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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 62, no. 5, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Oil and Terrorism: Uncovering the Mechanisms by Lee, Chia-yi. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p903-928, 26p; Abstract: Is there an association between oil and terrorism? If so, how are they linked to each other? While there are literature and anecdotes about oil money financing terrorism, this article identifies three mechanisms through which oil is linked to terrorism: funding, targeting, and motivating. Oil-producing countries are prone to terrorism because they are important targets of terrorists who may attack oil facilities to cause greater impact and to harm powerful countries’ overseas interests and also because oil often generates grievances or greed among local people who may in turn engage in terrorist activities. Using data on terrorist incidents and oil income, this article finds a strong, positive relationship between oil and terrorism. To test the mechanisms, this article uses both large-Nand small-Ndata analyses, and the findings suggest that while all three mechanisms appear to explain the oil–terrorism linkage, the targeting and motivating mechanisms are more likely than the funding mechanism. Oil-producing countries have a higher tendency to sponsor terrorism, but no direct evidence indicates oil money flowing to terrorists except for money from kidnapping or extorting oil workers.; (AN 45333106)
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2.

Covert Operations, Wars, Detainee Destinations, and the Psychology of Democratic Peace by Crandall, Christian; Cox, Owen; Beasley, Ryan; Omelicheva, Mariya. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p929-956, 28p; Abstract: We explore US covert forcible actions against democratic governments and their citizens and show that interdemocratic use of covert force is common and can be accommodated within the theory of democratic peace. Grounded in the Perceptual Theory of Legitimacy, we argue that democracies are constrained by public perceptions of their legitimacy from overtly aggressing against other democratic states. When democracies desire to aggress against their democratic counterparts, they will do so covertly. We test the assumptions of the theory and its implication with (1) laboratory studies of the conflation of democracy with ally status and (2) historical analyses of covert militarized actions and prisoner detention, which show that US forcible actions, when carried out against democracies and their citizens, are carried out clandestinely.; (AN 45333105)
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3.

Self-censorship of Conflict-related Information in the Context of Intractable Conflict by Shahar, Eldad; Hameiri, Boaz; Bar-Tal, Daniel; Raviv, Amiram. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p957-982, 26p; Abstract: Self-censorship is of great importance in societies involved in intractable conflict. In this context, it blocks information that may contradict the dominant conflict-supporting narratives. Thus, self-censorship often serves as an effective societal mechanism that prevents free flow and transparency of information regarding the conflict and therefore can be seen as a barrier for a peacemaking process. In an attempt to understand the potential effect of different factors on participants’ willingness to self-censor (WSC) conflict-related information, we conducted three experimental studies in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Study 1 revealed that perception of distance from potential information recipients and their disseminating capabilities lead to higher WSC. Study 2 replicated these results and also showed that fulfilling different social roles has an effect on the WSC. Finally, study 3 revealed that the type of information has a major effect on WSC.; (AN 45333104)
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4.

UNsatisfied? Public Support for Postconflict International Missions by Kelmendi, Pellumb; Radin, Andrew. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p983-1011, 29p; Abstract: Public opinion in postconflict societies toward international missions is widely believed to be important. We offer a theory that local satisfaction critically depends on an individual’s perception of whether the mission is furthering the wartime political agenda of his or her social group. To test this theory and competing hypotheses, we examine Kosovo Albanian satisfaction with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). We use data from seventeen different representative surveys conducted in Kosovo from 2002 to 2007 as well as focus group and other primary and secondary sources. Consistent with our theory, we find that aggregate satisfaction over time reflected UNMIK’s growing acceptance of Kosovo’s independence and individuals with more radical views tended to be less satisfied with UNMIK. Our analysis implies that missions can achieve greater local satisfaction by doing what is possible to be responsive to, or at a minimum recognize, the wartime political agendas of the key social groups.; (AN 45333108)
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5.

Ultimatum Concession Bargaining: An Experimental Study by Felli, Chiara; Güth, Werner; Mata-Pérez, Esther; Ponti, Giovanni. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p1012-1043, 32p; Abstract: We collect experimental evidence on a modified version of the standard ultimatum game in which the responder states an acceptance threshold below which the offer is rejected and both players, proposer and responder, are allowed several attempts to reach an agreement by conceding. Proposers concede by increasing offers and responders concede by decreasing acceptance thresholds. Treatments differ in whether a further attempt requires that at least one party should have conceded. A further condition varies the number of possible negotiating attempts, namely, 3 versus 5. Behavior in the lab diverges significantly from the theoretical solution in which the proposer is expected to get nearly the whole pie in each treatment. Proposers (responders) initially offer less (ask more) and concede more across negotiation attempts in the treatment in which concessions are required. Moreover, compulsory concessions weaken the bargaining position of the proposer, who eventually gets significantly less. Finally, although concessions significantly improve the likelihood of an agreement compared to standard ultimatum game experiments, the longer negotiation horizon (five attempts instead of three) delays the agreement without enhancing it, even when no concessions are needed.; (AN 45333103)
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6.

Managing Resource-related Conflict: A Framework of Lootable Resource Management and Postconflict Stabilization by Roy, Vita. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p1044-1071, 28p; Abstract: States endowed with valuable lootable natural resources tend to experience longer armed conflicts, more intense fighting in extractive regions and face a higher risk of recurring conflict than states without such resources. At the same time, many states defy resource-fueled conflict traps and set up institutional arrangements that seem to alleviate the risk of recurring conflict. However, policy makers and academics alike lack a sound understanding of the link between postconflict stabilization and strategies of resource management that often escape the paradigm of “good resource governance.” This article contributes to the questions of how to conceptualize diverse institutional arrangements in the resource sector and how to link these emerging institutions to postconflict stabilization. I develop a theoretical framework that predicts the risk of recurring armed conflict based on lootable resource management strategies and conditioning factors. The framework is then tested on a unique event history dataset. Results support the stabilizing effects of inclusive and publicly accountable modes of resource management as advocated for by proponents of “good resource governance.” Alternative resource management strategies either increase the risk of conflict recurrence or interact with other variables, changing the prospects of postconflict stability in important ways.; (AN 45333102)
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7.

The Influence of Regional Power Distributions on Interdependence by Allen, Michael A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p1072-1099, 28p; Abstract: Political economy debates about the influence of power configurations in expanding and maintaining global liberalization ebb and flow with the wax and wane of the concentration of power in the international system. This article engages the debate in a novel way from previous scholarship. Employing a series of econometric models that account for regional power, I argue that the global power concentration is ill fit to be the primary predictor of trade liberalization, but instead, regional power fluctuations can dampen and enhance global trends. By incorporating subsystemic power configurations, we gain a better understanding of the regional variation in states buying into or cashing out of interdependence.; (AN 45333100)
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8.

Political Development and the Fragmentation of Protection Markets: Politically Affiliated Gangs in Indonesia by Tajima, Yuhki. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p1100-1126, 27p; Abstract: Why do gangs proliferate during democratization and decline in number during authoritarian consolidation? I utilize primary evidence of two Indonesian gangs to inform a model of protection gangs under varying states of political development. Modeling gangs as territorial firms under different regulatory conditions, I attribute their number and political affiliation to the interaction between state capacity and political fragmentation. In weak states, gangs will lack political affiliations and their number will be determined by the scalability of their coercive capacities. In countries where states have the capacity to significantly constrain gangs, but lack significant costs for politicians to associate with them, gangs will seek political affiliation, trading coercive services for lax law enforcement. In such contexts, their number will be determined by state factionalization. Thus, gangs proliferate during democratization due to more political actors sharing state control. I assess the theory examining Indonesia’s history of statebuilding and political transition.; (AN 45333107)
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9.

Disputes over the Divine: Introducing the Religion and Armed Conflict (RELAC) Data, 1975 to 2015 by Svensson, Isak; Nilsson, Desirée. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 5 p1127-1148, 22p; Abstract: This article introduces the Religion and Armed Conflict (RELAC) data, 1975 to 2015, which is a new data set suitable for analyzing the causes, dynamics, and resolution of religious conflicts. It contains information about key religious dimensions of conflicts: whether the issue at stake is religious, the actors’ religious identity, and fine-grained data about the type and salience of religious claims. The article presents the major features of the data set and describes patterns and trends that shed new light on religious conflicts, for example, by demonstrating that conflicts over Islamist claims have become more prevalent. We also illustrate the utility of the data. For instance, we show that there is great variation in lethality across conflicts with different types of Islamist claims, thereby offering a more nuanced understanding of the deadliness of religious conflicts. RELAC should be a valuable resource for scholars, examining religious dimensions of intrastate armed conflicts.; (AN 45333101)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 12, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: Second-Generation Security Sector Reform by Jackson, Paul. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p1-10, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity sector reform (SSR) has become a commonly used tool for international approaches to insecure countries. Despite its frequent deployment as a key element of statebuilding, SSR suffers from both a lack of a conceptual hinterland and also lack of strong evidence of success. This special collection of papers explores these ideas, starting from an assumption that there are serious issues with SSR in practice. SSR, alongside many other facets of international aid programming, has suffered from an excess of technocentric and managerial approaches, with politics relegated to the sidelines. These articles outline what this means in practice and what a second generation of SSR could look like: an approach based on process and politics rather than linear managerialism.; (AN 45134535)
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2.

Is the Future of SSR non-linear? by Jackson, Paul; Bakrania, Shivit. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p11-30, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores issues around security sector reform (SSR) and the involvement of the international community in peace-building. It argues that the international architecture which surrounds SSR privileges a particular form of knowledge that reflects a technocratic approach to security, and illustrates this by systematically examining the literature. Research on the literature itself shows that three core themes dominate: state-centric approaches, technocratic approaches, and approaches to local ownership. These comprise a current, linear approach to SSR that ignores much of the critical literature on peace-building. The article then goes on to draw on some of this critical literature to develop an alternative approach to SSR building using a non-linear approach which incorporates a better understanding of institutional politics, an emphasis on process rather than structures, and analysis of hidden politics.; (AN 45134539)
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3.

Security sector reform and the challenge of vertical integration by Donais, Timothy. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p31-47, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe poor performance of conventional security sector reform (SSR) programming, especially in fragile and conflict-affected states, has led to growing calls for the development of a new generation of reform strategies capable of transcending the state-centrism of earlier approaches and delivering sustainable security dividends to insecure populations. This paper reflects on the challenges of second-generation SSR, with a particular emphasis on the imperatives of reconciling different understandings of ownership, of rendering SSR processes more inclusive, and of acknowledging the realities of non-state security provision. The paper suggests that at its core, SSR is about strengthening state-society relations, and that second-generation SSR will ultimately be judged on how effectively it comes to terms with the argument that genuine and sustainable change can only emerge through an endogenous process of relationship transformation, in which insiders, not outsiders, are the primary agents of change.; (AN 45134536)
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4.

Adapting Security Sector Reform to Ground-Level Realities: The Transition to a Second-Generation Model by Sedra, Mark. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p48-63, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe security sector reform (SSR) model has entered a period of uncertainty and change. Despite being mainstreamed in international development and security policy, SSR has had a meagre record of achievement. SSR analysts, practitioners and policymakers are increasingly speaking of the need to move to a second-generation SSR model. There is a growing belief that SSR in its current form is too utopian, technocratic, state-centric, and donor-driven to succeed. While there is no universally accepted blueprint for second-generation SSR, a number of characteristics have emerged that have begun to define the contours of this alternative vision: less overtly liberal; willing to engage non-state actors, norms and structures; more modest in is objectives and time frames; attuned to the political nature of the process; and bottom-up in its orientation.; (AN 45134540)
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5.

Examining the Links between Security Sector Reform and Peacekeeping Troop Contribution in Post-conflict States by Wilén, Nina. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p64-79, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the links between post-conflict states’ troop contributions to international peacekeeping missions and security sector reform (SSR). It shows how SSR and troop-contribution preparations are increasingly interwoven and at times perceived as complementary by both external and internal actors. Some of the objectives sought after in SSR, such as the modernization of the military forces and the institutionalization of international norms, overlap with the aim of external partners’ pre-deployment training programmes and formations. Yet, it is argued that there are several unintended consequences with establishing links between SSR and peacekeeping capacity-building that are too strong, including the reinforcement of the troop-contributing government which, in case the government has authoritarian tendencies, undermines democratic reforms and transparency. There is also a risk that donors increasingly prefer to support pre-deployment training that has tangible and rapid results rather than investing funds in SSR, which is politically difficult with few examples of success. Donors and national actors alike are therefore encouraged to reflect on whether post-conflict states should contribute troops in the immediate aftermath of conflict before SSR has been completed. The answer is likely to vary depending on context-specific issues, which makes it difficult to generalize across cases, but the question remains nevertheless essential.; (AN 45134537)
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6.

Intervention and Statebuilding Beyond the Human: From the ‘Black Box’ to the ‘Great Outdoors’ by Chandler, David. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p80-97, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses intervention and statebuilding as shifting towards a posthuman discursive regime. It seeks to explore how the shift to ‘bottom-up’ or post-liberal approaches has evolved into a focus upon epistemological barriers to intervention and an appreciation of complexity. It attempts to describe a process of reflection upon intervention as a policy practice, whereby the need to focus on local context and relations – in order to take problems seriously – begins to further undermine confidence in the Western episteme. In other words, the bottom-up approach, rather than resolving the crisis of policy practices of intervention, seems to further intensify it. It is argued that the way out of this crisis seems to be found in the rejection of the aspiration to know from a position of a ‘problem-solving’ external authority and instead to learn from the opportunities opened up through the practices of intervention. However, what is learnt does not seem to be able to fit into traditional modes and categories of expertise.; (AN 45134538)
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7.

Trajectories of International Engagement with State and Local Actors: Evidence from South Sudan by Maxwell, Daniel; Gordon, Rachel; Moro, Leben; Santschi, Martina; Dau, Philip. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p98-119, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExternal actors have been engaged in what is now South Sudan from the colonial era through to the present day, providing humanitarian and development assistance and exerting political pressure during and since the second civil war that has helped to protect people, legitimize the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), broker the peace agreements leading to independence, and undergird the new state of South Sudan. After the civil war and especially at independence, many international actors approached South Sudan as a tabula rasa, ready for peace and development; since then, engagement has shifted back to large-scale humanitarian efforts and crisis response. This paper investigates how international actors have engaged with the South Sudanese state and local actors in order to improve access to basic services and build state capacity to deliver those services and provide social protection and livelihood support, what the impacts of such engagement have been, and what aid actors can learn from this history. The paper draws on four years of fieldwork by the Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC), with a focus on Jonglei State.; (AN 45134543)
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8.

Domino Effect of Negative Hybrid Peace in Kosovo's Peacebuilding by Simangan, Dahlia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p120-141, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe concept of hybrid peace is at the forefront of recent scholarship on the local turn in peacebuilding. It highlights the interplay between the international and local, and advocates for better involvement of local actors and agencies. This paper adds to the growing scholarship on hybrid peace by substantiating the concept of negative hybrid peace and characterizing its dynamics on the ground. Using the case of Kosovo's post-conflict peacebuilding process this paper reveals that the co-option of a select group of local actors unintentionally contributed to a rejection of minority rights, resistance to liberal justice, and contextualization of healthcare provision. It shows that negative hybrid peace has a domino effect in that when a negative form of hybrid peace takes root in a peacebuilding component, other peacebuilding components become susceptible to other forms of negative hybrid peace. The analysis in this paper proves the utility of the concept of negative hybrid peace in understanding the consequences of unresolved tensions from international/liberal–local encounters during internationally administered peacebuilding missions.; (AN 45134544)
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9.

JISBInterview: Cholera, Accountability, and the UN in Haiti by Concannon, Brian. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p142-154, 13p; (AN 45134542)
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10.

Myth, Habitus, Field, and the Analysis of International Practices by Edelman, Florian. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p155-158, 4p; (AN 45134541)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 16, no. 3-4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Passing the Torch by Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p143-143, 1p; (AN 45165761)
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2.

The Importance of Norms by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p144-144, 1p; (AN 45165760)
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3.

A Typology of War Ethics by Brown, Davis. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p145-156, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInterdisciplinary communication on war is impeded by doctrinal gaps concerning its morality, immorality, and amorality. Much is written on ad bellumethical standards for military force by states, mainly in the fields of international politics and religious studies. However, a necessary first step in comparing these different approaches to war ethics with each other is to develop a system for classifying them. The classification system offered in this paper places war ethics on a grid with two scales. One axis of the grid ranges from permissiveness to restrictiveness. The other axis ranges from regard for self to regard for others. Twelve forms of war ethics are assigned points within the grid, including pacifism, just war, holy war, UN Charter obligations, several variants of realism, cost–benefit analysis, isolationism, and various ideological war ethics such as communist and fascist approaches. In doing so, this paper lays the groundwork for “quantifying” war ethics, to enable measurements of their effects against other state-level characteristics and outcomes of interaction.; (AN 45165762)
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4.

Military Ethics and the Situationist Critique by Cartagena, Nathan L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p157-172, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany contributors to military ethics from diverse locations and philosophical perspectives maintain that virtues are central to martial theory and practice. Yet several contemporary philosophers and psychologists have recently challenged the empirical adequacy of this perspective. Their challenge is known as the situationist critique, a version of which asserts that: (a) situational features rather than character traits such as virtues cause and explain human behavior, and (b) ethical theories and development programs are empirically inadequate to the extent that they incorporate virtues. In this paper, I assess the merit of this critique and consider some implications of my assessment for military practitioners and theorists.; (AN 45165764)
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5.

America’s Prescient Dissenters: Senator J. William Fulbright and Dr. Andrew J. Bacevich’s Principled Dissent of US Policy in Vietnam and Iraq and their Enduring Perspectives by LeVien, Douglas A.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p173-190, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the Cold War, the spread and fear of communism furnished the overarching ideological rationale for American foreign policy and for the deployment of United States military forces and resources. Subscribing to the domino theory and its potential impact on Southeast Asia, the Johnson Administration committed the United States to the Vietnam War. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, and the commencement of the Global War on Terrorism, Washington once again set a national agenda rooted in a simplistic analysis reminiscent of Vietnam and the domino theory. Ignorant of Iraq’s mammoth sectarian, historical, ethnic, and global strategic complexities, the Bush Administration launched Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). The absence of critical analysis, contrarian viewpoints, and sound judgment characterized the US policy and strategy for both the Vietnam War and OIF, exhibiting the lack of moral courage that the national security enterprise seeks, but seldom attains. Faced with this challenge, this article draws attention to the ethical lessons we can learn from the dissent of William Fulbright and Andrew Bacevich.; (AN 45165763)
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6.

Teaching Professional Ethos by Enstad, Kjetil. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p191-204, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the communication of professional ethos, the ethical standards of a profession in training, from passing on ideas of patients’ welfare in medical schools to communicating values in military academies. The article examines this through a consideration of the consequences of Wittgenstein’s discussions on the nature of language: how words and sentences acquire meaning. Wittgenstein’s rule-following paradox, the paradox that any act can be brought into correspondence with a rule and thereby that any “meaning” might be applicable to what is being taught, must make us re-evaluate assumptions about a professional ethos as a guide for professionals in their future practice. If, as Wittgenstein asserts, the meaning of a word is its use, we must abandon ideas of an essence of professional ethos encapsulated in words. Ethical standards of the professions are not reducible to a set of rules. Instead teachers must seek to expand the learner’s repertoire of responses and invite different answers rather than a pre-established correct answer.; (AN 45165765)
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7.

Risk, War, and the Dangers of Soldier Identity by Robillard, Michael. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p205-219, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe profession of arms is distinct from other professions for many reasons. One reason which is not so obvious is that, unlike members of other professions, soldiers may go their entire careers preparing for a day that never arrives. All things considered, we should think this to be a very good thing. For soldiers, however, this can feel somewhat odd, since there is a natural desire to want to feel useful and to see one’s role and purpose find realization. Accordingly, the common soldier is forced to adopt a rather paradoxical mindset, one of longing for peace, and therefore for uselessness, while at the same time longing to be useful, which would entail that there be a war. This latter desire to be useful and to vindicate one’s identity as a soldier can sometimes take on an unhealthy life of its own. The pull of wanting too strongly to live up to a warrior identity, I argue, can sometimes skew a soldier’s ability to assess risk rationally. This article will therefore investigate how a soldier’s concept of self influences his or her overall capacity to evaluate risk in war and when such influence might become morally problematic.; (AN 45165767)
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8.

Jacques Maritain: Christian Theorist of Non-Violence and Just War by Reichberg, Gregory M.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p220-238, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTJacques Maritain (1882–1973) is widely recognized as one of the foremost Catholic philosophers of modern times. He wrote groundbreaking works in all branches of philosophy. For a period of about 10 years, beginning in 1933, he discussed matters relating to war and ethics. Writing initially about Gandhi, whose strategy of non-violence he sought to incorporate within a Christian conception of political action, Maritain proceeded to comment more specifically on the religious aspects of armed force in “On Holy War,” an essay about the civil war then ongoing in Spain (1936–1939). After the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, Maritain penned a series of essays that sought to explain why the Anglo–French declarations of war were warranted on Christian just war principles. While the secondary literature on Maritain’s thought is extensive, thus far there has been little systematic exploration of his writings on war. In what follows I seek to remedy this lacuna, by examining how he conceptualized just war in the three phases outlined above.; (AN 45165766)
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9.

Responsibility in Complex Conflicts: An Afghan Case by Vikan, Cornelia. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p239-255, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper discusses soldiers’ moral responsibility in today’s complex conflicts. The point of departure is the increased focus on soldiers as moral decision-makers in war, illustrated by the introduction of core values in the Norwegian Armed Forces. Responsibility is one of these core values, but it is not clear exactly how we should understand responsibility. I use a case where a group of Norwegian soldiers in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) sought the cooperation of a group of mujahedeen to solve the military mission of establishing security. As confidence between the parties grew, the soldiers became horrified witnesses to a practice of bacha bazi, where a young boy is dressed up for entertainment and sexual abuse. This situation gives reason to question the limits of role responsibility, the status of soldiers’ legitimacy, and the challenges of making morally sound judgments in a multicultural context. The discussion demonstrates that, even if there are restrictions on the soldiers’ freedom to act, a responsibility reaching beyond or extending their role should be recognized as part of the moral reality of modern soldiers.; (AN 45165770)
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10.

Remotely Piloted Aircraft, Risk, and Killing as Sacrifice: The Cost of Remote Warfare by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p256-271, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this paper I argue that a remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) pilot’s act of killing remotely, when it is done in the defense of another person, can be viewed as an act of sacrifice. This argument concludes from two premises. First, the RPA pilot faces psychological risk to self by carrying out such an action; second, the RPA pilot is motivated to some significant degree by something other than self-interest. Moreover, I challenge both the view that RPA represent merely an incremental development in technology yielding an incremental expansion of the distance between the war-fighter and the target and the view that RPA is revolutionary in some fundamental sense. I instead argue that, based upon the natural geometric boundary imposed by the earth’s shape, RPA have maximized the physical distance between the war-fighter and the target and, over time, this fact will change, not only the psychological effects on the RPA pilot, but also the way we view killing and distance in general. When taken together, these two broad claims, that other-defense can justify killing in war and that there is a psychological cost paid by remote killers, yield a conception of remote killing as an act of sacrifice that will inform the broader conversation about ethics, risk, killing, and RPA.; (AN 45165769)
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11.

Modern Sikh Warriors: Militants, Soldiers, Citizens by Dorn, Walter; Gucciardi, Stephen. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p272-285, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCentral to the mainstream Sikh identity is the concept of ethically-justified force, used as a last resort. There is no place for absolute pacifism in this conception of ethical living. Fighters and martyrs occupy an important place in the Khalsa narrative, and Sikhs are constantly reminded of the sacrifices and heroism of their co-religionists of the past. This article explores how the Sikh warrior identity is manifested in the contemporary world. It examines the Sikhs who, in the 1980s and 1990s, were involved on both sides of the Punjab crisis: those militants who fought for a Sikh homeland (“Khalistan”) and those Sikhs in the Indian army who suppressed the insurgency. The article also looks beyond the militants and soldiers to Sikhs employed in modern security-related professions, the broader issue of Sikh symbols relating to the use of force, and violence within the Sikh diaspora. An examination of the Sikhs in various parts of the world reveals additional uses and consequences of ideology, whether in enlistment in the armed forces of the states in which they live, or in the support of the militancy in India, particularly in the 1980s. The conclusion is that the modern Sikh warrior is a nuanced actor behaving in various ways, some overt and some subtle: the warrior is willing to physically fight those perceived to be tyrannous, but most initiatives have shifted to pursuing justice through non-violent means, such as legal struggles for civil rights. Although armed Sikh militancy against the Indian government is in the past, there are strong residual resentments still requiring redress. All of this is of great relevance to understanding the ethics of armed force within modern Sikhism.; (AN 45165771)
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12.

The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Re-Made the World, by Oona A. Hathaway and Scott J. Shapiro by Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p286-287, 2p; (AN 45165768)
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13.

Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace, by Gregory M. Reichberg by Bonadonna, Reed. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3-4 p288-290, 3p; (AN 45165772)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 55, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Minorities and mistrust: On the adoption of ethnic recognition to manage conflict by King, Elisabeth; Samii, Cyrus. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p289-304, 16p; Abstract: An enduring debate in the conflict management literature concerns the wisdom of recognizing versus avoiding reference to ethnic identities in institutions to manage ethnic conflict. Understanding why ethnic recognition occurs is crucial for informing this debate. We develop a theory based on functional and political mobilization effects of recognizing ethnic groups. Contrary to reasoning that minority leaders would be most interested in recognition, the theory suggests that recognition consistently favors the interests of leaders from larger, plurality groups, whereas minority leaders face a ‘dilemma of recognition’ between functional gains and mobilization threats. We use mixed methods to test our theory. For our quantitative analysis, we draw on an original coding of recognition in constitutions and comprehensive political settlements from 1990 to 2012. We find that for cases with leaders from plurality groups, recognition is adopted 60% of the time. With leaders from minority groups, the rate is about 40 percentage points lower, even after accounting for many background factors. Additional quantitative tests and a qualitative analysis present more detailed evidence to show that the processes correspond to the logic of our theory. Answering these questions about when and why recognition is adopted is a crucial step in evaluating its effects on conflict.; (AN 45560011)
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2.

Repression and refuge: Why only some politically excluded ethnic groups rebel by Lindemann, Stefan; Wimmer, Andreas. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p305-319, 15p; Abstract: This article asks why ethnic exclusion from executive-level state power leads to armed conflict in some cases but not in others. To resolve this puzzle, it focuses on the possible role of five additional, qualitatively coded factors that have been considered by either grievance or opportunity theories of civil war but for which quantitative data are not readily available. To assess the combined relevance of these factors, the authors use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to explore the diverging conflict trajectories of 58 ‘most similar’ ethnic groups. These groups have a uniformly high conflict propensity because they are politically excluded, situated in poor countries, live geographically concentrated, and comprise substantial parts of the population; yet, only 25 of them actually experienced violent conflict. The results show that the resentment created by ethno-political exclusion translates into violent conflict if the state reacts against initial protests and mobilization with indiscriminate violence, and if there is a refuge area either within or outside the country that allows regime opponents to organize armed resistance. Moreover, a more processual analysis of conflict dynamics reveals that the conditions conducive to ethnic rebellion appear in a particular temporal sequence with a clear and universal escalation pattern.; (AN 45560018)
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3.

Media technology, covert action, and the politics of exposure by Joseph, Michael F; Poznansky, Michael. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p320-335, 16p; Abstract: States wishing to use force in the modern era frequently face strong incentives to exploit secrecy. Successful covert operations can reduce the likelihood of unwanted escalation with powerful rivals and help leaders conceal unpopular actions from domestic and foreign audiences alike. The many benefits of secrecy, however, can only be realized if covert operations remain covert. We argue that access to information and communications technologies (ICTs) is a critical factor that increases the chances that a covert mission will be exposed. As a result, leaders are much less likely to reach for the quiet option when a potential target has dense ICT networks. We illustrate our mechanism through US national security archival vignettes. We test our argument using a dataset of declassified US military and electoral interventions intended to subvert incumbent regimes throughout the Cold War. The core finding, that leaders are less likely to pursue covert action relative to alternative options when the chances of exposure are high, holds across five distinct measures of ICT networks as well as different model specifications and placebo tests. Our findings suggest that Cold War-style covert operations may well be a thing of the past in an age where communication and media technologies have proliferated to the far corners of the globe. We advance debates on communications technologies, covert action, and political violence.; (AN 45560010)
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4.

Weakened by the storm: Rebel group recruitment in the wake of natural disasters in the Philippines by Walch, Colin. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p336-350, 15p; Abstract: How do natural disasters affect rebel group recruitment? Some influential research to date suggests that natural disasters – by lowering the opportunity cost of joining an armed movement – are likely to facilitate rebel group recruitment. In contrast, this study argues that natural disasters can negatively affect rebel organization and their recruitment efforts. It posits that natural disasters may weaken rebel groups in two main interrelated ways: (1) by leading to acute scarcity for rebel combatants and supporters, weakening the rebel group’s organizational structure and supply lines, and (2) by increasing government and international presence in areas where the insurgents operate. Empirically, this article explores these suggested mechanisms in two cases of natural disasters in the Philippines (typhoons Bopha in 2012 and Haiyan in 2013), which affected regions partially controlled by the communist rebel group, the New People’s Army (NPA). Based on data from extensive fieldwork, there is no evidence suggesting a boom in rebel recruitment in the wake of the typhoons. Rather, the NPA was temporarily weakened following the tropical storms, significantly impacting the civil war dynamics in the Philippines.; (AN 45560012)
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5.

Does environmental peacemaking between states work? Insights on cooperative environmental agreements and reconciliation in international rivalries by Ide, Tobias. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p351-365, 15p; Abstract: The literature on environmental peacemaking argues that cooperation in the face of shared environmental challenges can facilitate further cooperation, trust building, and eventually peace between states in conflict. Empirical research on environmental peacemaking, predominantly conducted in the form of single case studies, has so far been inconclusive. This article uses a cross-case, multimethod research design to test the environmental peacemaking proposition. More specifically, it argues that the conclusion of a cooperative environmental agreement can have a positive impact on reconciliation between rival states. Based on a new dataset on international rivalry termination, transboundary protected areas, and international freshwater agreements, this article first conducts a statistical analysis and a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). The results are then verified and refined by six case studies. Triangulation of findings from the three studies suggests that the conclusion of a cooperative environmental agreement facilitates reconciliation in international rivalries. But this effect is contingent on a number of scope conditions, such as high environmental attention, internal political stability, wider patterns or traditions of environmental cooperation, and already ongoing processes of reconciliation. Still, the findings imply that environmental challenges do not only affect peace and security in a negative way. Addressing them jointly also opens opportunities for peacemaking and peacebuilding between states.; (AN 45560013)
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6.

Rallying the troops: Collective action and self-interest in UN peacekeeping contributions by Passmore, Timothy JA; Shannon, Megan; Hart, Andrew F. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p366-379, 14p; Abstract: Is the acquisition of personnel for UN peacekeeping missions susceptible to free-riding by UN member states? If so, what drives this behavior and what impact does this have on obtaining required personnel for the mission? Using data from 21 missions in 13 African countries between 1990 and 2010, this article addresses whether UN peacekeeping missions experience a shortfall in personnel due to incentives to free-ride by contributing states. It argues that as the number of states contributing to a mission increases, contributors have a greater incentive to free-ride and make suboptimal personnel contributions, leading to greater overall shortfall in the mission’s personnel. However, this free-riding behavior can be mitigated by the economic incentives of contributor states. The findings support two central tenets of collective action theory: that free-riding by member states contributing to the mission is more prevalent when the number of contributors is larger, and when selective incentives such as economic gains are lower. These findings have implications for the strategic composition and efficacy of peacekeeping forces. More broadly, the results underscore the struggle of international organizations to obtain compliance from member states in achieving their international objectives.; (AN 45560009)
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7.

Where, when, and how does the UN work to prevent civil war in self-determination disputes? by White, Peter B; Cunningham, David E; Beardsley, Kyle. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p380-394, 15p; Abstract: The UN has placed rhetorical emphasis on the prevention of armed conflict before it starts and has taken selective action toward that end. What determines where the UN gets involved? We examine UN preventive actions by focusing on UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions in self-determination (SD) disputes. We argue that UN decisionmakers consider at least three factors when deciding where to target preventive action: the dispute’s conflict history, the potential for regional contagion, and the characteristics of the dispute. We further argue that the political dynamics of UNSC decisionmaking constrain the UN’s ability to pay attention to the third factor (the characteristics of the dispute). We test this argument using data on all UNSC resolutions comprising the authorization of diplomatic engagement, condemnation, the authorization of sanctions, and the deployment of force targeted toward SD disputes from 1960 to 2005. We find that the UN is much more likely to act in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence and in disputes with a potential for regional contagion. The analysis shows that, while political barriers likely restrict the ability for the UNSC to act when dispute-level characteristics suggest armed conflict is more likely, the UN does act proactively to prevent violence, rather than just reactively responding to existing violence.; (AN 45560015)
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8.

Girl soldiering in rebel groups, 1989–2013: Introducing a new dataset by Haer, Roos; Böhmelt, Tobias. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p395-403, 9p; Abstract: Most existing work assumes that child soldiers are under-aged males. Girl soldiers have largely been neglected so far, although they frequently have important roles in rebel groups. One reason for this shortcoming has been the lack of comprehensive and systematic data on female child soldiers over a larger time period. To address this gap, the following article introduces the Girl Child Soldier Dataset (G-CSDS), which provides – based on academic, IGO, NGO, government, and media sources – information on the number of girl soldiers and their functions (supporters or combatants) in rebel groups between 1989 and 2013. The dataset can be easily combined with other data based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), and we demonstrate its usefulness with descriptive statistics and a regression analysis that is informed by previous research on women’s participation in armed groups. Among other interesting findings, the corresponding results suggest that there are crucial differences between girl combatants and those active in more supportive roles. We conclude that the G-CSDS provides a central platform of easily accessible information that will be useful to scholars and practitioners working on civil conflict, human rights, armed groups, or demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration (DDR) programs.; (AN 45560016)
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9.

UN targeted sanctions datasets (1991–2013) by Biersteker, Thomas J; Eckert, Sue E; Tourinho, Marcos; Hudáková, Zuzana. Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 p404-412, 9p; Abstract: Targeted sanctions are increasingly used by the United Nations (UN) Security Council to address major challenges to international peace and security. Unlike other sanctions, those imposed by the UN are universally binding and relied upon as a basis for legitimating both unilateral and regional sanctions measures. Encompassing a wide range of individual, diplomatic, financial, and sectoral measures, targeted sanctions allow senders to target a specific individual, corporate entity, region, or sector, helping to minimize the negative effects of sanctions on wider populations. This article introduces the Targeted Sanctions Consortium (TSC) quantitative and qualitative datasets, which encompass all UN targeted sanctions imposed between 1991 and 2013, or 23 different country regimes broken into 63 case episodes for comparative analysis. Adding to existing datasets on sanctions (HSE, TIES), these new, closely interrelated datasets enable scholars using both quantitative and qualitative methods to: (1) differentiate among different purposes, types of sanctions, and target populations, (2) assess the scope of different combinations of targeted measures, (3) access extensive details about UN sanctions applied since the end of the Cold War, and (4) analyze changing dynamics within sanctions regimes over time in ways other datasets do not. The two TSC datasets assess UN targeted sanctions as effective 22% of the time and describe major aspects of UN targeted sanctions regimes, including the types of sanctions, their purposes and targets, impacts, relationships with other institutions, sanctions regimes, and policy instruments, mechanisms of coping and evasion, and unintended consequences.; (AN 45560017)
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10.

Erratum Journal of Peace Research, May 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 3 pNP1-NP2, 2p; (AN 45560014)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 31, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

From the Editor by Hill, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p189-190, 2p; (AN 45319727)
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2.

Tools of Future Wars — Russia is Entering the Precision-Strike Regime by McDermott, Roger N.; Bukkvoll, Tor. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p191-213, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConventional high-precision weapons play an increasingly important role in the defense of Russia. They may also in the future be important in bilateral conflicts where Russia wants to force its will through. In general, the Russian debate on these weapons is more preoccupied with defensive than offensive scenarios. However, there are also those who argue that (a) conventional high-precision weapons are likely to increase the role of military force in foreign policy generally around the world; (b) for Russia they may be particularly efficient in conflicts with highly developed states, since these states are especially vulnerable because of their high concentration of critical stationary installations; and (c) these weapons may be particularly efficient in combination with other military capabilities.; (AN 45319728)
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3.

Russian Airpower’s Success in Syria: Assessing Evolution in Kinetic Counterinsurgency by Shield, Ralph. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p214-239, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussia’s employment of airpower in Syria presents an opportunity to assess its inter- and intra-war adaptation in kinetic counterinsurgency. An initial survey suggests that new technologies and tactics have enhanced the Russian Aerospace Forces’ battlefield lethality and resilience but have not yet triggered a transition in operating concept. Russia has not actualized a reconnaissance-strike regime, advanced air-ground integration, or a revolution in readiness. Rather, situational and strategic factors appear to be more powerful contributors to its superior performance in the current conflict. The resultant findings provide insight into Moscow’s coercive campaign logic, force planning imperatives, and the likelihood that it will re-export the Syria model elsewhere.; (AN 45319729)
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4.

Russia’s National Security Strategy: Analysis of Conceptual Evolution by Pynnöniemi, Katri. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p240-256, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe conflict in Ukraine and the subsequent worsening of relations between Russia and the West has left a strong imprint on Russia’s strategic security documents. Starting with the renewal of military doctrine in late 2014, Russia has approved changes to all the major security documents within the pace of few years (2014–2016). This article analyzes how the key parameters of the national security strategy have evolved in comparison with the previous versions of the strategy. Revisions made to the text highlight Russia’s vision of world politics as struggle for resources and power, as well as a heightened sense of danger toward Russia. The analysis draws attention to the importance of an ‘asymmetric approach’ in Russia’s thinking on contemporary conflict situations.; (AN 45319730)
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5.

The History of Central Asian Peacekeepers: The Development of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan’s Peacekeeping Units by Fits and Starts by Stein, Matthew. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p257-271, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article discusses the history of the Central Asian Armed Forces’ involvement with peacekeeping and their current efforts to build peacekeeping units. The governments of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have had an interest in taking part in international peacekeeping missions, and NATO has provided security assistance to each to develop a peacekeeping unit. These units have been working on becoming interoperable with NATO forces with the goal of deploying on an international peacekeeping mission. An examination of the development of Central Asian peacekeeping units gives some idea of what these governments look for in security cooperation partnerships, when these units might deploy on a peacekeeping mission, and the impact this could have for the governments and armed forces of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.; (AN 45319733)
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6.

The Russian Navy and the Development of Alaska: The Military Dimension1 by Grinëv, Andrei V.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p272-301, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Russian Navy played a decisive role in the opening of Alaska, though later relatively few of its ships appeared in the region, passing the baton to ships of private merchant companies and then to the Russian-American Company, which governed Alaska until its sale to the United States in 1867. Most of the company’s ships had rather limited military capabilities. Although the navy played a significant role in the development of Alaska, the military dimension to this process manifested itself relatively weakly. The ships under the Russian flag primarily carried out transport and convoy functions, shielding flotillas of company hunting baidarki[skin boats] from the attacks of hostile Indians, and later conducted formal patrols for watching foreign whaling ships. Almost the only episodes in which Russian ships were used in battle were the participation of the sloop Nevain a fight with the Tlingit Indians in 1804 and the raids of two Russian-American Company ships in 1806–1807 on Japanese villages on Sakhalin Island and the southern Kurile Islands.; (AN 45319732)
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7.

Bassin, Mark, and Poso, Gonzalo (eds.). The Politics of Eurasianism: Identity, Popular Culture and Russia’s Foreign Policy. London, UK: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. ISBN: 978-1-78660-161-2. by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p302-304, 3p; (AN 45319731)
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8.

Davis, Vicky. Myth Making in the Soviet Union and Modern Russia: Remembering World War II in Brezhnev’s Hero City. London, UK: I.B. Tauris, 2018. ISBN: 978-1-78453-948-1. by Mann, Yan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p305-306, 2p; (AN 45319734)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 41, no. 4, June 2018

Record

Results

1.

ERRATUM Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p1-1, 1p; (AN 45621191)
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2.

Corrigendum Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p4-4, 1p; (AN 45621192)
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3.

Corrigendum Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p5-5, 1p; (AN 45621193)
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4.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p491-493, 3p; (AN 45621185)
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5.

Comparing the Anglo-American and Israeli-American Special Relationships in the Obama Era: An Alliance Persistence Perspective by Xu, Ruike; Rees, Wyn. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p494-518, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Anglo-American and Israeli-American special relationships have proved to be unusually close and have confounded expectations that they would wither away with the changing international environment. In order to explain this, the article proposes a theory of ‘alliance persistence’ that is based on reciprocity over shared geostrategic interests, sentimental attachments and institutionalised security relations. The article employs this theoretical framework to explore how Anglo-American and Israeli-American relations have developed during the Obama administration. It argues that the Anglo-American relationship has been closer because of the two countries’ shared strategic interests, whilst the Israeli-American relationship has experienced divergences in how the security interests of the two sides have been pursued. The article concludes by assessing how the two relationships will fair in the post-Obama era and argues that there are numerous areas of tension in the US-Israeli relationship that risk future tensions.; (AN 45621186)
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6.

Think again – supplying war: reappraising military logistics and its centrality to strategy and war by Erbel, Mark; Kinsey, Christopher. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p519-544, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that logistics constrains strategic opportunity while itself being heavily circumscribed by strategic and operational planning. With the academic literature all but ignoring the centrality of logistics to strategy and war, this article argues for a reappraisal of the critical role of military logistics, and posits that the study and conduct of war and strategy are incomplete at best or false at worst when they ignore this crucial component of the art of war. The article conceptualises the logistics–strategy nexus in a novel way, explores its contemporary manifestation in an age of uncertainty, and applies it to a detailed case study of UK operations in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001.; (AN 45621187)
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7.

Beyond the Double Game: Lessons from Pakistan’s Approach to Islamist Militancy by Tankel, Stephen. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p545-575, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStates commonly take one of three approaches to militant groups on their soil: collaboration; benign neglect; or belligerence. All three approaches are present in Pakistan, where some groups also move back and forth among these categories. I employ the term “coopetition” to capture this fluidity. The dynamic nature of militancy in Pakistan makes the country an excellent laboratory for exploring a state’s assessment of the utility an Islamist militant group offers, and the threat it poses relative to other threats informs the state’s treatment of that group. In this article, I put forward a typology that situates Islamist militants in Pakistan in one of the above four categories. I also illustrate how a group’s identity, objectives, and alliances inform assessments of its utility and threat relative to other threats. In addition to enhancing our understanding of militant–state dynamics, this taxonomy builds on and helps to unify earlier typologies of Pakistani militancy.; (AN 45621188)
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8.

Geopolitics over Proliferation: the Origins of US Grand Strategy and Their Implications for the Spread of Nuclear Weapons in South Asia by Cavanna, Thomas P.. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p576-603, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow much does the United States care about nonproliferation? Recent scholarship suggests that the fear of spreading nuclear weapons was central to the US grand strategy in the Cold War. In one important case, however, this argument does not hold. This article draws on theoretical debates and newly declassified archives to demonstrate the primacy of geopolitics over nonproliferation in Washington’s policy toward India and Pakistan. Despite their rhetoric, Democratic and Republican leaders consistently relegated nonproliferation to the backburner whenever it conflicted with other strategic goals. Moreover, they inadvertently encouraged proliferation in South Asia at three inter-connected levels: technology, security, and identity.; (AN 45621189)
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9.

Making Jihad or Making Money? Understanding the Transformation of Dagestan’s Jamaatsinto Organised Crime Groups by Souleimanov, Emil Aslan. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p604-628, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile terrorist and insurgent groups have often combined anti-state subversion with ‘purely‘ criminal activities in order to obtain the financial means to wage their ideological struggle, little is known about the transformation of such groups into non-ideological organised crime groups (OCG) with close links to authorities. This holds particularly for jihadist groups that have on ideological grounds ruled out collaboration with their archenemies – ‘infidels’ and ‘apostates’. Using unique ethnographic data from Russia’s Dagestan, this article explores the causes and contexts of the gradual transformation of some of Dagestan’s jihadist units – jamaats –into organised crime groups collaborating with local authorities.; (AN 45621190)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 16, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

TTIP negotiations: interest groups, anti-TTIP civil society campaigns and public opinion by Eliasson, Leif Johan; Huet, Patricia Garcia-Duran. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p101-116, 16p; Abstract: The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) was intended to create jobs and boost the economies on both sides of the Atlantic. However, constituency support was difficult to garnish, and negotiations were frozen in late 2016, leaving their conclusion in doubt. What led to this stage? Why has an agreement been elusive? Using an array of indicators this paper argues that a major reason was the extensive and professionally structured public mobilisation campaign conducted by European civil society organisations. This shifted public opinion across Europe, which in turn impacted policy. Our research contributes to the literatures on trade, lobbying, and transatlantic relations, with relevance beyond TTIP. The paper discusses how generalised and diffused interests and public opinion are impacting an area of public policy (trade) traditionally influenced predominantly by lobbying from narrowly focused interests.; (AN 45274910)
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2.

The French in the heart of North America? ‘Civilisation rallying’, national unity, and the geopolitical significance of 1917 by Haglund, David G.; Massie, Justin. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p117-136, 20p; Abstract: This article addresses the role that ‘civilisation rallying’ (sometimes known as the ‘kin-country syndrome’) had in the orientation of both North American countries, Canada and the United States, towards the First World War, with special emphasis upon how France was being reconceptualised in debates taking place in each. France may have been ‘ousted’ from the geostrategic reality of North America back in 1763, but it had an uncanny way of failing to disappear. In fact, you could almost say that as strategic actors about to play an ‘independent’ role in global and European affairs, for both Canada and the US it was a case of France’s having been ‘present at their creation’. But while France figured in both North American countries’ kin-country rallying, it did so for different reasons. Notwithstanding the differences, the pull of a transatlantic ‘collective identity’ whose European point of reference for the North Americans was France (along, of course, with Britain) was packed with tremendous policy significance, and never more so than in the critical year, 1917.; (AN 45274909)
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3.

Why Canada is best explained as a ‘reliable ally’ in 2017 by McKay, J.R.. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p137-164, 28p; Abstract: The Trudeau government has a deep philosophical attachment to liberal internationalism, yet its actions suggest otherwise. In 2017, its behaviour, operationalised in terms of changes to defence spending, deployments of military personnel overseas and the employment of strategic narratives, lend more weight to ‘reliable ally’ explanations. The Trump Administration, with its criticism of NATO and concern about burden-sharing, represented an intervening variable. Canada’s actions, while certainly self-interested, also represented an effort to persuade the Trump Administration that NATO was neither obsolete nor a club of states free-riding on American largesse as a means of shoring up the alliance.; (AN 45274911)
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4.

Similar impressions? Anglo-American relations and South Asia, autumn 1971 by Riley, Dave. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p165-180, 16p; Abstract: Despite divergences of policy over South Asia in autumn 1971, Heath and Nixon’s communications focused upon areas of agreement. An unwillingness to confront disagreements over policy subsequently fostered misunderstandings between the two allies as both lent tacit support to opposite sides of a hot war in South Asia just weeks later. Nonetheless, Heath’s desire to improve the tone of Anglo-American relations in the autumn of 1971 provides a further challenge to the commonly held assertion that his desire to enter the EC led him to shun an amiable relations with the US.; (AN 45274912)
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5.

Challenging Americanism and Europeanism: African-Americans and Roma in the American South and European Union ‘South’ by Rucker-Chang, Sunnie. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p181-199, 19p; Abstract: In this piece, I illustrate how a number of the successes of the Civil Rights movement in the United States have travelled to Europe to advance the cause of Roma Rights, and question if Roma inclusion initiatives in Central and Southeast Europe can bring forth a more inclusive notion of Europeanism in the same way that the Civil Rights movement changed the narrative of Americanism to include marginalised African-Americans. In employing an ethno-symbolist approach, I interrogate the fluid concepts of Americanism and Europeanism to analyse myth, memory, symbol, and cultural imaginaries of ‘North’ and ‘South’ in the United States and Europe. Through careful comparisons of similarities and differences between African-American and Central and Southeast European Roma communities and their quest for equality, this piece details how dominant discourses of the nation distance minority populations, rendering inclusion possible only with great narrative shifts in the ideal of the nation, the passage of time, and, most importantly, the enforcement of laws to support equality measures.; (AN 45274914)
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6.

Churchill and the Anglo-American special relationship by Ashton, Nigel. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 2 p200-201, 2p; (AN 45274913)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 11, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Navigating the complexities of media roles in conflict: The INFOCORE approach by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Meyer, Christoph O.; Baden, Christian; Frère, Marie-Soleil. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p3-21, 19p; Abstract: The article draws on the first findings of the INFOCORE project to better understand the ways in which different types of media matter to the emergence, escalation or, conversely, the pacification and prevention of violence. The authors make the case for combining an interactionist approach of media influence, which is centred on the effects of evidential claims, frames and agendas made by various actors over time, with greater sensitivity for the factors that make conflict cases so different. They argue that the specific role played by the media depends, chiefly: (a) on the ways in which it transforms conflict actors’ claims, interpretations and prescriptions into media content; and (b) their ability to amplify these contents and endow them with reach, visibility and consonance. They found significant variation in media roles across six conflict cases and suggest that they are best explained four interlocking conditioning factors: (i) the degree to which the media landscape is diverse and free, or conversely, controlled and instrumentalized by conflict parties; (ii) societal attitudes to and uses of different media by audiences; (iii) different degrees of conflict intensity and dynamics between the conflict parties; (iv) the degree and nature of the involvement of regional and international actors. The article maintains that de-escalatory media influence will be most effective over the longer term, in settings of low intensity conflict and when tailored carefully to local conditions.; (AN 44965881)
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2.

The search for common ground in conflict news research: Comparing the coverage of six current conflicts in domestic and international media over time by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Baden, Christian; Tenenboim-Weinblatt, Keren. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p22-45, 24p; Abstract: In its search for media influences in violent conflict, most existing scholarship has investigated the coverage of specific, salient conflict events. Media have been shown to focus on violence, sidelining concerns of reconciliation and disengaging rapidly as time proceeds. Studies have documented ethnocentric bias and self-reinforcing media hypes, which have been linked to escalation and radicalization. However, based on the existing studies, it remains hard to gauge if the unearthed patterns of media coverage are generally pervasive or limited to a few salient moments, specific conflicts or contexts. Likewise, we cannot say if different kinds of media apply similar styles of conflict coverage, or if their coverage is subject to specific contextual or outlet-specific factors. In this article, the authors compare the contents of both domestic and foreign opinion-leading media coverage across six selected conflicts over a time range of 4 to 10 years. They conduct a diachronic, comparative analysis of 3,700 semantic concepts raised in almost 900,000 news texts from 66 different news media. Based on this analysis, they trace when and to what extent each outlet focuses its attention on the conflict, highlights specific aspects (notably, violence and suffering, negotiations and peaceful solutions), and presents relevant in- and out-groups, applying different kinds of evaluation. The analysis generally corroborates the media’s tendency to cover conflict in an event-oriented, violence-focused and ethnocentric manner, both during routine periods and – exacerbated merely by degrees – during major escalation. At the same time, the analysis highlights important differences in the strength and appearance of these patterns, and points to recurrent contingencies that can be tied to the specific contextual factors and general journalistic logics shaping the coverage.; (AN 44965882)
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3.

How conflict news comes into being: Reconstructing ‘reality’ through telling stories by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Hoxha, Abit; Hanitzsch, Thomas. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p46-64, 19p; Abstract: Based on interviews with 215 conflict journalists and 315 reconstructed articles, this article explores the way conflict coverage comes into being. The study used retrospective reconstruction to investigate the genesis of news through the journalists’ recollections of decisions and considerations made during the process of news production. The analysis specifically focused on story ideation, story narration and story presentation in the context of coverage about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the civil war in Syria, as well as about Kosovo, Macedonia, Burundi and the DRC. The study found that, when invited to speak about their jobs, many conflict journalists cling to a professional narrative suggesting that they are reporting ‘just the facts’ and that it is the ‘reality’ that tells the story. The story reconstructions demonstrate, however, that journalists deliver an intellectual reconstruction of ‘reality’ by actualizing the factual evidence that speaks best to the central narrative of a story and that best ‘exemplifies’ what they think has ‘really’ happened. Furthermore, journalists’ habitus of routinely digesting social media and leading news outlets explains why conflict coverage is often so self-referential.; (AN 44965886)
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4.

The impact of media and NGOs on four European Parliament discourses about conflicts in the Middle East by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Herrero-Jiménez, Beatriz; Arcila Calderón, Carlos; Carratalá, Adolfo; Berganza, Rosa. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p65-84, 20p; Abstract: There is empirical evidence of media influence on parliamentary agenda, especially when media coverage privileges conflict framing of reality and negativity. This article addresses the impact of media presence (traditional and social media) and NGOs on European parliamentary discussions about violent conflicts in the Middle East and their role during phases of escalation and pacification. The authors content analysed 7,633 minutes from debates involving the Syrian (from January 2011 to June 2015) and Israeli–Palestinian (from March 2006 to June 2015) conflicts, from the European Parliament (N= 2,541), the German Bundestag (N= 2,138), the UK House of Commons (N= 2,514) and the French Assemblée Nationale (N= 440). Conflict-related paragraphs were filtered and analysed. Using the multilingual and cross-validated dictionary adapted to conflict and media analysis created by INFOCORE, they measured the presence of media and actors as well as the inclusion of conflict-key concepts within parliamentary discussions. Findings revealed that social media (when compared to traditional media and NGOs) are the main actors quoted in parliamentary minutes when they refer to violent conflicts and that this attention varies over time and is driven by focusing events. The presence of traditional and social media as well as NGOs in the debates was significantly different depending on the parliament studied and the conflict under consideration. The authors found empirical evidence supporting the claim that such concepts as limited violence, crisis, assistance and pacification are correlated with the presence of media and NGOs.; (AN 44965885)
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5.

Between factoids and facts: The application of ‘evidence’ in NGO strategic communication on war and armed conflict by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Fröhlich, Romy; Jungblut, Marc. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p85-106, 22p; Abstract: NGOs are significant actors in conflict-related discourses and play a key role in the shaping of mediated conflict communication. Since previous scholarly work has rarely analyzed the way NGOs characterize the ‘reality’ of violent conflicts, this contribution to the special issue focuses on the publicity of NGOs in this field. On the basis of a big-data content analysis, the authors in particular investigate the epistemological status of NGOs’ strategic communication on war. They focus on ‘evidential claims’, the actual provision of evidence and the transparency of sources of evidential claims. The results are compared across different types of NGOs for their communication on six international armed conflicts. The findings suggest that the communication of NGOs in this is caught between their role of a strategic communicator and that of an expert. Improvement is especially needed concerning the indication of sources of evidential claims: 47 percent of all texts do not provide any source specification.; (AN 44965877)
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6.

The role of the media in violent conflicts in the digital age: Israeli and Palestinian leaders’ perceptions by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Wolfsfeld, Gadi. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p107-124, 18p; Abstract: The role of the news media in violent conflicts is a topic that has received a great deal of scholarly attention especially in the field of political communication. A major issue that has emerged in recent years asks about whether the advent of the digital age has led to any significant changes in the role the media play in such confrontations. In this article, the author focuses on two research questions that seem especially important. The first asks: Has the advent of the digital age had any impact on how political leaders view the ability of weaker antagonists to compete politically with the more powerful side in asymmetrical conflicts? The second asks: To what extent do political leaders involved in violent conflicts think that the changes associated with the digital age have led to the media playing a more positive or negative role in attempts at peace and reconciliation. The author tries to provide some initial answers to these questions based on 30 interviews with Israeli and Palestinian political leaders. In answer to the first research question, he did find some convincing evidence that the digital age has improved the ability of weaker challengers to compete with their more powerful antagonists. The spread of camera phones and the inability of the authorities to keep secrets help explain this change. The answer to the second research question is also fairly clear. If the political leaders interviewed are to be believed, the advent of the digital age represents a tremendous boon for spreading hatred and intolerance. Revealingly, this is an area where almost total agreement among both Israeli and Palestinian leaders was found.; (AN 44965879)
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7.

Exploring democracy and violence in Burundi: A multi-methodical analysis of hegemonic discourses on Twitter by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Dimitrakopoulou, Dimitra; Boukala, Salomi. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p125-148, 24p; Abstract: Burundi has garnered international headlines since April 2015 insofar as the country entered a serious political crisis and fell into conflict. The utilization of social media by the leadership amid the chaos and the lack of studies regarding the top-down uses of social media prompted the authors to explore the Twitter usage by the Burundian presidency and the presidency’s spokesperson. The authors’ research is developed through three main research areas that interact and inform each other: hegemonic discourses on democracy and elections; hegemonic discourses on violence and conflict; and hegemonic discourses on foreign media representations. By employing quantitative content analysis and the Discourse Historical Approach, they intend to present an in-depth analysis of the Twitter accounts of the Burundian presidency and the presidency’s spokesperson as an arena of institutional communication and hegemonic struggle. They first briefly review the conflict under study and present main concepts that dominate this article such as discourse and hegemony. Thereafter, they present their interdisciplinary approach as an adequate methodology to analyse, understand and explain the intricate complexities of hegemonic discourse that may evolve on social media. Finally, they proceed to the analysis of the most characteristic tweets to illustrate the significance of their interdisciplinary approach to the study of Twitter.; (AN 44965884)
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8.

How do non-governmental organizations influence media coverage of conflict? The case of the Syrian conflict, 2011–2014 by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Meyer, Christoph O.; Sangar, Eric; Michaels, Eva. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p149-171, 23p; Abstract: It is often argued that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have become increasingly visible in media discourses on armed conflict and thus play a growing role in shaping states’ foreign policies. However, there is little investigation of their influence on specific conflict coverage and what types of NGOs are influential, in what way and under what conditions. The authors elaborate a ‘supply and demand’ model of growing or declining NGO influence to theorize these dynamics and take Syria’s civil war from 2011–2014 as a ‘best case’ for testing it. They conducted an interpretative analysis of NGO output and media coverage to investigate the relative visibility of NGOs in the media over time. Further, they examine how different NGOs were referred to during two highly salient phases of the conflict for debates about foreign policy: the first escalation of protests and their repression in 2011 and the use of chemical weapons in 2013. They find evidence of rising NGO visibility and growing reliance on new types of semi-local NGOs for the provision of factual news about the conflict and human rights violations. Yet, large international NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch remained the most influential in pushing normative frames and advocating a tough stance on the Assad regime. The article discusses the implications of the findings for the theoretical argument and for broader accounts of NGOs influence.; (AN 44965880)
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9.

Book review: Image Brokers: Visualizing World News in the Age of Digital Circulation by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Allan, Stuart. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p172-174, 3p; (AN 44965883)
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10.

Book review: Warrior Geeks: How 21st-Century Technology Is Changing the Way We Fight and Think About Warand The Code of the Warrior: Exploring Warrior Values Past and Present by Frère, Marie-Soleil; Meyer, Christoph; Huntsman, John D. Media War and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p174-176, 3p; (AN 44965878)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

The French foreign policy U-turn in the Arab Spring – the case of Tunisia by Krüger, Laura-Theresa; Stahl, Bernhard. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p197-222, 26p; Abstract: AbstractAs for many, the Arab uprisings of 2010–11 came as a surprise for France. After initial inactivity, followed by last minute support of the Tunisian regime, President Sarkozy took a U-turn by spearheading the military intervention in Libya and both Sarkozy and his successor Hollande announced a re-launch in the Franco-Tunisian relations. Starting from the assumption that France’s drastic foreign policy changes cannot be sufficiently explained by presidential change, we draw upon social-constructivist discourse-bound identity theory and provide a model for discursive legitimations of foreign policy changes. When the “permissive consensus” between the three discursive formations of the French foreign policy identity breaks up, drastic foreign policy turns may occur. By analysing the French policy actions and rhetoric towards Tunisia between 2007 and 2015, we show, however, that the sudden change tends to be rather ephemeral and that French foreign policy seems to be gradually returning to its pre-revolution approach.; (AN 45275092)
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2.

The EU and the international socialization of gender equality: a case study of Tunisia’s AFTURDand Women and Citizenship (WAC) by Ferreiro Prado, Lucía. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p223-244, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe paper explores the impact of EU democracy promotion in the area of gender in Tunisia. It corroborates and adds nuance to the claim found in previous literature that the EU finances those CSOs whose leadership already embraces gender equality. It shows that members of these CSOs are socialized to different degrees and the internalization of gender equality differs depending on age, gender and location. Already socialized members increased their levels of attachment and investment. New CSO members differed in their socialization outcomes. Some undergo a full internalization process, others develop attachment to some features, while they reject those ideas that do not resonate in their value system. Findings also show that the EU successfully fosters local ownership in project management.; (AN 45275093)
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3.

‘Dégage RCD!’ The rise of internal dissent in Ben Ali’s Constitutional Democratic Rally and the Tunisian uprisings by Wolf, Anne. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p245-264, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the historical evolution of Tunisia’s Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) from its beginnings in 1987, when President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali took power, until his ousting in 2011 when the party was outlawed. I argue that the RCD evolved from a political force with wide popular support during a short democratic era (1987–89) into a repressive interest group in the 1990s, when the regime cracked down on political dissidents and popular freedoms whilst rewarding party members with lucrative benefits. In the 2000s the RCD adopted a quasi-mafiosi structure that profited the Ben Ali family, which increasingly monopolized economic and political power. Tunisia’s transformation into a near dynasty marginalized many RCD members and its wider networks, a central dynamic to understand Ben Ali’s ousting in 2011.; (AN 45275094)
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4.

From Small Streams to Pipe Dreams – The Hydro-Engineering of the Cyprus Conflict by Hoffmann, Clemens. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p265-285, 21p; Abstract: AbstractA 2008 water crisis triggered collective fears of droughts and long-term scarcities both north and south of the buffer zone dividing the Mediterranean island of Cyprus since 1974. Tectonic shifts in the island’s water management were the result. Central to export oriented agricultural production since British colonial days, water has always been a policy priority throughout independence, conflict and division for all administrations on the island. With discourses of scarcity and impending doom on the rise, policy makers north and south of the buffer zone started investing heavily in non-conventional high capacity water resources. Since October 2015 an underwater pipeline from the Turkish mainland supplies the north of the island with freshwater while the Republic of Cyprus has commissioned desalination plants through public private partnerships. This article argues that both the construction of the motherland’s “umbilical water cord” in the north as well as the “desalination rush” in the south are not just reactions to issues of environmental scarcity. It shows that Malthusian narratives of water scarcity leading to conflict are just as mistaken as liberal notions of scarcity leading to cooperation. Instead, relationships of power, rooted in post-colonial state formation, development, conflict and division have motivated financially costly but politically expedient investments in excess capacities, rather than improvement of water management. Both the northern and southern water infrastructure boom is understood within its geopolitical context of creating water as political capital in the peace process. This geo-politically conditioned over-engineering of water resources, finally, provides ample grounds for rethinking the relations between water, conflict and division more generally.; (AN 45275095)
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5.

A common transnational agenda? Communication network and discourse of political-Salafists on Twitter by Ranko, Annette; Nedza, Justyna; Röhl, Nikolai. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p286-308, 23p; Abstract: AbstractEmploying social network analysis, this article investigates the transnational communication network and discourse of political-Salafists on social media. It examines whether political-Salafists across the MENA region have a common sociopolitical and geopolitical agenda, and whether – given the recent shift of some political-Salafists towards violence – their discourse and communication network can still be distinguished from that of the jihadists. The analysis finds that political-Salafists do not share a common agenda but that their discourse and communication network display three transnational gravity centres: a revisionist, a status quo-oriented and an ostracized pro-Sisi gravity centre. Only the revisionist gravity centre advocates violence. Its discourse, however, remains clearly set apart from that of the jihadists.; (AN 45275098)
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6.

Democratization and New Ethnic Politics in the Mediterranean: Turkey’s Ethnic Groups at Home and Abroad by Alptekin, Hüseyin. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p309-315, 7p; (AN 45275099)
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7.

Turkey and the European Union by Alpan, Ba┼čak. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p316-318, 3p; (AN 45275097)
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8.

The Fall of the Turkish Model: How the Arab Uprisings Brought Down Islamic Liberalism by Guiler, Kimberly. Mediterranean Politics, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p318-320, 3p; (AN 45275101)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 4, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p523-523, 1p; (AN 44007429)
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2.

The "Enemy Within": Citizenship-Stripping in the Post–Arab Spring GCC by Babar, Zahra. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p525-543, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:This article reviews the impact of the Arab Spring on citizenship rights throughout the Gulf states, drawing on both internal and external dimensions of security that have become inextricably linked with notions of who has the right to maintain their citizenship. In particular, the article focuses on the phenomenon of citizenship revocation as a mode of disciplining behavior considered to be inconsistent with established norms of state-citizen relations in this region.; (AN 44007514)
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3.

Qatar and the UAE: Exploring Divergent Responses to the Arab Spring by Roberts, David B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p544-562, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:During the Arab Spring, Qatar tended to support the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates, while the United Arab Emirates opposed them. This article argues that, despite these states' ostensible similarities, their different political structures fostered contrasting experiences with an ascendant political Islam. Subsequently, the policies reflected each leader's approach to statecraft: Abu Dhabi crown prince Muhammad bin Zayid Al Nahyan, who steers Emirati foreign policy, reacted with a security-focused check on such groups, while the former Qatari emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani sought to build relations with them.; (AN 44007587)
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4.

Justice, Charity, and the Common Good: In Search of Islam in Gulf Petro-Monarchies by Lowi, Miriam R.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p563-585, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:The article probes the effects of Islamic doctrine on the allocation of hydrocarbon revenues and vice versa and the significance of this relationship for politics. It explores two areas of (state-directed) distributive activity—government subsidies and charitable giving—in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman. It demonstrates how both oil revenues and Islamic doctrine are mobilized to consolidate state authority and how both have been manipulated and deliberately interconnected as tools of state power.; (AN 44007623)
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5.

The Para-Diplomacy of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq and the Kurdish Statehood Enterprise by Zadeh, Yoosef Abbas; Kirmanj, Sherko. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p587-606, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:Despite not having achieved statehood, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq has been increasingly active in the international arena since the founding of its Department of Foreign Relations in 2005. This article assesses how successful this diplomacy has been at advancing the interests of both the KRG and the Kurdish statehood enterprise. This article then situates the KRG's foreign initiatives in the growing body of International Relations literature on the foreign policies of non-state actors.; (AN 44007293)
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6.

The Iraqi Occupation of Kuwait: New Historical Perspectives by Sassoon, Joseph; Walter, Alissa. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p607-628, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait was a critical juncture in both countries' histories. With unprecedented access to internal Iraqi documents about the invasion of Kuwait, this article underscores how the Iraqi leadership perceived Kuwait, assesses the Iraqi regime's objectives in Kuwait, and analyzes Kuwaiti resistance to the Iraqi occupation. The article ultimately aims to show that Iraq's policies of violence and dispossession in Kuwait were similar to tactics the Ba'thist regime had used before against internal opponents.; (AN 44007679)
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7.

Chronology: April 16 – July 15, 2017 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p629-667, 39p; (AN 44007636)
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8.

The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine by Nathan Thrall (review) by Lustick, Ian S.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p669-670, 2p; (AN 44007380)
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9.

A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict by Gershon Shafir (review) by Hagopian, Elaine. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p670-671, 2p; (AN 44007658)
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10.

Precarious Lives: Waiting and Hope in Iran by Shahram Khosravi (review) by Beeman, William O.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p672-674, 3p; (AN 44007676)
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11.

Transnationalism in Iranian Political Thought: The Life and Times of Ahmad Fardid by Ali Mirsepassi, and: Beyond Shariati: Modernity, Cosmopolitanism, and Islam in Iranian Political Thought by Siavash Saffari (review) by Mahdavi, Mojtaba. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p674-678, 5p; (AN 44007285)
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12.

Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right by Raffaella A. Del Sarto (review) by Pedahzur, Ami. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p679-680, 2p; (AN 44007305)
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13.

The Naqab Bedouins: A Century of Politics and Resistance by Mansour Nasasra (review) by Dinero, Steven C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p680-682, 3p; (AN 44007538)
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14.

The Edge of the Precipice: Hafez al-Assad, Henry Kissinger, and the Remaking of the Modern Middle East by Bouthaina Shaaban (review) by Stocker, James. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p682-684, 3p; (AN 44007639)
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15.

Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda by Anne Wolf (review) by Martin, Alexander P.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p684-686, 3p; (AN 44007439)
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16.

Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism in Turkey: From Ottoman Rule to AKP by Efrat Aviv (review) by Bishku, Michael B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p686-688, 3p; (AN 44007390)
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17.

Hadhramaut and Its Diaspora: Yemeni Politics, Identity and Migration ed. by Noel Brehony (review) by Gasim, Gamal. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p688-689, 2p; (AN 44007419)
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18.

Yitzhak Rabin: Soldier, Leader, Statesman by Itamar Rabinovich (review) by Rubinovitz, Ziv. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p689-691, 3p; (AN 44007344)
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19.

The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi'a-Sunni Divide by Geneive Abdo (review) by Louër, Laurence. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p691-692, 2p; (AN 44007269)
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20.

The Arab World Upended: Revolution and Its Aftermath in Tunisia and Egypt by David B. Ottaway (review) by Hollis, Rosemary. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p692-694, 3p; (AN 44007437)
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21.

Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East: Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation by A. Kadir Yildrim (review) by Buttorff, Gail. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p694-695, 2p; (AN 44007319)
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22.

Berber Government: The Kabyle Polity in Pre-Colonial Algeria by Hugh Roberts (review) by Larémont, Riccardo René. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p695-697, 3p; (AN 44007378)
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23.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p698-699, 2p; (AN 44007619)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 25, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 45231805)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p3-4, 2p; (AN 45231807)
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3.

Iranian Advances in the Arab World by Ereli, Adam; Pillar, Paul; Abdo, Geneive; Vatanka, Alex. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p5-32, 28p; (AN 45231808)
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4.

Iran's Supreme Leader: An Analysis of His Hostility Toward the U.S. and Israel by Buonomo, Thomas. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p33-45, 13p; (AN 45231809)
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5.

Resistance in the Caliphate's Classrooms: Mosul Civilians vs IS by Aarseth, Mathilde Becker. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p46-63, 18p; (AN 45231812)
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6.

The Life and Death of Abdullah Azzam by Lea-Henry, Jed. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p64-79, 16p; (AN 45231810)
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7.

Taking God Seriously: The Struggle against Extremism by Saiya, Nilay; Fidler, Joshua. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p80-95, 16p; (AN 45231811)
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8.

Erdogan's Backsliding: Opposition to the KRG Referendum by Gunter, Michael M.. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p96-103, 8p; (AN 45231814)
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9.

Water Thieves or Political Catalysts? Syrian Refugees in Jordan and Lebanon by Baylouny, Anne Marie; Klingseis, Stephen J.. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p104-123, 20p; (AN 45231813)
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10.

Rationalizing Public Repression: Mubarak's Self-Toppling Regime by Hussein, Ebtisam. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p124-135, 12p; (AN 45231815)
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11.

Deep States in MENA by Springborg, Robert. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p136-157, 22p; (AN 45231799)
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12.

Interview: Alain Gresh by Gaess, Roger. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p158-166, 9p; (AN 45231798)
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13.

The Soviet-Israeli War 1967–1973: The USSR's Military Intervention in the Egyptian-Israeli Conflict by Katz, Mark N.. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p167-168, 2p; (AN 45231801)
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14.

Foreign Service: A Memoir by Rugh, Andrea. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p168-170, 3p; (AN 45231800)
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15.

Zionism: The Birth and Transformation of an Ideal by Rubner, Michael. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p170-176, 7p; (AN 45231804)
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16.

Illusions of Victory: The Anbar Awakening and the Rise of the Islamic State by Neumann, Ronald E.. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p176-181, 6p; (AN 45231802)
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17.

Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State by Al, Serhun. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p181-184, 4p; (AN 45231803)
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18.

Protection Amid Chaos: The Creation of Property Rights in Palestinian Refugee Camps by Elliott, Grace. Middle East Policy, March 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p184-186, 3p; (AN 45231806)
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14

Millennium
Volume 46, no. 2, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Translating International Relations: On the Practical Difficulties of Diversifying the Discipline by Bertrand, Sarah; Goettlich, Kerry; Murray, Christopher. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p93-95, 3p; (AN 44509177)
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2.

Becoming International: On Symbolic Capital, Conversion and Privilege by Basaran, Tugba; Olsson, Christian. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p96-118, 23p; Abstract: The ‘international’ can be conceived of as a highly sought after symbolic capital. People seek to internationalise their curriculum vitae or resumes, study international subjects, get international diplomas, travel internationally, obtain international jobs. As symbolic capital the ‘international’ can be converted into ‘profit’ complementing other forms of capital (economic, cultural and social capital), deployed in struggles for social domination. It is used as a strategy of social positioning and social domination quasi-globally, but it is not recognised everywhere in the same way. We are particularly interested in the unequal distribution of this symbolic capital, the way differential conversion rates and social boundaries operate in the generation of social inequalities. For this, we will work with and against Bourdieu, in analysing the ‘international’ as a source of a highly contextual form of symbolic power, deployed in a variety of social group formations, but with uneven, differential effects, a naturalised and disguised form of domination. Ultimately, this article problematises how claims to ‘internationality’ operate in social relations and power-struggles and provides an analytical framework hereof.; (AN 44509176)
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3.

The Ritual of Beer Consumption as Discursive Intervention: Effigy, Sensory Politics, and Resistance in Everyday IR by Saunders, Robert A.; Holland, Jack. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p119-141, 23p; Abstract: We draw on work on popular culture, critical geopolitics, visual politics, affect and the everyday in order to develop a framework for the analysis of the ritual of beer consumption as discursive intervention. Specifically, we argue the need for International Relations to expand theories of visual politics to a broader ‘sensory politics’, incorporating taste, smell, and touch. For our case study, we explore the empirical contestation of dominant geopolitical discourses, critically analysing the production and consumption of two explicitly and intentionally political beers: Norwegian brewery 7 Fjell’s release of ‘The Donald Ignorant IPA’; and Scottish BrewDog’s production of ‘Hello, My Name is Vladimir’. Conceptualising the ritual of these beers’ consumption as affective, effigial, and corporeal discursive interventions, we encourage a move beyond the visual to the sensory, in order to make sense of beers’ (limited) potential for resistance within everyday IR.; (AN 44509170)
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4.

(Re-)imagining the ‘Self’ of Ontological Security: The Case of Brazil’s Ambivalent Postcolonial Subjectivity by Vieira, Marco A.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p142-164, 23p; Abstract: In this article, I critically engage with and develop an alternative approach to ontological security informed by Jacques Lacan’s theory of the subject. I argue that ontological security relates to a lack; that is, the always frustrated desire to provide meaningful discursive interpretations to one’s self. This lack is generative of anxiety which functions as the subject’s affective and necessary drive to a continuous, albeit elusive, pursuit of self-coherence. I theorise subjectivity in Lacanian terms as fantasised discursive articulations of the Self in relation to an idealised mirror-image other. The focus on postcolonial states’ subjectivity allows for the examination of the anxiety-driven lack generated by the ever-present desire to emulate but also resist the Western other. I propose, therefore, to explore the theoretical assertion that postcolonial ontological security refers to the institutionalisation and discursive articulation of enduring and anxiety-driven affective traces related to these states’ colonial pasts that are still active and influence current foreign policy practices. I illustrate the force of this interpretation of ontological security by focusing on Brazil as an example of a postcolonial state coping with the lack caused by its ambivalent/hybrid self-identity.; (AN 44509174)
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5.

The Imperial Sociology of the ‘Tribe’ in Afghanistan by Manchanda, Nivi. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p165-189, 25p; Abstract: The ‘tribe’ is a notion intimately related to the study of Afghanistan, used as a generic signifier for all things Afghan, it is through this notion that the co-constitution of coloniser and colonised is crystallised and foregrounded in Afghanistan. By tracing the way in which the term ‘tribe’ has been deployed in the Afghan context, the article performs two kinds of intellectual labour. First, by following the evolution of a concept from its use in the early 19th century to the literature on Afghanistan in the 21st century, wherein the ‘tribes’ seem to have acquired a newfound importance, it undertakes a genealogy or intellectual history of the term. The Afghan ‘tribes’ as an object of study, follow an interesting trajectory: initially likened to Scottish clans, they were soon seen as brave and loyal men but fundamentally different from their British interlocutors, to a ‘problem’ that needed to be managed and finally, as indispensable to a long-term ‘Afghan strategy’. And second, it endeavours to describe how that intellectual history is intimately connected to the exigencies of imperialism and the colonial politics of knowledge production.; (AN 44509169)
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6.

Anthropocene, Capitalocene and Liberal Cosmopolitan IR: A Response to Burke et al.’s ‘Planet Politics’ by Chandler, David; Cudworth, Erika; Hobden, Stephen. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p190-208, 19p; Abstract: This article is a collective response to ‘Planet Politics’ by Anthony Burke et al., which was published in this journal in 2016, and billed as a ‘Manifesto from the End of IR’. We dispute this claim on the basis that rather than breaking from the discipline, the Manifesto provides a problematic global governance agenda which is dangerously authoritarian and deeply depoliticising. We substantiate this analysis in the claim that Burke et al. reproduce an already failed and discredited liberal cosmopolitan framework through the advocacy of managerialism rather than transformation; the top-down coercive approach of international law; and use of abstract modernist political categories. In the closing sections of the article, we discuss the possibility of different approaches, which, taking the Anthropocene as both an epistemological and ontological break with modernist assumptions, could take us beyond IR’s disciplinary confines.; (AN 44509171)
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7.

Defending Planet Politics by Fishel, Stefanie; Burke, Anthony; Mitchell, Audra; Dalby, Simon; Levine, Daniel. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p209-219, 11p; (AN 44509172)
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8.

Everything You Always Wanted to Know about Sex (in IR) But were Afraid to Ask: The ‘Queer Turn’ in International Relations by Richter-Montpetit, Melanie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p220-240, 21p; Abstract: Queer International Relations’ momentum in the past four years has made it inconceivable for disciplinary IR to make it ‘appear as if there is no Queer International Theory’. The ‘queer turn’ has given rise to vibrant research programmes across IR subfields. Queer research is not only not a frivolous distraction from the ‘hard’ issues of IR, but queer analytics crack open for investigation fundamental dimensions of international politics that have hitherto been missed, misunderstood or trivialised by mainstream and critical approaches to IR. As queer research is making significant inroads into IR theorising, a fault line has emerged in IR scholarship on sexuality and queerness. Reflecting the tensions between Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Studies and Queer Theory in the academy more broadly, the IR literature on (homo)sexuality largely coalesces into two distinct approaches: LGBT and Queer approaches. The article will lay out the basic tenets of Queer Theory and discuss how it diverges from LGBT Studies. The article then turns to the books under review and focuses on the ways in which they take up the most prominent issue in contemporary debates in Queer Theory: the increasing inclusion of LGBT people into international human rights regimes and liberal states and markets. The article finishes with a brief reflection on citation practices, queer methodologies and the ethics of queer research.; (AN 44509175)
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9.

Review Article: The Great Divergence by Mann, Michael. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2018, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 2 p241-248, 8p; (AN 44509173)
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15

Orbis
Volume 62, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by T. Owens, Mackubin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p1-5, 5p; (AN 44213297)
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2.

Conservative Internationalism: An Overview by Laderman, Charlie. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p6-21, 16p; Abstract: This introductory essay seeks to historicize the term “conservative internationalism.” It examines how interpretations evolved over the past century and identifies key figures who espoused distinctively conservative visions of America's role in the world. The majority share a number of common traits: a fervent commitment to guarding national sovereignty against excessive supranational infringement, dedication to maintaining a strong military, trust in the efficacy of American power, a realist appreciation of the need to go to war and concern for order and stability at home and abroad. Yet there are also important differences over the purpose of American power.; (AN 44213302)
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3.

Why “Conservative,” Not Liberal, Internationalism? by Nau, Henry R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p22-29, 8p; Abstract: There is no broad literature defining conservative internationalism as there is for liberal internationalism and realism. Yet conservative internationalism differs from liberal internationalism and realism in four important ways. First, it seeks a world of limited government or separate sovereign nations not big international institutions. Second, it believes that national security is a function of ideological differences not just relative power or diplomatic misunderstandings. The democratic peace is a much safer world for America than the balance of power or United Nations. Third, it recognizes the need to use force during negotiations, not just after negotiations fail, because authoritarian states will not take negotiations seriously if they can achieve their objectives outside negotiations. And fourth, it advances democracy conservatively by prioritizing regions where strong democracies exist nearby (today Ukraine and Korea) and by using military leverage to reach timely compromises that weaken authoritarian states.; (AN 44213301)
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4.

Grover Cleveland's Administration: Prequel to America's Rise? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p30-42, 13p; Abstract: In considering Grover Cleveland's life and thought, the author contends that this Democratic president was profoundly conservative. In fact, he meets the criteria for “conservative internationalism,” as defined by Henry Nau. Cleveland was an advocate of solid currency, the government not spending more than it takes in, big business not “railroading” the little guy. And, he fought impediments to free trade, domestically and internationally. Finally, while cautious about American commitments abroad, Grover Cleveland defended an assertive U.S. policy throughout the Western Hemisphere.; (AN 44213291)
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5.

Ronald Reagan, Exemplar of Conservative Internationalism? by Inboden, William. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p43-55, 13p; Abstract: This article assesses the foreign policy of Ronald Reagan's presidency through the lens of conservative internationalism. It finds that the Reagan administration largely embodied the principles of conservative internationalism, particularly through its integration of force with statecraft, the priority it gave to cooperative relations with allies, and its support for the global expansion of political and economic liberty.; (AN 44213298)
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6.

George H.W. Bush: Conservative Realist as President by Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p56-75, 20p; Abstract: This article explores George H.W. Bush's foreign policy in order to examine what it can tell us about the successes and weaknesses of conservative internationalism as a world view and as an analytic construct for scholars of international relations. First, to what extent, if any, did the Bush administration's foreign policy reflect the course and logic of conservative internationalism? Second, what can the Bush administration's foreign policy tell us about the utility of conservative internationalism as a foreign policy approach relative to alternative approaches?; (AN 44213296)
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7.

The Case for Reassessing America's 43rdPresident by Brands, Hal; Feaver, Peter. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p76-90, 15p; Abstract: Contemporary judgments of George W. Bush's foreign policy were often quite harsh and polemical. In this article, we argue that a moderate form of Bush revisionism is likely to emerge in the coming years, as scholars take a more dispassionate look at his achievements in global affairs and the difficult circumstances under which his administration labored. We offer the six most persuasive arguments in favor of Bush revisionism; we then discuss the most reasonable critiques of these arguments. The overall thrust of this essay is not that Bush will someday be seen as one of America's most successful statesmen, but simply that his reputation should improve as partisan passions fade and new evidence is considered.; (AN 44213300)
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8.

Conservative Internationalism and the Trump Administration? by Popescu, Ionut. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p91-104, 14p; Abstract: This article outlines the principles of a new conservative internationalism for the Trump era, and discusses how well the administration's actions and words fit this paradigm. In order for Republicans and conservatives to reclaim their reputation as the party of strong national defense and competent foreign policy, current and future policymakers need to blend some traditional principles of conservative internationalist foreign policy with new adaptations required by challenging international security developments on the one hand, and changes in the domestic political views of right-leaning American voters on the other. A year into the Trump administration, there are some signs that the administration is indeed attempting to adjust slightly rather than replace the traditional principles of conservative Republican foreign policy, and therefore the “America First” grand strategy framework might become much more traditional in its actual policy decisions than in some of its rhetoric.; (AN 44213304)
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9.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 44341101)
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10.

Conservative Internationalism Out of Power by Miller, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p105-115, 11p; Abstract: Conservative internationalism is an important focus for study because it is a good description of America's de facto grand strategy over time. The United States’ deployment patterns, budgetary priorities, and diplomatic initiatives tend, over the long run and across administrations, to be conservative internationalist in effect and in practice. Sometimes this de facto conservative internationalist median is directly observable in the oscillation from one presidential administration to the next. It is also evident in how policymakers find themselves entrapped between budgetary and military realities on the one hand, and liberal rhetoric and public expectations on the other. American statesmen face competing pressures to make soaring commitments to liberal ideals yet govern with a hard-nosed pragmatism that prioritizes American interests. The resulting blend is, often, a rough approximation of conservative internationalism. That is why it is likely to endure as America's preferred approach to the world long past the Trump administration. The mix of American idealism and American strength is too potent for policymakers to ignore; (AN 44341096)
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11.

The Anglo-Protestant Basis of U.S. Foreign Policy by Garfinkle, Adam. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p116-136, 21p; Abstract: U.S. foreign policy thinking is based ultimately on the particular historical experience and cultural legacy of the American founding, and at the very base of that founding is the preeminence of Anglo-Protestantism. The religious heritage of the United States, a sixteenth century blend of a theological reformation and the rise of modernity in the Enlightenment, has endowed American politics with a predisposition for egalitarian, anti-hierarchical, and contractual forms, and that disposition applies as well to foreign affairs. The syntax, but not the content, of Anglo-Protestantism shapes basic attitudes particularly when political elites face crisis situations, but it is institutionalized in government and society at all levels. Six examples from the post-World War II period illustrate the case.; (AN 44213306)
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12.

Why “Best Military Advice” is Bad for the Military—and Worse for Civilians by Golby, James; Karlin, Mara. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p137-153, 17p; Abstract: This article contends that “best military advice” is a problematic construct for both the military and civilians alike. Yet, the increasing resonance of this construct across the Joint Force cannot—and should not—be summarily dismissed. Instead, it merits reflection about why the term has grown in popularity, how its continued use is influencing the development of defense strategy, and perhaps above all, how it will affect American civil-military relations. As best military advice infuses the U.S. military, it will increasingly become normalized and held up as desirable, particularly among the younger generation. Short of serious near-term steps to neutralize this construct, its deleterious influence will only increase.; (AN 44213303)
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13.

Doubling Down on Asia by Ngoei, Wen-Qing. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p154-157, 4p; (AN 44213299)
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14.

U.S. Helps Others and Self in Exporting Security by Ashby, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p158-162, 5p; (AN 44213305)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 44341098)
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16.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41579556)
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17.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 42600405)
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18.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 43383338)
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19.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p149-153, 5p; (AN 41459077)
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20.

Gaining Trust While Losing Wars: Confidence in the U.S. Military after Iraq and Afghanistan by Burbach, David T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p154-171, 18p; Abstract: During unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American public's confidence in the U.S. military surprisingly rose to all-time highs. Confidence had been thought closely linked to battlefield success, so that increase was unexpected, and very unlike the crisis of confidence after Vietnam. Confidence can be better understood considering four dimensions: performance, professionalism, partisanship, and patriotism. The military has kept the public's trust in part because, despite disappointing outcomes, it has not suffered organizational and professional breakdowns as happened after Vietnam. In addition, in the post-conscription era, expressing “confidence” is a low-cost way for disconnected citizens to express gratitude—even if they largely disagree with military preferences. Finally, a wide partisan confidence gap opened after 2003, suggesting that confidence increasingly reflects political identities rather than objective assessment of the state of the military.; (AN 41459073)
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21.

Just Terror: The Islamic State's Use of Strategic “Framing” to Recruit and Motivate by Robinson, Leonard C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p172-186, 15p; Abstract: This article examines the “framing” strategies employed by the Islamic State in espousing the group's salafist-takfiri doctrine, which includes the call for both defensive and offensive jihad. An analysis of the written documents, official statements and social media messaging issued by the Islamic State reveals three main framing strategies upon which the organization grounds its security claims. First, diagnostic frames are intended to highlight the threats that exist to its extreme vision of Islam. Second, prognostic frames offer prescriptions for meeting those threats. And, third, motivational frames are designed to mobilize active support for the Islamic State and its doctrine. This means that ultimate victory over the Islamic State requires that moderate Sunni Muslim religious and political elites offer both a credible counter-narrative that debunks the doctrinal vision of the Islamic State and an alternative doctrinal narrative that addresses the hopes, needs and concerns of young Muslims.; (AN 41459070)
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22.

Limits to the Islamic State Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p187-194, 8p; Abstract: The Islamic State has severe limits and poses a manageable problem. Its limits include that it is unable to occupy ordered areas or Shiite areas. The Islamic State's military capability and its ability to govern territory are modest. It collaborates poorly with like-minded organizations and it has elicited a military response from countries, reducing its territory and imperiling its existence.; (AN 41459072)
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23.

Operation Inherent Resolveand the Islamic State: Assessing “Aggressive Containment” by Alexander Ohlers, C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p195-211, 17p; Abstract: Operation Inherent Resolve was originally conceived as a strategy to defeat the Islamic State by containing it territorially and degrading it through attrition or what is referred to as “aggressive containment.” While Operation Inherent Resolve has changed tactics and is now beginning to make significant territorial gains against IS, long-term strategies of aggressive containment have been ineffective in the past because they fail to address IS as a territorial insurgency and transnational network. As such, aggressive containment has two key drawbacks. First, this long-term strategy allowed IS time and sanctuary in Iraq and Syria that has enabled it to retain control, suppress moderate Sunni opponents, generate revenues and legitimacy, and expand regionally and internationally. Second, because the strategy has not successfully established political solutions or built moderate Sunni forces required for a lasting victory, there is an increased likelihood that IS will survive as a traditional or regional insurgency or be succeeded by other extremist groups.; (AN 41459071)
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24.

The November 2015 Paris Attacks: The Impact of Foreign Fighter Returnees by Cragin, R. Kim. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p212-226, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an in-depth analysis of the role of foreign fighter returnees in the attacks by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Western Europe. To do this, it focuses primarily on the operatives and logisticians responsible for the November 2015 attacks in Paris. The threat from foreign fighter returnees remains under-appreciated in expert and policymaking communities. ISIS's rhetorical emphasis on the caliphate, combined with a series of attacks by lone actors, has made it easy for policymakers to misinterpret ISIS's true intentions against the West. This case study illustrates that ISIS leaders have been able to plan and execute parallel strategies within the Middle East (Islamic caliphate) and Western Europe (terrorist campaign). Moreover, they have pursued these parallel strategies through using foreign fighters.; (AN 41459090)
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25.

The High Ground: The Case for U.S. Space Dominance by Weichert, Brandon J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p227-237, 11p; Abstract: Modern society depends on satellites in space, and the United States relies on satellites more than any other country. It is from space that much of America's military advantage is assured. Without the satellites that link our forces together, America's modern military would cease to function and would risk being overwhelmed. However, U.S. space architecture is more vulnerable to attack than ever. The longer America's satellites remain undefended, the more likely those systems will be vulnerable to hostile attack. This article addresses a better way to defend these vital systems by advocating a policy of “space dominance,” as opposed to “space superiority.” Space Dominance is the only way that the United States will preserve its status as the most powerful country in the world.; (AN 41459074)
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26.

U.S. Rebalance to Asia and Responses from China's Research Community by Xiao, Ren. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p238-254, 17p; Abstract: The U.S. “pivot” or rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region, under the Obama Administration, was viewed as a major foreign strategy initiative. Inevitably China became an important part of the whole picture. Overall, China has estimated the U.S. rebalance to Asia in a cool-minded manner, and has tried not to overreact to the rebalance. However, with the election of Donald Trump as the new U.S. President, considerable uncertainties are emerging regarding U.S. policies toward Asia and China. Challenges are ahead of us to manage the Sino-American relationship in the coming year.; (AN 41459092)
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27.

Russia's Strategic Beliefs Today; the Risk of War in the Future by McLellan, Edward A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p255-268, 14p; Abstract: Russian President Vladimir Putin believes that offense-dominant military practices hold significant advantages in contemporary interstate conflict. Either through non-linear means or through the use of advanced conventional weaponry, the Russian Federation has begun to act as if those who attack first and decisively have the upper hand in war. In such an environment, interstate war is more likely as misperception and misjudgment can more easily spark conflicts that both sides feel compelled to initiate.; (AN 41459075)
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28.

Taking Stock of China's Growing Navy: The Death and Life of Surface Fleets by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p269-285, 17p; (AN 41459076)
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29.

A Crisis in the European Order? by Johnson, Ian. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p286-290, 5p; (AN 41459078)
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30.

Ukraine: Civil Society in the Balance by Kerley, Beth. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p291-297, 7p; (AN 41459080)
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31.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p299-302, 4p; (AN 42098577)
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32.

Learning from Contemporary Conflicts to Prepare for Future War by McMaster, H.R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p303-321, 19p; Abstract: Recent and ongoing wartime experience has discredited much of the thinking that underpinned the “Defense Transformation” effort in the 1990s. If we are to be prepared for future conflict, it is vital that we learn from experience and adjust our thinking about war. It is time to develop idealized visions of future war that are consistent with what post-9/11 conflicts have revealed as the enduring uncertainty and complexity of war. These concepts should be “fighting-centric” rather than “knowledge-centric.” They should also be based on real and emerging threats, informed by recent combat experience, and connected to scenarios that direct military force toward the achievement of policy goals and objectives. We must then design and build balanced forces that are capable of conducting operations consistent with the concepts we develop.; (AN 42121506)
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33.

Deterring China in the “Gray Zone”: Lessons of the South China Sea for U.S. Alliances by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p322-339, 18p; Abstract: If facing down a hostile actor in the “gray zone” is hard for a single actor, such as the United States, it is doubly hard for an alliance composed of actors with disparate capabilities, interests, and political fortitude. This article investigates how China has prosecuted gray-zone strategy in the South China Sea. We discern patterns in Chinese policy and strategy with the aim of helping U.S. led alliances face down aggression in maritime Asia.; (AN 42098578)
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34.

Fear, Honor, and Interest: Rethinking Deterrence in a 21st-Century Europe by Hillison, Joel R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p340-353, 14p; Abstract: The “America First” approach to foreign policy represents an opportunity to reassess relations with Russia. Efforts to deter Russian aggression have failed. Perhaps a new approach is needed. This article uses the lessons of the Peloponnesian War to help guide the West's approach to Russia. By examining the three motivations for warfare—fear, honor and interest—it is possible to craft a more effective deterrent strategy while avoiding a security dilemma. Current approaches have discounted legitimate Russian fears of NATO and EU encroachment. They also have neglected the role of honor in Russia's actions and how this impulse frames Moscow's views of the West. Finally, NATO and the EU have lost sight of Russia's vital interests in pursuing further eastward expansion. Where the West cannot compromise is on the security of NATO and EU members and the unity of the Trans-Atlantic alliance.; (AN 42098580)
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35.

What the West Can Learn from Rationalizing Russia's Action in Ukraine by Smith, Nicholas Ross. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p354-368, 15p; Abstract: Russia's foreign policy decisions towards Ukraine in the context of the “Ukraine crisis” have been portrayed largely in a negative light which crudely paints Russia's actions as being imperialistic, evil and largely irrational. This article argues that by looking at the interplay of identity and perceptions at the foreign policymaking level, Russia's actions in Ukraine can be, to some degree, rationalized. First, Russia's Eurasian--oriented great power role identity and its perceptions of Ukraine as represent a vital national interest. Second, the European Union and the United States are perceived as embodying a Western team of anti-Russian imperialists, which led Moscow to pursue hazardous foreign policies.; (AN 41910055)
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36.

Considering Ukraine's Ethnic Minorities and Their Influence on Russian Foreign Policy by Lutz, Carol. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p369-380, 12p; Abstract: Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory at its core posits that the majority ethnic group in one state will come to the defense of its ethnic brethren that are a minority in a neighboring state, if that group is facing discrimination or repression. The actions of political leaders in Moscow, who claimed that they were concerned about the Russian minority in Ukraine, suggest that modifications to this theory are necessary. Intervention will only occur when it is in the self-interest of the neighboring state or in the self-interest of the governing elite of that state. Russian perceptions of threats to Russian national interests originating in the West made the interference in the Ukrainian political system more likely. Similar perceptions of threats from abroad to foreign policy interests for other states, or their leaders, could lead to support for ethnic minorities. The resulting modified Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory can be used as a tool to predict better and explain foreign interference anywhere that ethnic groups overlap between states.; (AN 41763542)
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37.

Deterrence is Not a Credible Strategy for Cyberspace by Fischerkeller, Michael P.; Harknett, Richard J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p381-393, 13p; Abstract: U.S. national cybersecurity strategy, to be effective must align with the structural features and operational characteristics of the domain. Yet, this article contends that the current U.S. strategy of deterrence, coupled with the establishment of norms in cyberspace, does not satisfy this requirement. Alternatively, a strategy of cyber persistence is proposed, one that is enabled rather than crippled by the uniqueness of cyberspace. In an environment of constant contact, a strategy grounded in persistent engagement is more appropriate than one of operational restraint and reaction for shaping the parameters of acceptable behavior and sustaining and advancing U.S. national interests.; (AN 42098579)
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38.

Treating Information as a Strategic Resource to Win the “Information War” by Bebber, Robert Jake. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p394-403, 10p; Abstract: The United States is challenged by adversaries who seek to alter fundamentally the systemic balance of power through information-based strategies. These strategies leverage both legal and illegal operations to gain influence and control over key industries and information resource domains to constrain American freedom of action. It is a larger geoeconomic and geoinformational campaign by adversaries to harvest information in support of military, diplomatic, economic, and global political goals. To respond, the U.S. government must understand that information is a strategic resource. An American response might be to erode its competitors’ economic and informational advantages, attack their dependencies on other strategic resources, and exploit their information control systems. Cyberspace operations may provide some competitive advantage, but first they must be employed effectively. This effectiveness requires overcoming debilitating intellectual constraints and adopting new operational models.; (AN 42128010)
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39.

Vietnam-U.S. Relations: An Unparalleled History by Siracusa, Joseph M.; Nguyen, Hang. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p404-422, 19p; Abstract: This article critically assesses how Vietnam-U.S. relations have evolved over the 42 years since Vietnam's reunification in 1975. By dividing the development of Vietnam-U.S. relations into three main phases—1975-2000, 2001-2008, and 2009-the present—it analyzes the steps taken by both Hanoi and Washington to heal and build their relations. Using Vietnamese and U.S. sources, the article demonstrates why Vietnam-U.S. relations have transformed dramatically and what factors have contributed to the unusually positive relationship between Vietnam and the United States since the diplomatic normalization in 1995.; (AN 42098581)
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40.

Weaponizing Sectarianism in Iraq and Syria by Rabi, Uzi; Friedman, Brandon. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p423-438, 16p; Abstract: The last six years of insurgency, rebellion, and war have eroded territorial state sovereignty in Iraq and Syria. The scale and savagery of the war have transformed Sunni-Shia sectarianism into a zero-sum politics of survival. In other words, residents of Iraq and Syria have been forced to choose between Sunnis and Shia in order to survive. This essay explains how the diverging interests of foreign actors—Iran, the Islamic State and other Salafi-Jihadi foreign fighters, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United States—prolonged the war, providing the time and space for the belligerents in Iraq and Syria to weaponize sectarianism.; (AN 41843146)
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41.

Considering the Soul of Armies by Kronvall, Olof. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p439-443, 5p; (AN 41843145)
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42.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p445-448, 4p; (AN 43051542)
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43.

What Causes War? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p449-462, 14p; Abstract: What causes war? Thucydides thinks fear, honor, and interest—those fundamental human motivations that persuade us beyond caution—cause wars. Clausewitz tries to leach those passions out of the process and distill a calculus of political aims as the cause of war. Geoffrey Blainey has a simpler discriminator: states choose war when they think they will win. Barbara Tuchman has the simplest explanation of all: human folly. Azar Gat believes scarcity drives warfare, and, therefore, prosperity is making it obsolete. The author analyzes the contributions of these five writers in addressing this perennial question about war.; (AN 42988462)
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44.

Robert Strausz-Hupé: Scholar, Gentleman, Man of Letters by Kaplan, Morton A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p463-473, 11p; (AN 43099839)
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45.

Can the United States Do Grand Strategy? by McDougall, Walter A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p474-493, 20p; Abstract: Two big issues that scholars and strategists need to address are simply: does grand strategy have to be articulated for it to be said to exist at all; and if not, can grand strategy be said to move a nation even when that nation's fluctuating roster of mostly incompetent leaders are unsure as to why they do anything? My task here is that of a rapporteur and provocateur raising issues on which we may need to reach some consensus.; (AN 43084009)
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46.

The War and the West by Kurth, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p494-505, 12p; (AN 43084008)
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47.

Principled Agents: The Role of Service Culture in American Civil-Military Relations by Donnithorne, Jeffrey W.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p506-526, 21p; Abstract: This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the guardians—and how? Building on an agency theory of civil-military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the American military and its civil-military relationships. Traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals the subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. And a service-level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on American civil-military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike.; (AN 42988464)
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48.

The End of Non-Alignment? by Pant, Harsh V. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p527-540, 14p; Abstract: The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India's case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India's rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi's approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India's foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.; (AN 43099838)
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49.

Theodore Roosevelt and American Realism by Dueck, Colin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p541-560, 20p; Abstract: Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy as president was animated by a desire to see the United States play a leading role in world affairs. He utilized skillful diplomacy, energetic executive action, and credible naval capabilities to support this forward role, while avoiding strategic overextension. In Latin America, Roosevelt looked to forestall European intervention and secure U.S. predominance. In Europe and East Asia, he sought to promote regional balances of power, while working under strict constraints imposed by Congress and U.S. public opinion. In the end, Roosevelt navigated these constraints as well as international events with considerable success. His presidential tenure is a good example of American foreign policy realism in action.; (AN 42843126)
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50.

The Enduring Significance of the Truman Doctrine by Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p561-574, 14p; Abstract: The Truman Doctrine is seventy years old, which means it could easily be considered an artifact of history. In the age of Donald J. Trump, one might reasonably ask, what use is there for a doctrine that set forth the grand strategy of containment? Regardless of the Cold War, the doctrine's essential pieces—applying a combination of political, economic, and military strength; building regional and bilateral alliances based on collective defense; cultivating existing liberal democracies and future liberal democratic regimes; containing totalitarianism and promoting its demise; and fostering an American-built-and-led liberal world order—are still being or should be used. At the present, critical time when national security threats issue from revisionist great powers, lesser-yet-still-hostile state and non-state actors, and WMDs and cutting-edge technologies in the hands of all these entities, it is important to understand not only the Truman Doctrine's origins but also the reasons that the fundamental insights of this grand strategy should still inform U.S. foreign policy.; (AN 42988463)
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51.

Mackinder's Geopolitical Perspective Revisited by Hochberg, Leonard; Sloan, Geoffrey. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p575-592, 18p; Abstract: This article explores three themes related to classical geopolitics: first, it presents reasons why scholars and commentators abandoned geopolitical analysis after World War II, and then reengaged with geopolitical factors after the Soviet Union's collapse; second, it suggests how Mackinder's geopolitical concept of the heartland illuminates the strategic goals of Russia and China, the leading powers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; and, third, it introduces utility of classical geopolitical thought for how the United States might respond to the potential domination of Mackinder's heartland by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.; (AN 43031110)
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52.

Traps or Gaps? Rising Powers and Declining Order by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p593-598, 6p; (AN 43084011)
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53.

The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army by Milevski, Lukas. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p599-602, 4p; (AN 43077327)
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54.

Defining American Power & Liberal Order by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p603-606, 4p; (AN 43077329)
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55.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41579557)
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56.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 42600406)
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57.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 43383337)
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