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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 62, no. 10, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Bruce Russett Award for Article of the Year in JCRfor 2017 by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2071-2071, 1p; (AN 46836081)
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2.

Studying Leaders and Military Conflict: Conceptual Framework and Research Agenda by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2072-2086, 15p; Abstract: This article introduces the special feature “Leaders, Crisis Behavior, and International Conflict.” Individual leaders play a central role in world politics. Yet, for the last several decades, international relations scholarship has downplayed or ignored leaders, focusing instead on system-wide variables and domestic political institutions. A new wave of research, however, has helped to reintroduce the leader-level back into models of international politics. The papers that constitute this special feature represent some of the cutting-edge work in this area. This introductory paper traces the evolution of research on leaders in international relations and provides a conceptual framework that highlights different approaches to the study of leaders. It also distills several key themes that emerge from the papers, in addition to offering directions for future research.; (AN 46836080)
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3.

Leaders, States, and Reputations by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Wu, Cathy X.; Wolford, Scott. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2087-2117, 31p; Abstract: Reputational incentives are ubiquitous explanations for war, yet consistent evidence of their effects is elusive for two reasons. First, most work searches for the payment of reputational costs, yet strategic censoring systematically biases observational data against revealing them. Second, the locus of reputation is often ambiguous, yet the choice of leader or state as unit of observation has inferential consequences. Our research design (a) focuses on observable implications of reputational theories in appropriate samples and (b) considers two competing sources of reputational incentives: changes in national leaders and in political institutions. Consistent with our expectations, leadership turnover and regime change are each associated with initially high probabilities that militarized disputes escalate to the use of force before declining over time in the presence of a reasonable expectation of future disputes. Reputations are in evidence, but analysts must look for them in the right place.; (AN 46836085)
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4.

Leaders, Advisers, and the Political Origins of Elite Support for War by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Saunders, Elizabeth N.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2118-2149, 32p; Abstract: As research on leaders matures, a next step is a better understanding of the advisers who surround them. This article explores the often-hidden politics of leader–adviser interactions, focusing on how leaders strategically manage elite cues from within their own circle that could engage otherwise dormant or permissive public opinion. Advisers can serve as cue givers when leaders contemplate the use of force, but leaders can shape which cues reach the public by accommodating advisers. This article explores this argument by combining a survey experiment with a case study of the 2009 escalation in Afghanistan, illustrating how the dynamics identified in the experiment motivate the president to bargain with advisers whose support or opposition would most influence public opinion. An important implication is that in the real world, damaging cues found in survey experiments may be diminished in volume or may not reach the public, whereas helpful cues could be magnified.; (AN 46836079)
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5.

Tying Hands, Sinking Costs, and Leader Attributes by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Yarhi-Milo, Keren; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Renshon, Jonathan. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2150-2179, 30p; Abstract: Do costly signals work? Despite their widespread popularity, both hands-tying and sunk-cost signaling have come under criticism, and there’s little direct evidence that leaders understand costly signals the way our models tell us they should. We present evidence from a survey experiment fielded on a unique sample of elite decision makers from the Israeli Knesset. We find that both types of costly signaling are effective in shaping assessments of resolve for both leaders and the public. However, although theories of signaling tend to assume homogenous audiences, we show that leaders vary significantly in how credible they perceive signals to be, depending on their foreign policy dispositions, rather than their levels of military or political experience. Our results thus encourage international relations scholars to more fully bring heterogeneous recipients into our theories of signaling and point to the important role of dispositional orientations for the study of leaders.; (AN 46836083)
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6.

Sizing Up the Adversary: Leader Attributes and Coercion in International Conflict by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Horowitz, Michael C.; Potter, Philip; Sechser, Todd S.; Stam, Allan. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2180-2204, 25p; Abstract: Leaders negotiate, not states. Yet the extensive body of work on coercive diplomacy in international relations pays little attention to variation among leaders. In contrast, we argue that individual-level attributes directly influence leaders’ beliefs about their own military capabilities and, by extension, their selection of disputes. Specifically, leaders with combat experience and careers in national militaries are relatively better judges of their own military power. As a consequence, targets tend to take their threats more seriously. In contrast, leaders who have military careers but lack combat experience tend to be less selective in their demands and correspondingly less successful when they make threats. Similar patterns hold for those with rebel experience. Drawing on new data on leader attributes, we find strong evidence that these leader-level attributes influence both dispute and compellent threat reciprocation. This leader-level approach provides a new explanation for why some countries initiate disputes against determined adversaries who are likely to escalate rather than back down.; (AN 46836086)
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7.

Exploring the Threshold between Conflict Management and Joining in Biased Interventions by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Corbetta, Renato; Melin, Molly M.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2205-2231, 27p; Abstract: Recent research emphasizes the effectiveness of biased third parties and their use of leverage in resolving conflicts. However, scholars fail to explore systematically the conditions under which conflict management strategies straddle the confines between mediatory techniques and approaches more commonly associated with joining behavior. This article examines the threshold between neutral conflict management and overt joining by offering a model of third-party intervention based on the notion of international social proximity and situated within the familiar opportunity–willingness framework. Our arguments are tested with a novel combination of data on biased joining from Corbetta and Dixon and data on neutral mediatory efforts from Frazier and Dixon. Our findings reveal that the application of biased leverage and mediation is rare but salient, and asymmetrical ties between third parties and combatants explain their occurrence.; (AN 46836084)
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8.

Colonial Origins of Maoist Insurgency in India: Historical Institutions and Civil War by Horowitz, Michael C.; Fuhrmann, Matthew; Mukherjee, Shivaji. Journal of Conflict Resolution, November 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 10 p2232-2274, 43p; Abstract: What are the long-term effects of colonial institutions on insurgency? My article shows the historical origins of insurgency by addressing the puzzle of why the persistent Maoist insurgency, considered to be India’s biggest internal security threat, affects some districts along the central eastern corridor of India but not others. Combining archival and interview data from fieldwork in Maoist zones with an original district-level quantitative data set, I demonstrate that different types of British colonial indirect rule set up the structural conditions of ethnic inequality and state weakness that facilitate emergence of Maoist control. I address the issue of selection bias, by developing a new instrument for the British choice of indirect rule through princely states, based on the exogenous effect of wars in Europe on British decisions in India. This article reconceptualizes colonial indirect rule and also presents new data on rebel controland precolonial rebellions.; (AN 46836082)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 12, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Beyond Silence, Obstacle and Stigma: Revisiting the ‘Problem’ of Difference in Peacebuilding by Bargués-Pedreny, Pol; Mathieu, Xavier. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p283-299, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhereas practitioners and mainstream approaches to intervention are concerned about the inability to manage difference in a way that is conducive to peace, critical scholars worry about the inability to write difference without essentializing ‘it’ or reproducing and legitimizing power structures. Can we revert the pessimism regarding the possibility to engage with others sensitively and build peace in a diverse world? In this article, we argue that the current miasma of despair regarding international interventions is the result of three successive errors in the process of seeking to build a peace sensitive to the other: silencing, problematizing and stigmatizing difference. After examining these three errors, we outline three analytical starting points that offer a better understanding of difference: multidimensionality, anti-essentialism, and a focus on power struggles. This discussion opens the Special Issue and hopes to stimulate further conversations on the role of difference in peacebuilding by focusing on its conditions of emergence.; (AN 46637692)
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2.

Embodying Difference: Reading Gender in Women's Memoirs of Humanitarianism by Read, Róisín. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p300-318, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores embodied difference in humanitarianism and peacebuilding by treating women's memoirs as a form of ‘flesh witnessing’. It argues that the essays in the anthology Chasing Miseryare claims to the authority of ‘The Field’ that also reveal the women’s feelings of only ‘passing’ as aid workers. Three distinct themes are noted: the construction of The Field as a site of embodied authority and the ways in which the essays reinforce and trouble this; the writers feeling different, and separate, from those they work with/for; and the embodied gender presented with reference to imagined ‘real’ aid workers.; (AN 46637686)
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3.

Hybrid Clubs: A Feminist Approach to Peacebuilding in the Democratic Republic of Congo by Martin de Almagro, Maria. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p319-334, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCritical approaches to peacebuilding have achieved a local turn wherein alienated indigenous experiences are the cornerstone of emancipatory practices – yet this emancipation of the ‘different’ risks perpetuating the discrimination and normalization of the challenged liberal peace. Using the case study of a feminist campaign to elect more women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article’s feminist approach to critical peacebuilding utilizes storytelling to develop a conceptual grid that reveals the complexities of the politics of difference, and proposes the concept of the ‘hybrid club’ as a cluster of local and international actors coalescing to develop peacebuilding initiatives.; (AN 46637687)
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4.

Peace-in-Difference: A Phenomenological Approach to Peace Through Difference by Behr, Hartmut. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p335-351, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article develops the notion of ‘peace-in-difference’, based on a phenomenological approach to difference from German sociology in the 1920s to the French philosophies of Emmanuel Lévinas and Jacques Derrida. Such an attempt responds to a long-standing concern in peacebuilding theory and practice and is critical of essentialist and linear-teleological approaches to peace, as with the theoretical framework of liberal peace-building. As a consequence, ‘peace-in-difference’ is sceptical with attempts to define peace as a status, but rather envisions peace as a perennial process of dialogue. However, ‘peace-in-difference’, even though having the critique of liberal peace and subsequent research questions in common with post-liberal approaches, it is also critical with their construction of ‘the local’ as as a binary opposition to ‘the international’. Though this binary is an attempt to overcome liberal legacies in International Relations (IR) and peace studies, it nevertheless risks reintroducing essentialism. In contrast, a phenomenological approach infers a positive understanding of difference(s) which can be generative of peace, if and when perceived in non-essentialist ways and negotiated as such.; (AN 46637690)
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5.

Relational and Essential: Theorizing Difference for Peacebuilding by Brigg, Morgan. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p352-366, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEngagements with difference in peacebuilding are characterized by interrelated patterns of identitiarian and de-essentializing thought that tend to crystalize or minimize difference. In response, this article theorizes difference as simultaneously relational and essential, and thus as a phenomenon that continually re-forms in the world and is crucial to life itself. A relational-essential approach is sketched by drawing upon ideas from conflict resolution and feminism, and illustrated through a micro-case of peacebuilding intervention in Aboriginal Australia. This way of theorizing difference promises pathways beyond European-derived forms of thinking and into exchange with the world and diverse peoples.; (AN 46637685)
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6.

The Politics of Difference in Transitional Justice: Genocide and the Construction of Victimhood at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal by Bernath, Julie. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p367-384, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough aiming to disrupt the othering that enables political violence and mass victimization, transitional justice processes – which are integral to international peacebuilding – may also (re)produce difference in intricate and possibly problematic ways. This article argues that as this dilemma is inherent to the politics of difference, it is crucial to consider how difference is constructed in transitional justice processes, and with what consequences, as this can feed into problematic processes of othering. This article focuses on the genocide charges at the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia, using transcripts of the legal proceedings and qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2018.; (AN 46637689)
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7.

Governing Conflict: The Politics of Scaling Difference by Hirblinger, Andreas; Landau, Dana M.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p385-404, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe dynamics of peace and conflict are fundamentally shaped by a politics of scaling difference. Based on the insight that difference is widely associated with both the causes ofand cures forviolent conflict, this article explores how practices of scaling mediate this duality. Drawing on South Sudan and Kosovo, it is argued that the governance of conflict is characterized by efforts to skilfully accommodate diversity, straddling the line between recognizing, reinforcing, and reconfiguring difference and investing it with political power at the ‘right’ scale. This is read as a conflictual process involving the unravelling, rescaling, and counter-scaling of difference.; (AN 46637688)
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8.

Old Slogans Ringing Hollow? The Legacy of Social Engineering, Statebuilding and the ‘Dilemma of Difference’ in (Post-) Soviet Kyrgyzstan by Lottholz, Philipp. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p405-424, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article illustrates the ‘dilemma of difference’ of post-conflict peacebuilding in the Kyrgyz Republic in Central Asia. Following inter-communal clashes in 2010, the country has received significant support in the form of peacebuilding and conflict prevention programmes and aid. Still, national policy makers retained their sovereignty and carried out peacebuilding in line with the country’s historical legacy and cultural specificities. I illustrate the ‘dilemma of difference’ precluding sustainable peacebuilding and conflict transformation in this context because, as Minow argues, difference and the disadvantage and stigma associated with it is either silenced and ignored or over-emphasised, leading to marginalisation through victimisation. I trace the establishment of a territorialised and essentialised understanding of ethnicity through the social transformations of Kyrgyzstan in the early Soviet and the post-Soviet period. I then show how, since the ‘2010 events’, authorities attempted to do peacebuilding and conflict prevention with appeals to multicultural peace and diversity through the Soviet-era idea of ‘people’s friendship’. Such efforts and corresponding peacebuilding initiatives in southern Kyrgyzstani communities face, as I show, inherent contradictions given exclusionary national-level language and cultural policies and a focus on donor satisfaction which serve to brush over reported tensions, exclusion and conflict.; (AN 46637691)
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9.

Beyond Relationalism in Peacebuilding by Joseph, Jonathan. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p425-434, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis conclusion notes the rise of relationalism in theorizing peacebuilding and the advantages of this approach as evident in the contributions to this special issue. Nevertheless, it cautions against such a move and in particular, some of the ontological and epistemological consequences of the relational turn as evident in recent poststructuralism, postcolonial approaches and practice theory. It contrasts this with the critical realist approach – whose relationalism has been ignored by the current turn – allowing both relationalism and a belief in objectivity and preference for certain knowledge claims.; (AN 46637693)
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10.

Memory Politics, Statebuilding and Social Movement Identity by Silva, Raquel da. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p435-441, 7p; (AN 46637683)
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11.

JISB Interview: ‘We Don't Want to Be a Rentier State Forever’ by Karzai, Hamid. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2018, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p442-448, 7p; (AN 46637684)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 17, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Trust, Truth, and Tenacity by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 46444742)
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2.

“Trust but Verify”: The Difficulty of Trusting Autonomous Weapons Systems by Roff, Heather M.; Danks, David. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p2-20, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAutonomous weapons systems (AWSs) pose many challenges in complex battlefield environments. Previous discussions of them have largely focused on technological or policy issues. In contrast, we focus here on the challenge of trust in an AWS. One type of human trust depends only on judgments about the predictability or reliability of the trustee, and so are suitable for all manner of artifacts. However, AWSs that are worthy of the descriptor “autonomous” will not exhibit the required strong predictability in the complex, changing contexts of war. Instead, warfighters need to develop deeper, interpersonal trust that is grounded in understanding the values, beliefs, and dispositions of the AWS. Current acquisition, training, and deployment processes preclude the development of such trust, and so there are currently no routes for a warfighter to develop trust in an AWS. We thus survey three possible changes to current practices in order to facilitate the type of deep trust that is required for appropriate, ethical use of AWSs.; (AN 46444743)
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3.

Bringing Military Conduct out of the Shadow of Law: Towards a Holistic Understanding of Rules of Engagement by Frost-Nielsen, Per Marius. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p21-35, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, I outline a holistic approach to the military concept of “Rules of Engagement” (ROE), which complements the legal aspects of ROE with considerations of operational and political requirements for the use of military force. Drawing upon two illustrative cases from the US military experience with the use of ROE, I demonstrate that ROE for any particular military operation should be formulated to balance optimally, if not harmonize fully, the legal, operational and political concerns related to the use of force. In this task, political decision-makers and military practitioners alike are confronted with unavoidable and real-life dilemmas. How these dilemmas are handled has significant implications for how legal requirements concerning accountability and concerns for civilian lives in military combat can be preserved through ROE.; (AN 46444744)
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4.

Moral Aspects of “Moral Injury”: Analyzing Conceptualizations on the Role of Morality in Military Trauma by Molendijk, Tine; Kramer, Eric-Hans; Verweij, Désirée. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p36-53, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn clinical circles, the concept of “moral injury” has rapidly gained traction. Yet, from a moral philosophical point of view the concept is less clear than is suggested. That is, in current conceptualizations of moral injury, trauma’s moral dimension seems to be understood in a rather mechanistic and individualized manner. This article makes a start in developing an adequately founded conceptualization of the role of morality in deployment-related distress. It does so by reviewing and synthesizing insights from different disciplines into morality and trauma. This discussion will lead to three positions: (1) values and norms are by definition characterized by conflict, (2) moral conflict may entail important social dimensions, and (3) moral conflict may lead to altered beliefs about previously held values. These insights provide important steps in further developing conceptions of the role of morality in deployment-related suffering.; (AN 46444745)
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5.

Killing Your Own: Confronting Desertion and Cowardice in the British Army During the Two World Wars by Deakin, Stephen. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p54-71, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary units can become to some extent self-governing in war-time battle. At times, they may take the discipline of their soldiers into their own hands and such discipline may be severe. This paper examines incidents in the British military, in both World Wars, where British soldiers were killed by their comrades because they would not fight in the heat of battle. The judicial execution by the military authorities of deserters in the First World War led to much controversy in Britain. It may be much less well-known that in both World Wars there was, on occasion, an extra-judicial practice within the British military of executing soldiers who would not fight in the heat of battle. In such situations ethical dilemmas become very difficult indeed and some of the relevant issues are examined here.; (AN 46444746)
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6.

An Introduction and Review: The King’s College London Centre for Military Ethics by Whetham, David. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p72-78, 7p; (AN 46444747)
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7.

The Difficult Case of “Bacha Bazi” by Bertha, Carlos. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p79-80, 2p; (AN 46444748)
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8.

Comment on the Bacha Bazi Case by Vikan, Cornelia. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p81-83, 3p; (AN 46444749)
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9.

Routledge Handbook of Military Ethics, edited by George Lucas by Erwin, Edward. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p84-88, 5p; (AN 46444750)
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10.

Albert Einstein. The Roads to Pacifism, by Claudio Giulio Anta by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, January 2018, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p89-90, 2p; (AN 46444751)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 55, no. 6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Aid, exclusion, and the local dynamics of insurgency in Afghanistan by Karell, Daniel; Schutte, Sebastian. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p711-725, 15p; Abstract: Can developmental aid bring peace to war-torn communities? The current literature is divided on this issue. One line of reasoning suggests that aid is likely to decrease violence by improving employment and prosperity, thereby making participation in conflict more costly. Another view cites evidence showing an association between aid projects and increased insurgent activity. Addressing this contradiction, we argue that different types of aid projects lead to different outcomes, as some projects foster an unequal distribution of benefits within communities. Our reasoning draws on qualitative accounts from conflict zones, recent research on how grievances associated with exclusion can foster civil war onset, and experimental findings regarding perceived inequity and punishment. Building on this scholarship, we use a recently developed event-matching methodology to offer insight from contemporary Afghanistan. Aid projects that tend to exclude portions of the community yield more insurgent activity in their wake than more inclusive projects. These results shed light on why some aid projects reduce violence while others do not, emphasizing that efforts to ‘win hearts and minds’ can be a source of both contentment and contestation.; (AN 46818661)
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2.

Peacekeeping for profit? The scope and limits of ‘mercenary’ UN peacekeeping by Coleman, Katharina P; Nyblade, Benjamin. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p726-741, 16p; Abstract: Developing states furnish the vast majority of UN peacekeeping troops, a fact academics and policymakers often attribute (at least partly) to developing states’ supposed ability to derive a profit from UN peacekeeping reimbursements. In this article, we argue that this ‘peacekeeping for profit’ narrative has been vastly overstated. The conditions for significantly profiting from UN peacekeeping are in fact highly restrictive, even for developing states. We begin by highlighting two potent reasons for re-examining the peacekeeping for profit narrative: developing states emerged as the UN’s principal troop contributors in a period of stagnant reimbursement rates when UN peacekeeping was becoming lessfinancially attractive; and the quantitative evidence scholars have presented as supporting the peacekeeping for profit narrative is flawed. We then identify the scope conditions within which peacekeeping for profit provides a plausible explanation for a developing state’s UN troop contributions. First, the deployment and its attendant reimbursements must be significant not only in absolute and per-soldier terms but also in relation to the state’s total armed forces and military expenditure. Second, the state must have an exceptional ability, compared with other troop contributors, to benefit from UN reimbursements. The scope for generalized profit-making from either equipment or personnel contributions is limited by intense political pressure against reimbursement rate increases. Individual states can nevertheless make a profit if they (1) invest in inexpensive and old but functional equipment, especially if deployed with usage restrictions, and/or (2) limit the deployment allowances (rather than salaries) they pay their peacekeepers. We establish that only a limited subset of developing states meets the plausibility conditions for the peacekeeping for profit narrative – and many top UN troop contributors do not.; (AN 46818655)
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3.

Better peacekeepers, better protection? Troop quality of United Nations peace operations and violence against civilians by Haass, Felix; Ansorg, Nadine. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p742-758, 17p; Abstract: Why do similarly sized peacekeeping missions vary in their effectiveness to protect civilians in conflicts? We argue that peace operations with a large share of troops from countries with high-quality militaries are better able to deter violence from state and non-state actors and create buffer zones within conflict areas, can better reach remote locations, and have superior capabilities – including diplomatic pressure by troop contributing countries – to monitor the implementation of peace agreements. These operational advantages enable them to better protect civilians. Combining data from military expenditures of troop contributing countries together with monthly data on the composition of peace operations, we create a proxy indicator for the average troop quality of UN PKOs. Statistical evidence from an extended sample of conflicts in Africa and Asia between 1991 and 2010 supports our argument.; (AN 46818659)
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4.

Fighting the Hydra: United Nations sanctions and rebel groups by Radtke, Mitchell; Jo, Hyeran. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p759-773, 15p; Abstract: In the past 25 years, the United Nations has sanctioned 28 rebel groups in 13 civil wars. Have the UN sanctions been effective in meeting the goal of conflict reduction? In this article, we argue that UN sanctions are effective to the extent that they can constrain and weaken some rebel groups. But this constraining effect can only occur when UN sanctions curtail rebel groups’ ability to adapt. For less adaptable groups, UN sanctions can trigger a causal chain of depressed rebel income, territorial losses, and battlefield defeats that leads to conflict reduction. This adaptability is the key to the understanding of UN sanctions’ effectiveness in conflict reduction, as rebel groups often engage in illegal and criminal economic activities and many of them are ‘Hydra-like’, being able to shift their income sources in response to sanction measures. As evidence of how UN sanctions can trigger these conflict dynamics, we first perform negative binomial regression on all civil war cases. We then proceed to provide more detailed evidence for our causal chain by conducting time-series intervention analysis on two sanctioned rebel groups: UNITA in Angola and al-Shabaab in Somalia. Our work is the first systematic quantitative analysis of UN sanctions’ effects on rebel groups, and the results have implications for the viability of economic coercion as a means to intervene into civil conflicts.; (AN 46818657)
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5.

The case for courts: Resolving information problems in authoritarian regimes by Sievert, Jacqueline M. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p774-786, 13p; Abstract: Authoritarian regimes are not known for adopting independent courts, yet the frequency of states empowering their judiciaries has steadily increased. In 1961 only 9% of autocracies had a partially or fully independent court, but by 1987 more than one-third of authoritarian states had reformed their judiciaries. Initiating judicial reform is risky for a regime that seeks to maintain its authority over its populace, including risks to their preferred policy positions and judgments that run contrary to the preferences of the regime. Given these risks, why do authoritarian leaders often relinquish authority to independent courts? This article argues regime leaders will choose to empower at least nominally independent courts in order to resolve information problems that lead to bargaining failures and civil war. This project uses propensity score matching to account for the complex relationship between institutional arrangement and civil war, and finds that states that adopt an independent court reduce their risk of civil war between 54% and 75% when compared to states that are equally likely to have adopted an independent court, but did not. These results suggest that leaders seeking to reduce uncertainty when bargaining with potential oppositions groups have strong incentives to implement independent judiciaries, and improve our understanding of how and why authoritarian leaders choose to delegate authority to independent judicial institutions.; (AN 46818658)
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6.

Breaking state impunity in post-authoritarian regimes: Why transitional justice processes deter criminal violence in new democracies by Trejo, Guillermo; Albarracín, Juan; Tiscornia, Lucía. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p787-809, 23p; Abstract: This article claims that cross-national variation in criminal violence in new democracies is highly dependent on whether elites adopt transitional justice processes to address a repressive past. State specialists in violence who repress political dissidents under authoritarian rule often play a crucial role in the operation of criminal markets and in the production of criminal violence in democracy. Some of them defect from the state to become the armed branch of criminal organizations in their deadly fights against the state and rival groups; others remain but protect criminal organizations from positions of state power; and still others use state power to fight criminals through iron-fist policies. When post-authoritarian elites adopt transitional justice processes to expose, prosecute, and punish state specialists in violence for gross human rights violations committed during the authoritarian era, they redefine the rules of state coercion and deter members of the armed forces and the police from becoming leading actors in the production of criminal violence. Using a dataset of 76 countries that transitioned from authoritarian rule to democracy between 1974 and 2005, we show that the adoption of strong truth commissions is strongly associated with lower murder rates; we also find that the implementation of trials that result in guilty verdicts is associated with lower homicide rates only when the trials are jointly implemented with a strong truth commission. In contrast, amnesty laws appear to stimulate criminal violence. Our findings are particularly robust for Latin America and remain unchanged even after addressing selection effects via matching techniques.; (AN 46818656)
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7.

IDP resettlement and collective targeting during civil wars: Evidence from Colombia by Steele, Abbey. Journal of Peace Research, November 2018, Vol. 55 Issue: Number 6 p810-824, 15p; Abstract: Refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs) are not always safe where they resettle in ethnic civil wars, in which civilians’ identities overlap with the ethnic profile of armed combatants. This article argues that IDPs are also vulnerable in non-ethnic civil wars, through two related mechanisms that indicate civilians’ loyalties: (1) where the displaced are from and when they left; and (2) resettlement patterns. The first can suggest loyalties when the displacement is associated with territorial conquest and expulsion of suspected sympathizers. In turn, the displaced would be considered disloyal by the armed group responsible for the expulsion, and could be subject to further violence where they resettle. The second mechanism relates to the first: if displaced civilians are considered disloyal, then resettling with other, similarly stigmatized civilians can improve their security by reducing the household’s risk of discovery. However, clustering together with other IDPs can have a perverse effect: even though living in an enclave may reduce a particular household’s likelihood of suffering violence, the group itself is endangered because it is more easily detected. Armed groups can collectively target IDPs who resettle in clusters, either for strategic or retributive reasons. Implications of the argument are tested with detailed subnational panel data on IDP arrivals and massacres in Colombia, and the analyses provide support for the argument. The findings indicate that collective targeting of IDPs occurs even in civil wars without an ethnic cleavage, following voluntary resettlement patterns, and reinforces IDP security as a policy priority.; (AN 46818660)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 31, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

After New START: US Modernization, Moscow, and Nuclear Arms Control by Cimbala, Stephen J.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p409-422, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe United States has planned an ambitious strategic nuclear modernization program, as has Russia. Within this context, what are the expectations for New START and its extension to 2026 or beyond? This study analyzes possible scenarios for US strategic nuclear modernization within New START limitations, acknowledging that wild cards include the fate of the INF treaty, threats posed by missile defenses and postmodern counter-defense weapons, and other uncertainties.; (AN 46764607)
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2.

The Information Blitzkrieg — “Hybrid” Operations Azov Style by Saressalo, Teemu; Huhtinen, Aki-Mauri. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p423-443, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the emergence of ‘hybrid warfare’, which blurs the line between military and civilian forms of organization, both in the conduct and the target of warfare. The complexity of warfare is increasing due to the growing number and diversity of parties involved. Conflicts no longer remain local; instead, they increasingly attract external actors and extend to the Internet.In this analysis, the Ukrainian Azov Battalion, which was formed at the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, is used as a case study of this new form of ‘hybrid’ war. This analysis considers the history, operations, recruitment, financing, ideology, and tactics of the unit, in light of the available information on the war in Ukraine.; (AN 46764608)
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3.

Former General A. L. Nosovich and the White Underground in the Red Army in 1918 by Ganin, Andrei Vladislavovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p444-473, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article is concerned with the underground anti-Bolshevik work in the Red Army of assistant commander of the Soviet Southern front, former General A.L. Nosovich, one of the senior Soviet military leaders at the time. The unearthing of a unique personal archive for General Nosovich in France has allowed us to explore this matter in greater depth. The activity of the highly educated and high-ranking White agent former General A.L. Nosovich agent in the Red Army in May–October 1918 is extremely interesting because it allows for reassessment of a number of issues, including the history of the formation of the Red Army, the history of the White underground, the work of the military specialists and the evolution of command cadres within the Red Army, the defense of Tsaritsyn, and the activities of I.V. Stalin at the time.; (AN 46764609)
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4.

Logistics of the Combined-Arms Army — Motor Transport by Davie, H. G. W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p474-501, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMotor vehicles have always been regarded as an indicator of modernity, technological advancement, and industrial progress, right from the time of the first motor car in 1885. The Soviet Union was no exception, and there is an extensive Soviet historiography of the development of motor transport and its use during the German-Soviet War. The aim of this article is to put the wartime military and economic use of Soviet vehicles into a wider context, highlighting how mechanization was not the only important variable in successful logistics. The case study here will be the role of transportation in the logistics of a Soviet combined arms army (общевойсковая армия) utilizing detailed primary source material from the pamyat-naroda.ru website.; (AN 46764610)
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5.

It was on Damanskii Island by Ryabushkin, Dmitrii Sergeevich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p502-517, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article memoir material from Soviet General V. Schur is presented relating to events at Damanskii Island on the Soviet-Chinese border (1969) with commentary. This article also contains additional new information on important details of the Sino-Soviet border conflict at the time.; (AN 46764611)
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6.

Total Wars and the Making of Modern Ukraine, 1914–1954. by Gogun, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p518-520, 3p; (AN 46764612)
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7.

Miracle at the Litza: Hitler’s First Defeat on the Eastern Front. by Brisson, Kevin M.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p521-523, 3p; (AN 46764613)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 41, no. 7, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

From the Editors Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p913-915, 3p; (AN 46764806)
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2.

Wisdom without tears: Statecraft and the uses of history by Brands, Hal; Inboden, William. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p916-946, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe world is mired in history again, as historical modes of competition return and historical grievances fuel the policies of multiple revisionist actors. If the end of history has ended, then it follows that the time is ripe for an engagement with history’s wisdom. We argue that the making of American statecraft—the deliberate, coordinated use of national power to achieve important objectives—can be significantly enhanced by a better understanding of the past. This essay, which draws on the extensive literature on history and statecraft, U.S. foreign policy, and the author’s own research and experiences, offers a defense of the use of history to improve statecraft, as well as a typology of ten distinct ways in which an understanding of history can improve government policy.; (AN 46764807)
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3.

Nothing fails like success: The London Ambassadors’ Conference and the coming of the First World War by McKinney, Jared Morgan. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p947-1000, 54p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the July Crisis Britain’s foreign secretary, Sir Edward Grey, focused on organising a conference through which differences could be reconciled. After the war, he maintained that Germany’s unwillingness to join this conference was one of the immediate causes of war. This essay disputes Grey’s contention, arguing that his plans for a conference, based on a misleading analogy to the previous Balkan Crises, actually helped facilitate the outbreak of war in 1914 by sanctioning inaction in the first phase of the crisis (28 June–22 July) and by tacitly encouraging Russian mobilisation in the second phase (23 July–4 August).; (AN 46764808)
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4.

The British army, information management and the First World War revolution in military affairs by Hall, Brian N.. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1001-1030, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInformation Management (IM) – the systematic ordering, processing and channelling of information within organisations – forms a critical component of modern military command and control systems. As a subject of scholarly enquiry, however, the history of military IM has been relatively poorly served. Employing new and under-utilised archival sources, this article takes the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) of the First World War as its case study and assesses the extent to which its IM system contributed to the emergence of the modern battlefield in 1918. It argues that the demands of fighting a modern war resulted in a general, but not universal, improvement in the BEF’s IM techniques, which in turn laid the groundwork, albeit in embryonic form, for the IM systems of modern armies.; (AN 46764809)
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5.

The failure of defense planning in European Post-Communist Defense Institutions: ascertaining causation and determining solutions by Young, Thomas-Durell. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1031-1057, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBy any objective measure, defense institutions in Central and Eastern Europe have all but universally been incapable of producing viable defense plans that are based on objective costing and operational planning data. This situation exists in spite the provision of considerable Western advice and assistance, let alone reporting to and receiving assessments by NATO’s International Staff under Partnership for Peace, as well as via the integrated defense planning and reporting systems. An explanation for this systematic failure across European post-Communist defense institutions can be found in the continued slow development of an over-arching policy framework which directs and approves all activities of the armed forces, as well as the de-centralization of financial decision-making down to capability providers. The essay ends with an examination of the adverse effects of the early introduction of planning programming, budgeting system (PPBS), have had on the development of effective policy and planning capabilities within these defense institutions.; (AN 46764810)
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6.

Four new takes on Wilson, World War I, and the making of the post-war order by Kennedy, Ross A.. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1058-1070, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe books under review here, by Robert F. Hannigan, John A. Thompson, Trygve Throntveit, and Adam Tooze, offer an interpretation of Wilsonian internationalism and what happened to it in the 1920s. For Tooze and Hannigan, Wilsonianism was primarily a project to attain American predominance in the world. For Throntveit, Wilsonian internationalism constituted a pragmatic yet radical effort to end competitive power politics. Thompson disagrees with these arguments and asserts that the key to understanding US policy lay in how US leaders conceptualized American power. Thompson’s interpretation is especially compelling in explaining why the United States failed to engage itself more assertively in international affairs in the 1920s – a failure Tooze suggests undermined the viability of the postwar international system.; (AN 46764811)
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7.

The hundred-year marathon: China’s secret strategy to replace America as the global superpower by Chen, Kai. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1071-1072, 2p; (AN 46764812)
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8.

The evolution of modern grand strategic thought by James, William. Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1072-1074, 3p; (AN 46764813)
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9.

Editorial Thanks Journal of Strategic Studies, November 2018, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 7 p1075-1077, 3p; (AN 46764814)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 16, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Building Aerial Empires: technology and geopolitics in American and British juvenalia through the 1930s by Hugill, Peter J.. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p323-355, 33p; Abstract: In the later 1800s a new form of popular literature, juvenalia, emerged to cater to children as programmes of universal literacy were put in place throughout the industrialised world. This had its greatest impact on the transatlantic English-speaking world. British writers such as G. A. Henty romanticised views of life on the imperial frontier and became massively popular in America. By 1900 American juvenalia was beginning to favour imperial world views, in particular in many of the several thousand titles published by the Stratemeyer Syndicate. Such juvenalia ‘educated’ teenagers, boys especially, in their responsibilities to their society and persuaded American boys to support imperialism, in particular by focusing on the exciting role of new technologies in militarism. Victorian and Edwardian juvenalia are filled with optimism and such new technologies as airplanes and submersibles were seen as the solution to many geopolitical problems. Such optimism faded with the appalling experiences of World War I. In the 1920s Hollywood movies such as Wingsand Hells’s Angelsbegan to romanticise such air combat. In Britain Captain W. E. Johns responded negatively. Johns’ view of the technologies, expressed through the experiences of his main character, Biggles, and based on his own air combat experience in the war, was realistic and well aware of their deadly nature. The Bigglesnovels also clearly encouraged air policing of the Empire. American pulp magazines and novels continued to romanticise air war but by the early 1930s they had exhausted wartime topics and began to focus on the building Japanese threat. As an American ‘Empire’ developed in the period between World Wars I and II it focused heavily on the Pacific and the growth of American geopolitical interests there. L. Ron Hubbard’s many novels of aerial warfare are about America’s need to support China against Japanese aggression. Both British and American juvenalia culturally conditioned their country’s young males to fight what both authors clearly saw would be the next aerial war.; (AN 46819353)
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2.

Wilsonianism and transatlantic relations by Ambrosius, Lloyd E.. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p356-361, 6p; (AN 46819354)
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3.

Wilsonianism and the sweep of American foreign policy history by Clinton, David. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p362-376, 15p; Abstract: The contention of this essay is that Wilsonianism has rested in part on a conviction that popular government, government responsible to the people, is right and that it is also advantageous to the United States in that popular governments will by nature be peaceful members of international society, thereby allowing the US to live in peace. However, there are tensions within Wilsonianism itself which compromise that hope when pursued through international institutions.; (AN 46819355)
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4.

Nationhood and neighbourhood: the Lodge-Wilson quarrel and the question of progress by Condra, Clinton. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p377-388, 12p; Abstract: Underlying the Lodge-Wilson quarrel of 1919 was not the question of ‘isolationism’ versus ‘internationalism’ but questions on which conservatives and progressives had been divided long before Armistice Day and remain divided even now: Is history destined to culminate in a condition of perpetual peace? And is it in statesmen’s power to hasten the advent of this condition? Wilson’s optimistic answers to these questions are of a piece with that of nineteenth-century British Radical John Bright, while Lodge’s scepticism is akin to that of Bright’s contemporary Robert Cecil, Third Marquess of Salisbury. This essay discusses the views of these statesmen in order to show that the progressive-optimistic attitude of Bright and Wilson invites a foreign policy that dismisses the significance of nationhood and international neighbourhood.; (AN 46819356)
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5.

A man for all seasons: Woodrow Wilson, transatlantic relations and the war against militarism by Cox, Ashley. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p389-407, 19p; Abstract: This paper investigates the role of transatlantic Wilsonian values in the entry of the United States in to the First World War. Arguing that the offshore balancing thesis and economic rational are not sufficient to explain US entry and we must engage with Wilsonian explanations to understand this conflict.; (AN 46819357)
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6.

‘Freedom of the seas’: Woodrow Wilson and natural resources by Dodsworth, Ashley. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2018, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p408-421, 14p; Abstract: ‘Probably no American of the twentieth century has received more scholarly attention than Woodrow Wilson’ [L.E. Gelfand, ‘When Ideals Confront Self-Interest: Wilsonian Foreign Policy’, Diplomatic History18, no. 1 (1994): 125–34, 125] yet this scholarly attention has yet to consider the role that natural resources played in Wilson’s understanding of the world, or to examine how his understanding of concepts that were central to his political writing and decisions, such as self-determination, were tied to access to natural resources. This article will fill this gap and sketch out how both Wilson and ‘Wilsonianism’ consider natural resources and the implications of this.; (AN 46819358)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 11, no. 4, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

Framing War and Conflict: Introduction to the Special Issue by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p365-368, 4p; (AN 47047979)
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2.

Visually framing the Gaza War of 2014: The Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Twitter by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Manor, Ilan; Crilley, Rhys. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p369-391, 23p; Abstract: Recent years have seen the migration of Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) to social media in a practice referred to as digital diplomacy. Social media enable MFAs to craft frames so as to influence audiences’ perception of foreign affairs. Such framing is especially relevant during times of war as states seek to legitimize their policies. Notably, given that social media are inherently visual platforms, MFAs are now visual narrators. Few studies to date have extended the reach of framing theory to that of digital diplomacy during conflict. This study addresses this gap by analysing 795 tweets published by the Israeli MFA during the 2014 Gaza War. The authors’ analysis demonstrates that the Israeli MFA crafted 14 linguistic frames that were used to legitimize Israel’s policies. Notably, the MFA used images to support these frames and it is through images that the linguistic frames were made to resonate with Israeli strategic narratives. The authors pay attention to how images published by the Israeli MFA constitute three visual tropes and highlight how images function to augment frames (which focus on the present) to broader narratives that involve the past, present and future. Here, they explore how images invoke the past to illuminate the present and future, and create a shared identity in the context of the Gaza War.; (AN 47047980)
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3.

‘Rival visions of reality’: An analysis of the framing of Boko Haram in Nigerian newspapers and Twitter by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Ette, Mercy; Joe, Sarah. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p392-406, 15p; Abstract: This article focuses on the framing of Boko Haram, a transnational terrorist group, in legacy and social media platforms. The discussion is predicated on the understanding that in spite of its popularity as a research tool, the concept of framing is still problematic. One area of contention has been the reliability and validity of framing analysis. Drawing on Robert Entman’s seminal definition, this study investigates the viability of two innovative framing approaches and explores the intersection of the framing of Boko Haram in four Nigerian newspapers and Twitter. The authors argue that, while newspapers continue to dominate the media space, it is important to acknowledge the growing relevance of social media in shaping and influencing the opinion of their users. The study’s findings support the viability of these approaches and come to the conclusion that exploring the differences between the platforms can unearth different versions of reality.; (AN 47047978)
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4.

Breaking the language barrier? Comparing TV news frames across texts in different languages by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Al Nahed, Sumaya. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p407-420, 14p; Abstract: This article examines two factors which have become increasingly important in today’s multi-channel international media environment, but which add significant extra levels of complexity to framing analysis: language differences and tone of voice. Through case studies examining English and Arabic language television news reports, the article considers some of the difficulties facing researchers who aim to compare spoken texts in different languages about the same events. In particular, the author focuses on the different cultural understandings of the appropriateness of emotive language in Arabic and English language journalism, and argues that in order to analyse the framing of stories in television news it is necessary to take account of the role of reporter tone in building frames. By comparing Al Jazeera’s and the BBC’s coverage of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the article aims to bridge some methodological gaps in this area, and to advance the reliability and validity of studies that attempt to compare news frames of the same events in different languages. It also considers the additional challenge of comparing tones of voice, particularly if they fluctuate throughout the story. Ultimately, the article proposes ways of going beyond literal understandings of both language and tone in order to establish the impact of both on the construction of news frames.; (AN 47047975)
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5.

Shaping the perception of African conflicts through framing: A case study of the African diasporic press in the UK by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Ogunyemi, Ola. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p421-433, 13p; Abstract: Framing studies consistently conclude that the international news media represent African conflicts negatively and stereotypically. Owing to their focus on media content, however, most framing studies fail to examine the dynamic relationship between journalists’ cognitive role (what they say they do) and their practice role (what they actually do). Using parallel content analysis, this study compares what African diaspora journalists write about African conflicts with what they say about them. The analysis reveals that they show a preference for a factual style and a governing frame, and less preference for a judgmental style, which aligns with what they say, and a slight preference for background context which marginally aligns with what they say. However, low newsroom budgets and advertising revenue could undermine their attempts to de-Westernize the portrayal of African conflicts.; (AN 47047974)
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6.

When frames collide: ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’ by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Hammond, Philip. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p434-445, 12p; Abstract: This article examines the problem of how to interpret competing, clashing or contradictory news frames in coverage of war and conflict, focusing on the reporting of the 1992–1995 Bosnian war. ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’ featured as competing news frames in news coverage of Bosnia and several subsequent conflicts, and are often understood to be contradictory in terms of their implied explanations, moral evaluations and policy prescriptions. The author questions the assumptions that many journalists and academics have made about these frames and the relationship between them. He asks how we can make sense of clashing or contradictory scholarly analyses of these competing frames and considers a number of broader issues for framing analysis: the significance of historical context for understanding the meaning of particular framing devices, the importance of quantification in framing analysis and the role of influential sources in prompting journalists to adopt particular frames.; (AN 47047976)
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7.

Are Americans really okay with torture? The effects of message framing on public opinion by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Blauwkamp, Joan M; Rowling, Charles M; Pettit, William. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p446-475, 30p; Abstract: In December 2014, the Senate Intelligence Committee released a report on CIA detention and interrogation practices from 2002–2009. Several survey organizations then released polls that appeared to show a majority of Americans supportive of the CIA program, prompting such news headlines as ‘Polls Show a Majority of Americans Support Torture’ and ‘Let’s Not Kid Ourselves: Most Americans are Fine with Torture’. The authors of this article were skeptical of these conclusions. They therefore conducted a survey experiment in which they explored whether slight variations in how this issue is framed – e.g. referencing the 9/11 terrorist attacks, linking the policy to the George W Bush administration, identifying the specific tactics used on detainees or emphasizing the broader consequences for American interests abroad – impact public support for torture. They found that respondents can be primed to express slim support or substantial opposition to the policy based on which of these considerations are called to mind.; (AN 47047981)
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8.

Framing conflicts in digital and transnational media environments by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Knüpfer, Curd B; Entman, Robert M. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p476-488, 13p; Abstract: This article provides an overview of established and emerging approaches to frame analysis as a tool for analysing dynamics of political conflicts. It first surveys the approaches taken by contributors to this special issue and notes some implications for further research. The second part of the article then outlines four ways in which digital platforms and transnational information flows might influence the way framing contests play out in current and future media environments. These include: (1) fragmentation within media systems; (2) increasing transnational information flows that potentially create transnational publics; (3) altered framing processes and effects in the more complex networked environments; and (4) architectures and emerging logics of digital platforms. The authors believe these four factors will become crucial for understanding the connections between frame competition and political conflicts.; (AN 47047973)
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9.

P Surowiec, Nation Branding, Public Relations and Soft Power: Corporatising Poland by Al Nahed, Sumaya; Hammond, Philip; Jiménez-Martínez, César. Media War and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 4 p489-491, 3p; (AN 47047977)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 24, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Neo-settler colonialism and the re-formation of territory: Privatization and nationalization in Israel by Yacobi, Haim; Tzfadia, Erez. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIn this article we critically analyse the production of Israeli territory vis a vis the ongoing transformation of land and planning policies from ones based on pure nationalism to those purporting neo-liberal logic. Unlike the existing literature − including the most recent critical body of knowledge on planning, resource management and public policy in Israel − we contend that this transformation must be understood within the framework of settler colonialism. Our main argument is that the growing dominance of neo-liberal policies, expressed in the form of new public management, privatization of space, planning and territorial management, is bound up with Israel’s settler-colonial politics. Based on our detailed study of the dynamics of the privatization of space in Israel, we conceptualize the interplay between centralistic-national territorial management and new public management, free market-driven, privatization-prone, liberal planning and land policies as neo-settler colonialism. This concept focuses on the symbiotic relationships between these two vectors, with the latter providing a new mechanism of colonial control.; (AN 47302564)
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2.

Turkey’s economic rapprochement towards Syria and the territorial conflict over Hatay by Magued, Shaimaa. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p20-39, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article addresses the Justice and Development Party’s economic rapprochement towards Syria since 2002. While, the literature tackling the Turkish economic foreign policy has mainly focused on the reasons behind the rise of Turkey’s trade, this study argues that Turkey’s economic policy contributed to the alleviation of the Hatay issue, a historical territorial conflict that marked bilateral relations for long decades.; (AN 47302565)
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3.

The boundaries of acceptability: France’s positioning and rhetorical strategies during the Arab uprisings by Beauregard, Philippe; Brice Bado, Arsène; Paquin, Jonathan. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p40-61, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhy did French leaders adopt vastly different positions during the Arab uprisings? Building on recent studies that emphasize the importance of rhetoric to understand states’ behaviour, this article argues that France’s inconsistent positioning results from decision-makers trying to remain within political boundaries that are acceptable both to their domestic audiences and to foreign partners. Through a chronological content analysis of France’s top decision-makers’ responses to the crises in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Bahrain, the article provides evidence that acceptability-enhancing rhetorical strategies contribute to explaining foreign policy positioning.; (AN 47302566)
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4.

Women, information ecology, and political protest in the Middle East by Hajj, Nadya; McEwan, Patrick J.; Turkington, Rebecca. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p62-83, 22p; Abstract: AbstractDoes internet usage increase the likelihood of political protest, and is the effect larger among women than men? Using data from three waves of the Arab Barometer Survey, historical research and interviews with women activists, this paper contributes to the growing body of literature on information ecology and contentious politics in the Middle East. We hypothesized that the internet increases public protest for all individuals but differentially enhances women’s involvement in public protest in the Middle East. We find that there are substantial gender gaps in internet usage and political protest, and that internet usage increases political protest of adults, on average, regardless of gender. However, internet usage does not differentially increase public protest among women (including during the Arab Spring). Our paper problematizes the notion that the internet is a low-cost and safe space for women’s political activism.; (AN 47302567)
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5.

Conditionality, migration control and bilateral disputes: The view from the Greek–Turkish borders in the Aegean by Gregou, Maria. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p84-105, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe article provides a conceptual framework for understanding the return of third country nationals from Greece and the European Union, as well as their readmission by Turkey, a critical issue of migration policy at the European external borders. Return and readmission could be conceptualized as integral to the EU conditionality, a key tool at the disposal of the European Union to encourage and ensure compliance with its norms. In this respect, incentives are offered to countries of origin or transit as reward for the enforcement of expulsion decisions and the regulation of migration issues. Return and readmission could also be understood in respect to cooperation between two sovereign states, wherein expected costs and benefits are constantly (re)evaluated on the basis of their recurrent bilateral interactions. Thus, migration issues between Greece and Turkey should be grasped as indivisible to relations between a member state and a prospective one; in this sense, they could be interpreted in relation to Turkey’s progress towards the adoption of the acquis communautaire, in the light however of the politically volatile border between the two countries.; (AN 47302568)
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6.

Straightjacketing migrant rescuers? The code of conduct on maritime NGOs by Cusumano, Eugenio. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p106-114, 9p; Abstract: AbstractIn July 2017, Italy drafted an EU-sponsored code of conduct aimed at regulating non-governmental migrant rescuing NGOs offshore Libya. The code makes permission for NGO vessels to disembark migrants in Italian ports conditional on collaborating in the fight against smugglers and accepting the presence of law enforcement personnel on board. This article investigates the inception, content and likely consequences of the Code, arguing that most of its provisions are either redundant or counterproductive. As suggested by scholarship on civil–military cooperation and maritime rescuing, the code as it stands would only violate humanitarian principles without increasing existing rescuing capabilities.; (AN 47302569)
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7.

Strategy, unity and coercion: Lessons from the Palestinian struggle by Abrahams, Alexei. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p115-123, 9p; (AN 47302570)
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8.

New perspectives on social and militant movements in Israel and the Palestinian territories by Somgynari, Connor. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p124-133, 10p; (AN 47302571)
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9.

The Impossibility of Palestine: History, geography and the road ahead by Jamal, Manal A.. Mediterranean Politics, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p134-135, 2p; (AN 47302572)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 72, no. 2, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Passel, Jacob. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p182-184, 3p; (AN 45988051)
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2.

Egypt’s New Authoritarianism under Sisi by Rutherford, Bruce K.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p185-208, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:While many have noted how the regime of ‘Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi differs from that of Husni Mubarak, scholars have not yet conceptualized these differences’ significance. This article utilizes the literature on authoritarianism to argue that the Mubarak–Sisi transition was an attempt to shift from a provision pact, grounded in an extensive patronage network, to a protection pact in which elites back the regime because it protects them from internal and external threats. This transition is incomplete and, as the protection pact disintegrates, Egypt is left with a fragmented elite and a fractured state that renders the country more difficult to rule.; (AN 45988372)
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3.

The Pre-2011 Roots of Syria’s Islamist Militants by Khatib, Line. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p209-228, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:Islamist militancy is not a new phenomenon in Syria; indeed, many of the groups active since the outbreak of the popular uprising in 2011 have existed since the early 2000s. The emergence of these Islamists and the Islamization of the Syrian conflict can primarily be traced to the earlier foreign policy of the regime of Bashar al-Asad, of which harboring and collaborating with Islamist militants was an integral part. The outcome of this policy was the rise of a radical and apocalyptic type of Islamist movement that the regime cannot effectively control and that is at odds with Syria’s more ecumenical and intellectual Islamic tradition.; (AN 45988035)
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4.

Authoritarianism beyond Borders: The Iraqi Ba‘th Party as a Transnational Actor by Helfont, Samuel. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p229-245, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:A great deal has been written about authoritarianism in Ba‘thist Iraq as a domestic phenomenon. However, the Iraqi Ba‘th archives reveal that migration out of Iraq during Saddam Husayn’s presidency (1979–2003) pushed the regime to extend its authoritarianism to cover the growing Iraqi diaspora. This article describes the development of the resulting transnational authoritarian system and investigates its implications for Iraqi history as well as international politics.; (AN 45988124)
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5.

Revolution and War: Saddam’s Decision to Invade Iran by Nelson, Chad E.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p246-266, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:There are two main motives ascribed to Saddam Husayn’s decision to invade Iran in 1980. One motive is that he invaded for geopolitical gain when international factors worked in his favor. The other is that he invaded to prevent Iran from fomenting revolution in Iraq. This article argues the decision was taken due to the latter, that the decision to invade Iran was primarily due to the fear of spillover effects from the Iranian Revolution, and considers the broader implications for why revolutions can sometimes lead to war.; (AN 45988387)
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6.

Basra’s Bid for Autonomy: Peaceful Progress toward a Decentralized Iraq by Isakhan, Benjamin; Mulherin, Peter E.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p267-285, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:Since the American-led war of 2003, many have called for the breakup of Iraq along ethno-religious or regional lines. Among these proposals, Basra’s nonviolent, civil, and political campaign has come the closest to creating a new autonomous region. This article documents Basra’s bid for decentralization across more than a decade of complex Iraqi politics. It traces the growing popularity of the movement, examining its privileging of economic interest over ethno-religious identity, as well as its use of Iraq’s constitutional framework to advocate for the right to decentralize. Aside from the potential consequences of Basra’s autonomy, this article concludes that the modest successes of this peaceful movement are among the few promising signs for Iraq’s troubled democracy.; (AN 45988046)
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7.

Chronology: October 16, 2017 – January 15, 2018 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p287-323, 37p; (AN 45988491)
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8.

Youth Activism and Contentious Politics in Egypt: Dynamics of Continuity and Change by Nadine Sika, and: Youth Activism in Egypt: Islamism, Political Protest and Revolution by Ahmed Tohamy (review) by Pioppi, Daniela. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p325-327, 3p; (AN 45988229)
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9.

Saddam Husayn and Islam, 1968–2003: Ba‘thi Iraq from Secularism to Faith by Amatzia Baram (review) by Davis, Eric. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p327-330, 4p; (AN 45988300)
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10.

The Charity of War: Famine, Humanitarian Aid, and World War I in the Middle East by Melanie S. Tanielian (review) by Fawaz, Leila. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p330-331, 2p; (AN 45988353)
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11.

Tunisia’s National Intelligence: Why “Rogue Elephants” Fail to Reform by Noureddine Jebnoun (review) by Koehler, Kevin. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p331-332, 2p; (AN 45988578)
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12.

The New Sultan: Erdogan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey by Soner Cagaptay (review) by Hendrick, Joshua D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p333-334, 2p; (AN 45988580)
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13.

Yemen Endures: Civil War, Saudi Adventurism, and the Future of Arabia by Ginny Hill (review) by Yadav, Stacey Philbrick. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p334-336, 3p; (AN 45988447)
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14.

Revolution without Revolutionaries: Making Sense of the Arab Spring by Asef Bayat (review) by Browers, Michaelle. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p336-338, 3p; (AN 45988156)
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15.

Radical Arab Nationalism and Political Islam by Lahouari Addi (review) by Mabry, Tristan J.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p338-339, 2p; (AN 45988415)
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16.

Voice of the Muslim Brotherhood: Da‘wa, Discourse, and Political Communication by Noha Mellor (review) by Voll, John O.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p339-341, 3p; (AN 45988128)
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17.

China’s Presence in the Middle East: The Implications of the One Belt, One Road Initiative ed. by Anoushiravan Ehteshami, Niv Horesh, and: The Red Star and the Crescent: China and the Middle East ed. by James Reardon-Anderson (review) by Fulton, Jonathan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p341-343, 3p; (AN 45988541)
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18.

The Crime of Nationalism: Britain, Palestine, and Nation-Building on the Fringe of Empire by Matthew Kraig Kelly (review) by Hughes, Matthew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p343-345, 3p; (AN 45988202)
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19.

Piracy and Law in the Ottoman Mediterranean by Joshua M. White (review) by Welton, Mark D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p345-346, 2p; (AN 45988508)
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20.

Caliphate Redefined: The Mystical Turn in Ottoman Political Thought by Hüseyin Yılmaz, and: Caliphate: The History of an Idea by Hugh Kennedy (review) by Scharfe, Patrick. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p346-349, 4p; (AN 45988452)
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21.

Arab Political Demography: Population Growth, Labor Migration and Natalist Policies (revised and expanded third edition) by Onn Winckler (review) by Cetorelli, Valeria. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p349-351, 3p; (AN 45988166)
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22.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p352-356, 5p; (AN 45988568)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 25, no. 3, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 46546603)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p3-4, 2p; (AN 46546614)
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3.

After Withdrawal from the JCPOA: Strategies for the Trump Administration by Albright, David; Young, Karen E.; Eisenstadt, Michael; Roule, Norman T.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p5-33, 29p; (AN 46546615)
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4.

Clerics and Generals: Assessing the Stability of the Iranian Regime by Sohrabi, Hadi. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p34-46, 13p; (AN 46546604)
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5.

Civil‐Military Relations in Iran: Internal and External Pressures by Hashim, Ahmed S.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p47-66, 20p; (AN 46546605)
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6.

The Brewing War between Iran and Israel: Strategic Implications by Bahgat, Gawdat. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p67-79, 13p; (AN 46546606)
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7.

Turkey and Syria: When “Soft Power” Turned Hard by Salt, Jeremy. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p80-96, 17p; (AN 46546607)
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8.

The PKK in Regional Energy Security by Odintsov, Nikita. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p97-110, 14p; (AN 46546608)
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9.

The Manbij Roadmap and the Future of U.S.‐Turkish Relations by Kanat, Kilic Bugra; Hannon, Jackson. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p111-123, 13p; (AN 46546609)
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10.

State, Citizens and Institutions: Policy Making in the GCC by Thompson, Mark C.; Quilliam, Neil. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p124-130, 7p; (AN 46546610)
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11.

The Saudi Arabian Revolution: How Can It Succeed? by Fjærtoft, Torgeir E.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p131-142, 12p; (AN 46546611)
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12.

China's Peace‐Maker Role in Afghanistan: Mediation and Conflict Management by Chaziza, Mordechai. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p143-154, 12p; (AN 46546612)
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13.

Gaza: An Inquest into Its Martyrdom by Chomsky, Noam. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p155-159, 5p; (AN 46546613)
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14.

American Presidents and Jerusalem by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p159-164, 6p; (AN 46546599)
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15.

Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel's Targeted Assassinations by Rubner, Michael. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p165-169, 5p; (AN 46546600)
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16.

War in Syria: Russian Press Coverage, 2015–2017 by Katz, Mark N.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p170-171, 2p; (AN 46546601)
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17.

The New Political Islam: Human Rights, Democracy, and Justice by Voll, John O.. Middle East Policy, September 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p171-173, 3p; (AN 46546602)
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14

Millennium
Volume 47, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Pirate Capitalism, or the Primitive Accumulation of Capital Itself by Kamola, Isaac. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: Pirates are often described as existing on the margins of the world economy, emerging from the outskirts to disrupt otherwise free capitalist markets. With this narrative in mind, it is not surprising that the pirate remains a marginal figure within both the fictional stories and historical accounts of the emergence of capitalism. This article, however, asks: What do we learn about the capitalist world economy if we understand the pirate not as an outlaw but as a fellow capitalist? Weaving together stories of the golden age of piracy in the Atlantic world with contemporary piracy in the Gulf of Aden, I argue that pirate capitalism helps us to understand the capitalist world economy, not only demonstrating the violence and dispossession at the centre of capitalist accumulation but also making visible the fluid relationship between capital, sovereignty, violence, and freedom.; (AN 46523948)
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2.

Petro-masculinity: Fossil Fuels and Authoritarian Desire by Daggett, Cara. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p25-44, 20p; Abstract: As the planet warms, new authoritarian movements in the West are embracing a toxic combination of climate denial, racism and misogyny. Rather than consider these resentments separately, this article interrogates their relationship through the concept of petro-masculinity, which appreciates the historic role of fossil fuel systems in buttressing white patriarchal rule. Petro-masculinity is helpful to understanding how the anxieties aroused by the Anthropocene can augment desires for authoritarianism. The concept of petro-masculinity suggests that fossil fuels mean more than profit; fossil fuels also contribute to making identities, which poses risks for post-carbon energy politics. Moreover, through a psycho-political reading of authoritarianism, I show how fossil fuel use can function as a violent compensatory practice in reaction to gender and climate trouble.; (AN 46523950)
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3.

Stray Dogs, Post-Humanism and Cosmopolitan Belongingness: Interspecies Hospitality in Times of War by Leep, Matthew. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p45-66, 22p; Abstract: International Relations scholars have recently begun exploring the politics of human-animal relations in global affairs. Building on Jacques Derrida’s work on hospitality and animals, this article theorises possibilities of responsibility to animals in war zones, pushing the limits of what it means to be with and for others regardless of their human or animal otherness. Specifically, I develop a critical account of cosmopolitan belongingness to illustrate how our being on earth is always a ‘being-with’ animal others. In thinking through possibilities of post-human belongingness that could emerge in times of war, cosmopolitanism becomes a futural task, an out-of-time and endless confrontation of past and future opportunities for interspecies togetherness. The theoretical significance of this approach is illustrated with a case study on the killing of stray dogs during the Iraq War. This case reveals a cosmopolitanism calibrated to more fully consider possibilities of human-animal belongingness amidst violence.; (AN 46523947)
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4.

Forum Introduction: Social Theory Going Quantum-Theoretic? Questions, Alternatives and Challenges by Arfi, Badredine; Kessler, Oliver. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p67-73, 7p; (AN 46523942)
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5.

The Mind-Body Problem and the Move from Supervenience to Quantum Mechanics by Kessler, Oliver. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p74-86, 13p; (AN 46523943)
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6.

Social Action in Quantum Social Science by Allan, Bentley B.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p87-98, 12p; (AN 46523949)
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7.

Challenges to a Quantum-Theoretic Social Theory by Arfi, Badredine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p99-113, 15p; (AN 46523944)
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8.

Of Particles and Humans: the Question of ‘Human Being’ in Alexander Wendt’s Quantum Mind and Social Science by Michel, Torsten. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p114-127, 14p; (AN 46523946)
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9.

Science Blurring its Edges into Spirit: The Quantum Path to Ātma by Burgess, J. Peter. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p128-141, 14p; (AN 46523951)
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10.

Review Article: Targeted Killing, Technologies of Violence, and Society by Archambault, Emil. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p142-152, 11p; Abstract: This article addresses the interaction between policies of targeted killing and wider social forces, particularly technology, through three recently published books. I suggest that while Ian Shaw’s Predator Empiredoes well to draw attention to the enclosing tendency of contemporary nonhuman environments and means of technological control – particularly drones, Kyle Grayson’s Cultural Politics of Targeted Killingprovides a necessary contextualisation of these technological transformations by emphasising the cultural-political underpinnings of policies of targeted killing and of the assemblage of technologies into such policies. These perspectives are replicated in Eyal Weizman’s Hollow Land, which describes the political and strategic manipulation of space to implement Israeli nonterritorial occupation in Gaza and the West Bank. I conclude by suggesting that these three works provide renewed avenues to reflect on the normative and conceptual impacts of lethal drones and other novel warfighting technologies, as well as on the relation between state violence and normalcy.; (AN 46523945)
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11.

Review Article: Curiosity, Paradox and Dissatisfaction: Queer Analyses of Human Rights by Langlois, Anthony J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2018, Vol. 47 Issue: Number 1 p153-165, 13p; Abstract: Three recent books are discussed which offer queer analyses of attempts to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people from violence and discrimination using the international human rights regime. A common theme is the way in which equal rights are invoked and institutionalised to address prejudice, discrimination and violence. The take, however, is critical: while it may be a remarkable turn of events that the United Nations (UN) and similar institutions have become LGBTI advocates, such Damascene conversions generate their own dilemmas and rarely resolve structural and conceptual paradoxes. This article foregrounds the curiosity of queer scholars engaged with the application of human rights to matters of sexuality and gender, observes how they articulate the paradoxes and dissatisfactions that are produced in this normatively and politically charged field, and draws out the limitations and complexities of rights politics in combating systemic exclusion.; (AN 46523941)
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15

Orbis
Volume 62, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by T. Owens, Mackubin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p1-5, 5p; (AN 44213297)
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2.

Conservative Internationalism: An Overview by Laderman, Charlie. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p6-21, 16p; Abstract: This introductory essay seeks to historicize the term “conservative internationalism.” It examines how interpretations evolved over the past century and identifies key figures who espoused distinctively conservative visions of America's role in the world. The majority share a number of common traits: a fervent commitment to guarding national sovereignty against excessive supranational infringement, dedication to maintaining a strong military, trust in the efficacy of American power, a realist appreciation of the need to go to war and concern for order and stability at home and abroad. Yet there are also important differences over the purpose of American power.; (AN 44213302)
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3.

Why “Conservative,” Not Liberal, Internationalism? by Nau, Henry R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p22-29, 8p; Abstract: There is no broad literature defining conservative internationalism as there is for liberal internationalism and realism. Yet conservative internationalism differs from liberal internationalism and realism in four important ways. First, it seeks a world of limited government or separate sovereign nations not big international institutions. Second, it believes that national security is a function of ideological differences not just relative power or diplomatic misunderstandings. The democratic peace is a much safer world for America than the balance of power or United Nations. Third, it recognizes the need to use force during negotiations, not just after negotiations fail, because authoritarian states will not take negotiations seriously if they can achieve their objectives outside negotiations. And fourth, it advances democracy conservatively by prioritizing regions where strong democracies exist nearby (today Ukraine and Korea) and by using military leverage to reach timely compromises that weaken authoritarian states.; (AN 44213301)
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4.

Grover Cleveland's Administration: Prequel to America's Rise? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p30-42, 13p; Abstract: In considering Grover Cleveland's life and thought, the author contends that this Democratic president was profoundly conservative. In fact, he meets the criteria for “conservative internationalism,” as defined by Henry Nau. Cleveland was an advocate of solid currency, the government not spending more than it takes in, big business not “railroading” the little guy. And, he fought impediments to free trade, domestically and internationally. Finally, while cautious about American commitments abroad, Grover Cleveland defended an assertive U.S. policy throughout the Western Hemisphere.; (AN 44213291)
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5.

Ronald Reagan, Exemplar of Conservative Internationalism? by Inboden, William. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p43-55, 13p; Abstract: This article assesses the foreign policy of Ronald Reagan's presidency through the lens of conservative internationalism. It finds that the Reagan administration largely embodied the principles of conservative internationalism, particularly through its integration of force with statecraft, the priority it gave to cooperative relations with allies, and its support for the global expansion of political and economic liberty.; (AN 44213298)
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6.

George H.W. Bush: Conservative Realist as President by Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p56-75, 20p; Abstract: This article explores George H.W. Bush's foreign policy in order to examine what it can tell us about the successes and weaknesses of conservative internationalism as a world view and as an analytic construct for scholars of international relations. First, to what extent, if any, did the Bush administration's foreign policy reflect the course and logic of conservative internationalism? Second, what can the Bush administration's foreign policy tell us about the utility of conservative internationalism as a foreign policy approach relative to alternative approaches?; (AN 44213296)
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7.

The Case for Reassessing America's 43rdPresident by Brands, Hal; Feaver, Peter. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p76-90, 15p; Abstract: Contemporary judgments of George W. Bush's foreign policy were often quite harsh and polemical. In this article, we argue that a moderate form of Bush revisionism is likely to emerge in the coming years, as scholars take a more dispassionate look at his achievements in global affairs and the difficult circumstances under which his administration labored. We offer the six most persuasive arguments in favor of Bush revisionism; we then discuss the most reasonable critiques of these arguments. The overall thrust of this essay is not that Bush will someday be seen as one of America's most successful statesmen, but simply that his reputation should improve as partisan passions fade and new evidence is considered.; (AN 44213300)
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8.

Conservative Internationalism and the Trump Administration? by Popescu, Ionut. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p91-104, 14p; Abstract: This article outlines the principles of a new conservative internationalism for the Trump era, and discusses how well the administration's actions and words fit this paradigm. In order for Republicans and conservatives to reclaim their reputation as the party of strong national defense and competent foreign policy, current and future policymakers need to blend some traditional principles of conservative internationalist foreign policy with new adaptations required by challenging international security developments on the one hand, and changes in the domestic political views of right-leaning American voters on the other. A year into the Trump administration, there are some signs that the administration is indeed attempting to adjust slightly rather than replace the traditional principles of conservative Republican foreign policy, and therefore the “America First” grand strategy framework might become much more traditional in its actual policy decisions than in some of its rhetoric.; (AN 44213304)
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9.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 44341101)
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10.

Conservative Internationalism Out of Power by Miller, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p105-115, 11p; Abstract: Conservative internationalism is an important focus for study because it is a good description of America's de facto grand strategy over time. The United States’ deployment patterns, budgetary priorities, and diplomatic initiatives tend, over the long run and across administrations, to be conservative internationalist in effect and in practice. Sometimes this de facto conservative internationalist median is directly observable in the oscillation from one presidential administration to the next. It is also evident in how policymakers find themselves entrapped between budgetary and military realities on the one hand, and liberal rhetoric and public expectations on the other. American statesmen face competing pressures to make soaring commitments to liberal ideals yet govern with a hard-nosed pragmatism that prioritizes American interests. The resulting blend is, often, a rough approximation of conservative internationalism. That is why it is likely to endure as America's preferred approach to the world long past the Trump administration. The mix of American idealism and American strength is too potent for policymakers to ignore; (AN 44341096)
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11.

The Anglo-Protestant Basis of U.S. Foreign Policy by Garfinkle, Adam. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p116-136, 21p; Abstract: U.S. foreign policy thinking is based ultimately on the particular historical experience and cultural legacy of the American founding, and at the very base of that founding is the preeminence of Anglo-Protestantism. The religious heritage of the United States, a sixteenth century blend of a theological reformation and the rise of modernity in the Enlightenment, has endowed American politics with a predisposition for egalitarian, anti-hierarchical, and contractual forms, and that disposition applies as well to foreign affairs. The syntax, but not the content, of Anglo-Protestantism shapes basic attitudes particularly when political elites face crisis situations, but it is institutionalized in government and society at all levels. Six examples from the post-World War II period illustrate the case.; (AN 44213306)
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12.

Why “Best Military Advice” is Bad for the Military—and Worse for Civilians by Golby, James; Karlin, Mara. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p137-153, 17p; Abstract: This article contends that “best military advice” is a problematic construct for both the military and civilians alike. Yet, the increasing resonance of this construct across the Joint Force cannot—and should not—be summarily dismissed. Instead, it merits reflection about why the term has grown in popularity, how its continued use is influencing the development of defense strategy, and perhaps above all, how it will affect American civil-military relations. As best military advice infuses the U.S. military, it will increasingly become normalized and held up as desirable, particularly among the younger generation. Short of serious near-term steps to neutralize this construct, its deleterious influence will only increase.; (AN 44213303)
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13.

Doubling Down on Asia by Ngoei, Wen-Qing. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p154-157, 4p; (AN 44213299)
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14.

U.S. Helps Others and Self in Exporting Security by Ashby, Paul D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 p158-162, 5p; (AN 44213305)
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15.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2018, Vol. 62 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 44341098)
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16.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41579556)
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17.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 42600405)
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18.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 43383338)
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19.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p149-153, 5p; (AN 41459077)
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20.

Gaining Trust While Losing Wars: Confidence in the U.S. Military after Iraq and Afghanistan by Burbach, David T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p154-171, 18p; Abstract: During unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American public's confidence in the U.S. military surprisingly rose to all-time highs. Confidence had been thought closely linked to battlefield success, so that increase was unexpected, and very unlike the crisis of confidence after Vietnam. Confidence can be better understood considering four dimensions: performance, professionalism, partisanship, and patriotism. The military has kept the public's trust in part because, despite disappointing outcomes, it has not suffered organizational and professional breakdowns as happened after Vietnam. In addition, in the post-conscription era, expressing “confidence” is a low-cost way for disconnected citizens to express gratitude—even if they largely disagree with military preferences. Finally, a wide partisan confidence gap opened after 2003, suggesting that confidence increasingly reflects political identities rather than objective assessment of the state of the military.; (AN 41459073)
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21.

Just Terror: The Islamic State's Use of Strategic “Framing” to Recruit and Motivate by Robinson, Leonard C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p172-186, 15p; Abstract: This article examines the “framing” strategies employed by the Islamic State in espousing the group's salafist-takfiri doctrine, which includes the call for both defensive and offensive jihad. An analysis of the written documents, official statements and social media messaging issued by the Islamic State reveals three main framing strategies upon which the organization grounds its security claims. First, diagnostic frames are intended to highlight the threats that exist to its extreme vision of Islam. Second, prognostic frames offer prescriptions for meeting those threats. And, third, motivational frames are designed to mobilize active support for the Islamic State and its doctrine. This means that ultimate victory over the Islamic State requires that moderate Sunni Muslim religious and political elites offer both a credible counter-narrative that debunks the doctrinal vision of the Islamic State and an alternative doctrinal narrative that addresses the hopes, needs and concerns of young Muslims.; (AN 41459070)
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22.

Limits to the Islamic State Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p187-194, 8p; Abstract: The Islamic State has severe limits and poses a manageable problem. Its limits include that it is unable to occupy ordered areas or Shiite areas. The Islamic State's military capability and its ability to govern territory are modest. It collaborates poorly with like-minded organizations and it has elicited a military response from countries, reducing its territory and imperiling its existence.; (AN 41459072)
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23.

Operation Inherent Resolveand the Islamic State: Assessing “Aggressive Containment” by Alexander Ohlers, C.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p195-211, 17p; Abstract: Operation Inherent Resolve was originally conceived as a strategy to defeat the Islamic State by containing it territorially and degrading it through attrition or what is referred to as “aggressive containment.” While Operation Inherent Resolve has changed tactics and is now beginning to make significant territorial gains against IS, long-term strategies of aggressive containment have been ineffective in the past because they fail to address IS as a territorial insurgency and transnational network. As such, aggressive containment has two key drawbacks. First, this long-term strategy allowed IS time and sanctuary in Iraq and Syria that has enabled it to retain control, suppress moderate Sunni opponents, generate revenues and legitimacy, and expand regionally and internationally. Second, because the strategy has not successfully established political solutions or built moderate Sunni forces required for a lasting victory, there is an increased likelihood that IS will survive as a traditional or regional insurgency or be succeeded by other extremist groups.; (AN 41459071)
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24.

The November 2015 Paris Attacks: The Impact of Foreign Fighter Returnees by Cragin, R. Kim. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p212-226, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an in-depth analysis of the role of foreign fighter returnees in the attacks by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Western Europe. To do this, it focuses primarily on the operatives and logisticians responsible for the November 2015 attacks in Paris. The threat from foreign fighter returnees remains under-appreciated in expert and policymaking communities. ISIS's rhetorical emphasis on the caliphate, combined with a series of attacks by lone actors, has made it easy for policymakers to misinterpret ISIS's true intentions against the West. This case study illustrates that ISIS leaders have been able to plan and execute parallel strategies within the Middle East (Islamic caliphate) and Western Europe (terrorist campaign). Moreover, they have pursued these parallel strategies through using foreign fighters.; (AN 41459090)
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25.

The High Ground: The Case for U.S. Space Dominance by Weichert, Brandon J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p227-237, 11p; Abstract: Modern society depends on satellites in space, and the United States relies on satellites more than any other country. It is from space that much of America's military advantage is assured. Without the satellites that link our forces together, America's modern military would cease to function and would risk being overwhelmed. However, U.S. space architecture is more vulnerable to attack than ever. The longer America's satellites remain undefended, the more likely those systems will be vulnerable to hostile attack. This article addresses a better way to defend these vital systems by advocating a policy of “space dominance,” as opposed to “space superiority.” Space Dominance is the only way that the United States will preserve its status as the most powerful country in the world.; (AN 41459074)
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26.

U.S. Rebalance to Asia and Responses from China's Research Community by Xiao, Ren. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p238-254, 17p; Abstract: The U.S. “pivot” or rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region, under the Obama Administration, was viewed as a major foreign strategy initiative. Inevitably China became an important part of the whole picture. Overall, China has estimated the U.S. rebalance to Asia in a cool-minded manner, and has tried not to overreact to the rebalance. However, with the election of Donald Trump as the new U.S. President, considerable uncertainties are emerging regarding U.S. policies toward Asia and China. Challenges are ahead of us to manage the Sino-American relationship in the coming year.; (AN 41459092)
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27.

Russia's Strategic Beliefs Today; the Risk of War in the Future by McLellan, Edward A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p255-268, 14p; Abstract: Russian President Vladimir Putin believes that offense-dominant military practices hold significant advantages in contemporary interstate conflict. Either through non-linear means or through the use of advanced conventional weaponry, the Russian Federation has begun to act as if those who attack first and decisively have the upper hand in war. In such an environment, interstate war is more likely as misperception and misjudgment can more easily spark conflicts that both sides feel compelled to initiate.; (AN 41459075)
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28.

Taking Stock of China's Growing Navy: The Death and Life of Surface Fleets by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p269-285, 17p; (AN 41459076)
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29.

A Crisis in the European Order? by Johnson, Ian. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p286-290, 5p; (AN 41459078)
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30.

Ukraine: Civil Society in the Balance by Kerley, Beth. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 p291-297, 7p; (AN 41459080)
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31.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p299-302, 4p; (AN 42098577)
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32.

Learning from Contemporary Conflicts to Prepare for Future War by McMaster, H.R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p303-321, 19p; Abstract: Recent and ongoing wartime experience has discredited much of the thinking that underpinned the “Defense Transformation” effort in the 1990s. If we are to be prepared for future conflict, it is vital that we learn from experience and adjust our thinking about war. It is time to develop idealized visions of future war that are consistent with what post-9/11 conflicts have revealed as the enduring uncertainty and complexity of war. These concepts should be “fighting-centric” rather than “knowledge-centric.” They should also be based on real and emerging threats, informed by recent combat experience, and connected to scenarios that direct military force toward the achievement of policy goals and objectives. We must then design and build balanced forces that are capable of conducting operations consistent with the concepts we develop.; (AN 42121506)
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33.

Deterring China in the “Gray Zone”: Lessons of the South China Sea for U.S. Alliances by Holmes, James R.; Yoshihara, Toshi. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p322-339, 18p; Abstract: If facing down a hostile actor in the “gray zone” is hard for a single actor, such as the United States, it is doubly hard for an alliance composed of actors with disparate capabilities, interests, and political fortitude. This article investigates how China has prosecuted gray-zone strategy in the South China Sea. We discern patterns in Chinese policy and strategy with the aim of helping U.S. led alliances face down aggression in maritime Asia.; (AN 42098578)
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34.

Fear, Honor, and Interest: Rethinking Deterrence in a 21st-Century Europe by Hillison, Joel R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p340-353, 14p; Abstract: The “America First” approach to foreign policy represents an opportunity to reassess relations with Russia. Efforts to deter Russian aggression have failed. Perhaps a new approach is needed. This article uses the lessons of the Peloponnesian War to help guide the West's approach to Russia. By examining the three motivations for warfare—fear, honor and interest—it is possible to craft a more effective deterrent strategy while avoiding a security dilemma. Current approaches have discounted legitimate Russian fears of NATO and EU encroachment. They also have neglected the role of honor in Russia's actions and how this impulse frames Moscow's views of the West. Finally, NATO and the EU have lost sight of Russia's vital interests in pursuing further eastward expansion. Where the West cannot compromise is on the security of NATO and EU members and the unity of the Trans-Atlantic alliance.; (AN 42098580)
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35.

What the West Can Learn from Rationalizing Russia's Action in Ukraine by Smith, Nicholas Ross. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p354-368, 15p; Abstract: Russia's foreign policy decisions towards Ukraine in the context of the “Ukraine crisis” have been portrayed largely in a negative light which crudely paints Russia's actions as being imperialistic, evil and largely irrational. This article argues that by looking at the interplay of identity and perceptions at the foreign policymaking level, Russia's actions in Ukraine can be, to some degree, rationalized. First, Russia's Eurasian--oriented great power role identity and its perceptions of Ukraine as represent a vital national interest. Second, the European Union and the United States are perceived as embodying a Western team of anti-Russian imperialists, which led Moscow to pursue hazardous foreign policies.; (AN 41910055)
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36.

Considering Ukraine's Ethnic Minorities and Their Influence on Russian Foreign Policy by Lutz, Carol. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p369-380, 12p; Abstract: Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory at its core posits that the majority ethnic group in one state will come to the defense of its ethnic brethren that are a minority in a neighboring state, if that group is facing discrimination or repression. The actions of political leaders in Moscow, who claimed that they were concerned about the Russian minority in Ukraine, suggest that modifications to this theory are necessary. Intervention will only occur when it is in the self-interest of the neighboring state or in the self-interest of the governing elite of that state. Russian perceptions of threats to Russian national interests originating in the West made the interference in the Ukrainian political system more likely. Similar perceptions of threats from abroad to foreign policy interests for other states, or their leaders, could lead to support for ethnic minorities. The resulting modified Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory can be used as a tool to predict better and explain foreign interference anywhere that ethnic groups overlap between states.; (AN 41763542)
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37.

Deterrence is Not a Credible Strategy for Cyberspace by Fischerkeller, Michael P.; Harknett, Richard J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p381-393, 13p; Abstract: U.S. national cybersecurity strategy, to be effective must align with the structural features and operational characteristics of the domain. Yet, this article contends that the current U.S. strategy of deterrence, coupled with the establishment of norms in cyberspace, does not satisfy this requirement. Alternatively, a strategy of cyber persistence is proposed, one that is enabled rather than crippled by the uniqueness of cyberspace. In an environment of constant contact, a strategy grounded in persistent engagement is more appropriate than one of operational restraint and reaction for shaping the parameters of acceptable behavior and sustaining and advancing U.S. national interests.; (AN 42098579)
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38.

Treating Information as a Strategic Resource to Win the “Information War” by Bebber, Robert Jake. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p394-403, 10p; Abstract: The United States is challenged by adversaries who seek to alter fundamentally the systemic balance of power through information-based strategies. These strategies leverage both legal and illegal operations to gain influence and control over key industries and information resource domains to constrain American freedom of action. It is a larger geoeconomic and geoinformational campaign by adversaries to harvest information in support of military, diplomatic, economic, and global political goals. To respond, the U.S. government must understand that information is a strategic resource. An American response might be to erode its competitors’ economic and informational advantages, attack their dependencies on other strategic resources, and exploit their information control systems. Cyberspace operations may provide some competitive advantage, but first they must be employed effectively. This effectiveness requires overcoming debilitating intellectual constraints and adopting new operational models.; (AN 42128010)
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39.

Vietnam-U.S. Relations: An Unparalleled History by Siracusa, Joseph M.; Nguyen, Hang. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p404-422, 19p; Abstract: This article critically assesses how Vietnam-U.S. relations have evolved over the 42 years since Vietnam's reunification in 1975. By dividing the development of Vietnam-U.S. relations into three main phases—1975-2000, 2001-2008, and 2009-the present—it analyzes the steps taken by both Hanoi and Washington to heal and build their relations. Using Vietnamese and U.S. sources, the article demonstrates why Vietnam-U.S. relations have transformed dramatically and what factors have contributed to the unusually positive relationship between Vietnam and the United States since the diplomatic normalization in 1995.; (AN 42098581)
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40.

Weaponizing Sectarianism in Iraq and Syria by Rabi, Uzi; Friedman, Brandon. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p423-438, 16p; Abstract: The last six years of insurgency, rebellion, and war have eroded territorial state sovereignty in Iraq and Syria. The scale and savagery of the war have transformed Sunni-Shia sectarianism into a zero-sum politics of survival. In other words, residents of Iraq and Syria have been forced to choose between Sunnis and Shia in order to survive. This essay explains how the diverging interests of foreign actors—Iran, the Islamic State and other Salafi-Jihadi foreign fighters, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United States—prolonged the war, providing the time and space for the belligerents in Iraq and Syria to weaponize sectarianism.; (AN 41843146)
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41.

Considering the Soul of Armies by Kronvall, Olof. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 p439-443, 5p; (AN 41843145)
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42.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p445-448, 4p; (AN 43051542)
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43.

What Causes War? by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p449-462, 14p; Abstract: What causes war? Thucydides thinks fear, honor, and interest—those fundamental human motivations that persuade us beyond caution—cause wars. Clausewitz tries to leach those passions out of the process and distill a calculus of political aims as the cause of war. Geoffrey Blainey has a simpler discriminator: states choose war when they think they will win. Barbara Tuchman has the simplest explanation of all: human folly. Azar Gat believes scarcity drives warfare, and, therefore, prosperity is making it obsolete. The author analyzes the contributions of these five writers in addressing this perennial question about war.; (AN 42988462)
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44.

Robert Strausz-Hupé: Scholar, Gentleman, Man of Letters by Kaplan, Morton A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p463-473, 11p; (AN 43099839)
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45.

Can the United States Do Grand Strategy? by McDougall, Walter A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p474-493, 20p; Abstract: Two big issues that scholars and strategists need to address are simply: does grand strategy have to be articulated for it to be said to exist at all; and if not, can grand strategy be said to move a nation even when that nation's fluctuating roster of mostly incompetent leaders are unsure as to why they do anything? My task here is that of a rapporteur and provocateur raising issues on which we may need to reach some consensus.; (AN 43084009)
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46.

The War and the West by Kurth, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p494-505, 12p; (AN 43084008)
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47.

Principled Agents: The Role of Service Culture in American Civil-Military Relations by Donnithorne, Jeffrey W.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p506-526, 21p; Abstract: This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the guardians—and how? Building on an agency theory of civil-military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the American military and its civil-military relationships. Traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals the subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. And a service-level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on American civil-military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike.; (AN 42988464)
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48.

The End of Non-Alignment? by Pant, Harsh V. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p527-540, 14p; Abstract: The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India's case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India's rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi's approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India's foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.; (AN 43099838)
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49.

Theodore Roosevelt and American Realism by Dueck, Colin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p541-560, 20p; Abstract: Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy as president was animated by a desire to see the United States play a leading role in world affairs. He utilized skillful diplomacy, energetic executive action, and credible naval capabilities to support this forward role, while avoiding strategic overextension. In Latin America, Roosevelt looked to forestall European intervention and secure U.S. predominance. In Europe and East Asia, he sought to promote regional balances of power, while working under strict constraints imposed by Congress and U.S. public opinion. In the end, Roosevelt navigated these constraints as well as international events with considerable success. His presidential tenure is a good example of American foreign policy realism in action.; (AN 42843126)
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50.

The Enduring Significance of the Truman Doctrine by Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p561-574, 14p; Abstract: The Truman Doctrine is seventy years old, which means it could easily be considered an artifact of history. In the age of Donald J. Trump, one might reasonably ask, what use is there for a doctrine that set forth the grand strategy of containment? Regardless of the Cold War, the doctrine's essential pieces—applying a combination of political, economic, and military strength; building regional and bilateral alliances based on collective defense; cultivating existing liberal democracies and future liberal democratic regimes; containing totalitarianism and promoting its demise; and fostering an American-built-and-led liberal world order—are still being or should be used. At the present, critical time when national security threats issue from revisionist great powers, lesser-yet-still-hostile state and non-state actors, and WMDs and cutting-edge technologies in the hands of all these entities, it is important to understand not only the Truman Doctrine's origins but also the reasons that the fundamental insights of this grand strategy should still inform U.S. foreign policy.; (AN 42988463)
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51.

Mackinder's Geopolitical Perspective Revisited by Hochberg, Leonard; Sloan, Geoffrey. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p575-592, 18p; Abstract: This article explores three themes related to classical geopolitics: first, it presents reasons why scholars and commentators abandoned geopolitical analysis after World War II, and then reengaged with geopolitical factors after the Soviet Union's collapse; second, it suggests how Mackinder's geopolitical concept of the heartland illuminates the strategic goals of Russia and China, the leading powers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; and, third, it introduces utility of classical geopolitical thought for how the United States might respond to the potential domination of Mackinder's heartland by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.; (AN 43031110)
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52.

Traps or Gaps? Rising Powers and Declining Order by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p593-598, 6p; (AN 43084011)
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53.

The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army by Milevski, Lukas. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p599-602, 4p; (AN 43077327)
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54.

Defining American Power & Liberal Order by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 p603-606, 4p; (AN 43077329)
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55.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 2 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41579557)
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56.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 3 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 42600406)
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57.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 4 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 43383337)
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