporary identifications, and certificates of residence played the role of basic documents used in the passport system for Kazakhstan’s Bolshevik government. Regional administrative bodies were tasked with the organization and supervision of the issue of these documents. Those organizations were special departments, pass offices, and local Soviet organizations. Although the Civil War of 1918–1920 contributed to the strengthening of the law enforcement agencies that controlled identity documents, during the period of the New Economic Policy, control of movement using such documents was far less stringent than it would be after 1928 and into the 1930s.; (AN 51100232)
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8.

The Senkaku Paradox: Risking Great Power War Over Small Stakes by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p443-445, 3p; (AN 51100233)
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9.

The First Day on the Eastern Front: Germany Invades the Soviet Union, June 22, 1941 by Hill, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p446-449, 4p; (AN 51100234)
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10.

Sniper on the Eastern Front: The Memoirs of Sepp Allerberger, Knight’s Cross by Mills, Walker D.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p450-451, 2p; (AN 51100235)
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11.

Military Captivity and Internment in the USSR (1939–1956) by Suprun, M. N.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p452-454, 3p; (AN 51100236)
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12.

Der Panzer und die Mechanisierung des Krieges. Eine deutsche Geschichte 1890 bis 1945 by Thun, Romedio Graf. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p455-459, 5p; (AN 51100237)
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13.

The German Army on the Eastern Front: An Inner View of the Ostheer’s Experiences of War by Lak, Martijn. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p460-461, 2p; (AN 51100238)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 42, no. 6, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Emerging technologies and strategic stability in peacetime, crisis, and war by Sechser, Todd S.; Narang, Neil; Talmadge, Caitlin. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p727-735, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent commentary has sounded the alarm about the effects of emerging technologies on strategic stability, yet the topic has received relatively little systematic scholarly attention. Will emerging technologies such as cyber, autonomous weapons, additive manufacturing, hypersonic vehicles, and remote sensing make the world more dangerous? Or is pessimism unwarranted? In this volume, we leverage international relations scholarship, historical data, and a variety of methodological approaches to discern the future implications of new technologies for international security. The findings suggest that new technologies can have multiple, conditional, and even contradictory effects on different aspects of strategic stability, and raise a host of important questions for future research.; (AN 50832523)
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2.

How does the offense-defense balance scale? by Garfinkel, Ben; Dafoe, Allan. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p736-763, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe ask how the offense-defense balance scales, meaning how it changes as investments into a conflict increase. To do so we offer a general formalization of the offense-defense balance in terms of contest success functions. Simple models of ground invasions and cyberattacks that exploit software vulnerabilities suggest that, in both cases, growth in investments will favor offense when investment levels are sufficiently low and favor defense when they are sufficiently high. We refer to this phenomenon as offensive-then-defensive scalingor OD-scaling. Such scaling effects may help us understand the security implications of applications of artificial intelligence that in essence scale up existing capabilities.; (AN 50832524)
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3.

When speed kills: Lethal autonomous weapon systems, deterrence and stability by Horowitz, Michael C.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p764-788, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile the applications of artificial intelligence (AI) for militaries are broad, lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) represent one possible usage of narrow AI by militaries. Research and development on LAWS by major powers, middle powers and non-state actors makes exploring the consequences for the security environment a crucial task. This article draws on classic research in security studies and examples from military history to assess the potential development and deployment of LAWS, as well as how they could influence arms races, the stability of deterrence, including strategic stability, the risk of crisis instability and wartime escalation. It focuses on these questions through the lens of two characteristics of LAWS: the potential for increased operational speed and the potential for decreased human control over battlefield choices. It also examines how these issues interact with the large uncertainty parameter associated with potential AI-based military capabilities at present, both in terms of the range of the possible and the opacity of their programming.; (AN 50832525)
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4.

Asymmetric arms control and strategic stability: Scenarios for limiting hypersonic glide vehicles by Williams, Heather. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p789-813, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCan arms control incorporate emerging technology? Other articles in this special issue identify potential risks emerging technologies pose to stability and how they are intertwined with international politics. Is there a future for multilateral strategic arms control? This article looks ahead to explore how arms control might reduce those risks but in order to do so we must update concepts of both arms control and strategic stability. Building on Thomas Schelling and Morton Halperin’s seminal study into the relationship between strategic stability and arms control, this article offers an original framework – asymmetric arms control – for incorporating new technologies, which is then used to identify six scenarios for arms control of hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs). It concludes that arms control can potentially reduce the risks to strategic stability associated with emerging technologies by incorporating dynamism into arms control design. Ultimately, asymmetric arms control can best contribute to strategic stability by crossing domains and reflecting the cross-domain nature of international conflict, and the framework has potential application to emerging technologies beyond HGVs.; (AN 50832526)
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5.

Dual-use distinguishability: How 3D-printing shapes the security dilemma for nuclear programs by Volpe, Tristan A.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p814-840, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAdditive manufacturing is being adopted by nuclear programmes to improve production capabilities, yet its impact on strategic stability remains unclear. This article uses the security dilemma to assess incentives for arms racing as the emerging technology becomes integrated into nuclear supply chains. Innovations sow the ground for competition by making it easier to produce weapons and harder to distinguish civil from military motives. But additive manufacturing could still mature into an asset by revealing greater information about nuclear aspirants. Beyond the nuclear realm, the article refines offense-defence theory to explain how changes in non-military technology shape the practice of deception.; (AN 50832527)
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6.

The capability/vulnerability paradox and military revolutions: Implications for computing, cyber, and the onset of war by Schneider, Jacquelyn. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p841-863, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Information Revolution, or the rise in computing power, allowed states to leverage digital capabilities to exert conventional military dominance. But does it also create vulnerabilities that lead to war? In this piece, I examine the relationship between military revolutions and conflict initiation and identify a capability/vulnerability paradox that suggests the degree of capability dependence created by a military revolution combined with the ability of adversaries to exploit vulnerabilities creates potential pockets of dangerous instability. These indicators suggest that greater centralisation and data dependencies could move the Information Revolution towards incentives for instability.; (AN 50832528)
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7.

Emerging technology and intra-war escalation risks: Evidence from the Cold War, implications for today by Talmadge, Caitlin. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 p864-887, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWill emerging technologies increase the risk of conflict escalation? This paper develops a framework for evaluating the role of technology in different types of intra-war escalation. It then uses the framework to probe empirically the possible role of technology in escalation through three carefully chosen cases from Cold War. The findings largely cast doubt on the idea of emerging technologies as an independent, primary driver of otherwise avoidable escalation, suggesting instead that technology more likely functions as an intervening variable – a sometimes necessary, but rarely sufficient, condition for escalation. The conclusion explores the implications of this analysis for the future.; (AN 50832529)
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8.

Erratum Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 6 pIII-III, 1p; (AN 50832530)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 17, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Anglo-American relations and the past present: insights into an (ongoing) mythologisation of a special relationship by Marsh, Steve. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p310-340, 31p; Abstract: Affiliative bonding between British and American publics has long been a source of both stability within Anglo-American relations and of legitimacy for British and American government cooperation. Yet hitherto relatively little attention has been paid to how public diplomats encourage these sentiments through influencing processes of remembering and forgetting the Anglo-American past. This is particularly important as their licence to do so is evidently increasing as generational change progressively confines to history experiential memory of the zenith of Anglo-American cooperation during World War Two. To explore how public diplomats draw particular memories into the present to support current objectives/narratives, this article combines memory and diplomacy studies in an analysis of bilateral summit meetings between US Presidents and British Prime Ministers. These meetings are chosen because they provide excellent opportunities for officials to refresh continually the popular myth of special Anglo-American relations by manipulating ‘figures of memory’ in their invocation of the ‘past present’.; (AN 50430584)
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2.

Transatlantic relations in the run-up to Pearl Harbor: The Dutch East Indies at Stake by van Wijk, Anne. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p370-391, 22p; Abstract: This paper provides an extensive historical reconstruction of the diplomatic exchanges between the United States, the Netherlands and Great Britain regarding the 1941 oil embargo on Japan. Based on new multi-archival evidence, it interrogates Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s foreign policy and allied cooperation in the Far East during this time, and sheds new light on the question whether FDR aimed to provoke or deter Japan at the onset of the American entry into World War II. This research contributes to the diplomatic and transatlantic history literature, foreign policy analysis literature, and speaks more specifically to the debate on deception and the American entry into the Second World War.; (AN 50668165)
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3.

Benn Steil: The Marshall plan: dawn of the cold war by Craig, Malcolm. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, September 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p424-425, 2p; (AN 50438388)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 12, no. 4, December 2019

Record

Results

1.

Radio, conflict and land grabbing in Sierra Leone: Communicating rights and preventing violence through drama by Baú, Valentina. Media War and Conflict, December 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 4 p373-391, 19p; Abstract: With a focus on entertainment education, this article sheds light on the effects of radio drama in addressing conflict over land governance. The discussion is built around the broadcast of Bush Wahalaradio series during the recent land acquisition process that has taken place in Sierra Leone. Through the analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted by the author with rural farmers affected by this issue, on the one hand, this work generates reflections on the role of radio drama in providing listeners with alternative options to the use of violence and confrontation with the authorities in order to claim land rights; on the other hand, it represents an important contribution to the literature of edutainment in contexts of conflict, with a specific focus on the increasingly complex issue of land grabbing in the developing world.; (AN 50917013)
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2.

Framing the war in the post war era: Exploring the counter-narratives in frames of an Iranian war photographer thirty years after the ceasefire with Iraq by Saramifar, Younes. Media War and Conflict, December 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 4 p392-410, 19p; Abstract: The battle between Iran and Iraq ended with a ceasefire being signed in 1988 but the war continued for most Iranians and their leadership. Even today after three decades, the war continues for Iranians who live in the borderlands as they struggle with the landmines and left-overs of the battles. Mehdi Monem, a celebrated Iranian war photographer, frames the pain of Iranians in the borderlands as the counter-narrative that challenges the mainstream frames of propaganda. He challenges the master narrative of the Islamic Republic of Iran that generates meanings for the frames of the war through notions of martyrdom and sacrifice. Hence, I follow his work in the context of the visual culture of martyrdom via an ethnography that explains how Iranians receive the pain of others 30 years after the war at home and abroad.; (AN 50917011)
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3.

Book review: Katherine Brown, Your Country, Our War: The Press and Diplomacy in Afghanistan by Mitra, Saumava. Media War and Conflict, December 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 4 p506-508, 3p; (AN 50917012)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 24, no. 5, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Neoliberalism, marginalization and the uncertainties of being young: The case of Egypt by Sika, Nadine. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p545-567, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis study highlights the general context of neoliberalism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and its influence on young people’s life chances. It is mainly concerned with understanding the extent to which socio-economic variables, like education and family income levels, impact youth marginalization. Through analysing the case of Egypt, this study argues that education is indeed a predictor for developing a young person’s life chances. However, a family’s income level is even moreimportant. If a family’s income level is low, then the opportunity for continuing education is also low. If a young person is able to attain university level education, their chances of obtaining employment opportunities is tied to their family’s income levels and networks rather than to their education level per se. A family’s income levels on the other hand are influenced by the structure of neoliberalism in general, and neoliberalism amalgamated with authoritarianism, corruption and crony capitalism in particular.; (AN 51221307)
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2.

Failed peace and the decline in liberalism in Israel: A spiral model by Feinstein, Yuval; Ben-Eliezer, Uri. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p568-591, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIlliberal democracies that include ultra-nationalist elements have become more common across the globe, and often go hand-in-hand with conflict and war. Most prior studies have proposed a single direction of causality such that insecurity and violence lead to the spread of illiberal political culture and the rise of illiberal political elements. In contrast, we propose a spiral process in which illiberal elements are not only the product of insecurity and violence, but are also among the main drivers of these conditions. We illustrate this spiral model using the rapid transformation of Israel’s democracy from peace-prone liberalism to hawkish illiberalism.; (AN 51221308)
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3.

Party-group relations in new southern European democracies in the crisis era by Lisi, Marco. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p592-604, 13p; (AN 51221309)
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4.

Political party–interest group linkages in Greece before and after the onset of the economic crisis by Sotiropoulos, Dimitri A.. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p605-625, 21p; Abstract: AbstractGreece’s traditional system of state corporatism and polarized party system were the bases of very tight linkages between interest groups and political parties in the post-authoritarian period. Owing to governing policy shifts which negatively affected the strongest interest groups, a weakening of such tight linkages occurred, culminating during the economic crisis, when interest groups challenged austerity policies. This confrontation helped bring the collapse of the old party system and the rise of Syriza to power. The disentanglement of interest groups from parties was more visible with regard to their policy-related ties than organizational or leadership ties. Thus, despite their weakening, ties between interest groups and parties have not been completely severed.; (AN 51221310)
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5.

Party–interest group relations in Portugal: Organizational linkages and party strategies (2008–2015) by Razzuoli, Isabella; Raimundo, Filipa. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p626-645, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates the relations Portuguese parties establish with interest and societal groups. The analysis presents the organizational linkages on which parties rely for establishing connections and describes the different strategies implemented towards the interest and societal groups. The parties analysed vary in terms of ideology, organizational model and institutional position (governing vis-a-vis opposition parties). A special focus is set on the 2008–2015 period that comprises the outbreak of the economic crisis and the austerity policies implemented by the right-wing government between 2011 and 2015.; (AN 51221311)
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6.

New parties’ linkages with external groups and civil society in Spain: A preliminary assessment by Barberà, Oscar; Barrio, Astrid; Rodríguez-Teruel, Juan. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p646-664, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe aim of this article is to assess the linkages between the Spanish new parties with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages between parties and external groups in times of social and political unrest and discussing the case selection, it briefly introduces the classic patterns of interaction between Spain’s mainstream parties, the PP and the PSOE and the main interest groups since the late 1970s. Then, the paper analyses the emerging links of two new parties, Ciudadanos and Podemos, in order to provide a general assessment of the main differences between their linkages and the ones of the traditional parties, and to discuss its possible implications in times of economic hardship. The results do not show strong evidence supporting the idea of a transformation in Spanish party-group linkages: new parties tend to have weaker formal links with external groups, and prioritize their collaboration with new external groups such as identity or youth groups rather than with classic interest groups.; (AN 51221312)
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7.

When the oil runs out: Changing rentier politics in the greater Mediterranean region by Leber, Andrew. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p665-673, 9p; (AN 51221313)
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8.

The geopolitics of renewable and electricity cooperation between Morocco and Spain by Escribano, Gonzalo. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p674-681, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe materialization of the potential benefits derived from renewable electricity exchanges across the Mediterranean has been partly blocked due to energy security and geopolitical concerns. This profile explores the geopolitics of Moroccan–Spanish cooperation in electricity and renewable energies, identifying drivers and barriers for its development. It argues that narrow energy security considerations, namely an excessive focus on reducing energy dependence and ‘renewable mercantilism’, have acted as a barrier, while more comprehensive geopolitical approach could offer new strategic opportunities. It identifies two geopolitical positive externalities for both countries: the strategic benefits of belonging to a grid community and the soft power of projecting themselves as energy transition companions. Finally, it derives some policy implications for on-going and future initiatives promoting electricity interconnections and renewable exchanges across the Mediterranean, taking stock of the Desertec and the Mediterranean Solar Plan failed geopolitical narratives.; (AN 51221314)
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9.

Marketization, underdevelopment, and social instability: The political economy of Syria’s uprising by Abboud, Samer. Mediterranean Politics, October 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p682-689, 8p; (AN 51221315)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 73, no. 1, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Note by Passel, Jacob. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p7-8, 2p; (AN 49882146)
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2.

Co-optation, Counter-Narratives, and Repression: Protesting Lebanon's Sectarian Power-Sharing Regime by Geha, Carmen. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p9-28, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This article focuses on how the Lebanese government and political establishment reacted to two waves of protest movements that used slogans decrying the country's sectarian system of government. Much of the literature on Lebanon's power-sharing regime has focused on internal schisms and the challenges of mobilization against it, but little has been done to understand how it responds to anti-sectarian mobilization. I argue that the government and sectarian establishment employ co-optation, counter-narratives, and repression to demobilize protests that challenge the core pillars of sectarian representation.; (AN 49882098)
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3.

The End of the Battle for Bahrain and the Securitization of Bahraini Shi'a by Mabon, Simon. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p29-50, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:Since protests shook Bahrain in 2011, the Saudi-backed regime there has embarked on a series of strategic moves, crushing dissent both at home and abroad. This article explores the methods the regime used to ensure its survival. It argues that by framing Bahrain's Shi'i majority as a security threat within broader regional challenges, the regime was able to solidify its core bases of support.; (AN 49881997)
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4.

Sectarianized Securitization in Turkey in the Wake of the 2011 Arab Uprisings by Lord, Ceren. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p51-72, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines the growth of sectarianism in Turkish politics since the 2011 Arab uprisings, particularly when it comes to the government's portrayal of the Alevi community as a security threat. Comparable to elsewhere in the Middle East, this "sectarianized securitization" of domestic politics was catalyzed by the overlap of external geopolitical competition and internal challenges to the government. These dynamics are situated within the context of longer-term processes of nation-building, the nature of Islamic authority, and the increasing prominence of Islamists.; (AN 49882161)
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5.

Republican People's Party People: Partisan Polarization in the Republic of Turkey, 1950-1953 by Silverman, Reuben. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p73-91, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:Though it was the Democrat Party that governed Turkey from 1950 to 1960, and whose successes and excesses shaped the conditions of democratization, the previously ruling Republican People's Party played a crucial role as well. Drawing on newspapers, memoirs, and parliamentary debates, this article considers how the party's leaders and its young cohort of future leaders reacted to defeat, redefined themselves as members of the opposition, and contributed to a polarized political culture that persists today.; (AN 49882397)
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6.

Iraq under UN Embargo, 1990–2003: Food Security, Agriculture, and Regime Survival by Woertz, Eckart. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p93-112, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:Using Iraqi archival resources and newspapers, this article analyzes strategic perceptions of the multilateral United Nations embargo (1990–2003) by Saddam Husayn and his Ba'th Party. It shows how the regime prioritized agricultural self-sufficiency to break the embargo, used food rationing to avert famine, and instrumentalized food trade to reward cronies and punish opponents. Food security, hydropolitics, and agriculture ranked prominently in regime discussions as they were regarded as crucial to safeguard political legitimacy and assure regime survival.; (AN 49882041)
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7.

Chronology: July 16, 2018-October 15, 2018 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p113-148, 36p; (AN 49882340)
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8.

Troubled Waters: Insecurity in the Persian Gulf by Mehran Kamrava (review) by Young, Karen E.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p149-150, 2p; (AN 49881973)
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9.

Gulfization of the Arab World ed. by Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter, and Marc Valeri (review) by Moore, Pete W.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p150-152, 3p; (AN 49882073)
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10.

The Political Economy of Reforms in Egypt: Issues and Policymaking since 1952 by Khalid Ikram (review) by El-Meehy, Asya. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p152-155, 4p; (AN 49882337)
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11.

Religious Statecraft: The Politics of Islam in Iran by Mohammad Ayatollahi Tabaar (review) by Siavoshi, Sussan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p155-156, 2p; (AN 49882157)
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12.

Iran's Strategic Thinking: The Evolution of Iran's Foreign Policy by Nikolay Kozhanov (review) by Warnaar, Maaike. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p156-158, 3p; (AN 49882109)
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13.

Patriotic Ayatollahs: Nationalism in Post-Saddam Iraq by Caroleen Marji Sayej (review) by Al-Marashi, Ibrahim. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p158-159, 2p; (AN 49882046)
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14.

Lebanon: A Country in Fragments by Andrew Arsan (review) by Ellis, Kail C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p159-161, 3p; (AN 49882145)
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15.

The Burning Shores: Inside the Battle for the New Libya by Frederic Wehrey (review) by Terrill, W. Andrew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p161-163, 3p; (AN 49882389)
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16.

Hamas Contained: The Rise and Pacification of Palestinian Resistance by Tareq Baconi (review) by Roy, Sara. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 49882119)
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17.

Salman's Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era in Saudi Arabia ed. by Madawi Al-Rasheed (review) by Foley, Sean. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p165-166, 2p; (AN 49882265)
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18.

Anatomy of a Civil War: Sociopolitical Impacts of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey by Mehmet Gurses (review) by Gunter, Michael M.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p166-168, 3p; (AN 49882398)
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19.

Islam and the Rule of Justice: Image and Reality in Muslim Law and Culture by Lawrence Rosen (review) by Welton, Mark D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p168-169, 2p; (AN 49882409)
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20.

When the War Came Home: The Ottomans' Great War and the Devastation of an Empire by Yiğit Akın (review) by Frierson, Elizabeth B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p169-171, 3p; (AN 49882251)
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21.

Lords of the Desert: Britain's Struggle with America to Dominate the Middle East by James Barr (review) by Smith, Simon C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p171-172, 2p; (AN 49882004)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49882004&site=ehost-live

22.

The Future of ISIS: Regional and International Implications ed. by Feisal al-Istrabadi and Sumit Ganguly (review) by Rivera, W. A.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p172-174, 3p; (AN 49882007)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=49882007&site=ehost-live

23.

Russia's Middle East Policy: From Lenin to Putin by Alexey Vasiliev, and: What Is Russia Up To in the Middle East? by Dmitri Trenin (review) by Kenderdine, Tristan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p174-175, 2p; (AN 49882312)
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24.

Recent Publications by Brown (GB), Gabe; Jitan (AJ), Aisha; McDowell (KM), Kiefer; Polka (RP), Reilly. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), April 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p176-177, 2p; (AN 49882096)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 26, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 51216140)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p3-4, 2p; (AN 51216132)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51216132&site=ehost-live

3.

The United States‐Saudi Arabian Relationship by Lippman, Thomas; Stroul, Dana; Feierstein, Gerald. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p5-29, 25p; (AN 51216139)
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4.

The Middle East after Khashoggi by Freeman, Chas W.. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p30-34, 5p; (AN 51216134)
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5.

Public Finance in Saudi Arabia: The Need for Reform by Bassam, Bassam A.. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p35-44, 10p; (AN 51216135)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51216135&site=ehost-live

6.

Religion, the State and Politics In Saudi Arabia by Hoffman, Jonathan. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p45-61, 17p; (AN 51216136)
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7.

From Defense to Offense: Realist Shifts in Saudi Foreign Policy by Rich, Ben. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p62-76, 15p; (AN 51216137)
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8.

The Middle East Post‐Petroleum: Averting the Storm by Monshipouri, Mahmood. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p77-91, 15p; (AN 51216138)
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9.

Nested Game of Elections in Iran by Ghobadzadeh, Naser. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p92-106, 15p; (AN 51216123)
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10.

Iran and Russia Pivot to the East: Was It U.S. Pressure? by Mousavi, Hamed; Naeni, Amin. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p107-122, 16p; (AN 51216124)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51216124&site=ehost-live

11.

Shia Militias and Exclusionary Politics In Iraq by Levy, Ido. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p123-133, 11p; (AN 51216125)
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12.

Secularism and Democracy in Israel: Military Service as Case Study by Lara, Enver Torregroza; Cote Pabón, Sebastián. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p134-150, 17p; (AN 51216126)
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13.

The Back Channel: A Memoir of American Diplomacy and the Case for Its Renewal by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p151-161, 11p; (AN 51216127)
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14.

Lords of the Desert: Britain's Struggle with America to Dominate the Middle East by Dowling, G.J.H.. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p162-164, 3p; (AN 51216128)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=51216128&site=ehost-live

15.

The New Political Islam: Human Rights, Democracy, and Justice by Voll, John O.. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p164-166, 3p; (AN 51216129)
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16.

Blood in the Water: How the U.S. and Israel Conspired to Ambush the USS Liberty by Davidson, Lawrence. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p166-170, 5p; (AN 51216130)
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17.

Egyptian Advice Columnists: Envisioning the Good Life in an Era Of Extremism by Ransom, Marjorie. Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p170-174, 5p; (AN 51216131)
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18.

CORRECTION TO SUMMER 2019 Middle East Policy, September 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p174-174, 1p; (AN 51216133)
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14

Millennium
Volume 48, no. 1, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

In-between Translation, Transformation and Contestation: Studying Human Rights Activism as Politics-as-Ruptures in Violent Social Conflicts by Georgi, F. Richard. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: How can we study the politics of human rights activism in violent social conflicts? International Relations scholarship has long neglected the ambiguous political relationships between human rights activism and violent social conflicts. Addressing this gap requires new research methodologies that place the focus not on the normative or legal dimensions of human rights, but in how their usage constitutes the political. In this article I argue that using post-foundational discourse theory makes visible ‘politics-as-ruptures’ that locate the political function of human rights activism precisely in the resistance to representations of violence in conflict discourses. I analyse this political function by asking how activists translate human rights norms, transform conflict discourses, and thereby contest power relations. As examples, the article presents three types of discursive politics that I studied in Colombia. These examples point out further pathways to pose empirical questions about the roles of human rights activism in transforming social conflicts.; (AN 50912262)
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2.

Republicanism within IR: A History of Liberty and Empire by Blachford, Kevin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p25-44, 20p; Abstract: The republican tradition has long been influential within political theory, but has been less acknowledged within the discipline of International Relations (IR). Republican theorists and republican ideas of political liberty underlie many normative claims made by both liberal and realist schools of thought. The following examination of republicanism takes an interdisciplinary approach to argue the relevance of republicanism for IR theory. When republicanism is recognised within IR, it is often through a triumphalist reading of the early American republic and its founding. This article opens new ground by presenting a more critical account of republicanism. It does so by focusing on the connections between republican liberty and the history of republics to dominate those outside the polis.El republicanismo en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales: Una historia de libertad e imperio; (AN 51080693)
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3.

Global IR and Western Dominance: Moving Forward or Eurocentric Entrapment? by Fonseca, Melody. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p45-59, 15p; Abstract: Over the last decade, a call for decolonisation has challenged IR scholarship. The call has advocated for the need to decolonise the epistemology and ontology of the discipline, critically engaging with the legacies of imperialism, colonialism, racism, and patriarchy in global power relations. Parallel to the decolonial project, a call to globalise International Relations has been made by well-known scholars in recent years predominantly through the Global IR project. In this review essay of four books I briefly engage with the debates around Global IR and its critics drawing on a decolonial perspective. On the one hand, I discuss the potentialities and limitations of historiographical deconstruction as a methodological tool, raising issues with the current silencing of the ‘present’ due to the continued coloniality of knowledge. On the other hand, I delve into the wide range of possibilities that a serious and critical commitment to diversifying the discipline of IR might bring to academics in the so-called non-West/Global South. I analyse current critiques of Global IR considering them necessary though, in some cases, agents for the reification and silencing of the interests of the non-West/Global South. I argue that, whilst coloniality operates in multiple ways, decoloniality is also a project that surpasses the ideal total exteriority as imagined through the West/non-West dichotomy.Relaciones Internacionales Globales y Dominación Occidental: ¿Avance o entrampamiento eurocéntrico?; (AN 51034552)
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4.

Making War, Making Sense? Debating Jens Bartelson’s War in International Thought by Hutchison, Emma; Calkivik, Asli. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p60-69, 10p; (AN 51058100)
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5.

In Defence of Ontogenesis and for a General Ecology of War by Bousquet, Antoine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p70-78, 9p; (AN 51058105)
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6.

The Looping Effects of IR’s Concepts: Bartelson on Ontogenetic War and the Politics of Classification by Bashovski, Marta. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p79-89, 11p; (AN 51058099)
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7.

Jens Bartelson’s ‘As If’ World and the (Im)Possibility of Critique in International Relations Theory by Hozić, Aida. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p90-98, 9p; (AN 51058114)
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8.

Concepts and Histories of War by Barkawi, Tarak; Brighton, Shane. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p99-104, 6p; (AN 51058110)
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9.

A Reply to My Critics: War and Historical Ontology by Bartelson, Jens. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2019, Vol. 48 Issue: Number 1 p105-114, 10p; (AN 51058108)
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15

Orbis
Volume 63, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 48082620)
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2.

Reflections on China's Need for a ‘Chinese World Order’ by Waldron, Arthur. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; (AN 48082611)
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3.

South Asia's Changing Geopolitical Landscape by Pant, Harsh V.; Shah, Kriti M.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p11-26, 16p; (AN 48082607)
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4.

The Evolution of Pakistan's Lashkar-e-Tayyiba Terrorist Group by Bacon, Tricia. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p27-43, 17p; (AN 48082608)
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5.

Squaring Clausewitz's Trinity in the Age of Autonomous Weapons by Hoffman, Frank G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p44-63, 20p; (AN 48082616)
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6.

It's Complicated: Geopolitical and Strategic Dynamics in the Contemporary Middle East by Krasna, Joshua S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p64-79, 16p; (AN 48082612)
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7.

A Revised Strategy for Post-War Stabilization and Reconstruction by Alexander Ohlers, C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p80-91, 12p; (AN 48082615)
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8.

Is NATO's Enhanced Forward Presence Fit for Purpose? by Deni, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p92-103, 12p; (AN 48082613)
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9.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 48082618)
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10.

Contextualizing Russia and the Baltic States by Kyle, Joe. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p104-115, 12p; (AN 48082609)
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11.

Unchecked and Unbalanced? The Politics and Policy of U.S. Nuclear Launch Authority by Singh, Robert S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p116-131, 16p; (AN 48082614)
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12.

Progressivism Armed? Reform and the Origins of the Modern U.S. Military by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p132-146, 15p; Abstract: During the four decades before World War I, both the United States Army and the United States Navy underwent a massive transformation. What had been a frontier constabulary in 1880 became a world class army in 1918. What had been a hodgepodge of obsolete vessels in the 1880s emerged as a force second only to the Royal Navy during the same period. This article discusses the factors that help account for this remarkable change.; (AN 48082606)
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13.

Considering Power: Geopolitics and Strategies Reassessed Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p147-149, 3p; (AN 48082610)
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14.

Understanding Russian Foreign Policy by Miller, Chris. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p150-153, 4p; (AN 48082617)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 48082619)
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