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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- ORBIS

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 63, no. 5, May 2019

Record

Results

1.

Pitfalls of Professionalism? Military Academies and Coup Risk by Böhmelt, Tobias; Escribà-Folch, Abel; Pilster, Ulrich. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1111-1139, 29p; Abstract: Military academies tend to be strongly linked to the professionalization of the armed forces. This explains why many countries in the world have created such institutions. The following article studies a potential negative externality stemming from military schools: increased coup risk. We argue that military academies may create, inculcate, and strengthen cohesive views that could conflict with incumbent policies, and that these schools establish networks among military officers that may facilitate coordination necessary for plotting a putsch. We also contend and empirically demonstrate that these negative side effects of military academies are in particular pronounced in nondemocracies, that is, military academies have diverse effects across regime types. This work has significant implications for our understanding civil–military relations. Furthermore, we contribute to the literature on military education and professionalization, as we suggest that military academies are important vehicles through which coups can emerge predominantly in authoritarian states.; (AN 49761017)
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2.

A Clash of Norms? How Reciprocity and International Humanitarian Law affect American Opinion on the Treatment of POWs by Chu, Jonathan A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1140-1164, 25p; Abstract: Reciprocity is one of the oldest principles of warfare, but humanitarian norms embedded in international humanitarian law (IHL) prohibit reciprocity over various wartime acts. When it comes to the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs), how do these conflicting norms shape public opinion? One perspective is that citizens who learn about IHL acquire an unconditional aversion to abusing POWs. Alternatively, people may understand IHL as a conditional commitment that instead strengthens their approval for reciprocal conduct. Survey experiments fielded in the United States support the latter view: people’s preferences depend on the enemy’s behavior, and this “reciprocity effect” is largest among those who believe that the United States is legally committed to treating POWs humanely. Puzzlingly, prior studies do not find a reciprocity effect, but this is due to their use of a no-information experimental control group, which led to a lack of control over the subjects’ assumptions about the survey.; (AN 49761021)
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3.

Politics of Pursuing Justice in the Aftermath of Civil Conflict by Kim, Nam Kyu; Hong, Mi Hwa. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1165-1192, 28p; Abstract: Why do some states pursue transitional justice (TJ) in the immediate aftermath of armed conflict while others do not? What drives a state to select a particular type of justice mechanism over another? Building on the political explanations of TJ, we argue that postconflict justice (PCJ) decisions are driven by the interests and power of political elites shaped by recently ended conflicts. Our empirical analysis shows that conflict outcomes and their subsequent impact on the balance of power between the government and rebel groups are the most important determinants of PCJ decisions. Domestic trials are most likely to emerge out of a decisive, one-sided victory while truth commissions and reparations are most likely to occur after a negotiated settlement. We also find that conflict severity interacts with conflict outcomes to affect PCJ decisions.; (AN 49761019)
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4.

Guns Yield Butter? An Exploration of Defense Spending Preferences by Williams, Laron K.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1193-1221, 29p; Abstract: The popular notion of a trade-off between social and defense spending—or guns versus butter—appears often in elite discourse, popular media, and empirical studies of budgetary politics. Yet, there are good reasons to suspect that the public’s preferences for these types of spending do not reflect that trade-off. I develop a theory that whether social and defense spending preferences are competing or complementary depends on if the respondent views the government as an important contributor to job creation. Using data from fifty-nine surveys in twenty-seven countries from 1985 to 2008, I show that favoring government-financed job creation makes a respondent much more likely to view social and defense spending as complementary. Indeed, aside from the anomalous case of the United States, preferences are consistent with guns yield butterinstead of guns versus butter. This theory has important implications for the thermostatic model of policy responsiveness and theories of budgetary politics.; (AN 49761018)
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5.

Militarized Disputes, Uncertainty, and Leader Tenure by Smith, Bradley C.; Spaniel, William. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1222-1252, 31p; Abstract: How do new leaders impact crisis negotiations? We argue that opposing states know less about such a leader’s resolve over the issues at stake. To fully appreciate the consequences, we develop a multi-period bargaining model of negotiations. In equilibrium, as a proposer becomes close to certain of its opponent’s type, the duration and intensity of war goes to 0. We then test whether increase in leader tenure decrease the duration of militarized interstate disputes. Our estimates indicate that crises involving new leaders are 25.3 percent more likely to last one month than crises involving leaders with four years of tenure. Moreover, such conflicts are more likely to result in higher fatality levels. These results further indicate that leader tenure is a useful proxy for uncertainty.; (AN 49761020)
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6.

Protecting Workers Abroad and Industries at Home: Rights-based Conditionality in Trade Preference Programs by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Mosley, Layna; Galantucci, Robert. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1253-1282, 30p; Abstract: A growing number of developed country governments link good governance, including human rights, to developing countries’ access to aid, trade, and investment. We consider whether governments enforce these conditions sincerely, in response to rights violations, or whether such conditions might instead be used as a veil for protectionist policies, motivated by domestic concerns about import competition. We do so via an examination of the world’s most important unilateral trade preference program, the US Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), which includes worker rights as one criterion for program access. We argue that the two-tiered structure of the GSP privileges some domestic interests at one level, while disadvantaging them at the other. Using a new data set on all US GSP beneficiary countries and sanctioning measures from 1986 to 2013, we demonstrate that labor rights outcomes play a role in the maintenance of country-level trade benefits and that import competition does not condition the application of rights-based criteria at this level. At the same, however, the US government does not consider worker rights in the elements (at the country-product level) of the program that have the greatest material impact. The result is a situation in which the US government talks somewhat sincerely at the country level in its rights-based conditionality, but its behavior at the country-product level cheapens this talk.; (AN 49761015)
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7.

Intragenerational Cultural Evolution and Ethnocentrism by Hales, David; Edmonds, Bruce. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1283-1309, 27p; Abstract: Ethnocentrism denotes a positive orientation toward those sharing the same ethnicity and a negative one toward others. Previous models demonstrated how ethnocentrism might evolve intergenerationally (vertically) when ethnicity and behavior are inherited. We model short-term intragenerational(horizontal) cultural adaptation where agents have a fixedethnicity but have the ability to form and join fluid cultural groups and to change how they define their in-group based on both ethnic and cultural markers. We find that fluid cultural markers become the dominant way that agents identify their in-group supporting positive interaction between ethnicities. However, in some circumstances, discrimination evolves in terms of a combinationof cultural and ethnic markers producing bouts of ethnocentrism. This suggests the hypothesis that in human societies, even in the absence of direct selection on ethnic marker–based discrimination, selection on the use of fluid cultural markers can lead to marked changes in ethnocentrism within a generation.; (AN 49761014)
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8.

Does Violent Secessionism Work? by Griffiths, Ryan D.; Wasser, Louis M.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1310-1336, 27p; Abstract: Recent research suggests that the strategic use of violence may increase a group’s chance of gaining independence. We investigate this topic using comprehensive data on all secessionist movements between 1900 and 2006 and an original data set on the institutional and extrainstitutional methods that secessionists have used from 1946 to 2011. Our analysis yields several important findings. First, strategy depends on context. Not all secessionist movements are the same, and many have legal and/or institutional routes to independence that shape the methods that they employ. Second, no secessionist movement challenging a contiguous state has won its sovereignty without using institutional methods, either exclusively or in combination with extrainstitutional methods. Finally, we identify four successful combinations of secessionist methods and discuss how these movements develop in relation to their strategic setting. Overall, we find no evidence that violence helps a secessionist movement to gain independence.; (AN 49761016)
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9.

Integrating Conflict Event Data by Donnay, Karsten; Dunford, Eric T.; McGrath, Erin C.; Backer, David; Cunningham, David E.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 5 p1337-1364, 28p; Abstract: The growing multitude of sophisticated event-level data collection enables novel analyses of conflict. Even when multiple event data sets are available, researchers tend to rely on only one. We instead advocate integrating information from multiple event data sets. The advantages include facilitating analysis of relationships between different types of conflict, providing more comprehensive empirical measurement, and evaluating the relative coverage and quality of data sets. Existing integration efforts have been performed manually, with significant limitations. Therefore, we introduce Matching Event Data by Location, Time and Type (MELTT)—an automated, transparent, reproducible methodology for integrating event data sets. For the cases of Nigeria 2011, South Sudan 2015, and Libya 2014, we show that using MELTT to integrate data from four leading conflict event data sets (Uppsala Conflict Data Project–Georeferenced Event Data, Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, Social Conflict Analysis Database, and Global Terrorism Database) provides a more complete picture of conflict. We also apply multiple systems estimation to show that each of these data sets has substantial missingness in coverage.; (AN 49761013)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 13, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the editors: Provoking Thought in Five Issues by Kühn, Florian P.; Lemay-Hébert, Nicolas. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 48676491)
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2.

Co-operation, Contestation and Complexity in Post-Conflict Security Sector Reform by Ansorg, Nadine; Gordon, Eleanor. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p2-24, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity Sector Reform (SSR) remains a key feature of peacebuilding interventions and is usually undertaken by a state alongside national and international partners. External actors engaged in SSR tend to follow a normative agenda that often has little regard for the context in post-conflict societies. Despite recurrent criticism, SSR practices of international organisations and bilateral donors often remain focused on state institutions, and often do not sufficiently attend to alternative providers of security or existing normative frameworks of security. This article provides a critical overview of existing research and introduces the special issue on ‘Co-operation, Contestation and Complexity in Post-Conflict Security Sector Reform’. We explore three aspects that add an important piece to the puzzle of what constitutes effective SSR. First, the variation of norm adoption, norm contestation and norm imposition in post-conflict countries that might explain the mixed results in terms of peacebuilding. Second, the multitude of different security actors within and beyond the state which often leads to multiple patterns of co-operation and contestation within reform programmes. And third, how both the multiplicity of and tension between norms and actors further complicate efforts to build peace or, as complexity theory would posit, influence the complex and non-linear social system that is the conflict-affected environment.; (AN 48676492)
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3.

On the Spatial-temporal Diffusion of Community Based Policing from Japan to Peninsula Southeast Asia: The Case of Timor-Leste by Kocak, Deniz. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p25-40, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article traces the legacies and variances of ‘community based policing’ in Timor-Leste, and inquires about historical trajectories and cross-cultural sociopolitical influences which forged and determined the idea of policing in Timor-Leste. By drawing on diffusion theory, the article investigates the changing interpretations and transformations of ‘community based policing’ from the Imperial Japanese koban policing, to its Indonesian babinsa- and bimpolda-variant through to the current Timorese ofisial polísia suku approach. It delivers a historically based explanation for the difficulties and challenges of implementing an approach to ‘community based policing’ in Timor-Leste during UNTAET and following missions of the United Nations.; (AN 48676493)
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4.

The Crime Preventers Scheme: A Community Policing Initiative for Regime Security in Uganda by Kagoro, Jude. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p41-56, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor decades, Uganda has received substantial support from development partners to implement Security Sector Reforms (SSR). Using the crime preventers’ scheme that has been implemented by Uganda Police as an element of community policing, I argue that SSR achievements in the country seem unclear and limited. Based on an ethnographic study I illustrate that the widespread crime preventers’ scheme has had contrasting effects on the Ugandan security architecture. The scheme seems to have reduced the police-citizens social distance and augmented police presence while simultaneously cased operational excesses and is routinely used in regime security strategies. To provide a better conceptualization I ask and answer a number of questions; how and why has the crime preventers’ scheme been initiated? How is the scheme related to community policing as we know it? What is the political role of the crime preventers? What motivates people to become active members of the crime preventers’ scheme? How does the scheme empirically operate?; (AN 48676494)
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5.

Judicial Reform – A Neglected Dimension of SSR in El Salvador by Kurtenbach, Sabine. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p57-74, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity Sector Reform is an integral part of peace-building but the focus of international actors tends to be on formal state security providers. This article argues that reforms in the judicial system are key for the non-violent transformation of societal conflicts. Based on historical institutionalism a theoretical argument links justice and peace. Reforms of the judiciary need to be an integral part of SSR because otherwise reforms in the military and the police can easily be undermined or turned back. A case study on El Salvador provides empirical insights on the interrelation between reforms of these institutions.; (AN 48676495)
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6.

Gender and Defence Sector Reform: Problematising the Place of Women in Conflict-Affected Environments by Gordon, Eleanor. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p75-94, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile gender-responsive Security Sector Reform (SSR) is increasingly recognised as being key to successful SSR programmes, women continue to be marginalised in post-conflict SSR programmes, particularly defence sector reform. By focussing on developments in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Kosovo and Colombia, this article explores the paradox of women’s marginalisation in defence sector reform and post-reform defence structures in places where women were active combatants during the preceding conflict. This article refers to examples of women’s engagement in combat to challenge some of the reasons given for women’s marginalisation, including reference to women’s skillset, aptitude and interests. The article adopts a feminist institutionalist approach to show how SSR helps security sector institutions construct and reconstruct gender power relations, reinforce gendered dynamics of exclusion, and determine gendered outcomes. It concludes by drawing attention to the transformational potential of SSR to alter gender power relations, and thereby enhance the security of women and the sustainability of peacebuilding efforts.; (AN 48676496)
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7.

Military Integration, Demobilization, and the Recurrence of Civil War by Bussmann, Margit. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p95-111, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPeace agreements often include provisions for the military integration of the conflict parties, involving an increase in government forces, and at the same time requesting demobilization and thus a reduction of military personnel. Depending on the modalities and magnitude both can be strong signals of a commitment to the peace process. However, tensions between these two concepts can also endanger post-conflict stability. The empirical analyses of 77 post-conflict societies show that civil war is more likely to recur if rebel forces are kept separate during the military integration process and if the military plays an important role in post-conflict economies.; (AN 48676497)
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8.

Veto Players in Post-Conflict DDR Programs: Evidence From Nepal and the DRC by Ansorg, Nadine; Strasheim, Julia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p112-130, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnder what conditions are Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs successfully implemented following intrastate conflict? Previous research is dominated by under-theorized case studies that lack the ability to detect the precise factors and mechanisms that lead to successful DDR. In this article, we draw on game theory and ask how the number of veto players, their policy distance, and their internal cohesion impact DDR implementation. Using empirical evidence from Nepal and the Democratic Republic of Congo, we show that the number of veto players, rather than their distance and cohesion, explains the (lack of) implementation of DDR.; (AN 48676498)
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9.

Aid, Intervention, and Neocolonial ‘Development’ in Africa by Buba, Imrana Alhaji. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2019, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p131-138, 8p; (AN 48676499)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 17, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Between Vulnerability and Control by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p187-187, 1p; (AN 49656511)
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2.

UAVs and the End of Heroism? Historicising the Ethical Challenge of Asymmetric Violence by Renic, Neil C.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p188-197, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe growing reliance on Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) in armed conflict raises important questions regarding our conception of both war and the warrior’s place within it. This includes the question of whether the degree to which UAVs mitigate physical risk has imperilled the ethical status of the operator. For those that view this tension as resolvable, reference is frequently made to the eventual acceptance of previous categories of “unfair” weaponry. This article engages with this historical context, identifying the role of physical risk within the historical and contemporary warrior ethos. It first outlines that exposure to personal, physical risk has long been regarded as a crucial element in the ethos-based conception of legitimate violence in war. As will be further shown, however, the warrior ethos is an evolving framework, one that increasingly considers factors such as restraint and professionalism in determining ethical status. The adaptive quality of this ethos is a key explanatory factor in the historical resolution of asymmetry-challenges. The ability of UAV pilots to align with this more responsibility-driven iteration of the warrior ethos is one way in which the ethical legitimacy of their violence can be sustained.; (AN 49656512)
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3.

Recognizing the Ethical Pitfalls of Female Engagement in Conflict Zones by Ledet, Richard; Turner, Pete A.; Emeigh, Sharon. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p198-210, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper identifies some of the ethical problems encountered when Western-led military forces conduct operations designed to improve the condition of women in modern conflict zones. We rely on examples from recent conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, where commanders were required to direct some of their capabilities toward female-based initiatives. Critics have charged that such initiatives were not adequately linked to doctrine-based training, and also that the methods used to build relationships with women were unsuccessful because they were not properly integrated into the broader mission. We go further, and reveal how female-based initiatives essentially contributed to instability because they created multiple ethical pitfalls faced by the primary agents of change; military commanders, male leaders in conflict zones, and the women intended to be beneficiaries of those initiatives. Arguably, if Western-led military forces can address the ethical concerns we identify, then they will be in an improved position to advance human rights in a way that better accounts for cultural nuances and is therefore more humane.; (AN 49656513)
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4.

The Ethics of Online Military Information Activities by Hempson-Jones, Justin S.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p211-223, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that new forms of conducting military information activities using the Internet require renewed consideration of the ethical frameworks in which conduct of such activities can be grounded: frameworks that require these operations to be considered on their own terms rather than as a subset of wider categories. In this online context the article explores the interlinked areas of proportionality and privacy, delineations between combatant and non-combatant, and limits to acceptable deceptive practices. The article argues that the “soft” effects that online information activities promise may reduce destruction and loss of life in the pursuit of military objectives. This context creates new reference points from which necessity and proportionality tests are conducted: tests that justify collection of online data to support online military information activities, and the conduct of the actual activities. The article outlines the possibility that such activities may facilitate potentially perfidious behaviours, generating a need for particularly strict governance and control. Finally, it identifies and explores the close connection between accepted ethical foundations for conducting online military information activities and prevailing public norms – and consequently calls for greater openness in exploring the ethics of conducting such activities.; (AN 49656514)
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5.

Conscription as a Morally Preferable Form of Military Recruitment by Sagdahl, Mathias S.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p224-239, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper considers the moral justifiability of military conscription. Philosopher James Pattison has developed a theoretical framework for this purpose that he calls the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach, which assesses forms of military recruitment in light of a weighted comparison of three main factors: military effectiveness, democratic control and proper treatment of military personnel. According to Pattison, all-volunteer force systems are morally preferable by comparing better when it comes to these factors than other systems of military recruitment, notably conscription. However, I argue that Pattison fails to evaluate certain hybrid systems, in particular what I call the Nordic Model of Conscription. I show that there are good reasons to think that such a hybrid system compares just as well or even better than an all-volunteer force, making the Nordic Model of Conscription at least as morally justifiable and arguably also morally preferable.; (AN 49656515)
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6.

The Fighters: Americans in Combat in Afghanistan and Iraq, by C. J. Chivers by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p240-242, 3p; (AN 49656516)
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7.

Ethics and Global Security, by Anthony Burke, Katrine Lee-Koo, and Matt McDonald by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p243-244, 2p; (AN 49656517)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 56, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

ViEWS: A political violence early-warning system by Hegre, Håvard; Allansson, Marie; Basedau, Matthias; Colaresi, Michael; Croicu, Mihai; Fjelde, Hanne; Hoyles, Frederick; Hultman, Lisa; Högbladh, Stina; Jansen, Remco; Mouhleb, Naima; Muhammad, Sayyed Auwn; Nilsson, Desirée; Nygård, Håvard Mokleiv; Olafsdottir, Gudlaug; Petrova, Kristina; Randahl, David; Rød, Espen Geelmuyden; Schneider, Gerald; von Uexkull, Nina; Vestby, Jonas. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p155-174, 20p; Abstract: This article presents ViEWS – a political violence early-warning system that seeks to be maximally transparent, publicly available, and have uniform coverage, and sketches the methodological innovations required to achieve these objectives. ViEWS produces monthly forecasts at the country and subnational level for 36 months into the future and all three UCDP types of organized violence: state-based conflict, non-state conflict, and one-sided violence in Africa. The article presents the methodology and data behind these forecasts, evaluates their predictive performance, provides selected forecasts for October 2018 through October 2021, and indicates future extensions. ViEWS is built as an ensemble of constituent models designed to optimize its predictions. Each of these represents a theme that the conflict research literature suggests is relevant, or implements a specific statistical/machine-learning approach. Current forecasts indicate a persistence of conflict in regions in Africa with a recent history of political violence but also alert to new conflicts such as in Southern Cameroon and Northern Mozambique. The subsequent evaluation additionally shows that ViEWS is able to accurately capture the long-term behavior of established political violence, as well as diffusion processes such as the spread of violence in Cameroon. The performance demonstrated here indicates that ViEWS can be a useful complement to non-public conflict-warning systems, and also serves as a reference against which future improvements can be evaluated.; (AN 49321709)
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2.

From ballot-boxes to barracks: Votes, institutions, and post-election coups by Rozenas, Arturas; Zeigler, Sean M. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p175-189, 15p; Abstract: The military often intervenes in politics shortly after elections. This might be because election results reveal information about the ease with which a coup can succeed. Would-be coup perpetrators use this information to infer whether the incumbent can be removed from office without provoking popular unrest. We argue that the informational content of elections depends on the electoral rules that translate votes into outcomes. In electoral systems that incentivize strategic voting, election returns are less informative about the distribution of political support than in electoral systems that incentivize sincere voting. An extensive battery of statistical tests shows that vote-shares of election winners do not predict coup attempts in plurality systems, which encourage strategic voting, but they do predict coup attempts in non-plurality electoral systems, which do not encourage strategic voting. Thus, incumbents who have performed well in elections face a lower risk of coup attempts, but only in institutional environments where voting results are highly informative about the distribution of political support. We apply this logic to illuminate the decisions of the military to intervene into politics during the famous failed 1936 coup in Spain and the successful 1973 coup in Chile.; (AN 49321712)
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3.

Ethics, empathy, and fear in research on violent conflict by Shesterinina, Anastasia. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p190-202, 13p; Abstract: The discussion of ethics in the social sciences focuses on ‘doing no harm’ and ‘giving back’ to research participants, but does not explore the challenges of empathy and fear in research with participants in political violence and war. Drawing on 180 in-depth interviews on the Georgian–Abkhaz war of 1992–93 collected over eight months between 2010 and 2013 primarily in Abkhazia, but also Georgia and Russia, I argue that researchers can come to empathize with some but fear other participants in past and present violence. These emotional responses can influence researchers’ ability to probe and interpret interviews and respondents’ ability to surpass strong positions to explore dilemmas of participation in violence. By empathizing with not only ‘victims’ and ‘non-fighters’ as I had expected based on my pre-existing moral-conceptual categories, but also participants in the war, I found that individuals adopted multiple overlapping roles and shifted between these roles in the changing conditions of violence. In contrast, failing to empathize with and fearing those who continued to participate in violence after the war of 1992–93 limited my ability to fully appreciate the complexity of their participation, but shed light on the context of violence in contemporary Abkhazia. This analysis shows that reflection on the role of empathy and fear in shaping our interactions with research participants can help advance our understanding of participation in violence and this difficult research context.; (AN 49321708)
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4.

Including chiefs, maintaining peace? Examining the effects of state–traditional governance interaction on civil peace in sub-Saharan Africa by Mustasilta, Katariina. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p203-219, 17p; Abstract: The continued influence of traditional governance in sub-Saharan Africa has sparked increasing attention among scholars exploring the role of non-state and quasi-state forms of governance in the modern state. However, little attention has been given to cross-country and over-time variation in the interaction between state and traditional governance structures, particularly in regard to its implications for intrastate peace. This study examines the conditions under which traditional governance contributes to state capacity to maintain peace. The article argues that the type of institutional interaction between the state and traditional authority structures influences a country’s overall governance dynamics and its capacity to maintain peace. By combining new data on state–traditional authorities’ interaction in sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2012 with intrastate armed conflict data, I conduct a systematic comparative analysis of whether concordant state–traditional authorities’ interaction strengthens peace. The empirical results support the argument that integrating traditional authorities into the public administration lowers the risk of armed conflict in comparison to when they remain unrecognized by the state. Moreover, the analysis suggests that the added value of this type of interaction is conditional on the colonial history of a country.; (AN 49321705)
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5.

Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war by Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p220-233, 14p; Abstract: Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.; (AN 49321706)
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6.

Obstruction and intimidation of peacekeepers: How armed actors undermine civilian protection efforts by Duursma, Allard. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p234-248, 15p; Abstract: While recent research focuses on why conflict parties attack peacekeepers, little attention has been given to other types of resistance against peacekeeping missions, such as intimidation and obstruction. It is argued in this article that one reason why peacekeepers are obstructed and intimidated is that armed actors that target civilians want to maintain the operational space to carry out attacks against civilians and want to prevent peacekeepers from monitoring human rights violations. A spatially and temporally disaggregated analysis on resistance against peacekeepers in Darfur between January 2008 and April 2009 indeed suggests that the intimidation and obstruction of peacekeepers is more likely to take place in areas with higher levels of violence against civilians. The findings hold when taking into account the non-random occurrence of violence against civilians through matching the data. Finally, anecdotal evidence from other sites of armed conflict than Darfur suggests that resistance against peacekeepers in these cases is also likely to be related to the targeting of civilians. This suggest that in order to be effective in protecting civilians, peace missions should not only be robust as highlighted in previous research, but peace missions should also develop an effective strategy to deal with armed groups that try to prevent peacekeepers from fulfilling their mandate.; (AN 49321713)
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7.

Spoilers of peace: Pro-government militias as risk factors for conflict recurrence by Steinert, Christoph V; Steinert, Janina I; Carey, Sabine C. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p249-263, 15p; Abstract: This study investigates how deployment of pro-government militias (PGMs) as counterinsurgents affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Militiamen derive material and non-material benefits from fighting in armed conflicts. Since these will likely have diminished after the conflict’s termination, militiamen develop a strong incentive to spoil post-conflict peace. Members of pro-government militias are particularly disadvantaged in post-conflict contexts compared to their role in the government’s counterinsurgency campaign. First, PGMs are usually not present in peace negotiations between rebels and governments. This reduces their commitment to peace agreements. Second, disarmament and reintegration programs tend to exclude PGMs, which lowers their expected and real benefits from peace. Third, PGMs might lose their advantage of pursuing personal interests while being protected by the government, as they become less essential during peacetimes. To empirically test whether conflicts with PGMs as counterinsurgents are more likely to break out again, we identify PGM counterinsurgent activities in conflict episodes between 1981 and 2007. We code whether the same PGM was active in a subsequent conflict between the same actors. Controlling for conflict types, which is associated with both the likelihood of deploying PGMs and the risk of conflict recurrence, we investigate our claims with propensity score matching, statistical simulation, and logistic regression models. The results support our expectation that conflicts in which pro-government militias were used as counterinsurgents are more likely to recur. Our study contributes to an improved understanding of the long-term consequences of employing PGMs as counterinsurgents and highlights the importance of considering non-state actors when crafting peace and evaluating the risk of renewed violence.; (AN 49321714)
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8.

Democracy in the countryside: The rural sources of violence against voters in Colombia by Nieto-Matiz, Camilo. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p264-278, 15p; Abstract: What are the subnational variations of violence against voters? This article studies the effect of land concentration on electoral violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. My central argument is that electoral violence tends to be higher in municipalities where landowners are a relevant social actor. More concretely, in areas where violent groups dispute territorial control, higher levels of land inequality – a proxy for landowner prominence – have a positive effect on electoral violence. However, actors do not make the simple choice between violence or no violence but may also resort to fraudulent tactics. Because electoral fraud requires greater cooperation and coordination with the state, I argue that violent groups with stronger links to state officials and political elites are more likely to engage in fraudulent tactics compared to anti-government actors. To estimate the effect of land inequality on electoral coercion and fraud, I exploit the levels of soil quality as an instrumental variable for land concentration in Colombia between 2002 and 2011. This article contributes to the literature on the politics of land inequality; elections and electoral manipulation; and the use of violence in democratic settings.; (AN 49321715)
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9.

When do ties bind? Foreign fighters, social embeddedness, and violence against civilians by Moore, Pauline. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p279-294, 16p; Abstract: How do foreign fighters affect civilian victimization in the civil wars they join? Scholars of civil war have gone to great lengths to explain why states and insurgent groups victimize civilians, but they have not explicitly examined the impact of foreign combatants. Furthermore, while contemporary conventional wisdom attaches an overwhelmingly negative connotation to foreign fighters, history shows that the behavior of those who travel to fight in wars far from home varies significantly, especially when it comes to interacting with local populations. To address this variation, I demonstrate how differences in the embeddedness of foreign fighter populations combine with incentives that foreign fighters face to remain in the conflict zone over the long term to shape tendencies towards civilian victimization. My findings from an analysis of insurgent groups from 1990 to 2011 suggest that, overall, foreign fighters lead to escalations in violence against civilians. When comparing across groups that recruit foreign fighters, however, levels of violence differ depending on foreign fighter populations’ coethnicity to the rebel groups they join, and the distances they travel to reach a conflict zone. Specifically, the presence of coethnic foreign fighters leads to fewer escalations in violence, relative to the recruitment of non-coethnic individuals from non-neighboring states. The study provides empirical support to the claim that degrees of embeddedness across foreign fighter populations are important indicators of when and where their presence is likely to pose significant dangers to local populations.; (AN 49321704)
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10.

Introducing the Nonviolent Action in Violent Contexts (NVAVC) dataset by Chenoweth, Erica; Hendrix, Cullen S; Hunter, Kyleanne. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p295-305, 11p; Abstract: Scholarship on civil war is overwhelmingly preoccupied with armed activity. Data collection efforts on actors in civil wars tend to reflect this emphasis, with most studies focusing on the identities, attributes, and violent behavior of armed actors. Yet various actors also use nonviolent methods to shape the intensity and variation of violence as well as the duration of peace in the aftermath. Existing datasets on mobilization by non-state actors – such as the Armed Conflict Events and Location (ACLED), Integrated Conflict Early Warning System (ICEWS), and Social Conflict Analysis Database (SCAD) – tend to include data on manifest contentious acts, such as protests, strikes, and demonstrations, and exclude activities like organizing, planning, training, negotiations, communications, and capacity-building that may be critical to the actors’ ultimate success. To provide a more comprehensive and reliable view of the landscape of possible nonviolent behaviors involved in civil wars, we present the Nonviolent Action in Violent Contexts (NVAVC) dataset, which identifies 3,662 nonviolent actions during civil wars in Africa between 1990 and 2012, across 124 conflict-years in 17 countries. In this article, we describe the data collection process, discuss the information contained therein, and offer descriptive statistics and discuss spatial patterns. The framework we develop provides a powerful tool for future researchers to use to categorize various types of nonviolent action, and the data we collect provide important evidence that such efforts are worthwhile.; (AN 49321711)
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11.

Introducing a new dataset on leadership change in rebel groups, 1946–2010 by Lutmar, Carmela; Terris, Lesley G. Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p306-315, 10p; Abstract: Leaders and leadership changes are found to influence states’ foreign policy decisions, in particular with respect to war and peace between states. Although this issue is also addressed in the qualitativeliterature on intrastatewars, the influence of leadership turnovers in civil war has received limited systematic attention. One reason for this is the scarcity of quantitative data on rebel group leaderships. To fill this gap, we present a comprehensive dataset on leadership changes in rebel groups, 1946–2010, organized by rebel-month. The effects of leadership changes among parties engaged in civil war are argued to be more complex than those found in interstate disputes. In this article we present our theoretical argument followed by presentation of the variables in the dataset and descriptive statistics. To demonstrate the potential research value of the dataset we examine the impact of leader shifts on civil war settlement in Africa. We conclude with avenues for future research which might benefit from this dataset.; (AN 49321707)
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12.

2018 Reviewers Journal of Peace Research, March 2019, Vol. 56 Issue: Number 2 p316-318, 3p; (AN 49321710)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 32, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Countering Prompt Global Strike: The Russian Military Presence in Syria and the Eastern Mediterranean and Its Strategic Deterrence Role by Thornton, Rod. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p1-24, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the Russian military involvement on land in Syria and in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. It considers, in particular, why the point is constantly being made in Russian political and military circles that these two commitments will be ‘permanent’ in nature. It begins by providing the rationales for the initial establishment of a Russian Eastern Mediterranean naval flotilla and the later sending of ground troops with air support to Syria. It goes on to show what benefits — geopolitical, political, military, and, in particular, strategic — have accrued to Russia from the combination of these two missions. The article concludes by showing that these benefits are too substantial for any Russian political leader to contemplate a withdrawal from Syria at any point in the foreseeable future.; (AN 48260214)
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2.

Threat Assessments and Strategic Objectives in Russia’s Arctic Policy by Baev, Pavel K.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p25-40, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussia’s Arctic policy keeps going along two poorly compatible tracks of expanding military activities and committing to international cooperation. Exaggerated threat assessments are typically advanced to justify the strongly set strategic priority for sustaining investments in building up the military capabilities, including nuclear forces. The option for developing cooperation has become unprofitable due to the sanctions regime, but its main downside is that it denies Russia the opportunity to exploit the perceived and highly valued position of power it holds in the Barents region. Russia has the capabilities and can create opportunities for forceful proactive advances in the High North, and caution is not a behavior pattern that can be expected from an essentially authoritarian regime that is threatened by domestic discontent and external pressure.; (AN 48260215)
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3.

Russia’s Naval Development — Grand Ambitions and Tactical Pragmatism by Parnemo, Liv Karin. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p41-69, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIncreased activity and more aggressive behavior at sea have revitalized interest in the Russian Navy. Moscow communicates grand naval ambitions through official doctrines, while in reality the Navy is being developed as a predominantly coastal defense force. In the light of a troubled Russian economy, this raises the question of whether the Russian Navy is in fact increasing in strength, as the official rhetoric suggests, or rather is a declining force. This article examines how current geopolitical and economic factors influence Russian naval development. It argues that despite an inevitable decline in inventory, the Russian Navy is adapting pragmatically to the strategic and geopolitical circumstances and should be recognized as a capable potential adversary in the years to come.; (AN 48260216)
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4.

1941 and the National-Patriotic Revival in Russia by Sutton, David. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p70-92, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHitler’s invasion of the USSR has long been a source of historiographical controversy. In the West, the version of events pushed by former German commanders, which emphasized Hitler’s mistakes, the weather, and brutal Soviet profligacy, became the dominant Cold War explanation for Hitler’s failure to take Moscow. This explanation no longer finds many adherents among Western historians. The official Soviet explanation emphasized the treacherous German attack, heroic resistance by the Red Army, and the solidarity of the Soviet government and people. During glasnost’, a ‘revisionist’ critique of the Soviet view fervently attacked once-sacred shibboleths surrounding the prosecution of the war. This article explores the evolving anti-revisionist ‘national-patriotic’ version of 1941 that has become the new dominant paradigm in Russia.; (AN 48260217)
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5.

The Particularities of Military Mobilization Campaigns in Siberia in the Summers of 1914 and 1941 by Rostov, Nikolai D.; Eremin, Igor A.; Kuznetsov, Sergei I.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p93-115, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRelying on a wide range of sources, this article examines the implementation of mobilization plans by state, military, and local authorities of Siberia during the mobilization campaigns of the summers of 1914 and 1941. It reveals the consistent pattern of difficulties encountered by Siberian military districts when attempting to fulfill mobilization plans over the periods of World Wars I and II.; (AN 48260218)
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6.

Soviet Troop Losses in the Battle of Prokhorovka, 10–16 July 1943 by Zamulin, Valeriy N.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p116-128, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough much has been written about tank losses during the fighting near Prokhorovka as part of the battle for the Kursk salient in July 1943, little has been written about losses in personnel. This research note addresses the issue of Soviet personnel losses during the battle.; (AN 48260219)
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7.

Anatomy of Post-Communist European Defense Institutions: The Mirage of Military Modernity by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p129-131, 3p; (AN 48260220)
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8.

At War’s Summit: The Red Army and the Struggle for the Caucasus Mountains in World War II by Lak, Dr. Martijn. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p132-133, 2p; (AN 48260221)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 42, no. 3-4, June 2019

Record

Results

1.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p307-311, 5p; (AN 49338049)
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2.

Coercive diplomacy and the Donbas: Explaining Russian strategy in Eastern Ukraine by Bowen, Andrew S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p312-343, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat were Russia’s objectives in Eastern Ukraine, and why was it seemingly unable to achieve a successful or decisive outcome? In contrast to Russia’s seizure of Crimea, the uprising in Eastern Ukraine was marked by disorganization and chaos. Using proxy and surrogate actors, along with military exercises and the injection of Russian troops, Russia sought to institutionalize a political entity inside Ukraine to influence its domestic politics. In this article, I analyze the mechanisms by which Russia attempted to implement, and later salvage, its strategy. The article contributes to clearer theoretical and practical understanding of limited force in coercive diplomacy, signaling, and a more rigorous treatment of the role and uses of proxy actors.; (AN 49338050)
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3.

Learning ‘Under Fire’: Israel’s improvised military adaptation to Hamas tunnel warfare by Marcus, Raphael D.. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p344-370, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat organisational attributes enhance a military’s ability to effectively adapt on the battlefield? Upon the outbreak of war in July 2014 between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) encountered an expansive network of tunnels from which Hamas was launching large-scale assaults into Israel. This article illustrates that the IDF’s ability to successfully adapt ‘under fire’ to this battlefield surprise was facilitated by several important attributes related to its organisational learning capacity: a dynamic, action-oriented organisational culture, a flexible leadership and command style, specialised commando units which acted as ‘incubators’ for learning and innovation, and a formal system to institutionalise and disseminate lessons learned.; (AN 49338051)
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4.

‘A Time of War’: contextual and organisational dimensions in the construction of combat motivation in the IDF by Ben-Shalom, Uzi; Benbenisty, Yizhaq. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p371-394, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper explores the construction of combat motivation in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), arguing that although Israeli society at large is in a ‘Post Heroic’ era, the ‘Heroic Spirit’ is revealed during emergencies. A total of 1535 questionnaires were administered among combat soldiers during large-scale operations fought during national emergency and during small-scale routine operations. The results reveal differences in the construction of combat motivation typical for emergency vs. routine, as well as for reserves vs. regular units. These results indicate that the Post Heroic era is a condition that could be shifted according to cultural, organisational and individual determinants. This paper discusses the roots of these constructions and their implications on the theory of combat motivation and combat experience.; (AN 49338052)
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5.

Metastases: Exploring the impact of foreign fighters in conflicts abroad by Cragin, R. Kim; Stipanovich, Susan. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p395-424, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the historical impact of foreign fighters and how the international community has sought to counter this threat. It argues that foreign fighters have contributed significantly to the metastasis of Salafi-jihadism over the past 30 years. They have globalized local conflicts. They have brought advanced skills to battlefields. Further, the logistics infrastructure built by foreign fighters has allowed Salafi-jihadism to expand rapidly. The challenge for security officials today is how to prevent the foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq from expanding the threat of Salafi-jihadism further. To inform this effort, this article derives lessons learned from past efforts against Arab Afghans in Bosnia (1992–1995) and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi’s foreign volunteers in Iraq (2003–2008).; (AN 49338053)
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6.

Improvise, adapt and fail to overcome? Capacity building, culture and exogenous change in Sierra Leone by Neads, Alex. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p425-447, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary capacity building (MCB) is as problematic as it is ubiquitous, with the British experience in Sierra Leone providing a rare example of ostensible success. This article critiques the dominant conceptualisation of MCB as purely a principal–agent (PA) problem, using military change scholarship to examine the impact of wartime British intervention on the Sierra Leonean armed forces. Here, indigenous military change was both externally driven and fundamentally adaptive in nature, allowing MCB to bypass some of the difficulties predicted by PA models. However, this adaptive approach nonetheless failed to reconcile Western military values with prevailing Sierra Leonean culture, complicating post-war stabilisation efforts.; (AN 49338054)
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7.

Counterinsurgency as armed reform: The political history of the Malayan Emergency by Ucko, David H.. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p448-479, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the emphasis in doctrine and academia that counterinsurgency is in its essence political, these operations are all too commonly discussed and approached as primarily military endeavors. Informed by the need to refocus counterinsurgency studies, this article revisits a foundational case of the canon – the Malayan Emergency – to discuss its political (i.e., not military) unfolding. The analysis distinguishes itself by emphasizing the diplomatic processes, negotiations, and deals that gave strategic meaning to the military operations underway. In so doing, the article also generates insight on the use of leverage and elite bargains in creating new political settlements and bringing insurgent conflicts to an end.; (AN 49338055)
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8.

Factional politics in the Iran–Iraq war by Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p480-506, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the domestic causes of the Iran–Iraq War. It delves into secret discussions among Iranian political and military elites during the conflict, their analyses of their own performance on the battlefield, and their revealing public disputes and blame game decades later. It contends that an underexplored and yet critical driving force behind Iran’s prosecution of the war was factional politics. Along with state-level geo-strategic, regime-level security and individual-level ideological concerns, factional factors must also be examined to understand Tehran's war-time decisions. Iran’s factional rivalries began between the Islamists and the nationalists; and between the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the army at war’s outbreak, and eventually penetrated into the heart of the Islamist camp between the militant clerics and the IRGC.; (AN 49338056)
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9.

Civil-military relations and human security in a post-dictatorship by Solar, Carlos. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p507-531, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores current developments in Chile, where since the return to democracy in 1990, the elected authorities have reconfigured the nation’s military resources in favour of four action pillars: peacekeeping and international conflict management, landmine removal and gun disarmament, emergency and catastrophe response, and a concern for human, economic and social rights. Successive defence policies offer a valuable case study for exploring the trade-offs between security, traditional and non-traditional threat management and institutional capabilities. The article argues that human security policymaking is not free from undesired outcomes; specifically, regarding how to reconvene the role of the armed forces when conventional war seems a thing of the past. The paper focuses on the interagency policy implications and the challenges ahead for civilians and the military.; (AN 49338057)
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10.

From the sea to outer space: The command of space as the foundation of spacepower theory by Bowen, Bleddyn E.. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p532-556, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTColin Gray once lamented the absence of a ‘Mahan for the final frontier’ and spacepower theory in strategic studies. This article proposes the command of space as the fundamental concept of spacepower theory, and that Mahan himself has much to offer in the endeavour of spacepower theory-making than has hitherto been realised. The theory is advanced by tempering versions of the ‘command of space’, stressing its educational intent, and explaining the nuanced sub-concepts of space control and denial through understanding some precedents set by seapower theory. In the process, aspects of Mahanian and Corbettian seapower theory are unified.; (AN 49338058)
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11.

The hell of good intentions by Craig, Campbell. Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 p557-565, 9p; (AN 49338059)
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12.

ERRATUM Journal of Strategic Studies, June 2019, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 3-4 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 49338060)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 17, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Note from the Editor by Dobson, Alan. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 49656070)
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2.

Outline of research award Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p2-4, 3p; (AN 49656073)
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3.

Henry Kissinger’s Three Europes by Del Pero, Mario. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p5-21, 17p; Abstract: This article discusses the three Europes that informed Kissinger’s narrative of world affairs and Transatlantic relations: Europe as history offering vital lessons the USA was called to study and master; Europe as a junior (and subaltern) ally of the USA; Europe as the primary Cold War theater and, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the object of superpowers’ détente. The article highlights how these three narratives were used in the attempt to build a new domestic consensus around a foreign policy still driven by basic Cold War imperatives, the limits and contradictions of this attempt, and its ultimate failure.; (AN 48542461)
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4.

Correction to: Henry Kissinger’s Three Europes by Pero, Mario. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p22-22, 1p; Abstract: The article Henry Kissinger’s Three Europes, written by Mario Del Pero, was originally published electronically on the publisher’s internet portal (currently SpringerLink) on 18 February 2019 with open access.; (AN 48853674)
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5.

Re-configuring the free world: Kissinger, Brzezinski, and the trilateral agenda by Hanhimäki, Jussi. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p23-41, 19p; Abstract: Did Henry Kissinger’s 1973 ‘Year of Europe (and Japan)’—initiative fall flat? Not at all, this essay argues. By focusing on the roles of Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, who together dominated much of US policymaking in the 1970s (and shared a European background), the article maintains that such initiatives as the G-7 and the CSCE reshaped the relationship between the USA and its major European allies (and Japan) in a way that reflected the changing international environment but did not dilute America’s dominant position as the leader of the ‘West’.; (AN 48471017)
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6.

A preponderance of stability: Henry Kissinger’s concern over the dynamics of Ostpolitik by Kieninger, Stephan. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p42-60, 19p; Abstract: Drawing on American and German evidence, Stephan Kieninger’s contribution looks into Henry Kissinger’s ambivalent relationship with Germany scrutinizing both the parallels between Kissinger’s détente and Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik as well as the frictions and the competition between both approaches. Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s priority was international stability provided by the understanding between the USA and the Soviet Union, whereas Willy Brandt’s dynamic détente approach was aimed at Europe’s transformation overcoming the Iron Curtain. In Nixon’s and Kissinger’s balance of power policy, stability was essential to cement what they perceived as an endangered status quo in Europe. Brandt and his foreign policy advisor Egon Bahr saw détente as a way to facilitate liberalizing changes. They envisaged stability in international relations a precondition to guarantee the regimes behind the Iron Curtain the kind of security that would over time allow them to open up their societies for Western influence. Finally, the overlaps between both approaches prevailed. Examining Kissinger’s initial doubts over Ostpolitik’s feasibility, the essay depicts his way to control the détente process in Europe through the Quadripartite negotiations over Berlin in 1971. Eventually, Ostpolitik’s success was a catalyst and a prerequisite for Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s own approach to the Soviet Union despite the escalation of the Vietnam War.; (AN 48473518)
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7.

Henry Kissinger and the transition to democracy in Southern Europe by Rizas, Sotiris. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p61-80, 20p; Abstract: Henry Kissinger approached change in Southern Europe reluctantly as he thought that democratization entailed opportunities for currents of the Left that were deemed incompatible with US Cold War considerations. His influence in the unfolding of democratization, with the exception of Portugal, was limited. It should be taken into account though that US presence in Europe and NATO constituted a framework that influenced the conduct of Western and Southern European politics. It is the perception and the framework of bipolarity within which the success of Kissinger’s policy should be evaluated. In this context, his concerns and actions were not necessarily misplaced.; (AN 48473519)
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8.

Forgetting Kissinger: re-membering credibility and world order? by Ryan, David; Tanner, Elizabeth. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p81-109, 29p; Abstract: Kissinger’s world-making recast and synthesised a US cultural praxis that distances the consequences of its foreign policy. In many respects Kissinger has been ‘forgotten.’ His pursuit of ‘world order’ was not just about his outlook during his period in office; it was also about maintaining his intellectual scaffolding after that time. Contributing to and shaping the public and academic debate were essential parts of his credibility. In our academic and cultural discourse, the suffering and death associated with his policy engagement are acknowledged but rarely foregrounded—they are refracted through paradigms of realism, credibility and world orders—the local, regional and the human are elided. Kissinger’s preoccupation with credibility, both US and his own, are repeatedly evident in his policy prescriptions, while his image of US credibility often conflated the instrumentalism of force with the projection of power. The costs were enormous. Kissinger is ‘seen everywhere, but forgotten.’ This article examines his antidote for the changing world order and his realism including his recourse to violent options as part of a desire to assert or retain US credibility. We illustrate this extensively through his engagement with the South Asia crisis of 1971, briefly on the Mayaguezincident and through cross-reference of a range of other cases. In a culture that has become increasingly militarised Kissinger is not an exception, but a stark practitioner; in a culture that forgets the costs of US intervention he continues to prevail as pundit.; (AN 48578322)
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9.

“A Frankenstein Monster”: Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon, and the Year of Europe by Schwartz, Thomas. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p110-128, 19p; Abstract: “‘A Frankenstein Monster’: Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon, and the Year of Europe,” tells the story of the severe crisis in US–European relations when Henry Kissinger was directing American foreign policy. Referencing contemporary concerns over the Trump Presidency’s harsh rhetoric and actions toward the European Union, the article demonstrates that such tensions have a long history in the US–European relationship, and are rooted in the concerns of American domestic politics, which Henry Kissinger well understood. Kissinger’s policy choices during the crisis represented the dilemmas that exist between domestic political priorities and alliance relationships, and may hold lessons for today’s US–European relationship.; (AN 48542463)
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10.

Billy Graham: American Pilgrim, edited by Andrew Finstuen, Anne Blue Wills, and Grant Wacker by Ruotsila, Markku. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p129-130, 2p; (AN 48401869)
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11.

Eleanor Roosevelt: Palestine, Israel and Human Rights by Forsythe, David. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, March 2019, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p131-133, 3p; (AN 48471018)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 12, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Patriotic journalism: An appeal to emotion and cognition by Ginosar, Avshalom; Cohen, Inbar. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p3-18, 16p; Abstract: Patriotic behavior in the journalistic coverage of conflicts is usually related to the coverage of wars and terrorist attacks. Such behavior is characterized in the literature by various practices which deviate from the objective or neutral model of journalism and which are more closely related to the ‘our news’ or ‘our war’ mode of coverage. This study suggests an analytical framework that classifies the indicators of patriotic journalistic coverage in two categories: appealing to public emotions, and appealing to public cognition. This framework is tested in the analysis of two related events: the killing of a terrorist by a state, and the revenge action carried out by a terrorist organization. Both types of patriotic indicator were found in both events. While the authors’ findings enhance the view that journalists take sides in national conflicts, they undermine the assertion that journalists use different practices of patriotic coverage depending on whether ‘their side’ is the aggressor or the victim in the conflict.; (AN 48506708)
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2.

The impact of political context on news coverage: Covering Qatar in the Israeli press by Yarchi, Moran; Samuel-Azran, Tal; Galily, Yair; Tamir, Ilan. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p19-29, 11p; Abstract: Political environment is an important factor in news coverage, both in terms of the news items selected (the amount of coverage) and the tone of the coverage. Through an analysis of news coverage of Qatar in the Israeli press, the current study examines the impact of the political circumstances and the contextual cues in news stories on the framing of foreign news. The analysis includes 1,199 articles appearing in the mainstream online Israeli press in two time frames: summer 2013 and summer 2014 (during the war in Gaza). Findings indicate that, although both the circumstances and the contextual cues had a significant impact on the tone of coverage towards Qatar in the Israeli press, while controlling for the contextual cues in the news stories, coverage of Qatar did not change significantly during the war, which indicates that the framing process is less influenced by the immediate political circumstances than the political cues appearing in the coverage.; (AN 48506707)
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3.

Portraits of the enemy: Visualizing the Taliban in a photography studio by Chao, Jenifer. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p30-49, 20p; Abstract: This article examines studio photographs of Taliban fighters that deviate from popular media images which often confine them within the visual coordinates of terrorism, insurgency and violence. Gathered in a photographic book known simply as Taliban, these 49 photographs represent the militants in Afghanistan through a studio photography aesthetic, transplanting them from the battlefields of the global war on terror to intimate scenes of pretence and posing. Besides troubling the Taliban’s expected militant identity, these images invite an opaque and oppositional form of viewing and initiate enigmatic visual and imaginative encounters. This article argues that these alternative visualizations consist of a compassionate way of seeing informed by Judith Butler’s notions of precarity and grievability, as well as a viewing inspired by Jacques Rancière’s aesthetic dissensus that obfuscates legibility and disrupts meaning. Consequently, these photographs counter a delimited post-9/11 process of enemy identification and introduce forms of seeing that reflect terrorism’s complexity.; (AN 48506713)
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4.

The UK Justice and Security Bill 2012–2013: Using secrecy to legitimize the securitization of the law by Pope, Mark. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p50-68, 19p; Abstract: The Justice and Security Act of 2013 provides for closed hearings in civil cases involving security sensitive information. The author argues that the UK Government successfully created and reinforced the authority of secretive sources to ensure the Bill was passed. Such authoritative sources promoted imaginaries of a future attack but also the need to respect legal principles that protected members of ‘our’ community. The dynamics between these imaginaries and principles led to the passing of the Bill in its final form – approving closed procedures in court, but removing inquests and issues of the ‘public interest’ from the Bill. Moreover, deliberation of the Bill was represented as negotiated and rational, thereby providing the final Act with legitimacy in elite fields. This research outlines how secrecy may not only be an end-goal of securitization moves, but reference to secret intelligence can also be integral to the justification of these moves.; (AN 48506706)
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5.

Journalism under pressure in conflict zones: A study of journalists and editors in seven countries by Høiby, Marte; Ottosen, Rune. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p69-86, 18p; Abstract: Through interviews with 100 journalists and editors in seven countries, the authors examine safety as the main challenge for journalists covering war and conflict in both local and international contexts. The article places a particular focus on the situation for Filipino and Norwegian journalists. The underreporting of legal aspects of international conflict, combined with less security, means less presence and more journalistic coverage based on second-hand observation. The article argues that reduced access to conflict hotspots owing to the tactical targeting of journalists might distort the coverage of wars and conflicts, and affect the quality of journalism in future.; (AN 48506709)
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6.

Telling NATO’s story of Afghanistan: Gender and the alliance’s digital diplomacy by Wright, Katharine AM. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p87-101, 15p; Abstract: NATO’s public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance’s identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO’s increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO’s ‘story of Afghanistan’, told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narratives given precedence over historical events, key temporal omissions and the silencing of Afghan women. As such, it provides an important critique of the masculinist protection logic underpinning NATO’s efforts, which has served to instrumentalize (Afghan) women and falls short of expectations given the alliance’s commitment to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security agenda.; (AN 48506711)
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7.

Newspaper coverage of the herdsmen–farmers conflict in central Tiv Land, Benue State, Nigeria by Gever, Celestine Verlumun; Essien, Coleman Fidelis. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p102-120, 19p; Abstract: This study investigates newspaper coverage of the conflict between farmers and herdsmen in central Tiv land, Benue State, Nigeria, with specific emphasis on text format, frequency, prominence, depth of coverage, language of reports and audience assessment of this coverage. Two newspapers – Daily Sunand Daily Trust– were selected for the study which covers a period of 12 months. Content analysis and survey were adopted for the study with email and telephone interviews as instruments for the survey. Results showed, among others, that the text format for both newspapers was mostly straight news (64.5%). Findings further showed that the newspapers only covered the conflict as it happened but little attention was paid to victims of the conflict in newspapers reportage. The result of the study also showed that 71.3 percent of the stories on the conflict were published on the inside page. It is recommended that Nigerian newspapers should refrain from episodic reportage and set a proper agenda for the Nigeria public on conflicts. Further studies are also recommended to include more newspapers in the sample.; (AN 48506710)
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8.

Book review: Janet Harris and Kevin Williams, Reporting War and Conflict by Dworznik, Gretchen. Media War and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p121-122, 2p; (AN 48506712)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 24, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Between hierarchy and heterarchy: Post-Arab uprisings’ civil–military relations and the Arab state by Hanau Santini, Ruth; Moro, Francesco N.. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p137-156, 20p; Abstract: AbstractEvery actor who commands coercive resources plays a relevant role in the complex processes of state restructuring following regime change. The role of armies in the 2010–2011 Arab uprisings has been widely explored, but limited attention has been devoted to how different agents with coercive power have been involved in the restructuring of political order. This contribution presents the theoretical framework within which the remaining empirical contributions are situated. The central insight is that better understanding of the emerging political orders requires moving away from binary notions of hierarchy and anarchy as ordering principles and look at how, within heterarchical political orders, coercive agents behave within fluid state–society relations.; (AN 48681041)
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2.

Outsourcing state violence: The National Defence Force, ‘stateness’ and regime resilience in the Syrian war by Leenders, Reinoud; Giustozzi, Antonio. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p157-180, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article engages with and contributes to a nascent debate on state-sponsored militias by way of an analysis of the formation and deployment of the Syrian regime’s National Defence Force (NDF). This militia emerged from the regime’s rich repertoire in outsourcing violence and allowing ‘heterarchical orders’ to serve regime maintenance purposes at home and abroad. During the Syrian war (2011–…), the key rationale for using such militias is primarily to address manpower shortages. For an important but limited period, the NDF served this goal well as it contributed to the regime’s military advances. The regime’s devolution of its violence to militias including the NDF brought about a sharp contraction of its ‘stateness’ but this did not constitute ‘state failure’ or its collapse. In this context, the regime’s elaborate measures to manage or counter the risks and downsides of deploying non-state militias such as the NDF underscore its general adaptability in its authoritarian governance.; (AN 48681042)
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3.

Like father like son: Libyan civil–military relations before and after 2011 by Gaub, Florence. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p181-195, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article finds that in contrast to other cases of civil–military relations in the region, Libya does not fit a regular praetorian stereotype; rather, the interaction between its armed forces and their civilian counterparts has been paternalistic in nature. As a result, the Libyan military was the subject of destructive civilian interference throughout its modern history, and therefore incapable of delivering on its raison d’être, i.e., defence. This curious and ultimately negative interplay between civilian and military leaders in Libya draws attention to the generally understudied role of Arab civilians in the control of armed forces outside democratic structures – and highlights the state-fracturing consequences of this type of interaction.; (AN 48681045)
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4.

Determinants of political instability across Arab Spring countries by Al-Shammari, Nayef; Willoughby, John. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p196-217, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates the determinants of political instability across Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region with special attention to the Arab Spring-affected region. The yearly data-set covers 19 countries in the MENA region for the period 1991–2014. The study uses pooled ordinary least square (OLS), fixed effect and random effect approaches. Our most robust result indicates that political instability in the region is very sensitive to exogenous food price shocks. Youth unemployment and regime durability are also strong predictors of unrest. The frustrated educated youth explanation of the Arab Spring is, however, not borne out by our study. The connection between the presence of democratic institutions and political unrest is more complex. Our results confirm other studies which find that more democracy leads to less unrest. On the other hand, our focused study of five Arab Spring countries and Egypt finds the reverse. Our results are sensitive to the ways in which the variables are defined. It is always important to use alternative empirical specifications when undertaking econometric investigations of political processes.; (AN 48681046)
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5.

Party dualities: Where does political Islam go now? by Joffé, George. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p218-236, 19p; Abstract: AbstractOne of the unusual features of the recent emergence of moderate Sunni Islamist political parties onto the formal political scene in the Arab world as a result of the Arab Awakening is that they nearly always emerge as elements in political dualities. Thus the party – a political movement – is wedded to a social movement and, sometimes, to a trade union as well. In addition, the social movement usually predates its parallel political movement. Furthermore, this structural duality seems to be confined to the Sunni world and often seems to be associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. The question then is precisely why this dual structure has been generalized within the political arena now colonized by moderate Sunni political Islam; is it a consequence of formal legal constraints upon such movements or does it respond to their internal dynamics? A further question raises the issue of why these dualities are not replicated within the Shi’a context or amongst secular political movements. And, finally, have they been paralleled amongst political movements arising from different religious traditions and what are the likely outcomes?; (AN 48681048)
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6.

Drawing Cyprus: Power-sharing, identity and expectations among the next generation in northern Cyprus by Özgür, Ergün; Köprülü, Nur; Reuchamps, Min. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p237-259, 23p; Abstract: AbstractIn order to capture how young people in northern Cyprus see the Cyprus Question, we asked more than 300 students to ‘draw Cyprus’ and surveyed their political attitudes, as well as their identities and preferences for the future of the island. The results show that the Turkish Cypriot students, in comparison with the students from Turkey and from the other countries, are more supportive of a decentralized federative structure, identify themselves with the Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot identities, and more willing to embrace a consociational approach to the Cyprus Question.; (AN 48681049)
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7.

The case of Jabhat Al-Nusra in the Syrian conflict 2011–2016: Towards a strategy of nationalization? by Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. Mediterranean Politics, March 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p260-267, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThis piece will deal with one of the main Jihadist actors currently involved in the Syrian war: Al-Nusra Front. This will highlight the history of the movement, its sociology and strategies, the factors that have allowed its integration into the Syrian landscape, and how it has evolved from 2011 to early 2016. It will more precisely raise the issue that focusing on military and ideological grounds for explaining al-Nusra’s success is far from being sufficient. We are talking about a true ‘Syrianization’ process that has been smartly managed in the framework of an increasing sectarian divide.; (AN 48681050)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 72, no. 4, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Passel, Jacob. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p547-548, 2p; (AN 47545622)
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2.

Iran and Russia in the Middle East: Toward a Regional Alliance? by Therme, Clément. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p549-562, 14p; Abstract: Abstract:This article sheds light on the converging interests between Iran and Russia in the Middle East as well as persistent points of friction between the two countries. There is an internal debate in Iran about defining a new regional and foreign policy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and during the administration of United States president Donald Trump. As there are no purely bilateral relationships in the international system, the Tehran-Moscow relationship is, to a certain extent, influenced by US foreign policy.; (AN 47545608)
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3.

Saudi Arabia and Israel: From Secret to Public Engagement, 1948–2018 by Podeh, Elie. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p563-586, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:Media reports have recently indicated that Israel and Saudi Arabia have been cooperating behind the scenes against their common enemies, Iran and jihadist groups. This article sets to explore the rationale behind and essence of this cooperation, while putting it in proper historical perspective. The article shows that Saudi policy toward Israel was consistently dictated by pragmatism rather than ideology, while Israel’s suspicions toward the kingdom disappeared only following the 2006 Lebanon War and the Arab Spring.; (AN 47545441)
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4.

Can Saudi Arabia Move beyond “Production with Rentier Characteristics”? Human Capital Development in the Transitional Oil Economy by Yamada, Makio. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p587-609, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:Saudi Arabia’s economic diversification to date has largely involved “production with rentier characteristics” — a mode of production that relies on oil-driven advantages such as energy- and capital-abundance and foreign labor. The kingdom’s previous attempts to invest in human capital development in order to create labor-intensive sectors for local citizens were hampered by institutional fragmentation in the education sector and the legacy of rentierism. While the current government is integrating the school system and training programs, capacity-building remains the major challenge in building a skilled Saudi workforce.; (AN 47545700)
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5.

Israel Turns to the Sea by Teff-Seker, Yael; Eiran, Ehud; Rubin, Aviad. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p610-630, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:Since the mid-1990s, both the Israeli state and Israeli society have been developing and implementing several separate new policies regarding the country’s seas. These include the extraction of offshore hydrocarbons; expansion of the navy; massive desalination projects; and several legislative, planning, and zoning initiatives. Put together, these changes amount to a “turn to the sea” that profoundly affects Israel’s economy, foreign policy, and military. This article compares this shift to historical precedents, offering Israel as a template for a new, cumulative model that does not conform to the existing narratives of how polities have turned to the maritime domain.; (AN 47545529)
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6.

Speaking with the “Voice of Syria”: Producing the Arab World’s First Personality Cult by Martin, Kevin W.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p631-653, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:The most significant macro-historical trend of the late 20th century Arab world was the consolidation of undemocratic governance. One of the most visible manifestations of this phenomenon was the establishment of personality cults surrounding authoritarian rulers. This article analyzes the first such cult in the Arab world, that of Colonel Adib al-Shishakli, who was effectively dictator of Syria from 1949 to 1954. This article undermines the presumptions that Hafiz al-Asad’s cult of personality was unprecedented in Syrian history and modeled solely on previous cults in Communist dictatorships.; (AN 47545405)
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7.

Chronology: April 16, 2018 –July 15, 2018 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p655-695, 41p; (AN 47546107)
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8.

The Limits of the Land: How the Struggle for the West Bank Shaped the Arab-Israeli Conflict by Avshalom Rubin (review) by Hagopian, Elaine C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p696-697, 2p; (AN 47545688)
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9.

Mandatory Separation: Religion, Education, and Mass Politics in Palestine by Suzanne Schneider (review) by Furas, Yoni. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p698-699, 2p; (AN 47545839)
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10.

Making the Arab World: Nasser, Qutb, and the Clash that Shaped the Middle East by Fawaz A. Gerges (review) by Calvert, John. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p699-701, 3p; (AN 47545823)
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11.

In Search of Israel: The History of an Idea by Michael Brenner (review) by Divine, Donna Robinson. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p701-702, 2p; (AN 47545756)
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12.

Bibi: The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu by Anshel Pfeffer (review) by Sasley, Brent E.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p702-704, 3p; (AN 47546025)
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13.

Civil War in Syria: Mobilization and Competing Social Orders by Adam Baczko, Gilles Dorronsoro, and Arthur Quesnay (review) by Neep, Daniel. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p704-706, 3p; (AN 47545660)
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14.

Turkey and the West: Faultlines in a Troubled Alliance by Kemal Kirişci (review) by Benam, Cigdem H.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p706-707, 2p; (AN 47545841)
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15.

Turkey’s July 15th Coup: What Happened and Why ed. by M. Hakan Yavuz and Bayram Balcı (review) by Shively, Kim. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p707-709, 3p; (AN 47546128)
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16.

Yemen in Crisis: Autocracy, Neo-Liberalism and the Disintegration of a State by Helen Lackner (review) by Willis, John M.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p709-710, 2p; (AN 47545527)
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17.

Destroying Yemen: What Chaos in Arabia Tells Us about the World by Isa Blumi (review) by Brandt, Marieke. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p711-712, 2p; (AN 47545550)
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18.

The Santillana Codes: The Civil Codes of Tunisia, Morocco, and Mauritania by Dan E. Stigall (review) by Welton, Mark D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p712-713, 2p; (AN 47545310)
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19.

Regulating Islam: Religion and the State in Contemporary Morocco and Tunisia by Sarah J. Feuer (review) by Wainscott, Ann Marie. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p714-715, 2p; (AN 47545746)
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20.

Revolts and the Military in the Arab Spring: Popular Uprisings and the Politics of Repression by Sean Burns (review) by Barany, Zoltan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p715-716, 2p; (AN 47546185)
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21.

Desert Borderland: The Making of Modern Egypt and Libya by Matthew H. Ellis (review) by Tchir, Paul. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p717-718, 2p; (AN 47545383)
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22.

Deadly Clerics: Blocked Ambition and the Path to Jihad by Richard A. Nielsen (review) by Mendelsohn, Barak. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p718-720, 3p; (AN 47546282)
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23.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), December 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 4 p721-724, 4p; (AN 47546051)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 26, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 49628207)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p3-4, 2p; (AN 49628208)
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3.

The Trump Administration's Middle East Policy: A Mid‐Term Assessment by Gordon, Philip H.; Doran, Michael; Alterman, Jon B.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p5-30, 26p; (AN 49628209)
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4.

Iran's Ballistic‐Missile and Space Program: An Assessment by Bahgat, Gawdat. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p31-48, 18p; (AN 49628210)
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5.

Who Will Shield the Imams? Regime Protection in Iran and the Middle East by Barany, Zoltan. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p49-59, 11p; (AN 49628211)
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6.

Poverty in Iran: A Critical Analysis by Khoshnood, Arvin. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p60-74, 15p; (AN 49628215)
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7.

Iran after Khamenei: Prospects for Political Change by Golkar, Saeid. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p75-88, 14p; (AN 49628216)
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8.

Why Peacekeeping Fails by Jett, Dennis. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p89-96, 8p; (AN 49628217)
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9.

The Tunisian Jihad: Between al‐Qaeda and ISIS by Lounnas, Djallil. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; (AN 49628218)
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10.

Syria and Turkey: Border‐Security Priorities by Oztig, Lacin Idil. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p117-126, 10p; (AN 49628219)
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11.

The Power of Neutrality: Lebanon as an Oil Transit Country by Naor, Dan. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p127-140, 14p; (AN 49628220)
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12.

The Red Thread of Israel's “Demographic Problem” by Lustick, Ian S.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p141-149, 9p; (AN 49628221)
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13.

The Jungle Grows Back: America and Our Imperiled World by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p150-153, 4p; (AN 49628222)
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14.

External Powers and the Gulf Monarchies by Katz, Mark N.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p154-155, 2p; (AN 49628223)
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15.

Building a Petrochemical Industry in Saudi Arabia: The Life of Abdulaziz Abdullah Al‐Zamil by Dowling, G.J.H.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p155-157, 3p; (AN 49628224)
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16.

Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State by Gunter, Michael M.. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p157-160, 4p; (AN 49628212)
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17.

Triadic Coercion: Israel's Targeting of States that Host Nonstate Actors by Davidson, Lawrence. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p160-163, 4p; (AN 49628213)
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18.

The Armenian Events of Adana in 1909: Cemal Paşa and Beyond by Salt, Jeremy. Middle East Policy, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p163-166, 4p; (AN 49628214)
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14

Millennium
Volume 47, no. 2, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Cartooning the Camp: Aesthetic Interruption and the Limits of Political Possibility by Wedderburn, Alister. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p169-189, 21p; Abstract: Over the last 30 years, post-structuralist, feminist and other IR theorists have asked questions of the ways in which discourses on sovereignty seek to foreclose political possibility. To do so, they have advanced a decentralised, contested, incomplete and relational understanding of politics that presupposes some sort of intersubjective agency, however fragmented. There is one site, however, that appears to confound this line of argument insofar as it is commonly understood to exemplify an entirely non-relational, anti-political ‘desolation’: the concentration camp. Drawing on feminist theory to establish the terms of an aesthetic mode of ‘interruption’, this article will identify a compelling challenge to this position in a comic book drawn by Horst Rosenthal, a German–Jewish detainee at Gurs in Vichy, France, who was later killed at Auschwitz–Birkenau. Rosenthal’s piece will be read as an ‘aesthetic interruption’ that mounts a powerful critique of the logic underpinning his concentrationary experience, and in so doing demonstrates one way in which (to however painfully limited a degree) the political might be ‘brought back in’ to discussions about sovereign power.; (AN 48202423)
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2.

The Ironic Western Self: Radical and Conservative Irony in the ‘Losing Turkey’ Narrative by Vuorelma, Johanna. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p190-209, 20p; Abstract: This article focuses on ironic narrative forms in international media and policy debates concerning political developments in Turkey during the era of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in the 2000s. More specifically, the article examines the narrative of ‘losing’ Turkey, which has grown in significance during the AKP era, and argues that the metaphor also contains an ironic, self-critical reading that contributes to the debate on the idea of the West. The article advances knowledge concerning different functions of ironic narratives, proposing that we need to distinguish between (1) radical irony and (2) conservative irony. It is argued that radical irony is an outward-looking strategy to advance social justice and to challenge the Western self’s hegemonic representations, while conservative irony is an attempt to re-strengthen the Western self’s hegemony in the international system. The debate on ‘losing’ Turkey is an illustrative case where a Western subject is intersubjectively imagined and narrated with moral and aesthetic preferences. It can be seen as a negotiation about the moral traditions that underpin the West as an imagined and narrated social system. The article argues that the Western self is partly constituted through ironic narrative forms.; (AN 48202424)
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3.

Feminist Experiences of ‘Studying Up’: Encounters with International Institutions by Holmes, Georgina; Wright, Katharine A. M.; Basu, Soumita; Hurley, Matthew; Martin de Almagro, Maria; Guerrina, Roberta; Cheng, Christine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p210-230, 21p; Abstract: This article makes the case for feminist IR to build knowledge of international institutions. It emerges from a roundtable titled ‘Challenges and Opportunities for Feminist IR: Researching Gendered Institutions’ which took place at the International Studies Association Annual Convention in Baltimore in 2017. Here, we engage in self-reflexivity, drawing on our conversation to consider what it means for feminist scholars to ‘study up’. We argue that feminist IR conceptions of narratives and the everyday make a valuable contribution to feminist institutionalist understandings of the formal and informal. We also draw attention to the value of postcolonial approaches and multi-site analyses of international institutions for creating a counter-narrative to hegemonic accounts emerging from both the institutions themselves, and scholars studying them without a critical feminist perspective. In so doing, we draw attention to the salience of considering not just what we study as feminist International Relations scholars but howwe study it.; (AN 48202429)
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4.

Symposium Introduction: Debating Trauma and Emotion in World Politics by Calkivik, Asli; Auchter, Jessica. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p231-236, 6p; (AN 48202420)
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5.

Traumas without Bodies: A Reply to Emma Hutchison’s Affective Communities by Meiches, Benjamin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p237-248, 12p; (AN 48202427)
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6.

A Conversation with Emma Hutchison and Frantz Fanon on Questions of Reading and Global Raciality by Agathangelou, Anna M.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p249-262, 14p; (AN 48202428)
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7.

Representation and Mediation in World Politics by Ross, Andrew A.G.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p263-272, 10p; (AN 48202421)
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8.

Narrating Trauma: Individuals, Communities, Storytelling by Auchter, Jessica. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p273-283, 11p; (AN 48202419)
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9.

Emotions, Bodies, and the Un/Making of International Relations by Hutchison, Emma. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p284-298, 15p; (AN 48202426)
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10.

One Time, Many Times by Rao, Rahul. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p299-308, 10p; Abstract: This review article surveys recent work on time and temporality in international relations. It begins with an overview of Kimberly Hutchings’s influential history of ideas exploring the relationship between chronos (quantitative experience of time) and kairos (qualitative conceptualisation of time). Building on the architecture of Hutchings’s argument, it surveys more recent scholarship that supplements, extends and complicates her insights in two ways. First, while Hutchings focuses on the way in which theorisations of kairos shift over time, the development of a unified global chronotic imaginary was itself a contested process, frequently interrupted by kairotic considerations. Second, while Hutchings is interested in western conceptualisations of kairos, recent work has shifted the analytical focus to those subject positions marginalised by such kairotic imaginaries.; (AN 48202425)
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11.

Ethics and War: A Critical Intervention by Gregory, Thomas. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2019, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 2 p309-320, 12p; Abstract: There has been renewed interest in the relationship between ethics and war. Traditionally, it has been thought that a robust set of principles could reduce the overall destructiveness of war but a growing body of more critical scholarship argues that it may actually enhance it. This article reviews three recent books on the ethics of war by Adil Ahmad Haque, Maja Zehfuss and James Eastwood. Defending more conventional accounts, Haque sets out to develop a normative framework that can be used to assess, clarify and refine the existing rules. Zehfuss and Eastwood, by contrast, argue that the invocation of ethics may work to legitimise, normalise and obscure the effects of this violence. This article suggests ways in which these texts might help to reinvigorate debates about ethics and war, opening up lines of inquiry that were previously foreclosed.; (AN 48202422)
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15

Orbis
Volume 63, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 48082620)
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2.

Reflections on China's Need for a ‘Chinese World Order’ by Waldron, Arthur. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p3-10, 8p; (AN 48082611)
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3.

South Asia's Changing Geopolitical Landscape by Pant, Harsh V.; Shah, Kriti M.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p11-26, 16p; (AN 48082607)
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4.

The Evolution of Pakistan's Lashkar-e-Tayyiba Terrorist Group by Bacon, Tricia. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p27-43, 17p; (AN 48082608)
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5.

Squaring Clausewitz's Trinity in the Age of Autonomous Weapons by Hoffman, Frank G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p44-63, 20p; (AN 48082616)
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6.

It's Complicated: Geopolitical and Strategic Dynamics in the Contemporary Middle East by Krasna, Joshua S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p64-79, 16p; (AN 48082612)
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7.

A Revised Strategy for Post-War Stabilization and Reconstruction by Alexander Ohlers, C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p80-91, 12p; (AN 48082615)
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8.

Is NATO's Enhanced Forward Presence Fit for Purpose? by Deni, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p92-103, 12p; (AN 48082613)
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9.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 48082618)
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10.

Contextualizing Russia and the Baltic States by Kyle, Joe. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p104-115, 12p; (AN 48082609)
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11.

Unchecked and Unbalanced? The Politics and Policy of U.S. Nuclear Launch Authority by Singh, Robert S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p116-131, 16p; (AN 48082614)
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12.

Progressivism Armed? Reform and the Origins of the Modern U.S. Military by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p132-146, 15p; Abstract: During the four decades before World War I, both the United States Army and the United States Navy underwent a massive transformation. What had been a frontier constabulary in 1880 became a world class army in 1918. What had been a hodgepodge of obsolete vessels in the 1880s emerged as a force second only to the Royal Navy during the same period. This article discusses the factors that help account for this remarkable change.; (AN 48082606)
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13.

Considering Power: Geopolitics and Strategies Reassessed Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p147-149, 3p; (AN 48082610)
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14.

Understanding Russian Foreign Policy by Miller, Chris. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 p150-153, 4p; (AN 48082617)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2019, Vol. 63 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 48082619)
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