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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 62, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

In the Shadow of the International Criminal Court: Does the ICC Deter Human Rights Violations? by Appel, Benjamin J.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is responsible for prosecuting crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide. Despite the potential for the ICC to deter human rights abuses, scholars and policy makers are divided on the effectiveness of it. This debate, however, is plagued by some important theoretical and empirical limitations. I address the problems in the literature and evaluate whether the ICC can prevent human rights abuses. I argue that the ICC can deter governments from committing human rights violations by imposing a variety of costs on them throughout their investigations that decrease their expected payoffs for engaging in human rights abuses. Across a variety of statistical estimators that account for standard threats to inference and several anecdotes, I find strong support for my theoretical expectations; leaders from states that have ratified the Rome Statute commit lower levels of human rights abuses than nonratifier leaders.; (AN 44234719)
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2.

Does Social Media Influence Conflict? Evidence from the 2012 Gaza Conflict by Zeitzoff, Thomas. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p29-63, 35p; Abstract: How does international public support via social media influence conflict dynamics? To answer this question, I construct a unique, extremely disaggregated data set drawn from social media sources to examine the behavior of Israel and Hamas during the 2012 Gaza Conflict. The data set contains conflict actions and international audience behavior at the hourly level for the full 179 hours of the conflict. Notably, I also include popular support for each side from international audiences on social media. I employ a Bayesian structural vector autoregression to measure how Israel’s and Hamas’s actions respond to shifts in international public support. The main finding is that shifts in public support reduce conflict intensity, particularly for Israel. This effect is greater than the effect of the key international actors—United States, Egypt, and United Nations. The results provide an important insight into how information technology is changing the role of international audiences in conflict.; (AN 44234722)
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3.

Explaining Recidivism of Ex-combatants in Colombia by Kaplan, Oliver; Nussio, Enzo. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p64-93, 30p; Abstract: What determines the recidivism of ex-combatants from armed conflicts? In postconflict settings around the world, there has been growing interest in reintegration programs to prevent ex-combatants from returning to illegal activities or to armed groups, yet little is known about who decides to “go bad.” We evaluate explanations for recidivism related to combatant experiences and common criminal motives by combining data from a representative survey of ex-combatants of various armed groups in Colombia with police records of observed behaviors that indicate which among the respondents returned to belligerent or illegal activities. Consistent with a theory of recidivism being shaped by driving and restraining factors, the results suggest that factors such as antisocial personality traits, weak family ties, lack of educational attainment, and the presence of criminal groups are most highly correlated with various kinds of recidivism and hold implications for programs and policies to successfully reintegrate ex-combatants into society.; (AN 44234716)
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4.

“Chipping Away at the Issues”: Piecemeal Dispute Resolution and Territorial Conflict by Mattes, Michaela. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p94-118, 25p; Abstract: Disputants might resolve their disagreements in a piecemeal fashion, addressing a subset of the issues at a time. How viable is such a strategy? I argue that partial settlements signal the desire to resolve disagreements and can lay the foundation for additional cooperation by building trust and/or demonstrating the benefits of dispute resolution. As a result, partial settlements should be associated with the resolution of remaining disagreements. Yet, scholars have questioned whether pursuing a piecemeal approach may be more harmful than helpful, and a systematic empirical test of these competing predictions is necessary. Using data from worldwide territorial claims between 1919 and 2001, I find a strong positive correlation between partial settlements and comprehensive dispute resolution. In the shorter run, partial settlements are also associated with an increased likelihood for peaceful negotiations, but there is only limited evidence that they reduce conflict before all aspects of the claim are resolved.; (AN 44234720)
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5.

War and Third-party Trade by Feldman, Nizan; Sadeh, Tal. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p119-142, 24p; Abstract: Few studies explain how wars affect trade with third parties. We argue that wartime trade policies should raise trade with friendly and enemy-hostile third parties but reduce trade with hostile and enemy-friendly third parties. At the same time, the private motivation of firms and households may be incompatible with national wartime trade policies and constrain the effectiveness of wartime trade policies. Our directed dyadic data set consists of almost all of the states from 1885 to 2000. Running a high definition fixed effects regression with two-way clustering of standard errors, we find that hostile third parties tended to reduce trade with a combatant state by roughly 30 percent. In addition, trade with third parties friendly to the enemy fell by a similar magnitude. In contrast, on average, war hardly affected trade with third parties because of substitution of war-ridden markets with third-party business partners.; (AN 44234721)
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6.

When Is Collective Exposure to War Events Related to More Acceptance of Collective Guilt? by Penic, Sandra; Elcheroth, Guy; Spini, Dario. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p143-173, 31p; Abstract: Previous studies adopting the collective vulnerability approach have shown that condemnation of war atrocities is grounded in communal experiences of victimization and is strongest in locations where victimization was spread across ethnic boundaries. Based on a representative survey conducted in 2006 (N= 2,012) across the former Yugoslavia, we find a similar pattern for acceptance of collective guilt. While personal victimization does not have a significant impact, the acceptance of guilt is strongest in more war-affected regions. Moreover, the results show the importance of the type of communal-level victimization: acceptance of guilt is lowest in regions marked by asymmetric violence and highest in regions marked by symmetric violence. Our findings suggest that collective victimization should not be treated as a uniform phenomenon and challenge the assumption that rejection of in-group guilt is an inevitable outcome of collective victimization.; (AN 44234715)
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7.

Lessons on Political Violence from America’s Post–9/11 Wars by Mikulaschek, Christoph; Shapiro, Jacob N.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p174-202, 29p; Abstract: A large literature has emerged in political science that studies the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This article summarizes the lessons learned from this literature, both theoretical and practical. To put this emerging knowledge base into perspective, we review findings along two dimensions of conflict: factors influencing whether states or substate groups enter into conflict in the first place and variables affecting the intensity of fighting at particular times and places once war has started. We then discuss the external validity issues entailed in learning about contemporary wars and insurgencies from research focused on the Afghanistan and Iraq wars during the period of US involvement. We close by summarizing the uniquely rich qualitative and quantitative data on these wars (both publicly available and what likely exists but has not been released) and outline potential avenues for future research.; (AN 44234718)
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8.

Introducing the AMAR (All Minorities at Risk) Data by Birnir, Jóhanna K.; Laitin, David D.; Wilkenfeld, Jonathan; Waguespack, David M.; Hultquist, Agatha S.; Gurr, Ted R.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p203-226, 24p; Abstract: The article introduces the All Minorities at Risk (AMAR) data, a sample of socially recognized and salient ethnic groups. Fully coded for the forty core Minorities at Risk variables, this AMAR sample provides researchers with data for empirical analysis free from the selection issues known in the study of ethnic politics to date. We describe the distinct selection issues motivating the coding of the data with an emphasis on underexplored selection issues arising with truncation of ethnic group data, especially when moving between levels of data. We then describe our sampling technique and the resulting coded data. Next, we suggest some directions for the future study of ethnicity and conflict using our bias-corrected data. Our preliminary correlations suggest selection bias may have distorted our understanding about both group and country correlates of ethnic violence.; (AN 44234717)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 11, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Legitimacy in Conflict: Concepts, Practices, Challenges by von Billerbeck, Sarah B. K.; Gippert, Birte Julia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p273-285, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of legitimacy in situations of conflict and peacebuilding has increased in recent years. However, current work on the topic adopts many assumptions, definitions, and understandings from classical legitimacy theory, which centers on the relationship between the nation-state and its citizens. In this introduction, we provide a detailed critical overview of current theories of legitimacy and legitimation and demonstrate why they have only limited applicability in conflict and post-conflict contexts, focusing on the three main areas that the articles included in this special issue examine: audiences for legitimacy, sources of legitimacy, and legitimation. In particular, we show how conflict and post-conflict contexts are marked by the fragmentation and personalization of power; the proliferation and fragmentation of legitimacy audiences; and ambiguity surrounding legitimation strategies.; (AN 43119606)
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2.

UN Peace Operations and Conflicting Legitimacies by von Billerbeck, Sarah B. K.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p286-305, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAnalyses of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping increasingly consider legitimacy a key factor for success, conceiving of it as a resource that operations should seek and use in the pursuit of their goals. However, these analyses rarely break down legitimacy by source. Because the UN is an organization with multiple identities and duties however, different legitimacy sources – in particular output and procedural legitimacy – and the UN’s corresponding legitimation practices come into conflict in the context of peacekeeping. Drawing on a range of examples and the specific case of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), this article argues that looking at different legitimacy sources and linking them to the institutional identity of the UN is thus critical, and it shows how the UN’s contradictory legitimation practices can reduce overall legitimacy perceptions.; (AN 43119607)
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3.

The Local Legitimacy of Peacekeepers by Whalan, Jeni. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p306-320, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent scholarship and policy doctrine alike have identified local legitimacy as an important ‘success factor’ in peacekeeping – but like many such calls for greater attention to local dynamics, it is often unclear what local legitimacy actually means, how to analyse it, what causal processes are at work, and what might obstruct the operationalization of well-intentioned policy recommendations for peacekeepers to seek local legitimacy. This article aims to bring clarity to the complex concept of local legitimacy, including the ways in which insights drawn from legitimacy theory developed in very different social contexts can be adapted to the realities of the conflict societies into which peacekeepers deploy. First, it examines what it means to locate the legitimacy of peace operations at the local level, rather than the international. Second, it clarifies the causal links between peacekeepers’ legitimacy and their effectiveness, reviewing scholarship on local legitimacy and its adaptation of broader legitimacy theory. Third, it identifies three important reasons that locally legitimizing peacekeepers is so difficult in practice, distinguishing between the difficulties derived from the particular features of conflict societies and those derived from the institutional characteristics of peace operations.; (AN 43119608)
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4.

Legitimacy and Coercion in Peacebuilding: A Balancing Act by Gippert, Birte Julia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p321-338, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the tendency of the power literature to analyse legitimacy and coercion in isolation, both theoretical and empirical evidence suggest that coercion and legitimacy are not parallel lines but can interact in different ways, supporting or undermining each other. A methodical exploration of the relationship between legitimacy and coercion is important not only for improving the theoretical literatures on power and legitimacy but also in the light of the increasing interest in the power of legitimacy in statebuilding and peacebuilding. This article first analyses the overall interaction between coercion and legitimacy, and then explores the question that emerges from the interaction analysis; what level of coercion is permitted or required in order for a mission’s local legitimacy to be sustained? Finally, for the practice of peacebuilding, the article shows that an operation needs to understand its initial legitimacy standing with the local population, as this determines how much coercive force it can employ without undermining its overall legitimacy.; (AN 43119609)
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5.

The Legitimacy Audience Shapes the Coalition: Lessons from Afghanistan, 2001 by Coleman, Katharina P.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p339-358, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLegitimacy considerations profoundly affect coalition-building strategies for contemporary military interventions. However, the nature of this impact depends on which of three distinct legitimacy audiences intervening governments are most concerned about: their domestic publics, the international community or the host-country population. Intervening actors typically value all three audiences, but may be more confident of some audiences’ approval than of others’. Moreover, these audiences may raise divergent demands regarding coalition design, each entailing distinctive strategic, operational and/or political costs. Intervening actors therefore make strategic choices about how to adjust their coalition, including which legitimacy audience to prioritize. Juxtaposing the two Western-led coalitions deployed to Afghanistan in 2001 highlights how profoundly such choices affect coalition design – and what unintended longer-term consequences they can have.; (AN 43119612)
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6.

Afghanistan’s Taliban – Legitimate Jihadists or Coercive Extremists? by Weigand, Florian. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p359-381, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe military intervention in Afghanistan in 2001 was portrayed as a fight to oust the extremist Taliban. But the Taliban have long been regaining influence, with the military victory of the Afghan government and its foreign allies now seeming less likely than ever. In light of these developments, this article investigates what the affected people – rather than the foreign interveners – think about the Taliban, and whether they perceive them as coercive or legitimate. Building on a conceptual understanding of legitimacy that has been adjusted to the dynamics of conflict-torn spaces, the article suggests that people judge the Taliban on the basis of how their day-to-day behaviour is perceived. While the Taliban are a coercive threat in urban centres and other areas where they launch attacks, they nonetheless manage to construct legitimacy in some of the places which they control or can access easily. A major source of their legitimacy in these areas is the way in which they provide services – such as conflict resolution – which some people consider to be faster and fairer than the state’s practices.; (AN 43119610)
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7.

Gender and blue helmets by Wilén, Nina. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p382-388, 7p; (AN 43119611)
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8.

Contested Norms in Peacekeeping by Ng, Joel. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p389-393, 5p; (AN 43119614)
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9.

Correction to: The Temporal Dimension in Accounts of Violent Conflict: A Case Study from Darfur Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p394-394, 1p; (AN 43119613)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 16, no. 1-2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction: Are We All the Same? by Syse, Henrik; Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p1-1, 1p; (AN 43055648)
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2.

The Value of Respect: What Does it Mean for an Army? by Collins, Pauline. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p2-19, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Australian Army has adopted “respect” as a new addition to the existing trio of values, “courage, initiative and teamwork.” This article explores what respect may mean as an army value. The significance of respect surrounding two incidents involving Australian Defence Force personnel while on duty in Afghanistan is considered. The first is the so-called “green on blue” attack by an Afghan National Army soldier killing three Australian soldiers on 29 August 2012. The second concerns allegations of mutilation of suspected Afghan insurgents’ corpses by soldiers attached to an Australian Special Forces Unit on 28 April 2013. The incidents have resulted in internal military investigations: in the second incident, with a view to possible prosecution for breach of the law of armed conflict and related disciplinary offences; and in the case of the green on blue attack, leading to a civilian coronial inquest. This article discusses the training and modelling of behaviour required to instil such a value as respect.; (AN 43055646)
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3.

Towards a Humanitarian Military Ethics: Moral Autonomy, Integrity and Obligations in the British and German Armed Forces by Kucera, Tomas. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p20-37, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHumanitarian operations may pose challenges to which armed forces prepared for warfighting seem rather ill-equipped. It is the aim of this article to examine in what way military ethics should be adapted to humanitarian tasks. Two ideal types of military ethics are defined here: warfighting and humanitarian. The warfighting ethic is supposed to maximise the utility of the military in war and combat and to that end utilises the virtues of loyalty and honour. In contrast, humanitarian obligations require to a larger extent the development of personal integrity and an ability to follow one’s own conscience. The adaptation of military ethics is demonstrated in the case studies of the UK armed forces and the German Bundeswehr. Whereas the moral code of the UK armed forces remains anchored in the principles of the warfighting ethic, the case of the Bundeswehr presents a military ethic closely approximating the humanitarian ideal type.; (AN 43055647)
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4.

Senior Officers in the Kishon Diving Affair: Between Ethics and Acts by Gushpantz, Tzippi. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p38-55, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor decades, soldiers in Israel’s elite naval commando unit trained in the highly polluted waters of the Kishon River without conducting any prior examination of its suitability as a training site. Following a high incidence of disease and even death among these soldiers, a national enquiry commission was set up. The thick descriptions in the commission protocols provided the factual infrastructure for this qualitative case study of an organizational phenomenon: how generations of senior officers enabled activities that directly contravened the declared code of ethics of the Israel Defense Forces regarding the risking of lives. The findings question the assumption that ethical decision-making is affected mainly by the traits and mindset of the individual. They show that the values, symbols and beliefs of a senior peer group mold a unique sub-culture and climate that can undermine the ethical ethos, even in a highly bureaucratic organization such as the military. The findings expand research knowledge about the impact of organizational contexts and group processes on ethical behavior, and extend applied knowledge regarding the instilment of ethics in organizations.; (AN 43055649)
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5.

What Sticks? The Evaluation of a Train-the-Trainer Course in Military Ethics and its Perceived Outcomes by van Baarle, Eva; Hartman, Laura; Verweij, Desiree; Molewijk, Bert; Widdershoven, Guy. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p56-77, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEthics training has become a common phenomenon in the training of military professionals at all levels. However, the perceived outcomes of this training remain open. In this article, we analyze the experiences of course participants who were interviewed 6–12 months after they had participated in a train-the-trainer course in military ethics developed by the Faculty of Military Sciences of the Netherlands Defence Academy. Through qualitative inductive analysis, it is shown how participants evaluate the training, how they perceive the development of their moral competence, and how they see the impact of the training on their own training practice.; (AN 43055651)
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6.

Situations and Dispositions: How to Rescue the Military Virtues from Social Psychology by Olsthoorn, Peter. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p78-93, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent years, it has been argued more than once that situations determine our conduct to a much greater extent than our character does. This argument rests on the findings of social psychologists such as Stanley Milgram, who have popularized the idea that we can all be brought to harm innocent others. An increasing number of philosophers and ethicists make use of such findings, and some of them have argued that this so-called situationist challenge fatally undermines virtue ethics. As virtue ethics is currently the most popular underpinning for ethics education in the military, it is important to know to what extent the claim situationists make is correct. Fortunately, a closer look indicates that an interactionist perspective, with our character and the situation interplaying, is more accurate than the situationist perspective.; (AN 43055650)
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7.

Keeping David From Bathsheba: The Four-Star General’s Staff as Nathan by Weigle, Brett D.; Allen, Charles D.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p94-113, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReaders of reports on ethical failures by four-star general officers must wonder, “Don’t they have staffs to ensure that the general follows ethics rules?” The Department of Defense publishes robust ethics guidance in several documents; however, a staff’s best efforts to implement this guidance may fail to make an impression on a senior leader who is susceptible to the “Bathsheba syndrome,” an allusion to the biblical account where the prophet Nathan rebuked King David for his moral failings. This paper proposes a methodology to enable senior headquarters staffs to play the role of Nathan in supporting ethical behaviors by high-level officers. It examines the mechanisms that embed ethical behavior within members of those staffs in carrying out their three principal roles of advising, scheduling, and transporting the four-star officer. The authors offer a framework based on an ethical infrastructure of organizational climate that focuses the staff’s daily efforts to mitigate risk across seven ethical “danger areas” that threaten ethical failures by senior officers.; (AN 43055652)
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8.

We’ll Always Have Kabul by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p114-117, 4p; (AN 43055653)
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9.

The Asia-Pacific Chapter of the International Society for Military Ethics by Allhoff, Fritz; Ford, Shannon; Henschke, Adam. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p118-120, 3p; (AN 43055658)
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10.

Just War Reconsidered: Strategy, Ethics and Theory, by James M. Dubik by Sisson, Logan B.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p121-123, 3p; (AN 43055657)
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11.

Ethics and Cyber Warfare: The Quest for Responsible Security in the Age of Digital Warfare, by George Lucas by Allhoff, Fritz. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p124-127, 4p; (AN 43055656)
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12.

Rise of the Machines. A Cybernetic History, by Thomas Rid by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p128-129, 2p; (AN 43055654)
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13.

National Bird, directed by Sonia Kennebeck by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p130-137, 8p; (AN 43055655)
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14.

Hell on Earth: The Fall of Syria and the Rise of ISIS, directed by Sebastian Junger and Nick Quested by Hauer, Claudia. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p138-141, 4p; (AN 43055660)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 55, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Torture and the limits of democratic institutions by Conrad, Courtenay R; Hill, Daniel W; Moore, Will H. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p3-17, 15p; Abstract: What are the limits of democracy’s positive influence on human rights? In this article, we argue that contested elections and powerful courts provide leaders with different incentives with regard to hiding torture. Because government torture is generally targeted at individuals that voters find threatening, institutions that reflect public opinion – like electoral contestation – are associated with higher levels of government abuse that leave scars on the victim’s body. Other institutions – like powerful courts – protect the rights of political minorities. Leaders in countries with powerful courts prefer plausible deniability of rights violations and consequently employ higher levels of clean torture, which leaves no scars. We test our hypotheses using data from the Ill-Treatment and Torture (ITT) Data Collection Project that distinguish between Amnesty International (AI) allegations of scarring and clean torture. We employ an undercount negative binomial that accounts for AI’s (in)ability to obtain information about torture. The model assumes that some incidents of torture go unreported and allows the extent of underreporting to vary across countries/years. Estimates from the model yield considerable statistical and substantive support for our hypotheses.; (AN 44373058)
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2.

Varieties of civil war and mass killing: Reassessing the relationship between guerrilla warfare and civilian victimization by Krcmaric, Daniel. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p18-31, 14p; Abstract: Why do some civil wars feature the mass killing of civilians while others do not? Recent research answers this question by adopting a ‘varieties of civil war’ approach that distinguishes between guerrilla and conventional civil wars. One particularly influential claim is that guerrilla wars feature more civilian victimization because mass killing is an attractive strategy for states attempting to eliminate the civilian support base of an insurgency. In this article, I suggest that there are two reasons to question this ‘draining the sea’ argument. First, the logic of ‘hearts and minds’ during guerrilla wars implies that protecting civilians – not killing them – is the key to success during counterinsurgency. Second, unpacking the nature of fighting in conventional wars gives compelling reasons to think that they could be particularly deadly for civilians caught in the war’s path. After deriving competing predictions on the relationship between civil war type and mass killing, I offer an empirical test by pairing a recently released dataset on the ‘technology of rebellion’ featured in civil wars with a more nuanced dataset of mass killing than those used in several previous studies. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, I find that mass killing onset is more likely to occur during conventional wars than during guerrilla wars.; (AN 44373054)
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3.

Maps of mayhem: Strategic location and deadly violence in civil war by Hammond, Jesse. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p32-46, 15p; Abstract: Disaggregated studies of civil violence attempt to predict where violence is most likely to break out within states, but have been limited by a near-exclusive focus on political, economic, and accessibility-based factors in explaining local patterns of violence. These factors are important, but the calculus of military conflict does not focus solely on lootable resources or population distributions. Both states and insurgents try to exert control over geographic territory in order to increase their resource base and political legitimacy. Historic evidence suggests that groups use violence to contest control over strategically important locations that allow them to effectively attack and defend territory. I use GIS and social network analysis to operationalize strategic location based on the network of roads and population settlements that make up a country. I find that during conflicts, locations with high degree and betweenness centrality in the road network – in other words, locations that control access to other areas within the state – are significantly more likely to be fought over, even after controlling for a wide range of variables suggested by previous literature and testing for reporting bias. These findings expand on the previous body of literature studying disaggregated violence and show that the calculus of violence during civil conflict encompasses strategic considerations as well as economic, political, or topographic factors.; (AN 44373050)
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4.

The impact of criminal prosecutions during intrastate conflict by Dancy, Geoff; Wiebelhaus-Brahm, Eric. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p47-61, 15p; Abstract: The International Criminal Court’s interventions have prompted debate about the wisdom of criminally prosecuting combatants while attempting to build peace in conflict-ridden societies. Previous research fails to distinguish between different types of trials. Using a large-N dataset of three types of criminal trials undertaken during internal conflict – domestic security trials of rebels, domestic human rights trials of state agents, and international war crimes trials of both – this article tests a theory of the compellent effect of criminal prosecution on conflict termination. We find that, even when accounting for endogeneity, rebel trials are associated with a higher probability of conflict termination, while trials of state agents are weakly associated with conflict persistence. We argue that the former compel the opposition to discontinue fighting, while the latter signal to rebels a lack of government resolve. We also find that the effect of international trials, which at times appear weakly associated with conflict termination, is endogenous to international intervention more generally.; (AN 44373055)
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5.

Brothers or others in arms? Civilian constituencies and rebel fragmentation in civil war by Mosinger, Eric S. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p62-77, 16p; Abstract: Why do united rebel fronts emerge in some insurgencies, while in other insurgencies multiple rebel groups mobilize independently to challenge the state, and often, each other? I develop a diffusion model of rebel fragmentation in which participation in rebellion spreads, completely or incompletely, through networks of civilians and dissidents. Using this theoretical framework I hypothesize that two factors jointly determine whether a rebel movement remains unified or fragments: the rebels’ investment in civilian mobilization, and the overall level of civilian grievances. The theory predicts that widely shared grievances motivate the formation of many small dissident groups willing to challenge the regime. Given the difficulty of collective action between disparate opposition actors, an emerging rebel movement will tend towards fragmentation when popular grievances are high. Yet extremely high civilian grievances can also help rebels activate broad, overlapping civilian social networks that serve to bridge together dissident groups. Mass-mobilizing rebel groups, benefiting from the participation of broad civilian networks, are most likely to forge and maintain a unified rebel front. I test this theory alongside several alternatives drawn from cross-national studies of conflict using regression analysis. The quantitative evidence lends considerable credence to the role of rebel constituencies in preventing or fomenting rebel fragmentation.; (AN 44373056)
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6.

Power, proximity, and democracy: Geopolitical competition in the international system by Markowitz, Jonathan N; Fariss, Christopher J. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p78-93, 16p; Abstract: Why do only some powerful states choose to develop power projection capabilities? To answer this question, we test the proposition that states choose to develop power projection capabilities when they face a competitive geopolitical environment. This proposition is derived from our theory, which is used to construct a new measure of the level of geopolitical competition that every state in the system faces. This measure incorporates each state’s relative geographic position to every other state in the international system, the relative amount of economic power of those other states, and the degree to which their interests are compatible. We then apply this unique country-year measure to test the proposition that competitive environments are associated with the development of power projection capabilities, as measured by the tonnage of naval ships maintained by each country in each year. We demonstrate that our measure helps explain the degree to which states choose to invest in power projection capabilities. This provides an explanation for why the world has been economically multipolar, but military unipolar, for the past quarter century, and why this might change in the future, as rising powers with incompatible interests are increasing their investment in power projection capabilities.; (AN 44373057)
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7.

Causal beliefs and war termination: Religion and rational choice in the Iran–Iraq War by Nilsson, Marco. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p94-106, 13p; Abstract: This article analyzes the length of interstate wars and the process of reaching a mutually acceptable bargaining solution. Rational choice scholarship has mainly sought to explain long wars in terms of commitment problems and private information. This article complements these rational choice perspectives by arguing that causal beliefs – a variable not considered by previous research – can also prolong wars by increasing expectations of battlefield performance and slowing down information updating. It illustrates the role of religiously based causal beliefs with the case of one of the longest interstate wars of modern time, the Iran–Iraq War of 1980–88. Even though commitment problems were present, they do not identify the root cause of Iran’s high expected utility of continuing the war, as religiously based causal beliefs played a more prominent role in prolonging the war. Religious causal beliefs constitute a real word mechanism that not only creates different priors about expected military capacity, but also slows down the process of updating beliefs, as battlefield events are not seen as credible information. Although the prevalence of religious conflicts has increased over time, the formation of beliefs and their effects on wars remains understudied when applying rational choice to real world conflicts.; (AN 44373049)
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8.

Truly reconciled? A dyadic analysis of post-conflict social reintegration in Northern Uganda by Osborne, Matthew; D’Exelle, Ben; Verschoor, Arjan. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p107-121, 15p; Abstract: In the aftermath of civil war or violent internal conflict, one of the key peacebuilding challenges is the reconciliation of former enemies who are members of the same small-scale societies. A failure of social reintegration may contribute to what is known as a conflict trap. To detect lingering hostile attitudes among a community’s various factions is crucial, but the approaches adopted in previous studies tend to focus on the impact of conflict on one or other aggregated indicator of social cohesion rather than on how violence-affected individuals regard and act towards their fellow community members. Here we demonstrate the value of concentrating on this latter dyadic component of social interactions and we use behavioural experiments and a social tie survey to assess, in an appropriately disaggregated manner, social cohesion in a post-conflict setting in northern Uganda. Whereas in self-reported surveys, ex-combatants appear to be well-connected, active members of their communities, the experiments unveil the continued reluctance of other community members to share or cooperate with them; fewer resources are committed to ex-combatants than to others, which is statistically significant. The dyadic nature of our analysis allows us to detect which groups are more prone to discriminate against ex-combatants, which may help facilitate targeted interventions.; (AN 44373052)
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9.

Introducing the UCDP Peacemakers at Risk dataset, sub-Saharan Africa, 1989–2009 by Bromley, Sara Lindberg. Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 p122-131, 10p; Abstract: This article introduces new event data on violence against peacekeepers deployed to conflict-affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa between 1989 and 2009. While the practice of peacekeeping is often described as fraught with risk, a shortage of data has left scholars poorly equipped to study this important phenomenon. The Peacemakers at Risk (PAR) dataset records reported incidences of violence resulting in direct peacekeeping personnel fatalities, injuries and kidnappings. Information on the timing, location, outcomes and actors implicated is provided for each recorded event, including information on the nationalities of violence-affected peacekeepers. The dataset also charts reports of fatal violence bypeacekeepers. This enables the study of peacekeepers’ use of force and provides a new lens for examining wider questions related to peacekeeping effects and conflict dynamics. Peace operations deployed by the UN as well as other peacekeeping actors are included, allowing for a rich dataset that reflects today’s diverse peacekeeping landscape. The PAR dataset makes possible the evaluation of reigning assumptions regarding peacekeeping intervention and risk, and allows scholars to pose research questions regarding the causes, characteristics and consequences of peacekeeper violence, within and across interventions. This article introduces the criteria and procedures guiding the data collection and presents the data. The article also highlights key patterns emerging from the dataset and identifies a number of potential applications and avenues for future research.; (AN 44373053)
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10.

Corrigendum Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 pNP1-NP1, 1p; (AN 44373048)
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11.

Corrigendum Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 pNP2-NP2, 1p; (AN 44373059)
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12.

Corrigendum Journal of Peace Research, January 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 1 pNP3-NP3, 1p; (AN 44373051)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 30, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Crisis Management and Deterrence: America, Russia, and the Shadow of Cyber War by Cimbala, Stephen J.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p487-505, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmong the changing characteristics of nuclear deterrence in the 21st century, compared to the first nuclear age that preceded it, is the relationship between nuclear weapons and cyber war. It might be supposed that nuclear weapons, the ultimate weapons for mass destruction, and cyber conflicts, involving nonlethal and precisely targeted attacks on information systems and computer networks, would be polar opposites on the menu of military means. On the other hand, there is the potential for cyber attacks to be employed against command-control systems that enable nuclear weapons to perform their assigned missions. In addition, information warfare might be used during a nuclear crisis to mislead the opponent about another state’s intentions or capabilities.; (AN 43690366)
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2.

Mapping Russian Nuclear Narratives by DeRosa, John. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p506-520, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article traces the discourse shaping nuclear weapons decision making in Russia. An examination of publicly available sources of communication by influential Russian actors reveals a clustering of dominant nuclear propositions. Utilizing narrative frame analysis, this article uncovers five narratives circulating the conversations of Russian policy elites: ‘Strategic Instability’, ‘Cold War Reruns’, ‘Conditional Arms Control’, ‘Broken Promises’, and ‘Nuclear Resurgence’. Narrative frame analysis supports the understanding of the strategic context and includes assessing risks associated with strategies from one’s own and, in this case, Russia’s perspective. Possessing an understanding of the specific narrative dynamics equips American representatives to better navigate complex and challenging dialogues with their Russian counterparts. Further, this narrative typography better postures national security strategies in the context of a multi-polar nuclear world to lower the risk of nuclear war.; (AN 43690367)
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3.

Biological Weapons Allegations: A Russian Propaganda Tool to Negatively Implicate the United States by Roffey, Roger; Tunemalm, Anna-Karin. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p521-542, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent years, biological weapons issues have repeatedly been raised by Russian officials and state-controlled media. Considering that biological weapons development and the use thereof are banned by international law, to insinuate that another state is engaged in activities with offensive signatures is politically sensitive. What are the underlying motives for raising these issues? Is Russia using anti-American propaganda in the biosecurity arena as a tool to discredit the United States for general political reasons, or is it used as a means for internal purposes to motivate increased funding for advanced biodefense research and development? A need for additional funding is also in line with views of the Russian military and security doctrines where the threat from biological weapons is explicitly addressed. Russian discrediting is related to the US support of biosafety/biosecurity upgrades at biological laboratories in the former Soviet republics. This Russian stance toward the United States was also reflected in the run-up to the 8th Review Conference of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) in 2016, supported by statements of officials indicating that Russia is threatened by US activities in the biological weapons area. This type of unsubstantiated accusations has not been helpful when attempts were badly needed to make progress in the BTWC context. Russian disinformation campaigns, in relation to biological weapons and possible underlying causes, are presented and discussed.; (AN 43690368)
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4.

The Sword and the Violin: Aesthetics of Russia’s Security Policy by Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, Alexandra. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p543-560, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article addresses the sphere of performing arts as part of Russia’s security policy and, in particular, its propaganda dimensions. The authors approach cultural representations as appeals to universal norms rather than to national interests and in this respect focus on two specific cases of aestheticization of military force applied beyond the national borders of the Russian Federation — in Georgia in August 2008 and in Syria since September 2015. These cases are comparable with each other, since the external projections of Russia’s hard power were accompanied by similar cultural gestures — namely, public concerts of classical music performed by the world-famous Valery Gergiev’s Mariinsky Theater in two sites controlled by Russian troops, Tskhinvali and Palmyra. The article argues that the Russian government uses two strategies of aestheticizing its military missions — mimetic (implying the closest possible correspondence to reality) and aesthetic (based on imageries), though the distinction between the two is not always well fixed.; (AN 43690369)
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5.

Western Aid for the Soviet Union During World War II: Part II by Havlat, Denis. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p561-601, 41p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring World War II the Soviet Union received large amounts of aid from the Western world in the form of supplies and military intervention, both of which were declared to have been irrelevant for the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany by Soviet historians. This article examines the claim made by Soviet historiography, and it comes to the conclusion that both Western supplies and military intervention were far more helpful than claimed by the Soviets. Without this aid the Red Army would not have been able to perform as well as it did historically, tilting the balance in Germany’s favor. Soviet claims about the irrelevance of Western aid can thus be dismissed as propaganda and inaccurate.; (AN 43690370)
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6.

’The German Anabasis’: The Breakthrough of Army Group E from Eastern Yugoslavia 1944 by Trifković, Gaj. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p602-629, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe eastern parts of Yugoslavia were the site of savage fighting between October and December 1944, as the German Army Group E tried to force its way out of an almost desperate situation it had found itself in following the evacuation of Greece. Against all odds, this huge German formation managed to best three Allied armies, rugged terrain, and autumn rains and reach the relative safety of the Independent State of Croatia, where it joined the remainder of the Axis front in the Balkans. Although this dramatic episode had been extensively written about in the former Yugoslavia and Germany, it received next to no attention in the English-speaking academic community. The article at hand will provide an overview and an analysis of military operations based on a wide plethora of primary and secondary sources of all sides. It will also argue that the ultimate success of the breakthrough was as much due to the unwillingness of the Soviet high command to devote more resources to the Balkan Front, and the structural weaknesses of the Bulgarian and Yugoslav Partisans’ armies, as it was to the battlefield prowess of the Wehrmacht.; (AN 43690371)
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7.

Recent Osprey Books on World War II by Lak, Martijn. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p630-638, 9p; (AN 43690372)
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8.

‘Fear Has Large Eyes’: The History of Intelligence in the Soviet Union by Hughes, R. Gerald; Kislenko, Arne. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p639-653, 15p; (AN 43690373)
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9.

EOV Editorial Board The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43690374)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 40, no. 7, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Editors Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p895-897, 3p; (AN 44024859)
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2.

Theorizing cyber coercion: The 2014 North Korean operation against Sony by Sharp, Travis. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p898-926, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article challenges the conventional wisdom that cyber operations have limited coercive value. It theorizes that cyber operations contribute to coercion by imposing costs and destabilizing an opponent’s leadership. As costs mount and destabilization spreads, the expected utility of capitulation surpasses that of continued defiance, leading the opponent’s leaders to comply with the coercer’s demands. The article applies this ‘cost-destabilization’ model to the 2014 North Korean cyber operation against Sony. Through cost imposition and leadership destabilization, the North Korean operation, despite its lack of physical destructiveness, caused Sony to make a series of costly decisions to avoid future harm.; (AN 44024860)
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3.

Indications and warning in Belgium: Brussels is not Delphi by Lasoen, Kenneth L.. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p927-962, 36p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe terrorist attacks in France and Belgium of 2015–2016 that occurred while these countries were in a heightened state of alert raise questions about indications and warning methodology as well as effectiveness of the blanket-protection deployment of security services assisted even by the military. Response and perhaps even more anticipation may require strategic rethinking in light of the predatory attacks that target the most vulnerable spots of the public space. This study looks at threat analysis in Belgium as conducted through her intelligence fusion centre Coordination Unit for Threat Analysis (CUTA)​​​​​​ since its inception in 2006. With a special focus on what is known, at the time of writing, about the terrorist attacks in Paris and Brussels, this study hopes to put into context how the system (mal)functions and will also consider the preventive measures that respond to the threat, and the international aspects which have implications far beyond Belgian borders. Therefore, a case is made for not just a Belgian homeland security framework, but one that fits into an EU-wide security concept.; (AN 44024861)
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4.

The ‘bomber gap’: British intelligence and an American delusion by Wells, Luke Benjamin. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p963-989, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor most of the 1950s, manned aircraft were the prime nuclear bomb delivery method, and were therefore a vital metric for British and American intelligence when calculating the Soviet threat. Each community reached very different conclusions from the same raw intelligence, generating the ‘bomber gap’ myth in the US but not in the UK. The information available was inconclusive, so in order to understand it estimators had to rely on their assumptions, which were different. Contrasting scopes for parochial capitalisation drew their conclusions further apart. Contrary to orthodox accounts of this episode, Soviet deception did not play a central role.; (AN 44024862)
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5.

Strategy, theory, and history: Operation Husky 1943 by Tripodi, Christian. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p990-1015, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn his 1987 work Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace(Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1987), Edward Luttwak described strategy as a field of activity characterised not only by an innately complex relationship between designs, actions and outcomes, but so too by the frequent disparity between its theory and praxis. Similar observations on this subject have since been made by Richard K. Betts, Lawrence Freedman and Antulio Echevarria II. This article will use the Allied invasion of Sicily in July–August 1943 as a vehicle through which to test these theories against a signal event in the European theatre of the Second World War. It will illustrate how Operation Husky and its aftermath are a paradigm of the confusing and often illogical course of events associated with the process of formulating strategy and waging war. In so doing it demonstrates the benefits of using strategic theory to illuminate events and so move beyond the often insular focus of campaign histories, and simultaneously reinforces the importance of military history in informing a theoretical understanding of strategy.; (AN 44024863)
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6.

Erratum Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 44024866)
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7.

What-If at Waterloo. Carl von Clausewitz’s use of historical counterfactuals in his history of the Campaign of 1815 by Schuurman, Paul. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p1016-1038, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, I analyze the use of historical counterfactuals in the Campaign of 1815by Carl von Clausewitz (1780–1831). Such is the importance of counterfactuals in this work that its gist can be given in a series of 25 counterfactuals. I claim that a central role is played by evaluative counterfactuals. This specific form of counterfactuals is part of a didactic method that allows Clausewitz to teach young officers a critical method that prepares them for the challenge of decision-making in real warfare. I conclude with the enduring relevance of Clausewitz’s use of evaluative counterfactuals for contemporary military historiography.; (AN 44024865)
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8.

The Clausewitzian fallacy of absolute war by Holmes, Terence M.. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p1039-1058, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTClausewitz was much preoccupied with the apparent contradiction between real and absolute war. Why did war in history so rarely exhibit the extremes of violence and energy implied in the pure concept of war? Clausewitz’s commentators have usually followed him in thinking that this was a genuine problem in need of a solution, but I want to question that view. I will argue that Clausewitz did not have a coherent philosophy of absolute war, and therefore the contradiction he posited between real and absolute war was equally meaningless – as, too, was his effort to resolve it by claiming that some real wars approached or even attained the absolute form of war. The real problem was not the opposition of real and absolute war, but the self-contradictory theory of absolute war.; (AN 44024864)
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9.

Editorial Thanks Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 7 p1059-1062, 4p; (AN 44024867)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 15, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

‘A military ERP’? Military assistance and US public diplomacy in Norway in the early 1950s by Danielsen, Helge. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p313-330, 18p; Abstract: This article explores how U.S. public diplomacy resources in Norway were mobilised in support of the Mutual Defense Assistance Program in the early 1950s. These efforts had two main objectives: to display U.S. commitment to allied security, and thus provide ‘psychological reassurance’, and, secondly, to mobilise popular support for increased defence spending by the Norwegian Government. The first ambition played well with local audiences. The second was more controversial, as it could be apprehended as meddling in domestic affairs. Close cooperation with local actors, a characteristic of U.S. public diplomacy in Norway at large, was therefore particularly important in this case.; (AN 43431869)
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2.

A transatlantic religious alliance? American and European protestant encounters, 1945–1965 by Krabbendam, Hans. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p331-347, 17p; Abstract: After World War II American and European Protestants linked up at various organisational levels to discuss and defend their common interests. On the American side this was far from a unified action. Disagreements between liberal and conservative Protestants in the United States meant that each side reached out to Europe in different ways, resulting in a variety of transatlantic religious alliances. The liberal representatives tried to draft a common platform for European engagement as part of their ecumenical objectives. Conservative Protestants on the other hand, feared this liberal effort and courted European souls with informal evangelical networks and joint US-European revival campaigns. Neither effort to shape new alliances was as successful as anticipated. Both suffered from Europe’s strong national religious interests and from the incongruity of a US presence in transatlantic political formations. As well, neither group could easily transcend the ideological divide created by the Cold War. In the end American evangelicals had greater success in drawing citizens on both continents in viable transatlantic relationships. Though the religious connections surfaced publicly only on occasion, they contributed to a lively transatlantic religious exchange.; (AN 43431870)
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3.

A view from the South: the Falklands/Malvinas and Latin America by Krepp, Stella. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p348-365, 18p; Abstract: This paper examines the traces the development of the conflict, which ultimately culminated in the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982, in Latin America. Utilising sources from the Organization of American States and recently declassified Brazilian documents from the National Archive and the Foreign Ministry, the paper relates the specific Latin American perspective on the conflict and highlights what role the South Atlantic occupied in the regional and national imaginaries of Latin Americans.; (AN 43431871)
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4.

Capacity, legitimacy or hegemony? A multi-tier explanation for NATO’s involvement in the Libya crisis by Reykers, Yf. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p366-385, 20p; Abstract: Although numerous regional (security) organisations have implemented UNSC-authorised military operations, we do not yet know which considerations prevail in the decision to work through a particular organisation. This article introduces a framework consisting of a capacity, legitimacy and hegemony logic for explaining the selection of a regional organisation. The article takes a rational-institutionalist approach, suggesting that analysis should primarily focus on the cost-benefit analyses of states. It applies the framework to NATO’s involvement in the Libya crisis (2011). Using insights from policy documents and 31 elite interviews, it shows that thoroughly explaining NATO’s involvement is only possible by taking into account all three logics.; (AN 43431872)
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5.

A French dandy in New York: Robert de Montesquiou and American visions of France in the Progressive era by Verhoeven, Timothy. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p386-402, 17p; Abstract: This article explores American stereotypes of France in the Progressive era by analysing the little-known visit of Count Robert de Montesquiou. The most famous dandy in fin-de-siècle Paris, Montesquiou arrived in 1903 to give a series of talks on literature. His visit, however, sparked a wave of hostility which reveals the role of gender, and particularly masculinity, in driving francophobia. At the same time, his ability to win an admiring audience attests to the appeal of France. The response to Montesquiou thus illuminates the negative and positive stereotypes which together made up American perspectives of France in this era.; (AN 43431873)
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6.

Legalist empire: international law and American foreign relations in the early twentieth century by Schumacher, Frank. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p403-404, 2p; (AN 43431874)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 10, no. 3, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

Spectacular ‘nationism’ in modern Colombia: Mediating commitment to the military option by Lobo, Gregory J. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p261-272, 12p; Abstract: This article analyzes three commercials, part of the ‘Heroes in Colombia really do exist’ media campaign commissioned in 2004 as the country’s armed forces pursued the military option against leftist guerrillas. The author uses qualitative media content analysis, grounding his reading and interpretation of the commercials in a representation of their symbolic and historical environment, and he argues specifically that the commercials were/are spectacular vehicles of what he calls ‘nationism’ (not nationalism). The article thus contributes to our understanding of how meaning was mediated in the attempt to produce commitment to the military option in Colombia during the first decade of the 21st century.; (AN 44002105)
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2.

Analyzing the war–media nexus in the conflict-ridden, semi-democratic milieu of Pakistan by Hussain, Shabir. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p273-292, 20p; Abstract: This study combined the key findings of a dozen empirical studies with an original qualitative investigation aimed at understanding the dynamics of conflict journalism in Pakistan. The author devised an original contextual model and tested its applicability in five different conflicts of varying intensity. The study found that conflict journalism is dependent on the interaction between two key factors: the journalistic assessment of a conflict in terms of its seriousness of threat to national security and the resultant flak that stems from various sources that significantly influence professional reporting. The article concludes that journalists working in the semi-democratic, conflict-marred settings of Pakistan adopt a more vigilant and independent stance if they perceive a conflict to be posing an enormous threat to national security, for example the Taliban conflict, and that their critical stance erodes to a more compromising position in the case of a medium-level threat in conflicts such as the one in Balochistan and the ethno-political conflict in Karachi; their reporting further diminishes to a more sensational stance in the case of a low-level threat conflict due to the preponderance of the commercial interests of media industries.; (AN 44002107)
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3.

The good, the bad, and the forgiven: The media spectacle of South Korean male celebrities’ compulsory military service by Yeo, Yezi. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p293-313, 21p; Abstract: For almost 70 years, South Korea has upheld the principle of universal male conscription, and the military has been a potent force in post-war South Korean political, economic, and social development. The role and significance of male conscription and the military establishment in South Korean society have been explored from the perspective of political, social, and gender/post-colonial studies. However, there is a considerable lack of academic research assessing the social meanings behind the highly publicized conduct of male celebrities’ negotiating the issue of their compulsory military service, which has turned increasingly into media spectacles since the mid-1990s. This study attempts to provide an insight into the political and social ramifications of such media events by tracing the military service and male celebrity discourse through several major conscription scandals in the South Korean mass media. By simultaneously policing and exploiting the ‘sacred’ duty to serve, these media scandals reinforce what it means to be a true ‘Korean man’.; (AN 44002104)
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4.

Women, wars and militarism in Svetlana Alexievich’s documentary prose by Novikau, Aliaksandr. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p314-326, 13p; Abstract: This work examines the war prose of Svetlana Alexievich, an author from Belarus who writes predominantly in the oral history genre about significant political and social events in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet states. Alexievich is the 14th woman who has won the Nobel Prize in Literature and is one of just a few nonfiction authors recognized by the Nobel Prize Committee. Although only one of Alexievich’s writings from her magnum opus– the grand cycle of books Voices of Utopia– is explicitly devoted to women in wartime, essentially many of her creations analyze war from gender perspectives. Her honest and raw books are based on carefully documented eyewitness accounts of the scariest things that can happen to people in horrific wartime situations. In each of her works, Alexievich emphasizes the discrepancy between the official Soviet discourse of glorious wars and the survivors’ true accounts of the horrors they experienced.; (AN 44002103)
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5.

A genosonic analysis of ISIL and US counter-extremism video messages by Bean, Hamilton; Edgar, Amanda Nell. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p327-344, 18p; Abstract: Analyses of extremist video messages typically focus on their discursive content. Using the case of ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), this study instead draws upon the emerging subfield of genosonic analysis to understand the allure of extremist videos, as well as the ineffectiveness of US video messages designed to ‘counter violent extremism’ (CVE). Through a genosonic analysis of three high-profile ISIL videos and five popular US State Department CVE videos, the study advances two concepts – sonorous communalityand sonic unmaking– to help explain ISIL’s appeal. The lack of equivalent dimensions in US CVE videos renders them sonically sterilein comparison to those of ISIL. The implications of this analysis for scholarship and practice conducted at the intersection of media, war and conflict are discussed.; (AN 44002109)
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6.

‘In war-torn Spain’: The politics of Irish press coverage of the Spanish civil war by O’Brien, Mark. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p345-358, 14p; Abstract: The Spanish civil war was a conflict that acted as a touchstone for the divisions within Irish society. As a newly-independent state that was 93 per cent Catholic, reporting a conflict that involved, on the one hand, an armed rebellion against a democratically elected government, and on the other, the killing of clergy and the burning of churches, proved divisive. The decisions by Ireland’s three national newspaper titles to send correspondents to Spain only further polarized opinion as their reportage reinforced divergent opinions on the origins and meaning of the conflict. The examination, through digital archives, of the activities of these correspondents sheds new light on the experiences of war correspondents in this conflict and on the ‘newspaper war’ that sought to influence public and political opinion on it. Similarly, the reactions to these reports give an insight into how divisive the conflict was within a state seeking to bed down its own democratic institutions.; (AN 44002101)
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7.

Social media and visual framing of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine by Makhortykh, Mykola; Sydorova, Maryna. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p359-381, 23p; Abstract: This article investigates the use of social media for visual framing of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Using a large set of visual data from a popular social networking site, Vkontakte, the authors employ content analysis to examine how the conflict was represented and interpreted in pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian online communities during the peak of violence in summer 2014. The findings point to the existence of profound differences in framing the conflict among pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian online communities. The former tended to interpret the conflict as a limited military action against local insurgents, whereas the latter presented it as an all-out war against the Russian population of Eastern Ukraine. The article suggests that framing the conflict through social media facilitated the propagation of mutually exclusive views on the conflict and led to the formation of divergent expectations in Ukraine and Russia concerning the outcome of the war in Donbas.; (AN 44002100)
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8.

Book review: Playing War: Military Video Games after 9/11 by Schulzke, Marcus. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p382-384, 3p; (AN 44002106)
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9.

Book review: Headlines from the Holy Land: Reporting the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by Seib, Philip. Media War and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p384-386, 3p; (AN 44002102)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 23, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Framing and reframing the EU’s engagement with the Mediterranean: Examining the security-stability nexus before and after the Arab uprisings by Roccu, Roberto; Voltolini, Benedetta. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p1-22, 22p; Abstract: AbstractEU policies towards the Southern Mediterranean after the Arab uprisings are predominantly seen in the literature as marked by continuity with the past. This is attributed to the fact that the EU still acts with the aim of maximising its security by preserving stability in the region. By examining a range of policy areas, this special issue aims to assess and qualify this claim. Its introduction outlines our case on both empirical and analytical grounds. Empirically, it is argued that we need to offer a more detailed analysis of each specific policy area to assess the extent of continuity and change. Analytically, this introduction proposes a framework that focuses on processes of frame definition and frame enactment to explain change and continuity in the EU’s approach. More specifically, security, stability and the link between them – the security–stability nexus – are considered as the master frame shaping the EU’s approach towards the Southern Mediterranean. This is enacted along two dimensions: the modalities of EU engagement with Southern Mediterranean partners; and the range of actors engaged.; (AN 44383372)
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2.

From Neglect to Selective Engagement: The EU Approach to Rural Development in the Arab Mediterranean after the Arab Uprisings by Kourtelis, Christos. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p23-42, 20p; Abstract: AbstractAfter the Arab uprisings, the EU designed a new regional programme for the development of the agricultural sector of the European Neighbourhood Policy partners. The European Neighbourhood Programme for Agriculture and Rural Development (ENPARD) is based on an integrated logic for rural development. This new conceptual framework advocates multi-sectoral planning and the active participation of local actors in the decision-making process in order to promote inclusive growth and to support small and medium enterprises. This approach aims to contribute to the security and stability of the rural areas of the Arab Mediterranean partners. This paper analyses ENPARD and it argues that the inclusion of new actors in the design of the programme has partially challenged established views of policy-makers within the EU. However, EU engagement in this area is still determined by a hierarchical mode that puts local actors at the bottom of the decision-making process and it is driven by a technocratic ratchet mechanism that fits new information into existing cognitive frames. Despite some positive changes in national policies, the paper claims that this type of technocratic engineering does not change social relations in rural areas and it undermines the success of the programme.; (AN 44383373)
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3.

Banking on ordoliberalism? Security, stability and profits in EU’s economic reform promotion in Egypt by Roccu, Roberto. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p43-61, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe framing of EU-promoted economic reforms in Egypt has been heavily influenced by ordoliberal ideas and practices, which have in turn affected how the EU interprets security and stability in the economy. This is especially visible in the EU promotion of banking sector regulations. Despite the change in approach heralded in the post-uprisings EU documents, this paper finds that what we see is only a minor reframing of the ordoliberal template, which aims at becoming more inclusive especially drawing in small and medium enterprises. However, in the light of fast changing circumstances, this supposedly new approach has not achieved its stated aims, but indeed something close to its opposite, that is: less engagement with a narrower range of actors.; (AN 44383374)
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4.

EU democracy promotion and the dominance of the security–stability nexus by Dandashly, Assem. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p62-82, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe article analyses the EU’s approach for democracy promotion in Tunisia and Egypt in the wake of the Arab uprisings. Contrary to arguments that focus either on the EU institutions and member states or on the domestic policies of the targeted countries and see the post-2010 EU democracy promotion strategies as a continuation of previous programs, the article follows a more eclectic approach. By considering changes both at the EU and the international level, it argues that the EU appears as a pragmatic yet more flexible and reactive international actor. After 2010, the EU frames for democracy promotion have changed and are differentiated in the two MENA countries. Crucial to this cognitive change is the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) and the role that domestic elites have played in the two case studies.; (AN 44383375)
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5.

The EU and Islamist parties in Tunisia and Egypt after the Arab uprisings: A story of selective engagement by Voltolini, Benedetta; Colombo, Silvia. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p83-102, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that the new EU’s selective engagement with Islamist parties in its Southern neighbourhood following the Arab uprisings is the result of a partial shift in the EU’s frame used to understand political Islam, combined with a form of pragmatism that puts a premium on finding interlocutors in the region. Using the case studies of Tunisia and Egypt, it shows that the EU has replaced its previous monolithic conception of political Islam with an understanding that is more sensitive to differences among Islamists. This opens the door to some forms of engagement with those actors that renounce violence and demonstrate their commitment to work within the confines of democratic rules, while violent strands of political Islam and conservative groups remain at arm’s length.; (AN 44383376)
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6.

Counterterrorism and democracy: EU policy in the Middle East and North Africa after the uprisings by Durac, Vincent. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p103-121, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores European Union (EU) counterterrorism (CT) policy in relation to the Southern Mediterranean in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. A number of themes may be observed in the recent literature on Euro-Mediterranean relations. Firstly, the rhetoric of the EU repeatedly lays stress on its commitment to democracy and human rights. However, secondly, and equally repeatedly, the actions (or inaction) of the Union in its dealings with Southern Mediterranean regimes demonstrate that when the perceived security interests of the EU or its member states are threatened by its normative commitments, concern for the latter is readily sacrificed. Thus, while the formal responses of the EU to the Arab Uprisings have, once more, invoked its concern to promote economic development and build democracy, critics have focused on their incoherence as reflecting an underlying concern to restore the pre-2011 ‘stability’ that characterized the region. This framing of the core interests and priorities of the Union carries through to its CT policy and practices with respect to the Southern Mediterranean, and determines the nature of its engagement with key actors in the region in ways that carry the potential for counter-productive outcomes.; (AN 44383377)
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7.

Thinking energy outside the frame? Reframing and misframing in Euro-Mediterranean energy relations by Herranz-Surrallés, Anna. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p122-141, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe EU’s initial reaction to the Arab uprisings in the field of energy cooperation was yet another proposal for creating an integrated Euro-Mediterranean energy market, despite the moot success of previous efforts. This paper investigates the policy frame underpinning the EU’s persistent focus on market-regulatory harmonization since the late 1990s and enquires into whether it has experienced any change in the post-uprising context. While the paper finds an enduring dominance of the market-liberal frame, it also identifies signs of its erosion through processes of reframingand misframing, affecting also the EU’s practical engagement with the region.; (AN 44383379)
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8.

Changing the path? EU migration governance after the ‘Arab spring’ by Geddes, Andrew; Hadj-Abdou, Leila. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p142-160, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article shows how understandings amongst policy élites of a ‘new normal’ form the basis for current and future EU action on migration in the Mediterranean region. This new normality centres on the understanding that Europe faces significant migratory pressures at its Mediterranean borders. By opening the ‘black box’ of European and EU migration governance, the article seeks to provide fresh insight into how framing and frame enactment shape policy responses. Rather than detailing the ‘outputs’ or ‘outcomes’ of European migration governance systems – such as laws and policy approaches – this paper adopts a different approach by exploring the underlying perceptions and understandings of migration held by actors within migration governance systems.; (AN 44383378)
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9.

EU religious engagement in the Southern Mediterranean: Much ado about nothing? by Wolff, Sarah. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p161-181, 21p; Abstract: AbstractSince the Arab uprisings, religious engagement is central to EU relations with the Southern Mediterranean. Given that the EU is a liberal-secular power, this article investigates why and how the EU is practising religious engagement and whether it is a rupture with past EU modalities of engagement in the region. The main finding is that EU religious engagement constitutes both a physical and ontological security-seeking practice. This is illustrated in three steps. First, EU’s physical security is ensured by the promotion of state-sponsored forms of religion in Morocco and Jordan that aim at moderating Islam. Second, the framing of religion as an expertise issue in the EEAS and European diplomacies reinforces EU’s self-identity narrative as a secular power. This self-identity is, however, subject to politicization and framing contestation through the case of Freedom of Religion or Belief and the protection of Christian minorities in the Arab world. Overall, this article finds that EU religious engagement is conducive to selective engagement with some religious actors, which could potentially lead to more insecurities and polarization in the region.; (AN 44383380)
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10.

Security and stability reframed, selective engagement maintained? The EU in the Mediterranean after the Arab uprisings by Roccu, Roberto; Voltolini, Benedetta. Mediterranean Politics, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p182-195, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis conclusion provides a comparative survey of the main findings of this special issue and suggests avenues for further research. It shows that the security–stability nexus through which the EU approaches the Southern Mediterranean has experienced some measure of reframing in the wake of the Arab uprisings. While leading the EU towards a more inclusive approach, this partial frame redefinition has on the whole translated into forms of highly selective engagement. This conclusion suggests that this mismatch between the change in frame definition and its enactment in different policy areas can be accounted for with reference to four factors: institutional sources of policy rigidity, time lag, issue politicization and the willingness of Mediterranean partners to engage with the EU.; (AN 44383381)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 4, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p523-523, 1p; (AN 44007429)
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2.

The "Enemy Within": Citizenship-Stripping in the Post–Arab Spring GCC by Babar, Zahra. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p525-543, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:This article reviews the impact of the Arab Spring on citizenship rights throughout the Gulf states, drawing on both internal and external dimensions of security that have become inextricably linked with notions of who has the right to maintain their citizenship. In particular, the article focuses on the phenomenon of citizenship revocation as a mode of disciplining behavior considered to be inconsistent with established norms of state-citizen relations in this region.; (AN 44007514)
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3.

Qatar and the UAE: Exploring Divergent Responses to the Arab Spring by Roberts, David B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p544-562, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:During the Arab Spring, Qatar tended to support the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates, while the United Arab Emirates opposed them. This article argues that, despite these states' ostensible similarities, their different political structures fostered contrasting experiences with an ascendant political Islam. Subsequently, the policies reflected each leader's approach to statecraft: Abu Dhabi crown prince Muhammad bin Zayid Al Nahyan, who steers Emirati foreign policy, reacted with a security-focused check on such groups, while the former Qatari emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani sought to build relations with them.; (AN 44007587)
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4.

Justice, Charity, and the Common Good: In Search of Islam in Gulf Petro-Monarchies by Lowi, Miriam R.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p563-585, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:The article probes the effects of Islamic doctrine on the allocation of hydrocarbon revenues and vice versa and the significance of this relationship for politics. It explores two areas of (state-directed) distributive activity—government subsidies and charitable giving—in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman. It demonstrates how both oil revenues and Islamic doctrine are mobilized to consolidate state authority and how both have been manipulated and deliberately interconnected as tools of state power.; (AN 44007623)
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5.

The Para-Diplomacy of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq and the Kurdish Statehood Enterprise by Zadeh, Yoosef Abbas; Kirmanj, Sherko. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p587-606, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:Despite not having achieved statehood, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq has been increasingly active in the international arena since the founding of its Department of Foreign Relations in 2005. This article assesses how successful this diplomacy has been at advancing the interests of both the KRG and the Kurdish statehood enterprise. This article then situates the KRG's foreign initiatives in the growing body of International Relations literature on the foreign policies of non-state actors.; (AN 44007293)
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6.

The Iraqi Occupation of Kuwait: New Historical Perspectives by Sassoon, Joseph; Walter, Alissa. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p607-628, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait was a critical juncture in both countries' histories. With unprecedented access to internal Iraqi documents about the invasion of Kuwait, this article underscores how the Iraqi leadership perceived Kuwait, assesses the Iraqi regime's objectives in Kuwait, and analyzes Kuwaiti resistance to the Iraqi occupation. The article ultimately aims to show that Iraq's policies of violence and dispossession in Kuwait were similar to tactics the Ba'thist regime had used before against internal opponents.; (AN 44007679)
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7.

Chronology: April 16 – July 15, 2017 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p629-667, 39p; (AN 44007636)
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8.

The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine by Nathan Thrall (review) by Lustick, Ian S.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p669-670, 2p; (AN 44007380)
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9.

A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict by Gershon Shafir (review) by Hagopian, Elaine. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p670-671, 2p; (AN 44007658)
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10.

Precarious Lives: Waiting and Hope in Iran by Shahram Khosravi (review) by Beeman, William O.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p672-674, 3p; (AN 44007676)
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11.

Transnationalism in Iranian Political Thought: The Life and Times of Ahmad Fardid by Ali Mirsepassi, and: Beyond Shariati: Modernity, Cosmopolitanism, and Islam in Iranian Political Thought by Siavash Saffari (review) by Mahdavi, Mojtaba. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p674-678, 5p; (AN 44007285)
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12.

Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right by Raffaella A. Del Sarto (review) by Pedahzur, Ami. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p679-680, 2p; (AN 44007305)
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13.

The Naqab Bedouins: A Century of Politics and Resistance by Mansour Nasasra (review) by Dinero, Steven C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p680-682, 3p; (AN 44007538)
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14.

The Edge of the Precipice: Hafez al-Assad, Henry Kissinger, and the Remaking of the Modern Middle East by Bouthaina Shaaban (review) by Stocker, James. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p682-684, 3p; (AN 44007639)
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15.

Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda by Anne Wolf (review) by Martin, Alexander P.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p684-686, 3p; (AN 44007439)
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16.

Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism in Turkey: From Ottoman Rule to AKP by Efrat Aviv (review) by Bishku, Michael B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p686-688, 3p; (AN 44007390)
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17.

Hadhramaut and Its Diaspora: Yemeni Politics, Identity and Migration ed. by Noel Brehony (review) by Gasim, Gamal. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p688-689, 2p; (AN 44007419)
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18.

Yitzhak Rabin: Soldier, Leader, Statesman by Itamar Rabinovich (review) by Rubinovitz, Ziv. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p689-691, 3p; (AN 44007344)
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19.

The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi'a-Sunni Divide by Geneive Abdo (review) by Louër, Laurence. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p691-692, 2p; (AN 44007269)
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20.

The Arab World Upended: Revolution and Its Aftermath in Tunisia and Egypt by David B. Ottaway (review) by Hollis, Rosemary. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p692-694, 3p; (AN 44007437)
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21.

Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East: Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation by A. Kadir Yildrim (review) by Buttorff, Gail. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p694-695, 2p; (AN 44007319)
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22.

Berber Government: The Kabyle Polity in Pre-Colonial Algeria by Hugh Roberts (review) by Larémont, Riccardo René. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p695-697, 3p; (AN 44007378)
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23.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), November 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 4 p698-699, 2p; (AN 44007619)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 24, no. 4, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 44174032)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p3-4, 2p; (AN 44174031)
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3.

The GCC Rift: Regional and Global Implications by Lenderking, Timothy; Cammack, Perry; Shihabi, Ali; Des Roches, David. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p5-28, 24p; (AN 44174030)
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4.

Understanding Qatar's Foreign Policy, 1995–2017 by Abu Sulaib, Faisal Mukhyat. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p29-44, 16p; (AN 44174033)
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5.

Saudi Arabia's Motives in the Syrian Civil War by Blanga, Yehuda U.. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p45-62, 18p; (AN 44174035)
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6.

The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa: A New Hinterland? by Huliaras, Asteris; Kalantzakos, Sophia. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p63-73, 11p; (AN 44174034)
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7.

Sanctions and Nuclear Rollback: The Case of Iran by Rezaei, Farhad. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p74-90, 17p; (AN 44174038)
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8.

Why Was Muammar Qadhafi Really Removed? by Davidson, Christopher M.. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p91-116, 26p; (AN 44174036)
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9.

The Impact of ISIS on Algeria's Security Doctrine by Lounnas, Djallil. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p117-135, 19p; (AN 44174037)
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10.

Tunisia's Jihadi Problem and How to Deal with It by Watanabe, Lisa; Merz, Fabien. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p136-147, 12p; (AN 44174039)
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11.

Negotiating Crisis: International Aid and Refugee Policy in Jordan by Kelberer, Victoria. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p148-165, 18p; (AN 44174040)
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12.

The Balfour Declaration a Century Later: Accidentally Relevant by Lustick, Ian S.. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p166-176, 11p; (AN 44174042)
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13.

Jihadism Transformed: Al‐Qaeda and Islamic State's Global Battle of Ideas by Irgens, Marcus. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p177-179, 3p; (AN 44174041)
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14.

The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine by Davidson, Lawrence. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p180-183, 4p; (AN 44174044)
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15.

Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance by Rigas, Georgios. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p183-185, 3p; (AN 44174045)
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16.

Bullets and Bulletins: Media and Politics in the Wake of the Arab Uprisings by Rugh, William A.. Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p186-188, 3p; (AN 44174043)
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17.

Obituary Middle East Policy, December 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p189-190, 2p; (AN 44174046)
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14

Millennium
Volume 46, no. 1, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Imperial Mission, ‘Scientific’ Method: an Alternative Account of the Origins of IR by Thakur, Vineet; Davis, Alexander E.; Vale, Peter. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p3-23, 21p; Abstract: This article offers an alternative account of the origins of academic IR to the conventional Aberystwyth-centred one. Informed by a close reading of the archive, our narrative proposes that the ideas and method of what was to become IR were first developed in South Africa. Here, we suggest how the creation of a racially-ordered state served as a template for the British Commonwealth and later the World State. We draw further on the British dominions’ tour of Lionel Curtis, founder of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA), between September 1909 and March 1911, to indicate how Edwardian anxieties about the future of empire fuelled the missionary zeal of imperial enthusiasts, who placed enormous trust in the ‘scientific method’ to create a unified empire. This method and the same ideas were to become central features of the new discipline of IR. By highlighting the transnational circulation of these ideas, we also provide an alternative to the nationally-limited revisionist accounts.; (AN 43150165)
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2.

The Illegal, the Missing: an Evaluation of Conceptual Inventions by Oelgemöller, Christina. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p24-40, 17p; Abstract: Migration Management, a regime of radical differentiation and exclusion, renders many people illegal because they violate the laws of access across geopolitical borders. Migration Management further disappears some of these illegal people outside of the external boundaries of the Global North. Recently, however, discursive moves to mobilise the concept of the ‘missing person’ in the context of illegal migration have been introduced when discussing Mediterranean migration in particular. This article offers an ethico-political evaluation of such conceptual innovations. The article asks if a reconceptualisation of the illegal migrant as ‘missing person’ is able to destabilise Migration Management and concludes that this is unlikely. The article illustrates how this reconceptualisation cements the more radical practices of exclusion whilst the boundary-drawing is reformulated as one between dead and living migrants.; (AN 43150164)
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3.

International Art World and Transnational Artwork: Creative Presence in Rebecca Belmore’s Fountainat the Venice Biennale by Merson, Emily H.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p41-65, 25p; Abstract: Drawing from and contributing to the International Relations (IR) aesthetics literature, I analyse how Anishinaabe artist Rebecca Belmore’s 2005 Venice Biennale performance-based video installation Fountainis an enactment of creative presence at an intersection of international and transnational politics. Belmore’s aesthetic method of engaging with water as a visual interface between the artist and viewer, by projecting the film of her performance onto a stream of falling water in the Canadian Pavilion exhibition, offers a method of understanding and transforming settler colonial power relations in world politics. I argue that Belmore’s artistic labour and knowledge production is an expression of Indigenous self-determination by discussing how Fountainis situated in relation with Indigenous peoples’ transnational land and waterway reclamations and cultural resurgences as well as the colonial context of the international art world dynamics of the Venice Biennale. My analysis of Belmore’s decolonial sensibility and political imagination with respect to water contributes to IR aesthetics debates by foregrounding the embodiment of knowledge production and performance artwork as a method of decolonisation.; (AN 43150168)
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4.

Schmitt’s Telluric Partisan in American Entertainment Media: Fantasies of Resistance and Territorial Defence by Schulzke, Marcus. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p66-86, 21p; Abstract: This article explores the political significance of the narratives of partisan warfare that appear in American popular culture. I draw on Carl Schmitt’s concept of the ‘telluric partisan’ – a figure that fights outside the normative boundaries of conventional war in defence of a homeland and the traditional identities that are rooted in it. These fantasies provide a sense of moral clarity, promote national unity, characterise enemy aggression, and glorify traditional values. They establish a ready-made narrative that can be invoked to frame conflicts in terms of the heroic defence of an innocent and victimised people protecting themselves against foreigners and their dangerous ideologies. As I show, this call for popular engagement in war generally serves a conservative project of directing potentially revolutionary expressions of populism and vigilante justice into defence of family and the territorial status quo.; (AN 43150166)
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5.

Book Review: Walter Scheidel, The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century by Mann, Michael. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p87-90, 4p; (AN 43150167)
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15

Orbis
Volume 62, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by T. Owens, Mackubin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p1-5, 5p; (AN 44213297)
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2.

Conservative Internationalism: An Overview by Laderman, Charlie. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p6-21, 16p; Abstract: This introductory essay seeks to historicize the term “conservative internationalism.” It examines how interpretations evolved over the past century and identifies key figures who espoused distinctively conservative visions of America's role in the world. The majority share a number of common traits: a fervent commitment to guarding national sovereignty against excessive supranational infringement, dedication to maintaining a strong military, trust in the efficacy of American power, a realist appreciation of the need to go to war and concern for order and stability at home and abroad. Yet there are also important differences over the purpose of American power.; (AN 44213302)
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3.

Why “Conservative,” Not Liberal, Internationalism? by Nau, Henry R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p22-29, 8p; Abstract: There is no broad literature defining conservative internationalism as there is for liberal internationalism and realism. Yet conservative internationalism differs from liberal internationalism and realism in four important ways. First, it seeks a world of limited government or separate sovereign nations not big international institutions. Second, it believes that national security is a function of ideological differences not just relative power or diplomatic misunderstandings. The democratic peace is a much safer world for America than the balance of power or United Nations. Third, it recognizes the need to use force during negotiations, not just after negotiations fail, because authoritarian states will not take negotiations seriously if they can achieve their objectives outside negotiations. And fourth, it advances democracy conservatively by prioritizing regions where strong democracies exist nearby (today Ukraine and Korea) and by using military leverage to reach timely compromises that weaken authoritarian states.; (AN 44213301)
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4.

Grover Cleveland's Administration: Prequel to America's Rise? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p30-42, 13p; Abstract: In considering Grover Cleveland's life and thought, the author contends that this Democratic president was profoundly conservative. In fact, he meets the criteria for “conservative internationalism,” as defined by Henry Nau. Cleveland was an advocate of solid currency, the government not spending more than it takes in, big business not “railroading” the little guy. And, he fought impediments to free trade, domestically and internationally. Finally, while cautious about American commitments abroad, Grover Cleveland defended an assertive U.S. policy throughout the Western Hemisphere.; (AN 44213291)
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5.

Ronald Reagan, Exemplar of Conservative Internationalism? by Inboden, William. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p43-55, 13p; Abstract: This article assesses the foreign policy of Ronald Reagan's presidency through the lens of conservative internationalism. It finds that the Reagan administration largely embodied the principles of conservative internationalism, particularly through its integration of force with statecraft, the priority it gave to cooperative relations with allies, and its support for the global expansion of political and economic liberty.; (AN 44213298)
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6.

George H.W. Bush: Conservative Realist as President by Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p56-75, 20p; Abstract: This article explores George H.W. Bush's foreign policy in order to examine what it can tell us about the successes and weaknesses of conservative internationalism as a world view and as an analytic construct for scholars of international relations. First, to what extent, if any, did the Bush administration's foreign policy reflect the course and logic of conservative internationalism? Second, what can the Bush administration's foreign policy tell us about the utility of conservative internationalism as a foreign policy approach relative to alternative approaches?; (AN 44213296)
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7.

The Case for Reassessing America's 43rdPresident by Brands, Hal; Feaver, Peter. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p76-90, 15p; Abstract: Contemporary judgments of George W. Bush's foreign policy were often quite harsh and polemical. In this article, we argue that a moderate form of Bush revisionism is likely to emerge in the coming years, as scholars take a more dispassionate look at his achievements in global affairs and the difficult circumstances under which his administration labored. We offer the six most persuasive arguments in favor of Bush revisionism; we then discuss the most reasonable critiques of these arguments. The overall thrust of this essay is not that Bush will someday be seen as one of America's most successful statesmen, but simply that his reputation should improve as partisan passions fade and new evidence is considered.; (AN 44213300)
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8.

Conservative Internationalism and the Trump Administration? by Popescu, Ionut. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p91-104, 14p; Abstract: This article outlines the principles of a new conservative internationalism for the Trump era, and discusses how well the administration's actions and words fit this paradigm. In order for Republicans and conservatives to reclaim their reputation as the party of strong national defense and competent foreign policy, current and future policymakers need to blend some traditional principles of conservative internationalist foreign policy with new adaptations required by challenging international security developments on the one hand, and changes in the domestic political views of right-leaning American voters on the other. A year into the Trump administration, there are some signs that the administration is indeed attempting to adjust slightly rather than replace the traditional principles of conservative Republican foreign policy, and therefore the “America First” grand strategy framework might become much more traditional in its actual policy decisions than in some of its rhetoric.; (AN 44213304)
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9.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 44341101)
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10.

Conservative Internationalism Out of Power by Miller, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p105-115, 11p; Abstract: Conservative internationalism is an important focus for study because it is a good description of America's de facto grand strategy over time. The United States’ deployment patterns, budgetary priorities, and diplomatic initiatives tend, over the long run and across administrations, to be conservative internationalist in effect and in practice. Sometimes this de facto conservative internationalist median is directly observable in the oscillation from one presidential administration to the next. It is also evident in how policymakers find themselves entrapped between budgetary and military realities on the one hand, and liberal rhetoric and public expectations on the other. American statesmen face competing pressures to make soaring commitments to liberal ideals yet govern with a hard-nosed pragmatism that prioritizes American interests. The resulting blend is, often, a rough approximation of conservative internationalism. That is why it is likely to endure as America's preferred approach to the world long past the Trump administration. The mix of American idealism and American strength is too potent for policymakers to ignore; (AN 44341096)
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11.

The Anglo-Protestant Basis of U.S. Foreign Policy by Garfinkle, Adam. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p116-136, 21p; Abstract: U.S. foreign policy thinking is based ultimately on the particular historical experience and cultural legacy of the American founding, and at the very base of that founding is the preeminence of Anglo-Protestantism. The religious heritage of the United States, a sixteenth century blend of a theological reformation and the rise of modernity in the Enlightenment, has endowed American politics with a predisposition for egalitarian, anti-hierarchical, and contractual forms, and that disposition applies as well to foreign affairs. The syntax, but not the content, of Anglo-Protestantism shapes basic attitudes particularly when political elites face crisis situations, but it is institutionalized in government and society at all levels. Six examples from the post-World War II period illustrate the case.; (AN 44213306)
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12.

Why “Best Military Advice” is Bad for the Military—and Worse for Civilians by Golby, James; Karlin, Mara. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p137-153, 17p; Abstract: This article contends that “best military advice” is a problematic construct for both the military and civilians alike. Yet, the increasing resonance of this construct across the Joint Force cannot—and should not—be summarily dismissed. Instead, it merits reflection about why the term has grown in popularity, how its continued use is influencing the development of defense strategy, and perhaps above all, how it will affect American civil-military relations. As best military advice infuses the U.S. military, it will increasingly become normalized and held up as desirable, particularly among the younger generation. Short of serious near-term steps to neutralize this construct, its deleterious influence will only increase.; (AN 44213303)
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13.

Doubling Down on Asia by Ngoei, Wen-Qing. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p154-157, 4p; (AN 44213299)
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14.

U.S. Helps Others and Self in Exporting Security by Ashby, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p158-162, 5p; (AN 44213305)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 44341098)
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16.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41579556)
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17.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 42600405)
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18.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 43383338)
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19.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p149-153, 5p; (AN 41459077)
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20.

Gaining Trust While Losing Wars: Confidence in the U.S. Military after Iraq and Afghanistan by Burbach, David T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p154-171, 18p; Abstract: During unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American public's confidence in the U.S. military surprisingly rose to all-time highs. Confidence had been thought closely linked to battlefield success, so that increase was unexpected, and very unlike the crisis of confidence after Vietnam. Confidence can be better understood considering four dimensions: performance, professionalism, partisanship, and patriotism. The military has kept the public's trust in part because, despite disappointing outcomes, it has not suffered organizational and professional breakdowns as happened after Vietnam. In addition, in the post-conscription era, expressing “confidence” is a low-cost way for disconnected citizens to express gratitude—even if they largely disagree with military preferences. Finally, a wide partisan confidence gap opened after 2003, suggesting that confidence increasingly reflects political identities rather than objective assessment of the state of the military.; (AN 41459073)
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21.

Just Terror: The Islamic State's Use of Strategic “Framing” to Recruit and Motivate by Robinson, Leonard C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p172-186, 15p; Abstract: This article examines the “framing” strategies employed by the Islamic State in espousing the group's salafist-takfiri doctrine, which includes the call for both defensive and offensive jihad. An analysis of the written documents, official statements and social media messaging issued by the Islamic State reveals three main framing strategies upon which the organization grounds its security claims. First, diagnostic frames are intended to highlight the threats that exist to its extreme vision of Islam. Second, prognostic frames offer prescriptions for meeting those threats. And, third, motivational frames are designed to mobilize active support for the Islamic State and its doctrine. This means that ultimate victory over the Islamic State requires that moderate Sunni Muslim religious and political elites offer both a credible counter-narrative that debunks the doctrinal vision of the Islamic State and an alternative doctrinal narrative that addresses the hopes, needs and concerns of young Muslims.; (AN 41459070)
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22.

Limits to the Islamic State Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p187-194, 8p; Abstract: The Islamic State has severe limits and poses a manageable problem. Its limits include that it is unable to occupy ordered areas or Shiite areas. The Islamic State's military capability and its ability to govern territory are modest. It collaborates poorly with like-minded organizations and it has elicited a military response from countries, reducing its territory and imperiling its existence.; (AN 41459072)
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23.

Operation Inherent Resolveand the Islamic State: Assessing “Aggressive Containment” by Alexander Ohlers, C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p195-211, 17p; Abstract: Operation Inherent Resolve was originally conceived as a strategy to defeat the Islamic State by containing it territorially and degrading it through attrition or what is referred to as “aggressive containment.” While Operation Inherent Resolve has changed tactics and is now beginning to make significant territorial gains against IS, long-term strategies of aggressive containment have been ineffective in the past because they fail to address IS as a territorial insurgency and transnational network. As such, aggressive containment has two key drawbacks. First, this long-term strategy allowed IS time and sanctuary in Iraq and Syria that has enabled it to retain control, suppress moderate Sunni opponents, generate revenues and legitimacy, and expand regionally and internationally. Second, because the strategy has not successfully established political solutions or built moderate Sunni forces required for a lasting victory, there is an increased likelihood that IS will survive as a traditional or regional insurgency or be succeeded by other extremist groups.; (AN 41459071)
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24.

The November 2015 Paris Attacks: The Impact of Foreign Fighter Returnees by Cragin, R. Kim. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p212-226, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an in-depth analysis of the role of foreign fighter returnees in the attacks by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Western Europe. To do this, it focuses primarily on the operatives and logisticians responsible for the November 2015 attacks in Paris. The threat from foreign fighter returnees remains under-appreciated in expert and policymaking communities. ISIS's rhetorical emphasis on the caliphate, combined with a series of attacks by lone actors, has made it easy for policymakers to misinterpret ISIS's true intentions against the West. This case study illustrates that ISIS leaders have been able to plan and execute parallel strategies within the Middle East (Islamic caliphate) and Western Europe (terrorist campaign). Moreover, they have pursued these parallel strategies through using foreign fighters.; (AN 41459090)
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25.

The High Ground: The Case for U.S. Space Dominance by Weichert, Brandon J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p227-237, 11p; Abstract: Modern society depends on satellites in space, and the United States relies on satellites more than any other country. It is from space that much of America's military advantage is assured. Without the satellites that link our forces together, America's modern military would cease to function and would risk being overwhelmed. However, U.S. space architecture is more vulnerable to attack than ever. The longer America's satellites remain undefended, the more likely those systems will be vulnerable to hostile attack. This article addresses a better way to defend these vital systems by advocating a policy of “space dominance,” as opposed to “space superiority.” Space Dominance is the only way that the United States will preserve its status as the most powerful country in the world.; (AN 41459074)
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26.

U.S. Rebalance to Asia and Responses from China's Research Community by Xiao, Ren. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p238-254, 17p; Abstract: The U.S. “pivot” or rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region, under the Obama Administration, was viewed as a major foreign strategy initiative. Inevitably China became an important part of the whole picture. Overall, China has estimated the U.S. rebalance to Asia in a cool-minded manner, and has tried not to overreact to the rebalance. However, with the election of Donald Trump as the new U.S. President, considerable uncertainties are emerging regarding U.S. policies toward Asia and China. Challenges are ahead of us to manage the Sino-American relationship in the coming year.; (AN 41459092)
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27.

Russia's Strategic Beliefs Today; the Risk of War in the Future by McLellan, Edward A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p255-268, 14p; Abstract: Russian President Vladimir Putin believes that offense-dominant military practices hold significant advantages in contemporary interstate conflict. Either through non-linear means or through the use of advanced conventional weaponry, the Russian Federation has begun to act as if those who attack first and decisively have the upper hand in war. In such an environment, interstate war is more likely as misperception and misjudgment can more easily spark conflicts that both sides feel compelled to initiate.; (AN 41459075)
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28.

Taking Stock of China's Growing Navy: The Death and Life of Surface Fleets by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p269-285, 17p; (AN 41459076)
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29.

A Crisis in the European Order? by Johnson, Ian. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p286-290, 5p; (AN 41459078)
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30.

Ukraine: Civil Society in the Balance by Kerley, Beth. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p291-297, 7p; (AN 41459080)
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31.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p299-302, 4p; (AN 42098577)
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32.

Learning from Contemporary Conflicts to Prepare for Future War by McMaster, H.R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p303-321, 19p; Abstract: Recent and ongoing wartime experience has discredited much of the thinking that underpinned the “Defense Transformation” effort in the 1990s. If we are to be prepared for future conflict, it is vital that we learn from experience and adjust our thinking about war. It is time to develop idealized visions of future war that are consistent with what post-9/11 conflicts have revealed as the enduring uncertainty and complexity of war. These concepts should be “fighting-centric” rather than “knowledge-centric.” They should also be based on real and emerging threats, informed by recent combat experience, and connected to scenarios that direct military force toward the achievement of policy goals and objectives. We must then design and build balanced forces that are capable of conducting operations consistent with the concepts we develop.; (AN 42121506)
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33.

Deterring China in the “Gray Zone”: Lessons of the South China Sea for U.S. Alliances by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p322-339, 18p; Abstract: If facing down a hostile actor in the “gray zone” is hard for a single actor, such as the United States, it is doubly hard for an alliance composed of actors with disparate capabilities, interests, and political fortitude. This article investigates how China has prosecuted gray-zone strategy in the South China Sea. We discern patterns in Chinese policy and strategy with the aim of helping U.S. led alliances face down aggression in maritime Asia.; (AN 42098578)
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34.

Fear, Honor, and Interest: Rethinking Deterrence in a 21st-Century Europe by Hillison, Joel R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p340-353, 14p; Abstract: The “America First” approach to foreign policy represents an opportunity to reassess relations with Russia. Efforts to deter Russian aggression have failed. Perhaps a new approach is needed. This article uses the lessons of the Peloponnesian War to help guide the West's approach to Russia. By examining the three motivations for warfare—fear, honor and interest—it is possible to craft a more effective deterrent strategy while avoiding a security dilemma. Current approaches have discounted legitimate Russian fears of NATO and EU encroachment. They also have neglected the role of honor in Russia's actions and how this impulse frames Moscow's views of the West. Finally, NATO and the EU have lost sight of Russia's vital interests in pursuing further eastward expansion. Where the West cannot compromise is on the security of NATO and EU members and the unity of the Trans-Atlantic alliance.; (AN 42098580)
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35.

What the West Can Learn from Rationalizing Russia's Action in Ukraine by Smith, Nicholas Ross. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p354-368, 15p; Abstract: Russia's foreign policy decisions towards Ukraine in the context of the “Ukraine crisis” have been portrayed largely in a negative light which crudely paints Russia's actions as being imperialistic, evil and largely irrational. This article argues that by looking at the interplay of identity and perceptions at the foreign policymaking level, Russia's actions in Ukraine can be, to some degree, rationalized. First, Russia's Eurasian--oriented great power role identity and its perceptions of Ukraine as represent a vital national interest. Second, the European Union and the United States are perceived as embodying a Western team of anti-Russian imperialists, which led Moscow to pursue hazardous foreign policies.; (AN 41910055)
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36.

Considering Ukraine's Ethnic Minorities and Their Influence on Russian Foreign Policy by Lutz, Carol. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p369-380, 12p; Abstract: Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory at its core posits that the majority ethnic group in one state will come to the defense of its ethnic brethren that are a minority in a neighboring state, if that group is facing discrimination or repression. The actions of political leaders in Moscow, who claimed that they were concerned about the Russian minority in Ukraine, suggest that modifications to this theory are necessary. Intervention will only occur when it is in the self-interest of the neighboring state or in the self-interest of the governing elite of that state. Russian perceptions of threats to Russian national interests originating in the West made the interference in the Ukrainian political system more likely. Similar perceptions of threats from abroad to foreign policy interests for other states, or their leaders, could lead to support for ethnic minorities. The resulting modified Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory can be used as a tool to predict better and explain foreign interference anywhere that ethnic groups overlap between states.; (AN 41763542)
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37.

Deterrence is Not a Credible Strategy for Cyberspace by Fischerkeller, Michael P.; Harknett, Richard J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p381-393, 13p; Abstract: U.S. national cybersecurity strategy, to be effective must align with the structural features and operational characteristics of the domain. Yet, this article contends that the current U.S. strategy of deterrence, coupled with the establishment of norms in cyberspace, does not satisfy this requirement. Alternatively, a strategy of cyber persistence is proposed, one that is enabled rather than crippled by the uniqueness of cyberspace. In an environment of constant contact, a strategy grounded in persistent engagement is more appropriate than one of operational restraint and reaction for shaping the parameters of acceptable behavior and sustaining and advancing U.S. national interests.; (AN 42098579)
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38.

Treating Information as a Strategic Resource to Win the “Information War” by Bebber, Robert Jake. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p394-403, 10p; Abstract: The United States is challenged by adversaries who seek to alter fundamentally the systemic balance of power through information-based strategies. These strategies leverage both legal and illegal operations to gain influence and control over key industries and information resource domains to constrain American freedom of action. It is a larger geoeconomic and geoinformational campaign by adversaries to harvest information in support of military, diplomatic, economic, and global political goals. To respond, the U.S. government must understand that information is a strategic resource. An American response might be to erode its competitors’ economic and informational advantages, attack their dependencies on other strategic resources, and exploit their information control systems. Cyberspace operations may provide some competitive advantage, but first they must be employed effectively. This effectiveness requires overcoming debilitating intellectual constraints and adopting new operational models.; (AN 42128010)
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39.

Vietnam-U.S. Relations: An Unparalleled History by Siracusa, Joseph M.; Nguyen, Hang. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p404-422, 19p; Abstract: This article critically assesses how Vietnam-U.S. relations have evolved over the 42 years since Vietnam's reunification in 1975. By dividing the development of Vietnam-U.S. relations into three main phases—1975-2000, 2001-2008, and 2009-the present—it analyzes the steps taken by both Hanoi and Washington to heal and build their relations. Using Vietnamese and U.S. sources, the article demonstrates why Vietnam-U.S. relations have transformed dramatically and what factors have contributed to the unusually positive relationship between Vietnam and the United States since the diplomatic normalization in 1995.; (AN 42098581)
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40.

Weaponizing Sectarianism in Iraq and Syria by Rabi, Uzi; Friedman, Brandon. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p423-438, 16p; Abstract: The last six years of insurgency, rebellion, and war have eroded territorial state sovereignty in Iraq and Syria. The scale and savagery of the war have transformed Sunni-Shia sectarianism into a zero-sum politics of survival. In other words, residents of Iraq and Syria have been forced to choose between Sunnis and Shia in order to survive. This essay explains how the diverging interests of foreign actors—Iran, the Islamic State and other Salafi-Jihadi foreign fighters, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United States—prolonged the war, providing the time and space for the belligerents in Iraq and Syria to weaponize sectarianism.; (AN 41843146)
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41.

Considering the Soul of Armies by Kronvall, Olof. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p439-443, 5p; (AN 41843145)
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42.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p445-448, 4p; (AN 43051542)
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43.

What Causes War? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p449-462, 14p; Abstract: What causes war? Thucydides thinks fear, honor, and interest—those fundamental human motivations that persuade us beyond caution—cause wars. Clausewitz tries to leach those passions out of the process and distill a calculus of political aims as the cause of war. Geoffrey Blainey has a simpler discriminator: states choose war when they think they will win. Barbara Tuchman has the simplest explanation of all: human folly. Azar Gat believes scarcity drives warfare, and, therefore, prosperity is making it obsolete. The author analyzes the contributions of these five writers in addressing this perennial question about war.; (AN 42988462)
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44.

Robert Strausz-Hupé: Scholar, Gentleman, Man of Letters by Kaplan, Morton A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p463-473, 11p; (AN 43099839)
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45.

Can the United States Do Grand Strategy? by McDougall, Walter A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p474-493, 20p; Abstract: Two big issues that scholars and strategists need to address are simply: does grand strategy have to be articulated for it to be said to exist at all; and if not, can grand strategy be said to move a nation even when that nation's fluctuating roster of mostly incompetent leaders are unsure as to why they do anything? My task here is that of a rapporteur and provocateur raising issues on which we may need to reach some consensus.; (AN 43084009)
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46.

The War and the West by Kurth, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p494-505, 12p; (AN 43084008)
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47.

Principled Agents: The Role of Service Culture in American Civil-Military Relations by Donnithorne, Jeffrey W.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p506-526, 21p; Abstract: This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the guardians—and how? Building on an agency theory of civil-military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the American military and its civil-military relationships. Traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals the subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. And a service-level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on American civil-military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike.; (AN 42988464)
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48.

The End of Non-Alignment? by Pant, Harsh V. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p527-540, 14p; Abstract: The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India's case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India's rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi's approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India's foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.; (AN 43099838)
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49.

Theodore Roosevelt and American Realism by Dueck, Colin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p541-560, 20p; Abstract: Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy as president was animated by a desire to see the United States play a leading role in world affairs. He utilized skillful diplomacy, energetic executive action, and credible naval capabilities to support this forward role, while avoiding strategic overextension. In Latin America, Roosevelt looked to forestall European intervention and secure U.S. predominance. In Europe and East Asia, he sought to promote regional balances of power, while working under strict constraints imposed by Congress and U.S. public opinion. In the end, Roosevelt navigated these constraints as well as international events with considerable success. His presidential tenure is a good example of American foreign policy realism in action.; (AN 42843126)
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50.

The Enduring Significance of the Truman Doctrine by Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p561-574, 14p; Abstract: The Truman Doctrine is seventy years old, which means it could easily be considered an artifact of history. In the age of Donald J. Trump, one might reasonably ask, what use is there for a doctrine that set forth the grand strategy of containment? Regardless of the Cold War, the doctrine's essential pieces—applying a combination of political, economic, and military strength; building regional and bilateral alliances based on collective defense; cultivating existing liberal democracies and future liberal democratic regimes; containing totalitarianism and promoting its demise; and fostering an American-built-and-led liberal world order—are still being or should be used. At the present, critical time when national security threats issue from revisionist great powers, lesser-yet-still-hostile state and non-state actors, and WMDs and cutting-edge technologies in the hands of all these entities, it is important to understand not only the Truman Doctrine's origins but also the reasons that the fundamental insights of this grand strategy should still inform U.S. foreign policy.; (AN 42988463)
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51.

Mackinder's Geopolitical Perspective Revisited by Hochberg, Leonard; Sloan, Geoffrey. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p575-592, 18p; Abstract: This article explores three themes related to classical geopolitics: first, it presents reasons why scholars and commentators abandoned geopolitical analysis after World War II, and then reengaged with geopolitical factors after the Soviet Union's collapse; second, it suggests how Mackinder's geopolitical concept of the heartland illuminates the strategic goals of Russia and China, the leading powers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; and, third, it introduces utility of classical geopolitical thought for how the United States might respond to the potential domination of Mackinder's heartland by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.; (AN 43031110)
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52.

Traps or Gaps? Rising Powers and Declining Order by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p593-598, 6p; (AN 43084011)
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53.

The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army by Milevski, Lukas. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p599-602, 4p; (AN 43077327)
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54.

Defining American Power & Liberal Order by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p603-606, 4p; (AN 43077329)
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55.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41579557)
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56.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 42600406)
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57.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 43383337)
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