Skip to main content

NATO LIBRARY HOMEPAGE | NATO LIBGUIDES | CATALOG | MY ACCOUNT

NATO Multimedia Library: Journal Titles: J - O

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

J - O

Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

Go to List of all journal titles

1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942845&site=ehost-live

2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942846&site=ehost-live

3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942848&site=ehost-live

4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942841&site=ehost-live

5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942842&site=ehost-live

6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942847&site=ehost-live

7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942844&site=ehost-live

8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41942843&site=ehost-live

 

2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 61, no. 7, August 2017

Record Results
1. International Terrorism and the Political Survival of Leaders by Park, Johann; Bali, Valentina. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1343-1370, 28p; Abstract: This study examines whether transnational terrorist attacks impact the political survival of leaders. We argue that external security threats, such as those from transnational terrorist incidents, can undermine incumbent target governments by exposing foreign policy failures and damaging society’s general well-being. Yet, terrorism may not destabilize democratic governments as a result of citizens rallying around their elected leaders in threatening times. Focusing on Archigos’ survival leadership data and International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events’ terrorism data for the 1968–2004 period, we find that autocrats who experience higher instances of transnational terrorist attacks are more likely to exit power. Democrats, however, are relatively secure to the destabilizing influence of transnational terrorism.; (AN 42779695)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779695&site=ehost-live
2. Inter Arma Silent Leges? Democracy, Domestic Terrorism, and Diversion by Foster, Dennis M.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1371-1400, 30p; Abstract: This article develops expectations about the use of military force by democracies facing domestic terrorism. Due to the necessity of balancing effective counterterrorism with liberal acceptability, domestic terrorism typically represents a significant but nonexistential threat to democracies that is ineradicable via repression; as such, it is likely to generate appreciable diversionary incentives. Moreover, the use of force abroad, coupled with counterterrorist strategies that seek to safeguard democratic legitimacy, allows leaders to provide benefits both to citizens who seek retribution against terrorists and to those who value the preservation of liberty. Tests of the correlates of dispute initiation across all democracies, 1970–2000, provide support for this hypothesis. Further analyses reveal that diversion from domestic terrorism is most likely by democratic governments with relatively greater diversionary capacity and with lesser repressive capacity and incentive.; (AN 42779694)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779694&site=ehost-live
3. Finding a Peace that Lasts: Mediator Leverage and the Durable Resolution of Civil Wars by Reid, Lindsay. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1401-1431, 31p; Abstract: How does leverage vary across different mediators? What influence does this variation have on mediation outcomes? Extant literature has equated mediation leverage with material power. Leverage, however, is context dependent and comprised of two dimensions: capability and credibility. Capability leverage is a function of economic resources and power, while credibility leverage derives influence from historical and cultural ties that bolster a mediator’s contextual knowledge of a conflict. I hypothesize that mediators with capability leverage are more likely to achieve short-term success, whereas mediators with credibility leverage generate more durable settlements. I quantitatively test the hypotheses using civil war mediation attempts from 1989 to 2006. I find that capability leverage does indeed contribute to the achievement of short-term success; credibility leverage, however, generates a more durable peace. The results demonstrate the importance of understanding mediation leverage as a context-dependent concept and highlight the potential long-term benefits of softer forms of mediation.; (AN 42779692)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779692&site=ehost-live
4. The Causes and Outcomes of Coup during Civil War by Bell, Curtis; Sudduth, Jun Koga. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1432-1455, 24p; Abstract: Though approximately one in four coup attempts takes place during an ongoing civil war, scholars have not yet analyzed how the incidence of civil war affects coup attempts and outcomes. We conduct the first empirical analysis of the relationship between ongoing civil war and coup activity, finding (1) war increases the risk of a coup attempt, though (2) war-time coup attempts are significantly less likely to be successful, and (3) the risk of war-time coup is much higher when states face stronger rebel groups that pose greater threats to the political survival of the incumbent government. We attribute these findings to the pernicious effect of ongoing war on the welfare of the military elites and soldiers who have the greatest capacity to execute a coup attempt. As war diminishes their welfare and creates uncertainty about the future of the state, potential plotters become more willing to accept riskier coup attempts than they might plot during peace-time. Coup motivations are greatest when incumbents are more likely to lose their wars, and this causes coup plotters to attempt more and riskier coups when rebels are relatively strong.; (AN 42779690)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779690&site=ehost-live
5. I Want You! The Determinants of Military Conscription by Asal, Victor; Conrad, Justin; Toronto, Nathan. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1456-1481, 26p; Abstract: What explains the use of military conscription? Using a new data set of more than 100 countries over a period of 200 years, we examine the determinants of a state’s decision to implement a military draft. We argue that the decision to use conscription is largely dependent on historical factors. Specifically, we contend that former British colonies are less likely to use conscription as a means of military recruitment because of an anticonscription precedent set during the English Civil War. We find that former British colonies are far less likely to opt for conscription, even after controlling for counter arguments relating to a state’s colonial legacy. We also examine a number of existing explanations for the use of conscripts, using the data to arbitrate previous debates. We find that democracies are less likely to implement the draft, while states involved in an interstate war or interstate rivalry are more likely to do so.; (AN 42779686)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779686&site=ehost-live
6. Aiming at Doves: Experimental Evidence of Military Images’ Political Effects by Caverley, Jonathan D.; Krupnikov, Yanna. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1482-1509, 28p; Abstract: Politicians (and journalists covering them) assume that association with the military has political consequences. We propose and experimentally test conditions under which military images have such effects. We presented subjects with images of the US president before varying backgrounds—including soldiers, students, children, and “ordinary” people. Only the image of soldiers has any significant effect, shifting participant preferences toward spending money on defense over education. The image does this by increasing respondent sense of threats to national security, despite the military’s depiction out of combat and in the background. The soldiers image does little to shift opinion about the president. However, the image has the largest hawkish effect on both the president’s copartisans and the strongest supporters. Given the routine use by many democracies of tactics unlikely to produce images of one’s fellow citizens in combat, the power of more sanitized images to cue hawkish policy preferences requires increased attention.; (AN 42779691)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779691&site=ehost-live
7. From Economic Competition to Military Combat: Export Similarity and International Conflict by Chatagnier, J. Tyson; Kavaklı, Kerim Can. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1510-1536, 27p; Abstract: The vast majority of the extant literature on trade and conflict focuses on bilateral trade to determine whether commerce has a pacifying effect upon pairs of states. We argue that this focus neglects a critical role of international trade: creating tension between states that sell similar goods to the global market. We consider this role explicitly and operationalize its effects empirically. Using commodity-level trade data from 1962 to 2000, we show that countries that produce and sell similar goods are generally more likely to fight, even after we take into account their bilateral trade ties and institutional membership in the global economic system. Our findings are robust to numerous alternative specifications and suggest a strong relationship between economic competition in the global market and military conflict between states.; (AN 42779696)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779696&site=ehost-live
8. Solving the Problem of Unattributed Political Violence by Bauer, Vincent; Ruby, Keven; Pape, Robert. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1537-1564, 28p; Abstract: High rates of missing perpetrator information in political violence data pose a serious challenge for studies into militant group behavior and the microdynamics of conflict more generally. In this article we introduce multiple imputation (MI) as the best available method for minimizing the impact of missing perpetrator information on quantitative analyses of political violence, a method that can easily be incorporated into most quantitative research designs. MI will produce unbiased attributions when the reasons for missingness are known and can be controlled for using observed variables, rendering responsibility for unclaimed attacks, “missing at random” (MAR) – which we show is a reasonable assumption in the case of political violence based on current theory of militant group claiming. We lay out the logics and steps of MI, identify variables and data sources, and demonstrate that MI produced better results in the case of the Pakistani Taliban’s response to drone strikes.; (AN 42779687)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779687&site=ehost-live
9.

Mapping Interstate Territorial Conflict: A New Data Set and Applications by Schultz, Kenneth A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 7 p1565-1590, 26p; Abstract: This article describes a new data set consisting of precise digital maps of regions that were the subject of interstate territorial disputes in the period 1947 to 2000. Each dispute identified by Huth and Allee is rendered as a polygon corresponding to the area subject to overlapping claims. After describing the data collection procedures and presenting some descriptive statistics, this article develops three novel results that demonstrate the potential of geospatial data to advance our understanding of the causes and consequences of territorial conflict. In particular, I use the data to (1) show how different measurements of the geographic extent of disputes can help unpack the mechanisms through which they dampen international trade, (2) cast doubt on the role of oil deposits in fueling territorial conflict by analyzing the relationship at a finer level of spatial resolution than previously possible, and (3) examine the harmful legacy of territorial conflict on local development in formerly contested regions along the El Salvador-Honduras border.; (AN 42779693)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42779693&site=ehost-live

3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 11, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Temporal Dimension in Accounts of Violent Conflict: A Case Study from Darfur by Read, Róisín; Mac Ginty, Roger. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p147-165, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the notion of time in relation to the recording of peace and conflict. In particular the article is interested in how concepts of time (linear, seasonal, vague, precise, etc.) shape the narrative of events – giving them an apparent order. A close look at the mechanics of howaccounts of conflict are compiled and presented, and how time is represented within them, reveals an ambiguity and social construction of the temporal dimension in accounts of conflict. This article draws on two data sets on violence in Darfur – one quantitative, one qualitative – to investigate how time is represented, focusing on how ‘events’ are captured and produce real-time actionable data, and how the data sets cope with narratives of chronic insecurity.; (AN 42825493)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825493&site=ehost-live

2.

Moving Beyond Hybridity: the Multi-Scalar Adaptation of Community Policing in Liberia by Zanker, Franzisca. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p166-185, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExtensive fieldwork in Liberia revealed that security agents and civilians alike all talked of community policing, yet they had different visions, understandings and legitimizations of the idea in mind. These ranged from community meetings to vigilante groups, and were divergent in whether they were orientated towards a Weberian-state model or the community as a primary security provider. This variation was not simply an example of hybrid policing, but revealed a multi-scalar adaption process across and between international, national and local actors and (geographical) scales. Theories on hybridity are insufficient to analyse such implementation processes since the scholarship heuristically still favours binary and essentialized actors and ‘pure’ starting points or blueprints.; (AN 42825495)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825495&site=ehost-live

3.

UNSC Resolution 1325 national action plans in Liberia and Sierra Leone: An analysis of gendered power relations in hybrid peacebuilding by Ryan, Caitlin; Basini, Helen. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p186-206, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper considers how the use of ‘hybridity’ in the peacebuilding literature overlooks the gendered dimensions of hybrid interactions. It does so by examining the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 national action plans (NAPs) for Liberia and Sierra Leone. By asking the gendered questions of ‘who participates?’ and ‘how do they participate?’ it draws from Mac Ginty’s conception of hybridity and traces the compliance and incentivizing power in hybridized peace, as well as the ability of local actors to resist and provide alternatives. However, Mac Ginty’s model is found to be inadequate because of its inattention to the gendered nature of power. It is found that with a gendered approach to hybridity, it is easier to trace the processes of hybridization of NAPs in post-conflict states where their implementation is limited. In asking the questions of ‘who’ and ‘how’, three conclusions about the gendered nature of hybrid peacebuilding are drawn: international intervention relies upon the ‘feminization’ of local actors; issues framed within the realm of the ‘masculine’ are more likely to get attention; and the Resolution 1325 agenda in post-conflict states can be subverted by framing it as a ‘soft’ issue.; (AN 42825496)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825496&site=ehost-live

4.

Being reformed: Subjectification and security sector reform in the Congolese armed forces by Baaz, Maria Eriksson; Stern, Maria. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p207-224, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn contrast to most studies addressing security sector reform (SSR) in Africa, this article queries defence reform efforts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from a governmentality perspective and hones in on processes of subjectification and modes of agency among members of the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC). Based on extensive field research in the DRC, it explores how army staff produce themselves through (and outside of) the ways in which they are ‘hailed’ into subject positions in donors’ efforts to govern. In asking how FARDC staff respond, position, and produce themselves in relation to external reform efforts and the attending governing technologies and techniques, the article contributes to the increasing – yet limited – scholarly attention to those being ‘reformed’ through SSR efforts. Ultimately, attending to the specificitiesof howprocesses of subjectification are experienced from the perspective of those who are to be reformed problematizes the simplified notions of lack of political will and commitment, obstruction and ‘spoilers’ that are so prevalent in the SSR literature, suggesting that these processes are heavily shaped by memories of colonialism and exploitation.; (AN 42825494)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825494&site=ehost-live

5.

Exporting Security: Success and Failure in the Securitization and Desecuritization of Foreign Military Interventions by Zimmermann, Hubert. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p225-244, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlongside humanitarian motives, the pursuit of security is the main justification given by states for their foreign military interventions. This is constructed as an ‘export of security’, part of a strategy to combat material and ideological threats abroad in order to enhance the sending state’s security. Such securitized justifications are highly ambiguous, with the military intervention itself often becoming a source of insecurity. Given the Janus-faced nature of military securitization, what are the conditions for a successful securitization move leading to foreign military intervention? In response to this question, the following article compares separate cases of security exports undertaken by the United States (US), Germany and Japan. It is argued that a stable commitment to a military intervention on the part of a sending state is only possible if the pre-intervention securitization process includes a successful desecuritization move once there are boots on the ground. This argument underlines the fundamental ambiguity of securitization moves, as well as the importance of and conditions for audience acceptance. Furthermore, this article proposes a template for exploring the links between securitization and desecuritization.; (AN 42825498)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825498&site=ehost-live

6.

Reflections of the nexus between justice and peacebuilding by McAuliffe, Padraig. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p245-260, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis commentary reflects on eight articles recently published in this journal as part of a special issue on the nexus between transitional justice and statebuilding (Volume 10, Issue 3, 2016). It positions the special issue within an emerging ‘fourth phase’ literature on transitional justice that draws on critiques of liberal peacebuilding to urge an expansion of its boundaries to embrace socio-economic issues. It is argued that the type of analysis found in the special issue, characterized by in-depth, on-the-ground empirical analysis of complex domestic politics of material accumulation and ideological contestation, marks a significant and welcome advance in a literature which to this point has been largely de-contextualized, exhortatory and over-reliant on tired binaries of the ‘international and the local’ or the ‘liberal and legitimate’.; (AN 42825499)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825499&site=ehost-live

7.

Bridging the gaps between transitional justice, peace and international law by Santander, Louis Monroy. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p261-267, 7p; (AN 42825497)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825497&site=ehost-live

8.

Humanitarianism and the responsibility to protect—between politics and morality by Chen, Li-Li. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, April 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 2 p268-271, 4p; (AN 42825500)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42825500&site=ehost-live

 

4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 15, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction by Syse, Henrik; Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p257-258, 2p; (AN 41497657)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497657&site=ehost-live

2.

Non-violent Resistance and Last Resort by Parkin, Nicholas. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p259-274, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is commonly accepted that recourse to war is justifiable only as a last resort. If a situation can be resolved by less harmful means, then war is unjust. It is also commonly accepted that violent actions in war should be necessary and proportionate. Violent actions in war are unjust if the end towards which those actions are means can be achieved by less harmful means. In this article, I argue that satisfaction of the last resort criterion depends in part upon the likelihood of success of non-violent alternatives to war, and that the actual and potential effectiveness of non-violent resistance means that the last resort criterion of the jus ad bellumand the proportionality criterion of the jus in belloare harder to satisfy than is often presumed.; (AN 41497658)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497658&site=ehost-live

3.

Accreditation Fraud in Brazilian Military Hospitals: Why “Tone at the Top” Matters by Klaus, L.C.O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p275-287, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows under which circumstances fraudulent accreditation can occur in Brazilian military hospitals, calling attention to the tone at the top as a critical aspect of military fraud deterrence – and hence as a critical aspect of this branch of military ethics. The problems allegedly found in Brazilian military health institutions were revealed through in-depth interviews conducted with 29 professionals who reported to work or have worked in a Brazilian military hospital. These fraud allegations were mostly associated with false documentation and procedures designed to give the appearance that legal requirements for accreditation were met and could be traced back to a weak or corrupt “tone at the top” coming from military higher ranks.; (AN 41497659)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497659&site=ehost-live

4.

Rebellion and African Ethics by Baker, Deane-Peter. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p288-298, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this paper I draw on Thaddeus Metz’s pioneering work in African ethics, and particularly his account of the concept described by the terms ubuntu(Nguni languages), botho(Sotho-Tswana), hunhu(Shona) or utu(Swahili), to sketch an African normative understanding of the act of rebellion against the authority of the state. Most commonly articulated in the phrase “a person is a person through other persons”, ubuntuis interpreted by Metz as a unique communitarian moral principle which can be described in its essence as the claim that “actions are right, or confer ubuntu(humanness) on a person, insofar as they prize communal relationships, ones in which people identify with each other, or share a way of life, and exhibit solidarity toward one another, or care about each other’s quality of life”. On the face of it, this principle appears at odds with rebellions against state authority. Following Metz, I argue, however, that a deeper grasp of this principle does, in fact, provide a justification for instances of civilian rebellion against state authority, under appropriate circumstances.; (AN 41497660)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497660&site=ehost-live

5.

Justifying Cyber-intelligence? by Bellaby, Ross W.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe surge in threats aided by or carried out through cyberspace has placed significant pressure on the intelligence community to adapt or leave itself open to attack. Indeed, many in both political and intelligence circles argue for access to ever greater amounts of cyber information in order to catch potential threats before they become real. By collecting all our digital information, the intelligence community argues that it is not only able to detail what people have done or are currently doing but also predict what their next move might be. However, the ethical implications are unclear and the backlash following Edward Snowden’s revelations have shown that such activities are not without controversy. This leaves the debate stuck between the important, ethical role that intelligence can play and the potential for its unrestrained use to cause undue harm. This paper will resolve this by giving greater detail to cyber-intelligence practices, highlighting the different levels of harm that the various intelligence operations can cause. The essence of this paper is not that cyber-intelligence should be banned outright, but that it can be justified given the necessary circumstances. Therefore, the paper will develop a specialised set of Just Cyber-Intelligence Principles, built on the just war tradition, to outline if and when such activities are justified.; (AN 41497661)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497661&site=ehost-live

6.

Message from the Book (and Media) Review Editor by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p320-320, 1p; (AN 41497662)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497662&site=ehost-live

7.

Henry V, directed by Dominic Dromgoole by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p321-324, 4p; (AN 41497663)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497663&site=ehost-live

8.

Counter Jihad, by Brian Glyn Williams by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p325-328, 4p; (AN 41497664)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497664&site=ehost-live

9.

Editorial Board Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 41497665)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41497665&site=ehost-live

 

5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 54, no. 4, July 2017

Record Results
1. Armed politics and the study of intrastate conflict by Staniland, Paul. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p459-467, 9p; Abstract: Though the two are often conflated, violence is not identical to conflict. This article makes the case for studying state-armed group interactions across space, time, and levels of violence as part of an ‘armed politics’ approach to conflict. It conceptualizes and measures armed orders of alliance, limited cooperation, and military hostilities, and the termination of these orders in collapse or incorporation. The article applies this framework to four contexts in South Asia. It measures armed orders across five groups and six decades in Nagaland in India, and then offers a briefer overview of state-group armed orders in Karachi in Pakistan, Mizoram in India, and Wa areas of northern Burma/Myanmar. Examining armed politics improves our understanding of ceasefires and peace deals, rebel governance, and group emergence and collapse, among other important topics. This approach complements existing data on civil conflict while identifying a new empirical research agenda and policy implications.; (AN 42771793)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771793&site=ehost-live
2. Words and deeds: From incompatibilities to outcomes in anti-government disputes by Cunningham, David E; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede; González, Belén; Vidović, Dragana; White, Peter B. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p468-483, 16p; Abstract: Dissidents can choose among different tactics to redress political grievances, yet violent and nonviolent mobilization tend to be studied in isolation. We examine why some countries see the emergence of organized dissident activity over governmental claims, and why in some cases these organizational claims result in civil wars or nonviolent campaigns, while others see no large-scale collective action. We develop a two-stage theoretical framework examining the organized articulation of political grievance and then large-scale violent and nonviolent collective action. We test implications of this framework using new data on governmental incompatibilities in a random sample of 101 states from 1960 to 2012. We show that factors such as demography, economic development, and civil society have differential effects on these different stages and outcomes of mobilization. We demonstrate that the common finding that anocracies are more prone to civil war primarily stems from such regimes being more prone to see maximalist political demands that couldlead to violent mobilization, depending on other factors conducive to creating focused military capacity. We find that non-democracy generally promotes nonviolent campaigns as anocracies and autocracies are both more likely to experience claims and more prone to nonviolent campaigns, conditional on claims.; (AN 42771794)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771794&site=ehost-live
3. Institutional authority and security cooperation within regional economic organizations by Haftel, Yoram Z; Hofmann, Stephanie C. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p484-498, 15p; Abstract: The proliferation of regional economic organizations (REOs) is a prominent feature of the contemporary international environment. Many of these organizations aspire to promote regional peace and stability. Some strive to promote these goals only through economic cooperation, while others have expanded their mandate to include mechanisms that address security concerns more directly. A glance at the security components of such organizations indicates that their purpose and design are very diverse. This article sheds light on the sources of this poorly understood phenomenon. Specifically, it argues that organizations that enjoy greater delegated authority are in a better position to expand their mandate into the security realm and to have more far-reaching agreements in this issue area. It then develops a metric that gauges the degree of security cooperation within REOs and presents a new dataset of numerous organizations on this institutional aspect. Employing this dataset in a rigorous statistical analysis and controlling for a host of alternative explanations, it demonstrates that, indeed, REOs with greater delegated authority develop deeper security cooperation.; (AN 42771797)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771797&site=ehost-live
4. The legacy of foreign patrons: External state support and conflict recurrence by Karlén, Niklas. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p499-512, 14p; Abstract: Why do some armed conflicts that have ended experience renewed fighting while others do not? Previous research on conflict recurrence has approached this question by looking at domestic factors such as how the war was fought, how it ended or factors associated with its aftermath. With the exception of the literature on third-party security guarantees, the influence of outside actors has often been overlooked. This article explores the role of external states and suggests when and how their involvement is likely to affect the probability of renewed warfare. The main argument is that the legacy of outside support creates an external support structure that affects the previous combatants’ willingness as well as their opportunities to remobilize. This means that armed conflicts with external state support will experience a greater likelihood of recurrence compared to other conflicts which did not see external support. The theory is tested using Cox proportional hazards models on global data of intrastate armed conflicts 1975–2009. The findings suggest that external support to rebels increases the risk of conflict recurrence in the short term as groups receive or anticipate renewed assistance. The results also indicate that it is more important for rebel groups to have had enduring support over the years in the previous conflict rather than access to multiple state sponsors. External support provided to governments is not associated with conflict recurrence.; (AN 42771791)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771791&site=ehost-live
5. Oil export, external prewar support for the government, and civil conflict onset by Woo, Jungmoo. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p513-526, 14p; Abstract: The literature on civil war onset focuses on the effect of oil on domestic actors but relatively little suggests its effect on external actors who can intervene in an oil-producing state, although most revenues of oil-producing states are generated by their oil export to other states. This article advances a theory of oil export, external prewar support for the government, and civil war onset. In the international oil market, although oil is a primary energy source in most states, there are few oil exporters. This implies that costs of breaking an oil trade tie are greater for an oil-importing state vis-à-vis an oil-exporting state and, thus, oil-importing states are likely to have concerns about oil-exporting states’ political instability that can cause civil conflict onset and break their oil trade ties. I hypothesize that a state’s oil export increases the likelihood of external prewar support for its government. However, because oil-exporting states are likely to conceal the information about their oil export to prevent public grievances against the distribution of oil revenues and their governments’ incompetence in oil export, rebels are less likely to have complete information about oil export. The secrecy of oil export hinders finding a mutually acceptable bargaining range between the government and rebels, and increases the likelihood of civil conflict onset in oil-exporting states without external support for the government. I measure each state’s oil export using network analysis, and test these hypotheses using logit models. Empirical results support the hypotheses.; (AN 42771790)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771790&site=ehost-live
6. Does counterterrorism militarize foreign aid? Evidence from sub-Saharan Africa by Heinrich, Tobias; Machain, Carla Martinez; Oestman, Jared. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p527-541, 15p; Abstract: This article studies whether the pursuit of counterterrorism militarizes foreign aid flows. It focuses on the case of US foreign aid to sub-Saharan African states, which recently have experienced an increase in the presence of al-Qaeda or its affiliate terrorist organizations. This article argues that as terrorist groups carry out attacks inside a state’s territory, aid towards that state will serve such counterterrorism goals. For one, the state’s executive branch will receive increased military aid to immediately fight al-Qaeda or affiliates. For the other, the United States also steps up aid for civil society and development, which could over time undermine al-Qaeda’s mobilization and recruitment efforts. In an empirical analysis that covers 46 African states from 1996 to 2011, our results largely corroborate the hypothesized patterns for attacks that occur on a country territory and in the neighborhood. We note, though, that the overall composition of aid shifts relative to the military when there are direct attacks, something that does not occur when attacks happen in the neighborhood only. Our article concludes that concerns about militarization of aid are warranted, but that actual manifestations are nuanced.; (AN 42771792)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771792&site=ehost-live
7. When human capital threatens the Capitol: Foreign aid in the form of military training and coups by Savage, Jesse Dillon; Caverley, Jonathan D. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p542-557, 16p; Abstract: How does aid in the form of training influence foreign militaries’ relationship to domestic politics? The United States has trained tens of thousands of officers in foreign militaries with the goals of increasing its security and instilling respect for human rights, democracy, and civilian control. We argue that training increases the military’s power relative to the regime in a way that other forms of military assistance do not. While other forms of military assistance are somewhat fungible, allowing the regime to shift resources towards coup-proofing, human capital is a resource vested solely in the military. Training thus alters the balance of power between the military and the regime resulting in greater coup propensity. Using data from 189 countries from 1970 to 2009 we show that greater numbers of military officers trained by the US International Military Education and Training (IMET) and Countering Terrorism Fellowship (CTFP) programs increases the probability of a military coup.; (AN 42771796)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771796&site=ehost-live
8. Violence, kinship networks, and political resilience: Evidence from Mexico by Dorff, Cassy. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p558-573, 16p; Abstract: Previous literature has shown a link between violent victimization and pro-sociopolitical behavior. This study asks why victimization is shown to increase the likelihood of political participation in regions of ongoing armed conflict. I argue that previous answers to this question have overlooked a key variable for predicting civilian behavior: individual-level social context. As a step forward in connecting social networks to behavior outcomes, I present the kinship network as a novel measure for proxying an individual’s valuable and private social interactions. Building on previous victimization literature, I suggest that to comprehensively understand the effects of victimization, scholars should account for social context. Specifically, I examine the hypothesis that as kinship ties strengthen, victimization positively influences the likelihood of political participation. To test this argument, I turn to the Mexican criminal conflict. I use original survey data of 1,000 respondents collected in July 2012 from the ongoing drug war in Mexico, and in doing so, I find that kinship plays a key role in motivating political participation during armed conflicts in that survivors of criminal violence with strong ties to kinship networks are the most likely to participate in political groups; these results are robust to state-level fixed effects and are unlikely to be driven by victimization selection bias.; (AN 42771795)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771795&site=ehost-live
9. Organized violence, 1989–2016 by Allansson, Marie; Melander, Erik; Themnér, Lotta. Journal of Peace Research, July 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 4 p574-587, 14p; Abstract: The dramatic increase in the number of fatalities in organized violence, seen between 2011 and 2014, did not continue in 2015 and 2016. Rather, the notation of some 131,000 fatalities in 2014 was followed by a steep decline, with just below 119,000 in 2015 and a little over 102,000 fatalities in 2016. Despite the decrease, the number was the fifth highest during the entire 1989–2016 period. Most of the fatalities – over 87,000 – were incurred in state-based conflicts, the main driver behind the trend. Just as the number of fatalities, the number of state-based conflicts, albeit remaining on a high level, continued to decrease in 2016, going from 52 to 49, with 12 of them reaching the level of war, with at least 1,000 battle-related deaths. Also the non-state conflicts dropped in number in 2016, from 73 to 60. This was followed by a decrease in the number of fatalities, and only one conflict caused more than 1,000 deaths. Twenty-one actors were registered in one-sided violence, down by five from 2015. A number this low has only been recorded twice before; in both 2009 and 2010, 21 one-sided actors were listed in UCDP data. The number of fatalities also decreased, going from almost 9,800 to a little over 6,000.; (AN 42771798)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42771798&site=ehost-live

6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 30, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Russia-NATO Relationship Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How the ‘Defensive Inferiority Syndrome’ Is Increasing the Potential for Error by Boulegue, Mathieu. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p361-380, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNATO and Russia are locked in a self-reinforcing cycle of biased perceptions of each other. NATO and Russia entertain opposed world visions and conflicting narratives: This situation tends to create a ‘defensive inferiority’ syndrome that will be explored. In turn, NATO’s advances in Russia’s ‘near abroad’ are perceived as a threat by the Kremlin, thus maximizing the potential for errors and unwanted provocation that could trigger military escalation. Against this background, Russia has been negatively engaging NATO members through direct and indirect destabilization. If there is no such thing as a primer for Russian warfare, the second part of the article will show that the Kremlin’s strategy is far from unpredictable and can be defined as a ‘punish and spoil’ approach, i.e., a mix of brute force and unconventional means ranging from ‘hybrid’ warfare to ‘gray area diplomacy’.; (AN 42847567)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847567&site=ehost-live

2.

The Study of Things Military in the Republic of Macedonia (1991–2015): Flying in Place by Vankovska, Biljana; Taneska, Rina Kirkova. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p381-398, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this study ‘things military’ refers to political, social, and cultural concerns related to (and derived from) the military and national security policy. The research scope is limited to the disciplines that are believed to have — albeit weak — basis in the country’s academic traditions. We argue that social study of things military is marked by parochialism and ‘intellectual autism’. Macedonia’s main incongruity — being a NATO candidate country and an object of international state-building — inevitably reflects on its academic community’s inability to sustain any critical reflection on things military both internally and internationally.; (AN 42847566)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847566&site=ehost-live

3.

Suvorov’s ‘Invisible’ Divisions: A Preliminary Assessment by Robinson, Colin. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p399-409, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 1982 the Soviet defector ‘Viktor Suvorov’ tantalizingly added an additional type of reserve formation to the Soviet Ground Forces’ three known categories of divisions. These ‘invisible’ divisions were to be established from the Ground Forces’ millions of reservists stiffened by a thin cadre of personnel joining from higher-category parent divisions. But beyond vague estimates in the IISS ‘Military Balance’ during the 1980s, there were very little more data. Now, with the publication of new works in Russian, and associated Russian forum discussions, a preliminary list of such divisions can now be translated into English. Many details are still unclear, but these data give us another window into the Ground Forces’ Cold War order of battle.; (AN 42847565)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847565&site=ehost-live

4.

Relations between Turkey and the USSR at the Beginning of the Great Patriotic War by Moldadossova, A. K.; Abdugulova, B. K.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p410-439, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political ‘troubles’ that began in early 2015 between Turkey and the Russian Federation elicited interest in the history of relations between the two countries. However, the relationship between the two countries cannot be wiped out because it was already historically established in the 20th century. The main period of significance for the two countries was the relationship between Turkey and the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War [hereafter cited as the GPW]. This article uses facts based on information from Turkish and Soviet periodicals and from materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation. The features of Turkey’s foreign policy at the beginning of the GPW and the relationship between the USSR and Turkey are examined.; (AN 42847571)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847571&site=ehost-live

5.

Popular Leaders of the Civil War: Problems and the First Results of the Study by Posadsky, Anton Viktorovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p440-452, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is a presentation of the idea and first results of the activities of the international research project on the study of the body of enterprising military-political leaders during the Civil War in Russia. Within the framework of the project they are labeled ‘popular leaders’ [narodnyi vozhak]. The article contains information about publications that were issued within the framework of this project, scientific results that were obtained, and the prospects of developing this initiative.; (AN 42847572)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847572&site=ehost-live

6.

The Impact of Intelligence Provided to the Soviet Union by Richard Zorge on Soviet Force Deployments from the Far East to the West in 1941 and 1942 by Glantz, David M.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p453-481, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmong the most controversial questions associated with the German-Soviet War (1941–1945) is the degree to which intelligence information received from his agents abroad influenced the decision making of Josef Stalin, the Chairman of the Soviet Council of People’s Commissars and soon Generalissimo of the Soviet Union, particularly during the summers of 1941 and 1942, when Adolf Hitler’s German Wehrmachtconducted its strategic offensives code-named Operations Barbarossaand Blau. This article assesses this question by assessing the impact of intelligence reports Stalin received from Richard Zorge (Sorge in German), a Soviet agent situated in Tokyo, Japan, prior to and during the Barbarossainvasion.; (AN 42847569)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847569&site=ehost-live

7.

Melnyk, Michael James, The History of the Galician Division of the Waffen-SS by Kocjančič, Klemen. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p482-483, 2p; (AN 42847570)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847570&site=ehost-live

8.

Yeomans, Rory (ed.), The Utopia of Terror: Life and Death in Wartime Croatia by Cox, John. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p484-485, 2p; (AN 42847568)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42847568&site=ehost-live

9.

Relations of Central Asia with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization by de Haas, Marcel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p1-16, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTComparing the influence of and relationship of Central Asia with the major regional bodies, the SCO is an advantageous organization for the economic development of Central Asia, since it is an opportune podium for doing business, especially with China, with a guarantee that Moscow nor Beijing will take a dominating stance against them. Due to a lack of armed forces among CSTO allies, Russia delivers the majority of the troops assigned under the banner of the CSTO. However, this also means that the Kremlin — in return for its security umbrella — demands a certain degree of political influence on the Central Asian member states of the CSTO. The less Central Asian countries are depending on Russia for political, economic/energy, or security reasons, the more they can pursue their national interests.; (AN 42042079)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042079&site=ehost-live

10.

Contextualizing and Disarming Russia’s Arctic Security Posture by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p17-29, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe West’s approach to Russian machinations in the Arctic is too often misinformed by simplistic media storylines of militarization and zero-sum competition. While Russian behavior of late in Ukraine and Syria has hardly been reassuring, Moscow’s Arctic approach stands remarkably separate from the larger tumult of relations with the West. The prevailing focus on security enhancements across Russia’s Arctic coastline risks oversimplifying Kremlin decision calculus and distorting conflict potential. Fortunately, recent trends in the region provide greater contextualization concerning Russian security. This article examines six features of Russia’s Arctic strategy that are particularly significant when considering an effective Western counter-posture in the Arctic. Three act to mitigate the risk of confrontation, while three other factors hold the potential to aggravate the security environment, After setting the geopolitical scene with these six features, this article offers five policy suggestions for the four NATO Arctic rim states. It argues against a blunt force deterrence posture in favor of a more nuanced approach based on issue-specific cooperation so as not to unnecessarily drag the region into a larger geopolitical fight.; (AN 42042078)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042078&site=ehost-live

11.

‘The War We Want; The War That We Get’: Ukraine’s Military Reform and the Conflict in the East by Sanders, Deborah. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p30-49, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the military change that has taken place in Ukraine since the conflict in the east began in 2014 and argues that the Ukrainian military that is emerging from this process is very different from that envisaged by earlier governments. The realities of the conflict on Ukraine from 2014 onwards have necessitated a move away from the transformational model of military reform adopted from 2006 to 2014. Instead, the Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) have been forced to adapt their structure, means, and methods according to a complex blend of the resuscitation of older features and the embrace of new solutions. This process notably has included the adoption of mass, crowdfunding, and the raising of volunteer battalions. These changes provide the foundation for what is likely to continue to be a painful process of far-reaching military reform.; (AN 42042077)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042077&site=ehost-live

12.

Between Vlasov and Himmler: Russian SS-Sonder-Regiment 1 ‘Waräger’ in Slovenia, 1944–45 by Kocjančič, Klemen. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p50-60, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of the article is to present the little-known Russian (Soviet) military unit that fought on the German side during the Second World War. Origins of this regiment go back to the Wrangel’s émigré army in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which provided the cadre for the future unit, working for the Germans against their old enemy — communists. First established as auxiliary police in Serbia, personnel were then sent to the Eastern front to perform commando-style actions in the Soviet hinterland. With the collapse of the German might, this unit was sent to Slovenia, reformed as a regiment, and used in warfare against local partisans.; (AN 42042081)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042081&site=ehost-live

13.

The Grand Delusion: The Creation and Perseverance of the September Campaign Mythos by Palmer, Matthew S.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p61-81, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe myth of the German mechanical juggernaut crushing a medieval Polish army has been repeatedly deconstructed. Elements of the myth are prima facie false, and others seen at first blush as factual are, with closer reading, products of propaganda, faulty intelligence, or intellectual prejudice. Soldiers rely on the victor’s delusion to keep their morale high, and wartime statesmen use mythos and delusion to shift blame, explain away inaction, and keep the public committed to final victory. Historians have no need of the myth, yet they perpetuate the meme and accept a simplistic version of events over a far more complex actuality. This article reexamines the myth using new research, examines why historians succumb to the romance of the myth, and critiques the implicit ramifications for the historical discipline.; (AN 42042080)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042080&site=ehost-live

14.

Axis or Allies? Coordinating the Rescuers of Downed Allied Airmen in World War II Yugoslavia by Gashler, Daniel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring World War II, American Army Air Forces commanders cooperated with Communist Partisans and their Chetnik enemies to rescue thousands of downed airmen from occupied Yugoslavia. American intelligence realized that a British-exclusive alliance with the Partisans hampered the ability to rescue as many airmen as possible. US commanders were unwilling to divert significant resources to the Balkans but instead gambled that the Chetniks might be willing to cooperate with rescuers as well. Air Force commanders were involved just enough to ensure that hundreds evaded capture, without involving themselves in a conflict where Americans had no national interest. These commanders showed the value of pragmatic cooperation over grand, ideological alliance.; (AN 42042082)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042082&site=ehost-live

15.

Ivan IV’s Professional Infantry, The Harquebusiers (Strel’tsy): A Question of Numbers by Halperin, Charles J.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe early modern European Military or Gunpowder Revolution did not exclude Muscovy, although the chronology and extent of its impact on Muscovy varied from Western Europe. This article examines the first step in that process, the creation of a standing army of gunpowder infantry, the harquebusiers (strel’tsy). It attempts to measure the influence of this development by determining the number of harquebusiers who served during Ivan’s reign. Previous studies of this question have overlooked the most detailed available data in the military registers for Ivan’s 1577 campaign in Livonia. Although it is impossible to compute an exact number, analysis leads to the conclusion that a field army could contain between 5,000 and 7,000 harquebusiers, which might constitute as much as 20 percent of the troops. However, this total does not include un-mobilized garrison harquebusiers, whose number remains unknown. The creation of the harquebusiers reflects a strategic decision to establish and increase professional gunpowder infantry, a reflection of the Military Revolution.; (AN 42042083)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042083&site=ehost-live

16.

Matev, Kaloyan, The Armoured Forces of the Bulgarian Army 1936–45: Operations Vehicles, Equipment, Organisation, Camouflage and Markings by Bolte, Brandon. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p117-118, 2p; (AN 42042086)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042086&site=ehost-live

17.

Ellis, Frank, Barbarossa 1941: Reframing Hitler’s Invasion of Stalin’s Soviet Empire by Harrison, Richard W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p119-120, 2p; (AN 42042084)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042084&site=ehost-live

18.

Gogun, Alexander, Stalin’s Commandos: Ukrainian Partisan Forces on the Eastern Front by Mann, Yan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p121-124, 4p; (AN 42042085)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042085&site=ehost-live

19.

Feferman, Kiril, The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Klein, Josh. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p125-127, 3p; (AN 42042089)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042089&site=ehost-live

20.

Shneyer, Aron, Pariahs Among Pariahs: Soviet-Jewish POWs in German Captivity, 1941–1945. by Klein, Josh. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p128-129, 2p; (AN 42042087)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042087&site=ehost-live

21.

Corrigendum The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p130-130, 1p; (AN 42042088)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42042088&site=ehost-live

 

7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 40, no. 5, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p601-603, 3p; (AN 42730071)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730071&site=ehost-live

2.

From management crisis to crisis management? Japan’s post-2012 institutional reforms and Sino-Japanese crisis (In)stability by Liff, Adam P.; Erickson, Andrew S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p604-638, 35p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 2012, China’s assertion of its sovereignty claim to the contested Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands has significantly raised the risk of a potentially escalatory political-military crisis with Japan. As circumstances worsen, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has championed major institutional reforms aimed at centralizing Japanese security policy decision-making and vastly improving crisis management. This article assesses these reforms’ significance for ameliorating Japan’s long-standing internal crisis management weaknesses, and enhancing its ability to communicate with Beijing promptly under challenging conditions. While significant issues remain, recent developments – especially the establishment of Japan’s first-ever National Security Council – demonstrate significant progress. Bilaterally, however, important firebreaks remain conspicuously absent.; (AN 42730075)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730075&site=ehost-live

3.

Hardening the Hard, Softening the Soft: Assertiveness and China’s Regional Strategy by Boon, Hoo Tiang. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p639-662, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is a growing view that the emerging brand of Chinese regional diplomacy in recent years is increasingly assertive. This article attempts to make better sense of this perceived more forceful Chinese diplomacy. It argues that Chinese regional behavior is more profitably understood through the lens of a two-pronged foreign policy strategy that combines two particular aspects. One is a tougher and more uncompromising approach toward issues that China regards as concerning its core interests. The other is a more flexible and cooperative position toward interests that, while significant, are of secondary importance.; (AN 42730074)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730074&site=ehost-live

4.

Operational idealism: doctrine development of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army under Soviet threat, 1969–1989 by Chen, Li. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p663-695, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the doctrine development of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) coping with the Soviet military threat between 1969 and 1989. In the 1970s, the PLA applied a doctrine of ‘active defence and luring the enemy into depth’ based on its traditional operational art. In 1980, the PLA decided to focus its doctrine on positional defence. In 1986, the PLA introduced ‘integrated operations and prioritised strike’, a generalised doctrine that originated from its war history. Many organisational and intellectual challenges in peacetime doctrine development contributed to the PLA’s operational idealism, including its aging leadership, command structure, attitude towards its previous experience, limited analysis of contemporary military developments, and failure in test and validation of doctrines. In the post-Cold War decade, many of these challenges persisted in spite of military modernization efforts. The ongoing military reform has to address these challenges and improve the PLA doctrine development in peacetime.; (AN 42730073)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730073&site=ehost-live

5.

Two kinds of catastrophe: nuclear escalation and protracted war in Asia by Rovner, Joshua. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p696-730, 35p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina’s expanding strength and ambition may foreshadow a violent conflict with the United States. I describe two scenarios about how such a conflict would unfold. The article begins by examining the prospects for nuclear escalation, drawing on theories about politics, psychology, and inadvertent escalation. It then examines the prospects for protracted conventional war, a scenario that has received far less attention. I present a new theory of protraction based on technology, geography, and domestic politics. After assessing the logic of both scenarios against a hypothetical US–China conflict, I discuss which is more likely. The conclusion points to a sobering trade-off: efforts to avoid nuclear catastrophe increase the chance of a long and grueling fight.; (AN 42730072)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730072&site=ehost-live

6.

Shifting power, preventive logic, and the response of the target: Germany, Russia, and the First World War by Levy, Jack S.; Mulligan, William. Journal of Strategic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 5 p731-769, 39p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIf a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power.; (AN 42730076)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42730076&site=ehost-live

 

8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 15, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The liberal and conservative internationalist divide: societal responses to Canada’s transatlantic nuclear commitments by Eaton, Mark Andrew. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p207-228, 22p; Abstract: In early 1960s Canada one question dominated political debate and discourse in the areas of foreign and security policy – whether or not Canadian armed forces would adopt nuclear weapon roles in North America and Europe. By focusing mainly on groups and individuals within civil society, the following analysis portrays a deeply divided Canada. On the one hand, supporters of liberal internationalism believed that acquiring nuclear weapons would make Canada a less effective and influential international actor and make nuclear war more likely, while on the other hand, conservative internationalists took the opposite position – that by assuming nuclear roles Canada’s international influence and effectiveness would increase and nuclear war would be less likely. In other words, the nuclear acquisition debate exposed deep divisions in Canadian society between those who viewed their country as either a ‘soft’ or a ‘hard’ middle power.; (AN 42673472)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673472&site=ehost-live

2.

American cultural diplomacy in Greece, 1953–1968 by Lialiouti, Zinovia. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p229-250, 22p; Abstract: This article explores aspects of American cultural diplomacy in Greece from the early 1950s to the late 1960s focusing on the general features of Educational Exchanges and propaganda aspects in their interaction with Greek political developments as well as on the promotion of English learning. Despite the explicit recognition of the need to promote a modernising policy agenda in Greece, in praxis American cultural diplomacy was characterised by an unattainable balance between modernisation and anti-communism. Its inherent contradictions led to inconsistencies in terms of policy implementation and to an obvious tension between progressive and reactionary goals.; (AN 42673475)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673475&site=ehost-live

3.

Turning security importers to exporters? US strategy and cooperation with Northern Europe since 1993 by Lundestad, Ingrid. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p251-272, 22p; Abstract: Transatlantic burden-sharing debates often centre on defence expenditures and participation in missions out-of-area. An analysis of US strategy for cooperation with Nordic and Baltic countries during the Clinton, Bush, and Obama presidencies reveals how the United States has worked to promote security export much more broadly. It pursued contributions through in-area military installations, military partnership and missions, and political/economic cooperation promoting security and stability in Northern Europe, the Euro-Atlantic area, and far away. Global strategies and specific thinking regarding contributions from this region formed US policies. Developments were not linear; the United States took on commitments, even as it promoted increased burden-sharing.; (AN 42673476)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673476&site=ehost-live

4.

Latins against Anglo-Saxons: Spanish cultural magazines as a channel for transatlantic debates about race (1898–1914) by Morales, David Corrales. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p273-283, 11p; Abstract: In the late nineteenth century European intellectual circles participated in a debate on the possible confrontation between two so-called civilisations, represented respectively by Latin and Anglo-Saxon nations. The controversy moved to Latin America, where discussions showed certain peculiarities. Given the position occupied by Spanish intellectuals as links between Europe and the Western Hemisphere, this article seeks to emphasise how some prestigious Spanish publications dealt with the debate on race from 1898 to 1914. While the collaboration of foreign personalities and the publication of book reviews fostered the knowledge of this issue in Spain, one of the most important initiatives were the sections entitled ‘Review of Reviews’, which began to collect articles from other countries.The author takes as his object of study an important intellectual debate that transcended national borders and generated numerous reactions in both Europe and Latin America. This research demonstrates how the analysis of the Spanish press sheds light on the establishment of a circuit of opinions among foreign intellectuals. It not only allows to include Spain within a shared awareness network comprising European and Latin American nations, but also examines its special features within the transatlantic scenario.; (AN 42673479)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673479&site=ehost-live

5.

The Soviet use of the Moscow–Washington Hotline in the Six-Day War by Simon, Eszter; Simon, Agnes. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p284-305, 22p; Abstract: This article examines the role the Moscow–Washington Hotline played in the 1967 Six-Day War, focusing on the Soviet side. We argue that the Soviet Union used the Direct Communication Link much more broadly than had been intended when the Hotline was agreed on in 1963 mainly because Moscow did not assign the Hotline any special diplomatic significance. We also show that the Hotline is a poor channel for crisis negotiations, and its efficacy as a communication tool is compromised if regular diplomatic channels cannot match its speed. Finally, we challenge the existing debate in the historiography of the Six-Day War, arguing for the importance of studying the implications of Soviet behaviour rather than Soviet intentions.; (AN 42673480)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673480&site=ehost-live

6.

After Obama: renewing American leadership, restoring global order by Mottale, Morris M.. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p306-307, 2p; (AN 42673477)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673477&site=ehost-live

7.

The trilateral commission and global governance: informal elite diplomacy, 1972–82 by Weisbrode, Kenneth. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p307-308, 2p; (AN 42673478)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673478&site=ehost-live

8.

Fronteras de agua: Las ciudades portuarias y su universo cultural (siglos XIV-XXI) by Da Silva, David Nogueira. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p308-310, 3p; (AN 42673482)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673482&site=ehost-live

9.

Dealing with dictators: the United States, Hungary and East Central Europe, 1942–1989 by Reeves, Christopher. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, July 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 3 p310-311, 2p; (AN 42673481)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42673481&site=ehost-live

 

9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 10, no. 1, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Dan Rather Maxim: Collective identity and news coverage of human rights and international law by Major, Mark. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p127-140, 14p; Abstract: This article examines the influence of national identity on coverage of human rights and international law. Based on a content analysis of New York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today’s coverage of torture at Abu Ghraib and the Obama administration’s expansion of drone warfare, it is argued that the news media largely protects the American identity by ignoring or marginalizing considerations of human rights and international law, despite these issues being central to the events. This research posits that the news media adheres to the Dan Rather Maxim named after long-time CBS news anchor, Dan Rather, who noted that in times of conflict the press tends to ‘follow the flag’. In other words, national identity informs and ultimately skews coverage of conflicts. This article adds to the existing scholarship on social and national identity biases in the news by giving primacy to international law and human rights frames during controversial periods. The content analysis finds that the actions of US political actors and institutions do not receive ample treatment when viewed through the lens of human rights and international humanitarian law.; (AN 42854653)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854653&site=ehost-live

2.

Visual power: The scopic regime of military drone operations by Maurer, Kathrin. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p141-151, 11p; Abstract: This article analyzes how visual scopic regimes of military drones configure violence as a form of man hunting. For the French philosopher Grégoire Chamayou, man hunting embodies a type of cynegetic (hunting related) violence, which military drones can execute by power surveillance. Research often focuses on the political, legal, anthropological, and ethical aspects of this type of violence; the aspects of its visual framing are often underexposed. In order to change this shortcoming, this article draws attention to the medial aspects of this violence by investigating the drone’s scopic regime. The scopic regime refers to the drone’s visual configuration, i.e. its ocular operations of capture, its optical perspective on the target, the visual sensing of the drone pilot, as well as the target’s range of vision. Three scopic dimensions of military drones, namely hypervisibility, visual immersion, and invisibility are investigated. In doing so, this article explores how drones stage, interpret, convey, mediate, and execute violence as man hunting. Excursions to the works of contemporary visual artists are conducted in order to illustrate aesthetic interventions against the drone’s visual superpower.; (AN 42854657)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854657&site=ehost-live

3.

Conspiracy culture in Homeland(2011–2015) by Letort, Delphine. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p152-167, 16p; Abstract: Homelandis built on the conspiracy plots that provide entertaining suspense in the television series, which also reflects the fear culture that has developed in the wake of 9/11. CIA agent Carrie Mathison embodies the paranoid framework that undergirds the narrative, leading her to question the visible and to posit conspiracy theories behind coincidental events. Appropriating the narrative tropes of the gaslight films, Homelandenhances the unstable narrative structure produced by the combination of conspiratorial thinking with the serial. This article explores five seasons of Homelandand analyses the conspiratorial narrative it unfolds, highlighting how the serial format allows the creators to envision several scenarios illustrating individual and mass manipulation on the international stage, promoting a signifying system that blurs the final political message of the series.; (AN 42854656)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854656&site=ehost-live

4.

Diffused peace facilitation and the cosmopolitan filmmaker’s dilemma by Kalnes, Øyvind; Bakøy, Eva. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p168-188, 21p; Abstract: This article discusses the dilemmas documentary filmmakers face when acting upon the cosmopolitan ethos in a context of ongoing civil warfare and peace facilitation from the international society. This ethos is well known and accepted among Western audiences. When applied outside the Western hemisphere, the perspective of human-interest stories tends to get lost among audiences attached to the conflict. Instead, these stories may easily become identified as new public diplomacy on behalf of the participants on the ‘perceptual battlefield’ of war. The authors focus upon how this can be a challenge for Western states involved in peace processes in the same conflicts, especially for those small states that have little hard power and have to rely on gaining the trust of the conflicting parties. The article uses a case study of the Norwegian documentary My Daughter the Terroristabout the civil war in Sri Lanka as an example. The film became the epicentre of a major controversy during a critical stage in the peace process facilitated by the Norwegian government. The authors suggest the concept of diffused war can be translated as diffused peace facilitation to describe its effect on the peace process.; (AN 42854659)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854659&site=ehost-live

5.

When official consensus equals more negativity in media coverage: Broadcast television news and the (re-)indexing of the ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ repeal by Groshek, Jacob; Frush Holt, Lanier. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p189-207, 19p; Abstract: Media coverage surrounding the repeal of the ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ (DADT) military policy was analyzed to examine how tones in coverage change over time and along the contours of increases in official consensus. In advancing the concept of indexing beyond actual military conflict, or the threat of war and honing in on a domestic but still military issue, this study examines broadcast network news coverage for a period of one year before and after DADT was repealed. Findings observed here indicate that media coverage may be more independent of official consensus than shown in previous research, specifically in reporting more negatively after official consensus was achieved. These results further suggest that coverage was moderated by network and that conceptions of indexing may not hold in the contemporary media and political environment. Implications are discussed in relation to media coverage of contentious issues and performance in polarized politics.; (AN 42854654)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854654&site=ehost-live

6.

A Shared Rhetoric: The Western Front in 1914/15 as reported by Harry Gullett and Philip Gibbs by Kerby, Martin. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p208-221, 14p; Abstract: The newspaper articles written by the Australian Harry Gullett and his English counterpart Philip Gibbs during the opening months of the First World War provide important insights into the nature of war reporting, propaganda, censorship, and the relationship between the press and the military. Despite differences in background and temperament, their reports, which were written prior to official accreditation, were remarkably similar in tone and content for Gullett and Gibbs shared the belief that war was a regenerative force that would purify and strengthen a degenerate pre-war Britain. Both writers adopted a rhetoric in their initial wartime correspondence that emphasized traditional martial and patriotic values that they believed were an antidote to the weakness and disunity of a pre-war Britain beset by industrial, social and political upheaval. Battles would therefore be best presented as extended heroic narratives in which there was order, honour and greatness. This approach exerted an influence as pervasive as censorship itself.; (AN 42854658)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854658&site=ehost-live

7.

Conceptualizing journalistic self-censorship in post-conflict societies: A qualitative perspective on the journalistic perception of news production in Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia by Jungblut, Marc; Hoxha, Abit. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p222-238, 17p; Abstract: Post-conflict societies are subject to other societal forces than non-conflict or conflict societies. As a result, news production might differ between these three societal forms. In conflict, news is influenced either by the affiliation with a conflict party or at gunpoint. In non-conflict, it is shaped by manifold influences that are mostly connected to journalistic routines. In addition, post-conflict news production can be characterized by a high relevance of the conflict context and an emerging importance of routines. This article analyzes how journalists perceive self-censorship as an influence on post-conflict news production. It conceptualizes self-censorship as an analytic category and introduces different forms of self-censorship. Finally, the authors demonstrate the relevance of self-censorship as a force in post-conflict news production with the help of qualitative interviews conducted with journalists in Macedonia, Kosovo and Serbia.; (AN 42854660)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854660&site=ehost-live

8.

Nurse, martyr, propaganda tool: The reporting of Edith Cavell in British newspapers 1915–1920 by Hodgson, Guy Richard. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p239-253, 15p; Abstract: Edith Cavell’s death by a German firing squad in 1915 proved to be a significant moment for First World War propaganda. News of the British nurse’s death caused a torrent of outrage in Britain and around the world, inspired thousands of Allied troops to enlist and helped sway US opinion against Germany. Newspapers, as the principal source of communication between the government and the people, were essential in relaying this message and this article studies the roles played by the Daily Mail, the Manchester Guardianand the Daily Express. The results show the newspapers were eager participants as Britain sought to stiffen public hostility towards Germany and justify the suffering on the Western Front and at home. This article also examines the immediate post-war period as the newspapers changed from persuaders to reflectors of public opinion.; (AN 42854655)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854655&site=ehost-live

9.

Book review: Reporting Dangerously: Journalist Killings, Intimidation and Security by Rodgers, James. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p254-256, 3p; (AN 42854652)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854652&site=ehost-live

10.

Book review: Libyan Sugar by Brunt, Nathaniel. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p256-258, 3p; (AN 42854651)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42854651&site=ehost-live

 

10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 22, no. 2, April 2017

Record Results
1. Political mistrust in southern Europe since the Great Recession by Muro, Diego; Vidal, Guillem. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p197-217, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political effects of the Great Recession on southern Europe were substantial. The rapid economic deterioration of Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain from 2008 onwards was accompanied by an increase in citizens’ dissatisfaction towards national political institutions. The sources of political mistrust in the southern periphery were of a political and economic nature. Using quantitative data from EU member states from 2000 to 2015, this paper evaluates the suitability of competing theories in explaining this shift in political attitudes in southern European countries. It first hypothesizes that political mistrust is explained by citizens’ rationalist evaluations of changing macroeconomic performance. It also hypothesizes that political mistrust changes according to institutional performance. The paper argues that economic crises act as an external shock that places politics, politicians and institutions in the spotlight as a result of citizens’ deteriorating performance of the economy. The findings suggest that unemployment, public debt and political corruption are key variables in understanding short-term changes in political mistrust.; (AN 41677813)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677813&site=ehost-live
2. Blurring the borders between old and new social movements: the M15 movement and the radical unions in Spain by Roca, Beltran; Diaz-Parra, Iban. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p218-237, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the relationships between the M15 movement and radical labour organizations in Spain. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it concludes that to the extent that the economic crisis has evolved, the relations between the M15 and the trade unions have moved from mistrust to convergence. This is especially evident in the case of radical trade unionism with which the M15 shares several features. Although the M15 has been studied as an example of a ‘new social movement’, recent changes suggest certain shifts in relation to the type of activated subject and to the motivating factors for collective action. One of the consequences of this is the closeness to the institutions of the workers’ movement, which blurs the borders between old and new social movements.; (AN 41677814)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677814&site=ehost-live
3. Relations with North Africa: a new priority in Portuguese bilateral foreign policy? by Pinto Arena, Maria do Céu. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p238-256, 19p; Abstract: AbstractPortugal has remained quite distant from coastal North African states for many centuries. Having recently emerged as a prominent player across North Africa, Portugal’s current relationship with the Maghreb countries is unprecedented in its history. Lisbon has invested in building the Maghreb axis as a ‘new priority’ in the architecture of Portugal’s bilateral foreign policy. This policy already took off, and is now beyond the rhetorical plan, where it stood for many years. Portugal and its partner countries across the Mediterranean have reiterated their willingness to keep up with the positive momentum, especially from the past 10 years, deepening bilateral political dialogue and bolstering trade relations. This article puts Portuguese relations with North Africa into context and offers an up-to-date analysis on recent (and ongoing) developments in Luso‒Maghreb relations.; (AN 41677816)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677816&site=ehost-live
4. The Israeli collective memory and the Masada Syndrome: a political instrument to counter the EU funding of Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations by Harpaz, Guy; Jacobsen, Elisha. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p257-277, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe EU’s practice of funding Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations (hereinafter ‘HRNGOs’) has in recent years encountered a counter-strategy, pursued by certain Israeli NGOs and members of the Israeli government, media and academia. This counter-strategy has succeeded in discrediting the HRNGOs and the EU and rendering their mutual collaboration less effective. The purpose of this article is to contextualize the counter-strategy within the sphere of Israel’s collective memory. The article analyses the manner in which certain politicians and various members of the Israeli society (agents of memory), who themselves are the product of the evolving Israeli collective memory and identity (structure), attempt to draw on Israel’s collective memory/structure in order to advance their particular political agenda.; (AN 41677817)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677817&site=ehost-live
5. Major rulings of the European Court of Human Rights on Cyprus: the impact of politics by Türkmen, Füsun; Öktem, Emre. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p278-300, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has so far issued six major judgments on Cyprus concerning the ongoing consequences of Turkey’s military intervention of 1974. Starting with the Loizidou case (1995, 1996), the rulings of the court on Cyprus v. Turkey (2001), Demades v. Turkey (2003), Eugenia Michaelidou v. Turkey (2003), Xenides-Arestis v. Turkey (2005), and Demopulos and others v. Turkey (2011) have mostly been criticized for their ‘politicized’ legal content, including by some of the judges of the ECtHR itself, through their dissenting opinions. This article attempts to demonstrate the – not always negative ‒ impact of specific political developments on the court’s rulings as well as on the attitudes of the states parties before the court, as a result of this interaction.; (AN 41677815)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677815&site=ehost-live
6. Still a Beacon of Human Rights? Considerations on the EU Response to the Refugee Crisis in the Mediterranean by Barbulescu, Roxana. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p301-308, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe European Union is a political union of democracies which protects human rights and presents itself as a beacon of human rights on the global scene. This Profile reviews the measures the EU has introduced in response to the crisis and highlights the problems they pose from a human rights perspective. Overall, a set of five measures were adopted: (1) improving search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean and the Aegean in order to prevent loss of human lives at sea; (2) initiating military intervention to tackle networks of smugglers; (3) introducing resettlement and relocation quotas to alleviate pressure on the EU member states which serve as entry points (Italy, Greece and Hungary) and from the countries neighbouring Syria (primarily Turkey); (4) creating a common list of safe countries to facilitate and speed up the return of failed asylum seekers and undocumented migrants; and finally (5) strengthening cooperation with countries of origin and transit to readmit migrants and to tighten border controls. Whether the EU will be able to respond to the unfolding crisis by providing international protection to those in need while simultaneously securing its external borders will be a yardstick by which to judge its human rights commitment.; (AN 41677821)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677821&site=ehost-live
7. Participatory Democracy in Southern Europe: Causes, Characteristics and Consequences by Rak, Joanna. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p309-311, 3p; (AN 41677820)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677820&site=ehost-live
8. Le Hamas et le monde by Brenner, Björn. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p311-314, 4p; (AN 41677818)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677818&site=ehost-live
9. Revolutionary Egypt: connecting domestic and international struggles by Malfait, Seppe. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p314-315, 2p; (AN 41677819)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41677819&site=ehost-live

11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944525&site=ehost-live

2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944526&site=ehost-live

3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944527&site=ehost-live

4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944528&site=ehost-live

5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944529&site=ehost-live

6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944530&site=ehost-live

7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944531&site=ehost-live

8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944532&site=ehost-live

9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41944533&site=ehost-live

 

12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p191-192, 2p; (AN 42056107)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056107&site=ehost-live

2.

The Use of Chemical Weapons by Arab States by Quillen, Chris. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p193-209, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:The reasons for the use of chemical weapons remain an understudied concept in international relations despite their continual use in conflicts. By comparing chemical weapon use by the regimes of four Arab states — Egypt, Iraq, Libya, and Syria — over the last 50 years, this article seeks to discern the scenarios in which chemical weapons use is likely, and it offers policies to dissuade or, at least, mitigate their use.; (AN 42055902)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055902&site=ehost-live

3.

Hizbullah’s Moral Justification of Its Military Intervention in the Syrian Civil War by Kızılkaya, Zafer. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p211-228, 18p; Abstract: Abstract:Intervening in the Syrian Civil War was a significant decision by Hizbullah’s leadership, carrying as it did the risk of losing public support in the Arab street. This article argues that Hizbullah used highly moralized rhetoric to justify its involvement in the Syrian conflict, emphasizing ethical necessity rather than self-interest. The article offers a descriptive analysis of Hizbullah’s justifications and compares them with major intellectual traditions on the ethics of war. The findings suggest that Hizbullah has been adept at developing a strategy for legitimizing its armed engagement outside Lebanese territory.; (AN 42055653)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055653&site=ehost-live

4.

“They Defeated Us All”: International Interests, Local Politics, and Contested Sovereignty in Libya by Anderson, Lisa. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p229-247, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:Exploring three periods of contested sovereignty in Libya — 1911–1922, 1943– 1951, and the present — this article examines the consequences of repeated foreign intervention in shaping competing definitions of the most desirable form of government and the best-suited political leadership within the country today. Libya’s current dilemmas illustrate the consequences of a century of international ambivalence, confusion, and often duplicity about the international norms that govern statehood and sovereignty in the Arab world.; (AN 42055600)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055600&site=ehost-live

5.

The 2015 Israeli General Election: The Triumph of Jewish Skepticism, the Emergence of Arab Faith by Navot, Doron; Rubin, Aviad; Ghanem, As’ad. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p248-268, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:The results of the 2015 Israeli election, primarily the sweeping victory of Binyamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, surprised most analysts. In this article we employ political scientist Michael Oakeshott’s distinction in arguing that the campaign dynamics and the consequent electoral results reflect the triumph of a “politics of skepticism” among Jews, and the emergence of a “politics of faith” among Israel’s Arab-Palestinian citizens. Both derive from a combination of external and domestic circumstances and their effective exploitation by charismatic political leaders.; (AN 42055859)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055859&site=ehost-live

6.

Chronology: October 16, 2016 – January15, 2017 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p269-299, 31p; (AN 42055682)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055682&site=ehost-live

7.

One Kurdish Nation and 1,001 Kurdish Politics by Romano, David. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p301-308, 8p; (AN 42055584)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055584&site=ehost-live

8.

Missionaries of Modernity: Advisory Missions and the Struggle for Hegemony in Afghanistan and Beyondby Antonio Giustozzi, Artemy Kalinovsky, and: A State Built on Sand: How Opium Undermined Afghanistanby David Mansfield (review) by Nichols, Robert. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p309-312, 4p; (AN 42055573)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055573&site=ehost-live

9.

Connecting with the Enemy: A Century of Palestinian-Israeli Joint Nonviolenceby Sheila H. Katz (review) by Naser-Najjab, Nadia. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p312-314, 3p; (AN 42056143)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056143&site=ehost-live

10.

Crisis and Class War in Egyptby Sean F. McMahon (review) by Tschirgi, Dan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p314-315, 2p; (AN 42056223)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056223&site=ehost-live

11.

Inside the Muslim Brotherhood: Religion, Identity, and Politicsby Khalil al-Anani (review) by Voll, John O.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p315-317, 3p; (AN 42056057)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056057&site=ehost-live

12.

Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Husseinby John Nixon (review) by Terrill, W. Andrew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p317-318, 2p; (AN 42055781)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055781&site=ehost-live

13.

Middle East Drugs Bazaar: Production, Prevention and Consumptionby Philip Robins (review) by Ruehsen, Moyara. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p318-320, 3p; (AN 42056165)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056165&site=ehost-live

14.

Minority Jurisprudence in Islam: Muslim Communities in the Westby Susanne Olsson (review) by Welton, Mark D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p320-321, 2p; (AN 42055608)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055608&site=ehost-live

15.

Liban-Syrie, intimes étrangers: Un siècle d’interactions sociopolitiques[Lebanon-Syria, intimate strangers: A century of sociopolitical interactions] by Élizabeth Picard (review) by Henry, Clement M.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p321-323, 3p; (AN 42055815)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055815&site=ehost-live

16.

Unfinished Revolutions: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the Arab Springby Ibrahim Fraihat (review) by Ajl, Max. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p323-324, 2p; (AN 42055654)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055654&site=ehost-live

17.

Ike’s Gamble: America’s Rise to Dominance in the Middle Eastby Michael Doran (review) by Sasley, Brent E.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p324-326, 3p; (AN 42056193)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056193&site=ehost-live

18.

Desert Kingdoms to Global Powers: The Rise of the Arab Gulfby Rory Miller (review) by Roberts, David. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p326-327, 2p; (AN 42055850)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055850&site=ehost-live

19.

Shadow Wars: The Secret Struggle for the Middle Eastby Christopher Davidson (review) by Little, Douglas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p327-329, 3p; (AN 42055830)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055830&site=ehost-live

20.

The Age of Jihad: Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle Eastby Patrick Cockburn (review) by Low, Michael Christopher. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p329-331, 3p; (AN 42055873)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055873&site=ehost-live

21.

Circuits of Faith: Migration, Education, and the Wahhabi Missionby Michael Farquhar (review) by Determann, Jörg Matthias. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p331-332, 2p; (AN 42055899)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055899&site=ehost-live

22.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p333-335, 3p; (AN 42056012)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42056012&site=ehost-live

23.

Communications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 2 p336-336, 1p; (AN 42055997)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42055997&site=ehost-live

 

13

Middle East Policy
Volume 24, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p1-2, 2p; (AN 42581991)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581991&site=ehost-live

2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p3-4, 2p; (AN 42581993)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581993&site=ehost-live

3.

New Approaches to Israel‐Palestine Peace: Can Regional Powers Make a Difference? by Amr, Hady; Lustick, Ian; Kahwaji, Riad; Freeman, Chas W.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p5-32, 28p; (AN 42581995)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581995&site=ehost-live

4.

Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid, Executive Summary Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p33-40, 8p; (AN 42581996)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581996&site=ehost-live

5.

Defining Christian Palestinianism: Words Matter by Haugen, Hans Morten. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p41-56, 16p; (AN 42581997)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581997&site=ehost-live

6.

Mideast Geopolitics: The Struggle for a New Order by Aras, Bülent; Yorulmazlar, Emirhan. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p57-69, 13p; (AN 42581998)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581998&site=ehost-live

7.

The South Caucasus: Turmoil in the Shadow of Russo‐American Relations by Souleimanov, Emil Aslan. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p70-77, 8p; (AN 42581999)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581999&site=ehost-live

8.

Trump, Turkey and the Kurds by Gunter, Michael M.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p78-86, 9p; (AN 42582001)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42582001&site=ehost-live

9.

Iran's Normalization Project: Custodians and Spoilers by Rezaei, Farhad. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p87-101, 15p; (AN 42581982)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581982&site=ehost-live

10.

The Gulf and the Great Powers: Evolving Dynamics by Katz, Mark N.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p102-109, 8p; (AN 42581983)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581983&site=ehost-live

11.

Well‐Being Before the Arab Spring: Objective vs. Subjective Measurements by ElGindi, Tamer. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p110-121, 12p; (AN 42581987)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581987&site=ehost-live

12.

Assistance Funding to Syria: For Development or Strife? by Kourany, Ammar; Myers, Martha. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p122-136, 15p; (AN 42581985)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581985&site=ehost-live

13.

Islamic State in North Africa: Still There, Struggling to Expand by Watanabe, Lisa. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p137-147, 11p; (AN 42581986)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581986&site=ehost-live

14.

Iran and Syria: An Enduring Axis by Wastnidge, Edward. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p148-159, 12p; (AN 42581989)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581989&site=ehost-live

15.

America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History by Neumann, Ronald E.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p160-166, 7p; (AN 42581990)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581990&site=ehost-live

16.

Defeating Jihad: the Winnable War by Norton, Augustus Richard. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p166-169, 4p; (AN 42581988)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581988&site=ehost-live

17.

Out of the Desert: My Journey from Nomadic Bedouin to the Heart of Global Oil by Dowling, G.J.H.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p169-172, 4p; (AN 42581994)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581994&site=ehost-live

18.

Hero of the Crossing: How Anwar Sadat and the 1973 War Changed the World by Quandt, William B.. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p173-176, 4p; (AN 42581992)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42581992&site=ehost-live

19.

Palestine: The Ottoman Campaigns of 1914–1918 by Güçlü, Yücel. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p176-179, 4p; (AN 42582000)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42582000&site=ehost-live

20.

Review Essay: World War I in the Middle East by Gearon, Eamonn. Middle East Policy, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p179-183, 5p; (AN 42582002)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42582002&site=ehost-live

 

14

Millennium
Volume 45, no. 3, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Racialized Realities in World Politics by Carrozza, Ilaria; Danewid, Ida; Pauls, Evelyn. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p267-268, 2p; (AN 42753893)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753893&site=ehost-live

2.

Race and Revolution at Bwa Kayiman by Shilliam, Robbie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p269-292, 24p; Abstract: It is no longer remarkable to claim that, out of all the revolutions in the making of the modern world order, the Haitian Revolution was the most radical and remains the most challenging to Euro-Western narratives. The Haitian Revolution did what no other did – end slavery – in an age when white Europeans and North Americans spoke of natural rights and freedoms while they remained traffickers and brutal exploiters of African flesh. The stakes at play are significant: To theorise and narrate the Haitian Revolution is to necessarily take part in a struggle over the authorship of the meaning of global justice and modern freedoms. But as we deepen our understandings of the Revolution we must grapple more audaciously with the intellectual strictures that have in various ways ‘silenced’ these struggles of enslaved Africans. Race informs these silencings. Fundamentally, race silences the response to slavery. In this article, I return to Bwa Kayiman – the meeting that inaugurated a world-shaking response.; (AN 42753901)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753901&site=ehost-live

3.

Worlding, Ontological Politics and the Possibility of a Decolonial IR by Blaney, David L.; Tickner, Arlene B.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p293-311, 19p; Abstract: This article argues that attention to representational practices and epistemology, however important for expanding the boundaries of International Relations as a field of study, has been insufficient for dealing with difference in world politics, where ontological conflicts are also at play. We suggest that IR, as a latecomer to the ‘ontological turn’, has yet to engage systematically with ‘singular world’ logics introduced by colonial modernity and their effacement of alternative worlds. In addition to exploring how even critical scholars concerned with the ‘othering’ and ‘worlding’ of difference sidestep issues of ontology, we critique the ontological violence performed by norms constructivism and the only limited openings offered by the Global IR project. Drawing on literatures from science and technology studies, anthropology, political ecology, standpoint feminism and decolonial thought, we examine the potentials of a politics of ontology for unmaking the colonial universe, cultivating the pluriverse, and crafting a decolonial science. The article ends with an idea of what this might mean for International Relations.; (AN 42753894)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753894&site=ehost-live

4.

Religion and the Fabrication of Race by Kamal Pasha, Mustapha. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p312-334, 23p; Abstract: This article questions recent critiques of Eurocentrism for silencing religion in favour of either culture or race. Quite ironically, these critiques draw from a Eurocentric spatio-temporal horizon embedded in Enlightenment thinking. A crucial element of that horizon is a tacit acceptance of secularity as the ontological condition of differentiation, reflected in wholescale acknowledgement of the ascendancy of Scientific Racism and the displacement of religiosity. International practice increasingly manifests the confluence of religion and race and the difficulty of separating the two in explaining processes of differentiation and exclusion. Without adequate recognition of religion in critiques of Eurocentrism and sufficient appreciation of race in postsecular theorisation, the two frames of capture are likely to remain apart. In the first instance, critiques of Eurocentrism in IR cannot pretend to fully disown Enlightenment’s spatio-temporal horizon whilst wedded to its secular commitments. In the second instance, postsecular thinking risks reproducing its own version of Eurocentrism without recognising race as a crucial marker of differentiation, not reducible to religious difference. A dialogical encounter and convergence between the two registers of critique can provide new openings for understanding.; (AN 42753896)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753896&site=ehost-live

5.

Politics of the Living Dead: Race and Exceptionalism in the Apocalypse by Fishel, Stefanie; Wilcox, Lauren. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p335-355, 21p; Abstract: The zombie, as a Western pop culture icon, has taken up residence in International Relations. Used both humorously and as a serious teaching tool, many scholars and professors of IR have written of the zombie as a useful figure for teaching IR theory in an engaging manner, and have used zombie outbreaks to analyse the responses of the international community during catastrophe, invasion, and natural disasters. The authors of this article would like to unearth another aspect of the zombie that is often left unsaid or forgotten: namely, that the body of the zombie, as a historical phenomenon and cultural icon, is deeply imbricated in the racialisation of political subjects and fear of the Other. Through a critical analysis of biopower and race, and in particular Weheliye’s concept of habeas viscus, we suggest that the figure of the zombie can be read as a racialised figure that can provide the means for rethinking the relationship of the discipline of IR to the concept of race. We read The Walking Deadas a zombie narrative that could provide a critical basis for rethinking the concepts of bare life and the exception to consider ‘living on’ in apocalyptic times.; (AN 42753904)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753904&site=ehost-live

6.

Racialised Futures: On Risk, Race and Finance by Dannreuther, Charles; Kessler, Oliver. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p356-379, 24p; Abstract: This article explores the relationship between race and finance. By looking closer at risk, this article seeks to contribute to the literature in three ways: First, the concepts of risk and uncertainty need to be understood from a post-colonial perspective. Second, through a post-colonial reading of risk, we seek to develop a different concept of risk itself which emphasises its three qualities of de-humanisation, de-socialisation, and de-territorialisation. Last but not least, we propose to understand the post-colonial critique not only as a reconstruction of Europe’s past, as Dipesh Chakrabarty has named it, but locate it at the intersection of the present and the future: The post-colonial critique is enacted as soon as Europe’s future is imagined through risk.; (AN 42753903)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753903&site=ehost-live

7.

The ‘Missing’ Politics of Whiteness and Rightful Presence in the Settler Colonial City by Tedesco, Delacey; Bagelman, Jen. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p380-402, 23p; Abstract: This article engages the global nexus of colonisation, racialisation, and urbanisation through the settler colonial city of Kelowna, British Columbia (BC), Canada. Kelowna is known for its recent, rapid urbanisation and for its ongoing, disproportionate ‘whiteness’, understood as a complex political geography that enacts boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. The white urban identity of Kelowna defines Indigenous and temporary migrant communities as ‘missing’ or ‘out-of-place’, yet these configurations of ‘missing’ are politically contested. This article examines how differential processes of racialisation and urbanisation establish the whiteness of this settler-colonial city, drawing attention to ways that ‘missing’ communities remake relations of ‘rightful presence’ in the city, against dominant racialised, colonial, and urban narratives of their absence and processes of their displacement. Finally, this article considers how a politics of ‘rightful presence’ needs to be reconfigured in the settler-colonial city, which itself has no rightful presence on unceded Indigenous land.; (AN 42753902)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753902&site=ehost-live

8.

Racism in the Theory Canon: Hannah Arendt and ‘the One Great Crime in Which America Was Never Involved’ by Owens, Patricia. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p403-424, 22p; Abstract: Hannah Arendt’s monumental study The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, is a founding text in postcolonial studies, locating the seeds of European fascism in the racism of imperial expansion. However, Arendt also harboured deep racial prejudices, especially when writing about people of African descent, which affected core themes in her political thought. The existing secondary literature has diagnosed but not adequately explained Arendt’s failures in this regard. This article shows that Arendt’s anti-black racism is rooted in her consistent refusal to analyse the colonial and imperial origins of racial conflict in the United States given the unique role of the American republic in her vision for a new post-totalitarian politics. In making this argument, the article also contributes to the vexed question of how international theorists should approach important ‘canonical’ thinkers whose writings have been exposed as racist, including methodological strategies for approaching such a body of work, and engages in a form of self-critique for marginalising this problem in earlier writing on Arendt.; (AN 42753899)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753899&site=ehost-live

9.

The Erasure of Race: Cosmopolitanism and the Illusion of Kantian Hospitality by Gani, J. K.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p425-446, 22p; Abstract: This article explores three key arguments: Firstly, it seeks to demonstrate the contradictions and limits within Kantian hospitality, and its links to colonialism and practices of racialisation. The acclaimed universalism of Kant’s law of hospitality forecloses a discussion of its dualism, and erases the historical, racist context in which it was conceived. The prioritization of conceptover conceptionallows Kant’s theory on race to be obscured from official discourse and framing of policies while it still courses through inherited perceptions and theories.  Secondly, in making my case, I will be applying the notion of coloniality, coined by Aníbal Quijano and later developed by Walter Mignolo, to the existing but small body of critical discourse on Kant and race. Debates initiated on the peripheries of philosophy, law and anthropology in the 1990s have led the way in this regard. However, given the time that has elapsed, it is notable that their work has received little scrutiny in political theory and International Relations theory, and thus warrants renewed attention. I argue that the notion of coloniality provides a useful lens through which to do so, and a vehicle through which to apply those excavations to a contemporary context. Finally, the article explores the extent to which Kantian thought constitutes ‘modern’ cosmopolitanism, and draws attention to the inadvertently complicit role of second-generation cosmopolitans in the erasure of race from the study of Kant. The relationship between the collective erasure of race and racism in academia and European practice towards refugees and immigrants is briefly considered.; (AN 42753897)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753897&site=ehost-live

10.

Prolegomena to Any Future Decolonial Ethics: Coloniality, Poetics and ‘Being Human as Praxis’ by Odysseos, Louiza. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p447-472, 26p; Abstract: Decolonial thought has wrought a devastating critique on the Academy and wide-ranging fields within it. Decolonial critique entails undeniable and multiple ethico-political orientations arising from concrete struggles within the ‘unfinished project of decolonization’ (Maldonado-Torres), as well as recent articulations of decolonial ethics. This article argues that, as decolonial critique, and calls for decolonial ethics, begin to find their way into broader theoretical discussions in the social sciences and humanities, it may be more fruitful to insist on the questionof decolonial ethics. It encourages retaining the disruptive potential of decolonial critique by resisting its immediate translations into available ethical registers and traditions that unwittingly reassert, and remain bound to, forms of ethical expression dependent on generalised narratives, which occlude their histories of violent and racialised exclusion and masterful figurations of ethical subjectivity. Outlining Sylvia Wynter’s excavation of prominent figurations of the human as ‘Man’, I argue that our conceptions of ethical subjects too rest on such figurations. The article, therefore, discusses three prolegomena to anyfuture decolonial ethics: the decolonial critique and displacement of the figure of ‘Man’ as ethical subject within racialised coloniality; the development of a decolonising poetics, whose ethos of irreverence seeks forms of poetic revolt that draw on struggles to question systems of ethical thought and knowledge; finally, a discussion of the contours of a praxis of being hybridly human through the development of ‘education’ as an incessant and ‘unfinished’ project.; (AN 42753895)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753895&site=ehost-live

11.

World Politics in Colour by Ling, L. H. M.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p473-491, 19p; Abstract: Racism reflects howwe think and act as much as what. It manifests in terms of biology, geography, and culture but reflects an epistemethat normalises Self and Other into a bordered binary. Here, a trialecticalepistemology can help. It dissolves racialised realities by showing how opposites exist in each other, thereby constituting a three-ness – e.g. self-in-other and other-in-self – that links Self and Other despitemutual antagonisms. From such trialectics, epistemic compassion can arise. It enables learning from the Other through what Buddhists call ‘interbeing’ or the recognition that ‘you are in me, and I in you’. Reciprocity thus becomes key. The Self cannot violate the Other without also violating itself; likewise, loving the Other effectively loves the Self. Flat, monochromatic binaries like ‘black’ versus‘white’ cannot continue and colour revivifies world politics, both literally and figuratively. I apply trialectics to the ‘border problem’ between India and China as an analogy.; (AN 42753900)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753900&site=ehost-live

12.

The Revolution Will Not Be Theorised: Du Bois, Locke, and the Howard School’s Challenge to White Supremacist IR Theory by Henderson, Errol A.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 3 p492-510, 19p; Abstract: This article briefly examines the contributions to International Relations (IR) theory of W.E.B. Du Bois and Alain Locke. Taking as a point of departure the recent work of Robert Vitalis1on the ‘Howard School’ of IR of which these two were prominently associated, I both embrace and challenge Vitalis’ thesis on the importance of these two African American scholars to the academic field of IR. Embracing Vitalis’ invaluable articulation of the Howard School’s critique of white supremacist arguments prevalent in IR at its founding and well beyond, I also challenge Vitalis’ apparent disassociation of these scholars from the formulation of IR theory. Instead, I discuss how Du Bois and Locke provided some of the earliest theoretical arguments on the role of ‘national imperialism’ in modern war, as well as theses of cultural change and its impact on international relations.; (AN 42753898)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42753898&site=ehost-live

 

15

Orbis
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 40813866)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40813866&site=ehost-live

2.

National Security Challenges by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-12, 9p; Abstract: The most important national security challenge for the next president will be rebuilding a domestic consensus on America's role in the world. Unless the president can answer fundamental questions voters are asking, she or he will be hobbled in foreign policy. Only having done that can our next president proceed to adopt policies and develop strategies that manage a rising China and a declining Russia, organize countries with common interests to stanch the wildfires burning in the Middle East, and reclaim for our country the international stature that fosters our security and prosperity.; (AN 40813865)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40813865&site=ehost-live

3.

Understanding the Return of the Jacksonian Tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: The 2016 presidential election demonstrated the rise of a “restraint constituency” in American politics that openly questions Washington's bipartisan post-Cold War pursuit of a grand strategy of primacy or liberal hegemony. This constituency has been animated by the return of the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy, most notably in the candidacy of Donald Trump, which directly questions the benefits of alliance relationships as well as U.S. underwriting of an open global economic system. It also stresses the need for the United States to act unilaterally in defense of its core foreign policy interests. The resurgence of the Jacksonian tradition will make it difficult for the next President to reestablish a foreign policy consensus and combat perceptions of American decline.; (AN 40887735)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40887735&site=ehost-live

4.

How U.S. National Security Decisions Are Made by Gvosdev, Nikolas K.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p27-33, 7p; Abstract: Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election will bring to the Oval Office a person with no past political experience. Having run on a foreign policy platform that, at times, challenged the established bipartisan orthodoxy in Washington, he must also deal with a Congress which, although nominally dominated by his own political party, is more likely to wish to exercise a close check on the new administration. Given the chill between the Republican party's foreign policy establishment and the President-elect and with the proviso that the new Chief Executive will need to get Senatorial confirmation for his nominees to the top echelons of the executive branch departments, it raises the possibility that the new team will continue with trends already noticeable in the last three presidential administrations: to shift the focal point of decision-making away from the national security bureaucracy and the Cabinet in favor of the “palace” of advisors and White House staff surrounding the president.; (AN 40813882)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40813882&site=ehost-live

5.

Rethinking Geopolitics; Rebuilding Alliances by Granieri, Ronald J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p34-42, 9p; Abstract: Although the recent presidential campaign did not focus on foreign policy, the new President will confront major international challenges and be expected both to make difficult decisions about ongoing conflicts and chart a course for the future. This essay sketches the international situation at the end of the Obama Administration and suggests a course of realistic engagement that recognizes the limits of American power in defense of national interests.; (AN 40813881)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40813881&site=ehost-live

6.

Shaping the 21stCentury Military by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: To guide the development of the armed forces’ future, the incoming president will want to offer guidance to the Pentagon on grand strategy and the supporting principles and planning framework to size and shape the joint warfighting force. This strategic direction will be a critical aspect of the initial national security planning effort and will provide guidance as to the number of kinds of wars that the Pentagon must be prepared to deter or win should deterrence fail. This article offers options and guidance for two major components of U.S. defense policy. These are Design Principles and alternative Force Design Constructs. These force constructs are not the strategy itself, but they are the requisite building blocks and guidance which defense policymakers use to shape the desired force and explain that force in its requests for the funding required from the American people.; (AN 40887734)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40887734&site=ehost-live

7.

The Future U.S. Defense Budget by Schroeder, Wayne A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p64-75, 12p; Abstract: The next president should elevate the role of U.S. defense strategy and planning in the next administration toward the goal of developing a new strategic framework that assumes a long-term defense competition with both Russia and China. This goal will require a thorough overhaul of the resource assumptions of the Obama defense budget and future years defense program. The next Administration should also seek the removal of the resource constraints imposed by the Budget Control Act of 2011. To support a new strategic framework, the United States will have to sustain defense spending at a higher, yet affordable level, for the long term.; (AN 40813880)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40813880&site=ehost-live

8.

Navigating Russia: Pivots & Resets, Walls & Deals by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p76-82, 7p; Abstract: Russia has proved a confounding counterpart to American political leaders over the past decade. To the veritable Rubik's Cube that is today's complex international security environment, American leaders too often react with simplism. Some seem unable or unwilling to articulate a contemporary doctrine to guide U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism, and other contemporary challenges. Faith in the directional march of capital “H” History or the curative effect of Globalism and like nostrums is a poor substitute for a well explicated statement of American geopolitical interests.; (AN 40753609)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40753609&site=ehost-live

9.

Managing Sino-American Relations by Dreyer, June Teufel. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p83-90, 8p; Abstract: Past Chinese policy has proved deficient in managing the Sino-American relationship. Your administration should break with past assumptions, cease allowing China to set the agenda, be aware of specious Chinese claims based on distortions of history, avoid using meaningless or misleading terms in speaking of the relationship, be cognizant of the tendency of some China specialists to self-censor, establish clear guidelines for the limits of U.S. tolerance of Chinese behavior, and be prepared to respond forcefully if they are transgressed Be aware that failure to do so will be regarded as acquiescence to Chinese claims and an invitation to advance future claims.; (AN 40753608)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40753608&site=ehost-live

10.

Responding to China's Rising Sea Power by Yoshihara, Toshi; Holmes, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p91-100, 10p; Abstract: America's next president must embrace risk to cope with rising Chinese sea power. The incoming administration should pivot to the Asia-Pacific more boldly than the Obama administration has. As it does so, Washington must accept risk to its interests and forces to uphold freedom of the sea, and it must impress upon Beijing that infringing on freedom of the sea in the South China Sea or elsewhere carries unacceptable risks for China's interests and forces. Rediscovering the art of imposing risk will let the incoming administration hold that which China treasures at risk, should China persist with its belligerence.; (AN 40850515)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40850515&site=ehost-live

11.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41122563)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41122563&site=ehost-live

12.

Advice to the Next President on India and South Asia by Ganguly, Sumit. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p101-108, 8p; Abstract: A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing.; (AN 40850516)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40850516&site=ehost-live

13.

Revisiting the Iran Nuclear Deal by Kahan, Jerome H.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p109-124, 16p; Abstract: One of Donald Trump's stated priorities when he becomes President is to kill the Nuclear Deal with Iran, one of the key legacies President Barack Obama wishes to leave. This article develops a memorandum for President Obama to consider sending to his successor that proposes a series of steps to be taken, with the support of our negotiating partners, on how to make the deal more supportive of the nation's security interests, avoiding the difficult and dramatic step of pulling out of the agreement. A four-part scenario, triggered by an assumed Iranian abrogation of the deal, is employed as a means of gaining insights for drafting this memo.; (AN 40850519)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40850519&site=ehost-live

14.

Divining a “Trump Doctrine” by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p125-136, 12p; Abstract: This essay, written before Donald J. Trump's election as 45th President of the United States, sought to divine a “Trump doctrine” on national security and foreign policy, based on what Mr. Trump himself said and wrote over the preceding decades. It shows Mr. Trump's sympathy for a unilateralist (but not the pejorative isolationist of which some charge him) approach to defining American interests and for strategic ambiguity in dealing with America's adversaries. There, in fact, is a sizeable body of material from which to discern the contours of his thinking in these areas, much of it quite prescient. What some find disorientating is that Mr. Trump never felt compelled to synthesize it into a definitive “Trump doctrine,” or at least not one that satisfied the orthodoxy.; (AN 41122556)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41122556&site=ehost-live

15.

History and Statecraft: A Complicated Marriage by McCormick, Evan D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p137-142, 6p; (AN 40850517)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40850517&site=ehost-live

16.

The Rise and Fall of the BRICS? by Weber, Yuval. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p143-148, 6p; (AN 40850518)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=40850518&site=ehost-live

17.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41122566)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41122566&site=ehost-live

 

.

MY ACCOUNT   |   CATALOG   |   NATO LIBGUIDES   |   JOURNAL TITLES   |   ASK A QUESTION