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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 61, no. 5, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Tracking Underreported Financial Flows: China’s Development Finance and the Aid–Conflict Nexus Revisited by Strange, Austin M.; Dreher, Axel; Fuchs, Andreas; Parks, Bradley; Tierney, Michael J.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p935-963, 29p; Abstract: China’s provision of development finance to other countries is sizable but reliable information is scarce. We introduce a new open-source methodology for collecting project-level development finance information and create a database of Chinese official finance (OF) to Africa from 2000 to 2011. We find that China’s commitments amounted to approximately US$73 billion, of which US$15 billion are comparable to Official Development Assistance following Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development definitions. We provide details on 1,511 projects to fifty African countries. We use this database to extend previous research on aid and conflict, which suffers from omitted-variable bias due to the exclusion of Chinese development finance. Our results show that sudden withdrawals of “traditional” aid no longer induce conflict in the presence of sufficient alternative funding from China. Our findings highlight the importance of gathering more complete data on the development activities of “nontraditional donors” to better understand the link between aid and conflict.; (AN 41733969)
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2.

IMF Programs and the Risk of a Coup d’état by Casper, Brett A.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p964-996, 33p; Abstract: Leaders use the distribution of economic rents to maintain the political support of regime elites. When countries join International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs, they are often required to implement a variety of free market-inspired reforms—such as privatization, reductions in government spending, and the restructuring of financial institutions—as a condition for receiving program funds. These types of reforms can diminish a leader’s capacity to redistribute wealth, which ultimately increases the risk of a coup. More specifically, when a leader begins the implementation of an IMF arrangement, the leader’s action provides public information about the leader’s weakened ability to redistribute wealth in the future. Thus, the act of implementing an IMF program provides each individual elite with information about his or her expected value of rents in the future, and this information gives elites who stand to be harmed by a reform an incentive to launch a coup.; (AN 41733975)
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3.

Borrowing Support for War: The Effect of War Finance on Public Attitudes toward Conflict by Flores-Macías, Gustavo A.; Kreps, Sarah E.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p997-1020, 24p; Abstract: How does the way states finance wars affect public support for conflict? Most existing research has focused on costs as casualties rather than financial burdens, and arguments that do speak to the cost in treasure either minimize potential differences between the two main forms of war finance—debt and taxes—or imply that war taxes do not dent support for war among a populace rallying around the fiscal flag. Using original experiments conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, we evaluate the relationship between war finance and support for war. We find that how states finance wars has an important effect on support for war and that the gap in support resulting from different modes of war finance holds across the main democracies engaging in conflict, regardless of the type of war or individuals’ party identification. The findings have important implications for theories of democratic accountability in wartime and the conduct of conflict, since borrowing shields the public from the direct costs of war and in turn reduces opposition to it, giving leaders greater latitude in how they carry out war.; (AN 41733971)
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4.

Oil Wealth, Post-conflict Elections, and Postwar Peace Failure by Keels, Eric. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1021-1045, 25p; Abstract: New research has emerged that suggests there is a troubling relationship between elections and civil wars; primarily, elections increase the risk of civil war recurrence. I investigate this relationship further by examining the economic factors associated with the connection between postwar elections and peace failure. Specifically, how does the presence of oil wealth impact the risk posed by postwar elections. Drawing on previous findings in the democratization literature, I suggest the immobility of oil wealth dramatically increases the stakes associated with postwar elections. As postwar elites use irregular electioneering to consolidate their control of oil revenue, it increases the incentives for postwar opposition to use violence as a means to achieve their objectives. Using post-civil war data from 1945 to 2005, I demonstrate that postwar elections that occur in oil-rich economies dramatically decrease the durability of postwar peace. Once controlling for petro elections, though, I demonstrate that subsequent postwar elections actually increase the durability of postwar peace.; (AN 41733973)
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5.

Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), Military Effectiveness, and Conflict Severity in Weak States, 1990–2007 by Petersohn, Ulrich. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1046-1072, 27p; Abstract: For more than two decades, private military and security companies (PMSCs) have become increasingly involved in armed conflicts. A common view is that PMSCs are menaces who simply take economic advantage of—and thereby aggravate—already bad situations. Yet, empirical research has rarely investigated these claims or the impact of commercial actors’ selling force-related services. This article investigates how PMSCs impact the severity of armed conflict in weak states and advances the argument that PMSC services increase the client’s military effectiveness. In turn, increased military effectiveness translates into increased conflict severity, the extent of which depends on type of service provided by the PMSC, the level of competition on the market, and oversight.; (AN 41733976)
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6.

Economic Sanctions and Demand for Protection by Pond, Amy. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1073-1094, 22p; Abstract: How do the distributional consequences of economic sanctions impact future trade policy? Regardless of whether sanctions are effective in achieving concessions, sanctions restrict international trade flows, creating rents for import-competing producers, who are protected from international competition. These rents can then be used to pressure the government to implement protectionist policies. Thus, while the lifting of sanctions directly facilitates some international transactions, sanctions also have an indirect effect. They create powerful domestic interest groups in the sanctioned country who seek market protection. I use multiple estimators to evaluate the effect of trade sanctions on tariff rates. The evidence is consistent with the argument that sanctions increase market protection in both the short and long run.; (AN 41733972)
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7.

Informally Governing Information: How Criminal Rivalry Leads to Violence against the Press in Mexico by Holland, Bradley E.; Rios, Viridiana. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1095-1119, 25p; Abstract: A well-functioning press is crucial for sustaining a healthy democracy. While attacks on journalists occur regularly in many developing countries, previous work has largely ignored where and why journalists are attacked. Focusing on violence by criminal organizations (COs) in Mexico, we offer the first systematic, micro-level analysis of the conditions under which journalists are more likely to be violently targeted. Contrary to popular belief, our evidence reveals that the presence of large, profitable COs does not necessarily lead to fatal attacks against the press. Rather, the likelihood of journalists being killed only increases when rival criminal groups inhabit territories. Rivalry inhibits COs’ ability to control information leaks to the press, instead creating incentives for such leaks to be used as weapons to intensify official enforcement operations against rivals. Without the capacity to informally govern press content, rival criminals affected by such press coverage are more likely to target journalists.; (AN 41733974)
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8.

The Diffusion of Nonviolent Campaigns by Gleditsch, Kristian S.; Rivera, Mauricio. Journal of Conflict Resolution, May 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 5 p1120-1145, 26p; Abstract: Existing research has uncovered strong geographical clustering in civil war and a variety of diffusion mechanisms through which violence in one country can increase the risk of outbreaks in other countries. Popular coverage of nonviolent protest often emphasizes regional waves like the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring. However, most research on nonviolence focuses only on features within countries affecting motivation and opportunities, and we know little about the possible role of diffusion and transnational factors. We detail how nonviolent campaigns in other states can increase nonviolent mobilization and direct action, highlighting important differences in the likely actors for violent and nonviolent direct action and the relevant diffusion mechanisms. We find strong empirical evidence for diffusion in nonviolent campaigns. The effects are largely confined to campaigns in neighboring countries, and there is little evidence of global diffusion. The potential diffusion effects are also specific to whether dissent is violent and nonviolent rather than general political instability. Moreover, we find that the effects of neighboring campaigns on nonviolent direct action apply only in cases with plausible motivation for contesting the government, and the effects are stronger when the regional environment can help expand opportunities for organizing dissent.; (AN 41733970)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 11, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention: finding ‘facts’, telling ‘truth’ by de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann; Kostić, Roland. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article has a twofold aim. First, it discusses the contributions to the scholarly field of conflict knowledge and expertise in this special issue on Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention: finding ‘facts’, telling ‘truth’. Second, it suggests an alternative reading of the issue’s contributions. Starting from the assumption that prevalent ways of knowing are always influenced by wider material and ideological structures at specific times, the article traces the influence of contemporary neoliberalism on general knowledge production structures in Western societies, and more specifically in Western academia, before re-reading the special issue’s contributions through this prism. The main argument is that neoliberalism leaves limited space for independent critical knowledge, thereby negatively affecting what can be known about conflict and intervention. The article concludes with some tasks for reflexive scholarship in neoliberal times.; (AN 41546467)
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2.

The myopic Foucauldian gaze: discourse, knowledge and the authoritarian peace by Lewis, David. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p21-41, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe discourse of liberal peacebuilding has often been characterized by critics as a hegemonic discourse, in which power and knowledge are co-constitutive. Influenced by the work of Michel Foucault, an important strand of the literature has demonstrated how epistemic communities have produced knowledge that supports this discourse, while marginalizing other, contrary voices. A ‘local turn’ has sought to uncover what Foucault termed ‘subjugated knowledges’, peripheral voices that were seen as potentially contributing to a more emancipatory peace. This article, in contrast, argues that the explicit and implicit Foucauldian framing of discourse and knowledge is no longer adequate to conceptualize the contested nature of peace and conflict in a rapidly changing international system. In a period of significant geopolitical shifts away from a Western-centric international order, post-Foucauldian discourse theories offer a more productive analytical perspective that makes visible the multiple, competing discourses that attempt to achieve closure in defining meanings of peace and conflict. A theoretical framework that emphasizes discursive contestation rather than unitary domination allows serious consideration of alternative conceptualizations of peacemaking. In particular, theoretical frameworks that highlight contestation make visible an authoritarian, illiberal approach to managing conflict that challenges both liberal and emancipatory conceptualizations of peace and conflict, but is occluded in the current debate over post-liberal peace.; (AN 41546465)
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3.

Bermuda triangulation: embracing the messiness of researching in conflict by Perera, Suda. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p42-57, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn conflict-affected states, poor transportation infrastructure and risk-averse security protocols can significantly constrain researchers’ ability to access information. Pressure on academics to be methodologically rigorous and produce policy-relevant research means that the problematic nature of the data we use is often obscured and ignored in research outputs. Through an autoethnography of research in the DRC, this article critically discusses the messiness of triangulating information in the field amidst the competing knowledge claims of different actors on the ground. Nonetheless, it argues that information which is messy and difficult to triangulate can itself be a valuable source of conflict knowledge. This knowledge emerges from what is here termed ‘Bermuda Triangulation’—whereby the verification of one piece of information leads to the uncovering of multiple views, which may themselves tell us much about the drivers of conflict.; (AN 41546466)
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4.

Intervention Theatre: performance, authenticity and expert knowledge in politicians’ travel to post-/conflict spaces by Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p58-80, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of official travel activities by politicians to post-/conflict spaces in German foreign policymaking. Starting from the observation that official travel justifications stress the value of authentic insights and unfiltered information, while journeys in practice are meticulously planned and staged, it asks what kind of knowing is possible, how actors make sense of the staged nature of field trips, and how multiple performances create and/or undermine notions of authenticity and first-hand expertise. The article shows that official on-site visits are composed of multiple conscious performances by all actors involved, but that these performances do not undermine the notions of authenticity and expertise. On the contrary, knowledge authenticity—or truth claims on the basis of authentic insights—and related expert authority are produced through travel-as-performance. The emphasis policymakers put on on-site presence and (the performance of) localized knowledge contradicts intervention literature’s generalized finding of a prioritization of technocratic over localized knowledge. The article draws on politics and performance scholarship and authenticity theories in tourism studies to make sense of a wealth of empirical material on the claims, practice and functions of German MPs’ journeys to post-/conflict spaces as part of broader political struggles over policy knowledge.; (AN 41546469)
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5.

Telling the stories of others: claims of authenticity in human rights reporting and comics journalism by Bake, Julika; Zöhrer, Michaela. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p81-97, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere are various intermediaries bearing witness to distant conflicts and atrocities. They travel to distant parts of the world to collect different kinds of evidence and stories, motivated by the assumption that knowledge can evoke change. This article asks how authenticity is claimed in this context of humanitarian witnessing. It focuses on two, at first sight quite different, practices of representation: NGO human rights reporting and comics journalism, also known as graphic reporting. It argues that representations of first-hand access to sites and people involved in abuses, or of ‘having been there’, figure centrally in establishing authenticity and thereby truth. The article discusses two techniques through which first-hand truth claims are performed: representations of field research methodologies, and personifications of truth in the figure of the witness. The intermediaries chosen for an in-depth study are the human rights NGO Human Rights Watch and the US comics journalist Joe Sacco.; (AN 41546471)
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6.

Reproducing remoteness? States, internationals and the co-constitution of aid ‘bunkerization’ in the East African periphery by Fisher, Jonathan. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p98-119, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe physical and social retreat of international interveners behind the walls of ‘bunkered’ aid compounds in (putatively) more remote and dangerous regions of the South has been the focus of growing critical attention in recent years. An increasingly remote and fearful culture of risk aversion and differentiation among Western states and organizations has been largely identified as the driving force behind this set of practices. This article presents a different perspective on the bunkerization phenomenon through focusing on the agency of Southern states in the process. Exploring bunkerization across eastern/central Africa—and in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region in particular—the study emphasizes not only how African states have been key promoters of modern bunkerization, but also how bunkerization behaviour and mentalities have historically characterized how many African borderlands—and contemporary sites of international intervention—have been incorporated into the global state system.; (AN 41546468)
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7.

Shadow peacebuilders and diplomatic counterinsurgencies: informal networks, knowledge production and the art of policy-shaping by Kostić, Roland. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p120-139, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of informal networks in producing strategic knowledge and influencing policy responses to the 2011 post-election crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The analytical focus is on networks of shadow peacebuilders, defined as actors who are often not visible to the public and who promote a mix of altruistic and personal interests of their broader network by generating strategic narratives and influencing peacebuilding policy. As this article shows, shadow peacebuilders engage in diplomatic counterinsurgencies waged by means of diplomacy, politics, public relations and legal means. Strategic narratives are instrumental in legitimizing diplomatic counterinsurgency, inducing internal cohesion within the network and delegitimizing alternative narratives and policy solutions. Yet the production of strategic knowledge by shadow peacebuilders has its limitations. When the gap between strategic narrative and actions becomes too big, the network risks fragmentation and defeat by other networks that promote alternative strategic narratives and paths of action in the battle over control of peacebuilding policy.; (AN 41546470)
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8.

Internal Security and Statebuilding: Aligning Agencies and Functions by Alley, Roderic. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p140-141, 2p; (AN 41546473)
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9.

The Force of Popular Culture Awakens: Hollywood, the National Security State and Star Wars by Stimmer, Anette. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p142-146, 5p; (AN 41546472)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 15, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction by Syse, Henrik; Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p257-258, 2p; (AN 41497657)
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2.

Non-violent Resistance and Last Resort by Parkin, Nicholas. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p259-274, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is commonly accepted that recourse to war is justifiable only as a last resort. If a situation can be resolved by less harmful means, then war is unjust. It is also commonly accepted that violent actions in war should be necessary and proportionate. Violent actions in war are unjust if the end towards which those actions are means can be achieved by less harmful means. In this article, I argue that satisfaction of the last resort criterion depends in part upon the likelihood of success of non-violent alternatives to war, and that the actual and potential effectiveness of non-violent resistance means that the last resort criterion of the jus ad bellumand the proportionality criterion of the jus in belloare harder to satisfy than is often presumed.; (AN 41497658)
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3.

Accreditation Fraud in Brazilian Military Hospitals: Why “Tone at the Top” Matters by Klaus, L.C.O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p275-287, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows under which circumstances fraudulent accreditation can occur in Brazilian military hospitals, calling attention to the tone at the top as a critical aspect of military fraud deterrence – and hence as a critical aspect of this branch of military ethics. The problems allegedly found in Brazilian military health institutions were revealed through in-depth interviews conducted with 29 professionals who reported to work or have worked in a Brazilian military hospital. These fraud allegations were mostly associated with false documentation and procedures designed to give the appearance that legal requirements for accreditation were met and could be traced back to a weak or corrupt “tone at the top” coming from military higher ranks.; (AN 41497659)
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4.

Rebellion and African Ethics by Baker, Deane-Peter. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p288-298, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this paper I draw on Thaddeus Metz’s pioneering work in African ethics, and particularly his account of the concept described by the terms ubuntu(Nguni languages), botho(Sotho-Tswana), hunhu(Shona) or utu(Swahili), to sketch an African normative understanding of the act of rebellion against the authority of the state. Most commonly articulated in the phrase “a person is a person through other persons”, ubuntuis interpreted by Metz as a unique communitarian moral principle which can be described in its essence as the claim that “actions are right, or confer ubuntu(humanness) on a person, insofar as they prize communal relationships, ones in which people identify with each other, or share a way of life, and exhibit solidarity toward one another, or care about each other’s quality of life”. On the face of it, this principle appears at odds with rebellions against state authority. Following Metz, I argue, however, that a deeper grasp of this principle does, in fact, provide a justification for instances of civilian rebellion against state authority, under appropriate circumstances.; (AN 41497660)
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5.

Justifying Cyber-intelligence? by Bellaby, Ross W.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe surge in threats aided by or carried out through cyberspace has placed significant pressure on the intelligence community to adapt or leave itself open to attack. Indeed, many in both political and intelligence circles argue for access to ever greater amounts of cyber information in order to catch potential threats before they become real. By collecting all our digital information, the intelligence community argues that it is not only able to detail what people have done or are currently doing but also predict what their next move might be. However, the ethical implications are unclear and the backlash following Edward Snowden’s revelations have shown that such activities are not without controversy. This leaves the debate stuck between the important, ethical role that intelligence can play and the potential for its unrestrained use to cause undue harm. This paper will resolve this by giving greater detail to cyber-intelligence practices, highlighting the different levels of harm that the various intelligence operations can cause. The essence of this paper is not that cyber-intelligence should be banned outright, but that it can be justified given the necessary circumstances. Therefore, the paper will develop a specialised set of Just Cyber-Intelligence Principles, built on the just war tradition, to outline if and when such activities are justified.; (AN 41497661)
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6.

Message from the Book (and Media) Review Editor by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p320-320, 1p; (AN 41497662)
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7.

Henry V, directed by Dominic Dromgoole by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p321-324, 4p; (AN 41497663)
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8.

Counter Jihad, by Brian Glyn Williams by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p325-328, 4p; (AN 41497664)
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9.

Editorial Board Journal of Military Ethics, October 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 41497665)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 54, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Food scarcity and state vulnerability: Unpacking the link between climate variability and violent unrest by Jones, Benjamin T; Mattiacci, Eleonora; Braumoeller, Bear F. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p335-350, 16p; Abstract: Increased scholarly focus on climate variability and its implications has given rise to a substantial literature on the relationship between climate-induced food insecurity and violent conflict. In this article, we theorize this relationship as contingent on the institutional and structural vulnerability of the state. States’ institutional and structural capabilities and constraints – such as the strength of the agricultural sector and domestic regime type – influence the probability that climate-induced food insecurity will translate into conflict, because they determine the degree to which countries are able to successfully address insecurity. We estimate the effect of food insecurity and state vulnerability on the occurrence of violent uprisings in Africa for the years 1991–2011. We find that these effects are interactive, with state vulnerability moderating the impact of food insecurity on the likelihood of violence. We also find that capable governance is an even better guarantor of peace than good weather. We conclude that a two-pronged approach that both combats the impact of climate variability on food insecurity and strengthens government institutions would be a much more effective strategy for preventing violent uprisings than either policy would be in isolation.; (AN 41864843)
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2.

Living off the land: The connection between cropland, food security, and violence against civilians by Koren, Ore; Bagozzi, Benjamin E. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p351-364, 14p; Abstract: Food security has attracted widespread attention in recent years. Yet, despite preliminary evidence connecting food insecurity to political violence, we lack a systematic understanding of the relationship(s) between local food resources and violence against civilians. This study develops a food-security based theory to explain the significant variation that we observe in violence against civilians across both time and subnational geographic space. We argue that combatants, be they government or rebel actors, often must turn to local agricultural resources for sustenance. During times of relative peace, armed actors and civilians have long time horizons, and the prospects of repeated interactions thereby promote a strategy of co-optation to obtain food resources. However, the existence of immediate conflict in a region leads armed actors to discount the benefits of future interactions in favor of obtaining food immediately, using violence if necessary. In estimating a series of statistical models on a sample of all African countries (1997–2009), we find robust support for our expectations: cropland increases the frequency of violence against civilians during periods of conflict, but has an added pacifying effect during times of peace.; (AN 41864841)
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3.

No extraction without representation: The ethno-regional oil curse and secessionist conflict by Hunziker, Philipp; Cederman, Lars-Erik. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p365-381, 17p; Abstract: A large body of literature claims that oil production increases the risk of civil war. However, a growing number of skeptics argue that the oil–conflict link is not causal, but merely an artifact of flawed research designs. This article re-evaluates whether – and where – oil causes conflict by employing a novel identification strategy based on the geological determinants of hydrocarbon reserves. We employ geospatial data on the location of sedimentary basins as a new spatially disaggregated instrument for petroleum production. Combined with newly collected data on oil field locations, this approach allows investigating the causal effect of oil on conflict at the national and subnational levels. Contrary to the recent criticism, we find that previous work has underestimated the magnitude of the conflict-inducing effect of oil production. Our results indicate that oil has a large and robust effect on the likelihood of secessionist conflict, especially if it is produced in populated areas. In contrast, oil production does not appear to be linked to center-seeking civil wars. Moreover, we find considerable evidence in favor of an ethno-regional explanation of this link. Oil production significantly increases the risk of armed secessionism if it occurs in the settlement areas of ethnic minorities.; (AN 41864840)
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4.

Ethnic inequality and coups in sub-Saharan Africa by Houle, Christian; Bodea, Cristina. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p382-396, 15p; Abstract: Does ethnic inequality breed coups? The recent literature on civil war shows both that inequality between ethnic groups induces war and, importantly, that civil wars and coups, although fundamentally different, are related. The literature on coups d’état, however, has yet to theorize and test the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. The link is plausible because many coups are ‘ethnic coups’, which depend on the capacity of plotters to mobilize their co-ethnics. We argue that large income and wealth disparities between ethnic groups accompanied by within-group homogeneity increase the salience of ethnicity and solidify within-group preferences vis-à-vis the preferences of other ethnic groups, increasing the appeal and feasibility of a coup. We use group-level data for 32 sub-Saharan African countries and 141 ethnic groups between 1960 and 2005 and provide the first large-N test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. Between- and within-group inequality measures are constructed based on survey data from the Afrobarometer and the Demographic and Health Surveys. We find strong support for our hypothesis: between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) increases the likelihood that an ethnic group stages a coup only when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low. Coups remain frequent in sub-Saharan Africa and coups are the main threat to democracy in the region, by harming democratic consolidation and economic development, and by provoking further political instability. Our work provides a novel rationale to be concerned about ethnic inequality, showing that when ethnic and income cleavages overlap, destabilizing coups d’état are more likely.; (AN 41864838)
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5.

Perils of pluralism: Electoral violence and incumbency in sub-Saharan Africa by Taylor, Charles Fernandes; Pevehouse, Jon CW; Straus, Scott. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p397-411, 15p; Abstract: Why do some multiparty elections lead to political violence while others do not? Despite extensive literatures on democratization, civil war, and violence against civilians in civil war, the topic of electoral violence has received less attention. We develop a set of theoretical propositions to explain this variation, testing them on an original dataset on African elections from 1990 to 2008. We find that elections in which an incumbent presidential candidate is running for re-election are significantly more likely to experience electoral violence, both prior to the election and after voting has taken place. We argue that clientelism is behind this pattern, and that clients often resort to electoral violence to protect a reliable incumbent patron. On the other hand, when an incumbent candidate is not running for office, we argue that clients are less willing to assume the risks of participating in electoral violence because candidates in the election have not established a record of delivering patronage at the executive level. We further find some evidence that pre-existing social conflicts increase the risk of pre-election violence. We suggest that this finding is due to the tendency of political elites to mobilize voters around pre-existing political and economic grievances to promote their candidacies, in turn heightening tensions and divisions. We also examine, but find little support for, a number of other possible determinants of electoral violence, such as regime type, income level, international observers, ongoing civil war, pathway to power, and first elections after civil war. The article contributes not only to a small but growing literature on electoral violence but also to a burgeoning literature on political behavior in African elections.; (AN 41864839)
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6.

Autocracies and the international sources of cooperation by Mazumder, Soumyajit. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p412-426, 15p; Abstract: Under what conditions do autocracies peacefully settle disputes? Existing studies tend to focus on the domestic factors that shape conflict initiation. In this article, I show how domestic institutions interact with international institutions to produce more cooperative outcomes. Particularly, this study argues that as autocracies become more central in the network of liberal institutions such as preferential trade agreements (PTAs), they are less likely to initiate a militarized interstate dispute (MID). As a state becomes more democratic, the effect of centrality within the PTA network on the peaceful dispute settlement dissipates. This is because greater embeddedness in the PTA regime is associated with enhanced transparency for autocracies, which allows autocracies to mitigate ex ante informational problems in dispute resolution. Using a dataset of MID initiation from 1965 to 1999, this study finds robust empirical support for the aforementioned hypothesis. Moreover, the results are substantively significant. Further analysis into the causal mechanisms at work provides evidence in favor of the information mechanism. Autocrats who are more embedded in the PTA network tend to have higher levels of economic transparency and economic transparency itself is associated with lower rates of conflict initiation. The results suggest that an autocrat’s structural position within the international system can help to peacefully settle its disputes.; (AN 41864844)
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7.

Compliance vs. constraints: A theory of rebel targeting in civil war by De la Calle, Luis. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p427-441, 15p; Abstract: This article offers a theory of rebel targeting in civil war. Rebels face two logics of targeting: the logic of compliance in areas where they are fighting for territory, and the logic of legitimacy in areas where they remain clandestine. The first boosts civilian targeting because rebels use it as a way to discipline local populations. The second moderates it because unqualified civilian killings could prompt rebels’ supporters to turn against the group and easily help bring down its clandestine structures. In order to avoid this backlash, rebels focus on attacking ‘legitimate’ targets such as security forces and authorities. This supporters’ constraint is mitigated when the state heavily represses the rebels’ constituency – which increases supporters’ appetite for indiscriminate retaliation – and when the rebels can rely on independent funding – which reduces rebels’ dependence on supporters’ help. I test the argument with detailed information about rebel presence and political violence in Peru from 1980 to 1995. The results support that civilian victimization is driven by rebel strength, since the more control the rebels hold, the more civilians are targeted. Thus, when Shining Path was forced to operate clandestinely on a permanent basis, it carried out more actions against hard targets, so as to remain a legitimate force within its urban support base.; (AN 41864837)
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8.

The effects of military and non-military government expenditures on private consumption by Lorusso, Marco; Pieroni, Luca. Journal of Peace Research, May 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p442-456, 15p; Abstract: In this article, we provide evidence that civilian and military government spending have specific characteristics that can affect private consumption differently. Our vector autoregressive (VAR) estimates for the US economy for the period 1960–2013 show that civilian expenditure induces a positive and significant response on private consumption, whereas military spending has a negative impact. We also analyze the effects of these public spending components for the subsamples 1960–79 and 1983–2013, respectively. Our results show that the main transmission channels of both civilian and military expenditures have changed over time. We adopt a new Keynesian approach and develop a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model in order to simulate the empirical evidence. Both the larger persistence of shocks in military spending and the different financing mechanisms, which account for the propensity of policymakers to use budget deficits to finance wars, mimic the differences in the empirical responses of private consumption. Simulated impulse response functions of alternative specification models prove the robustness of our analysis. In particular, we assess the impact of civilian and military shocks in the presence of different (i) shares of heterogeneous households, (ii) price rigidities, and (iii) monetary reactions in response to different government shocks.; (AN 41864842)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 30, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

The ‘KGB State’ and Russian Political and Foreign Policy Culture by Marten, Kimberly. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p131-151, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article reviews a variety of historical analyses of the KGB and its follow-on organizations to determine whether and how its organizational culture may be reflected in current Russian politics and foreign policy. Using the suggestion by some analysts that a ‘soft coup’ using KGB methods of kompromatmay have occurred in the late Yeltsin era, it analyzes how remnants of the KGB organization may be influencing the directions of President Vladimir Putin’s actions. It concludes with an argument about what this might mean for Russia after Putin and about why Russia’s unique intelligence culture may make a comparative theory of ‘intelligence states’ difficult to create.; (AN 41824532)
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2.

Russian Threat Perception and the Ballistic Missile Defense System by Bartles, Charles K.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p152-169, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the Cold War ending over 20 years ago, the Russian Federation is making great efforts to modernize its strategic offensive and defensive capabilities. Although it is tempting to associate this modernization with recent US/NATO tensions, Russia’s efforts to modernize its strategic assets has much more to do with two US programs started in the previous decade, the Ballistic Missile Defense System and Prompt Global Strike programs. The reasoning behind this perception of threat is keyed to Russian thinking on how these programs could undermine Russia’s strategic deterrence capabilities as these US programs mature. Russian efforts to modernize its strategic nuclear forces, non-strategic nuclear forces, strategic non-nuclear forces, and certain electronic warfare and space-based capabilities may directly be attributed to overcoming these US programs.; (AN 41824533)
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3.

Nuclear Arms Control under Trump and Putin: End of the Road? by Cimbala, Stephen J.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p170-186, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDeterioration of US-Russian political relations, especially since Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine, leaves the future of US-Russian strategic nuclear arms control in a state of uncertainty. The Obama administration aspired to conclude further arms reductions agreements with Russia before the end of President Obama’s second term, but this aspiration remained unfulfilled as Obama departed the White House. Going forward, the Trump administration must balance requirements for nuclear modernization with equally important needs for nuclear arms control and nonproliferation. This study considers possible options for a Trump administration in this context, together with a discussion of attendant uncertainties and risks.; (AN 41824534)
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4.

Missiles, Money, and Power Politics: The Riyadh–Moscow–Kiev Triangle by Cigar, Norman. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p187-209, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis study examines the triangular political-military relationship revolving around missile sales involving Russia, Ukraine, and Saudi Arabia. Its principal thesis is that this development, if it comes to pass, could weaken further, and perhaps fatally, the Missile Technology Control Regime, which has always been a fragile instrument to control missile proliferation. A second thesis is that such a missile sale is a complex process, with political, economic, and psychological factors often as important as technical ones, and that all of these aspects must be taken into consideration in any analysis.; (AN 41824535)
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5.

A Failed Revolt? Assessing the Viability of the North Caucasus Insurgency by Souleimanov, Emil Aslan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p210-231, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis is the first article to systematically examine the factors that have led to the considerable weakening of the North Caucasus insurgency since 2013: the selective targeting of the insurgents’ support base, the deployment of elite counter-insurgent force and army in special operations, the infiltration of insurgent groups and their decapitation, and the departure of the North Caucasians to the Syrian Civil War. Scrutinizing how these factors have reduced the regional insurgency, the article also points to their shortcomings that have, as the article shows, since 2014 contributed to an increase in insurgency-related violence in the region. First, the risk of severe penalization notwithstanding, many locals, driven by the locally embedded codes of retaliation and hospitality, as well as by the sympathies toward the insurgents, have continued to provide support to the insurgents and to put up resistance to the incumbent forces. Second, with elite counter-insurgent force limited in numbers and increasingly deployed outside of Russia, a considerable part of counter-insurgency operations has again been conducted by local police, infamous for incompetence and corruption. Third, while decapitation has failed to put an end to insurgent groups, these groups’ infiltration has become harder than previously due to the insurgent groups’ increasingly selective recruitment policies. Fourth, the falling numbers of North Caucasian volunteers to the Syrian Civil War has provided more recruits to the jihadist groups operating in their home region. The article concludes that the North Caucasus insurgency is likely to survive in the years to come.; (AN 41824536)
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6.

With Whom Was the General Staff During the Civil War in Russia, 1917–1922? by Ganin, Andrei Vladislavovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p232-247, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe problem of delimiting the Russian officer corps and its choice during the Civil War in Russia (1917–1922) is related to a number of the central and most complex questions of the history of that era, which historians have been yet trying to answer for a century. This issue has not only scholarly but also great social importance. Established opinions on the correlation of the officer corps with respect to the armies and camps of the Civil War have not been developed in historiography. Moreover, depending on ideological predilections of the different authors, one encounters statements about either the general anti-Bolshevism of the officer class or, on the contrary, its general loyalty to the Bolsheviks. Obviously, both these theses are far from reality. Moreover, there are individual publications in the latest historiography that cite a multi-faceted analysis of the split of various groups of the officer corps.1; (AN 41824538)
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7.

Military Policy of the Scythians by Salgaraev, Marat Turganbaevich; Zulpikharova, El’mira Umirzakovna. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p248-265, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAt present, problems associated with the study of the Scythians are acquiring increasingly greater relevance. According to assumptions by contemporary Russian scholars, the Scythians are considered to be the progenitors of the Slavs. These assumptions are based on several written sources (Herodotus’ The Histories, Nestor’s The Tale of Bygone Years, The Nikon Chronicle, et al.) and materials from archeological digs, which attempt to disclose the chronological and geographical framework of the Scythian civilization. They supplement material and written sources by ancient Greek myths and use linguistic and numismatic information, thereby illuminating the antiquity of our nation. Based on information from V. V. Latyshev’s Journal of Ancient History, G. Dumézil’s short work Scythians and Sleighs, Z. Gasanov’s Royal Scythians, and many other scholarly works, this article examines problems of military policy and analyzes the weapons, tactics, maneuvers, and stratagems of the military affairs of the Scythians against their enemies.; (AN 41824537)
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8.

The External Threat to Russian America: Myth and Reality by Grinëv, Andrei Val’terovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p266-289, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany researchers believed that the external threat to Russian colonies in Alaska was the main reason for the sale of Russian America to the United States in 1867. Our research demonstrates that the Russian colonies were in real danger of external invasion only three times: during the Russo-Sweden war (1788–1790), Anglo-Russian war (1807–1812), and Crimean (East) war (1853–1856). But every time, Russian America avoided military clashes. The days before 1867 (when Alaska was sold to the USA), the international situation was favorable, especially for the safety of Russian colonies. Besides, the latter were not entirely defenseless, having some military force (soldiers, navy sailors and officers, heavy cannons, and armed ships). Thus the external threat to Russian colonies is exaggerated in scholarly literature.; (AN 41824540)
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9.

Western Aid for the Soviet Union During World War II: Part I by Havlat, Denis. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p290-320, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring World War II the Soviet Union received large amounts of aid from the Western world in form of supplies and military intervention, both of which were declared to have been irrelevant for the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany by Soviet historians. This article examines the claim made by Soviet historiography, and it comes to the conclusion that both Western supplies and military intervention were far more helpful than claimed by the Soviets. Without this aid the Red Army would not have been able to perform as well as it did historically, tilting the balance in Germany’s favor. Soviet claims about the irrelevance of Western aid can thus be dismissed as propaganda and inaccurate.; (AN 41824539)
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10.

The Influence of Railways on Military Operations in the Russo-German War 1941–1945 by Davie, H. G. W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p321-346, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn common with much of the historiography of the Russo-German War of 1941–1945, there has been extensive study of the role of railways in the war, with either side concentrating on different aspects of the subject. But to date there has been little attempt to make a comparative study of the railways on both sides and to gauge the effect of differences in capacity on military operations and their outcomes. This lack has allowed one or both sides to obscure key failures and to deflect the influence on military operations away from railways. Yet the ubiquitous nature of railways for travel and transport in Russia, due to the large size of the country and the inability of motor vehicles to support operations beyond 300–400 km, meant that every military operation of the war was dependant on railways, and the way in which they were used was a key element in their success or failure. The current study aims to compare operating practices between Soviet and German military railways, to give estimates of the railway capacity available to both sides, and then to use this information to gauge the effect of this capacity on military operations.; (AN 41824541)
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11.

Monaghan, Andrew, The New Politics of Russia: Interpreting Change by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p347-349, 3p; (AN 41824542)
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12.

Rieber, Alfred J., Stalin and the Struggle for Supremacy in Eurasia by Kretchik, Walter E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p350-351, 2p; (AN 41824544)
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13.

Pasher, Yaron, Holocaust Versus Wehrmacht: How Hitler’s ‘Final Solution’ Undermined the German War Effort by Lak, Martijn. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p352-353, 2p; (AN 41824543)
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14.

Isserson, G. S., G. S. Isserson and the War of the Future: Key Writings of a SovietMilitary Theorist by Campbell, Blake. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p354-355, 2p; (AN 41824547)
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15.

Traverso, Enzo, Fire and Blood: The European Civil War 1914–1945 by Campbell, Blake. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p356-357, 2p; (AN 41824546)
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16.

McMeekin, Sean, The Ottoman Endgame: War, Revolution, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, 1908–1923 by Graf von Thun-Hohenstein, Romedio. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p358-360, 3p; (AN 41824545)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 40, no. 3, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Correction to: Pascal Vennesson, Is strategic studies narrow? Critical security and the misunderstood scope of strategy Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 pv-v, 1p; (AN 41898502)
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2.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p343-346, 4p; (AN 41898492)
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3.

Global strategic studies: a manifesto by Duyvesteyn, Isabelle; Worrall, James E.. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p347-357, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis contribution reflects on the state of strategic studies today and the criticism it has received in recent years, as being outdated and irrelevant. The authors formulate some premises for reinvigorating this field of inquiry by widening its scope and research agenda to do more justice to the wide variety of actors, perspectives and practices observable in the enterprise of strategy in our contemporary globalised world.; (AN 41898493)
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4.

Is strategic studies narrow? Critical security and the misunderstood scope of strategy by Vennesson, Pascal. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p358-391, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCritical security advocates commonly portray strategic studies as crippled by its narrow focus on Cold War-era military issues, as state-centric and as Western-centric. I argue that this conception of the scope of strategy is flawed and I offer a comprehensive rebuttal by working out the logic of the theories advanced by Carl von Clausewitz and Thomas Schelling. The proponents of critical security overlook the striking expansion of strategy during the Cold War, its longstanding inclusion of competing political actors not just states, as well as its capacity to put Western and non-Western actors in a common analytic frame. By breaking out of the conceptual jails in which strategy has been incarcerated, I seek to reconnect International Relations to strategic thought from which it has become increasingly estranged.; (AN 41898495)
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5.

Europe, Russia and the Ukraine crisis: the dynamics of coercion by Scazzieri, Luigi. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p392-416, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses European strategy towards Russia during the Ukraine crisis between February 2014 and December 2015, conceptualising it as a coercive diplomatic strategy and analysing the relationship between its ends, ways and means. European strategy sought to reverse Russian intervention. However, this overarching aim was flanked by two ‘constraining’ aims of avoiding an escalation of the conflict and a breakdown of relations with Russia. The strategy shifted between these aims, which proved to be irreconcilable: while the EU partly succeeded in containing the conflict, it failed to reverse Russian intervention and relations between the EU and Russia deteriorated sharply.; (AN 41898494)
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6.

A Revolution Too Far? US Defence Innovation, Europe and NATO’s Military-Technological Gap by Fiott, Daniel. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p417-437, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe United States is launching another defence innovation initiative to offset the growing military-technological might of countries such as China, Russia and Iran. However, by utilising emerging technologies from the commercial sector to achieve greater military power the US may further open up the technology gap within NATO. This raises serious questions for NATO’s European allies. This article probes the nature of the US’s latest innovation strategy and sets it within the strategic context facing Europe today. Whether European governments, firms and militaries will join the US in its new defence innovation drive will hinge on politico-military and industrial considerations.; (AN 41898496)
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7.

Clausewitz and Small Wars: The Conceptual Origins of the ‘Remarkable Trinity’ by Hoyt, Timothy D.. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p438-442, 5p; (AN 41898499)
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8.

Hostility and War, Small or Otherwise by Echevarria, Antulio J.. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p443-449, 7p; (AN 41898500)
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9.

Clausewitz and People’s War by Levy, Jack S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p450-456, 7p; (AN 41898498)
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10.

Niall Barr, Yanks and Limeys: alliance warfare in the Second World War by Bottelier, Th. W.. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p457-458, 2p; (AN 41898497)
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11.

John M. Schuessler, Deceit on the road to war: Presidents, politics, andAmerican democracy by Montgomery, Evan Braden. Journal of Strategic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 3 p458-461, 4p; (AN 41898501)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 15, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Fracking and framing in transatlantic perspective: a comparison of shale politics in the US and European Union by Bomberg, Elizabeth. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p101-120, 20p; Abstract: This paper offers a transatlantic comparison of shale politics. Both the US and European Union (EU) have ample shale beds; both are high consumption democracies thirsty for plentiful, stable, cheaper sources of energy. Yet exploitation of shale in the US has proceeded at fever pitch, while in the EU development has been hesitant if not stagnant. Structural explanations – geological, geographic, economic, technological – are key to understanding this difference, but so too is the role of agency – who are the actors shaping policy and how do they seek to influence public debate and government agendas? This study, while mindful of structural conditions, applies insights from network and framing analysis to highlight the set of actors, interests and frames that shape shale’s variable development in the US and Europe. Drawing on an in-depth, systematic analysis of news reports, websites and interviews from 2013 to 2015, it demonstrates how differences in shale policy are explained not just by geology, economic or other structural factors, but also by the role of competing pro- and anti-shale networks, and the framing strategies they enjoy. In short, it argues that the interactionof structure and agency best explains transatlantic differences.; (AN 41619708)
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2.

Anglo American military cooperation in Afghanistan 2001–2014 by Chin, Warren. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p121-142, 22p; Abstract: This paper explores a paradox. On the one hand it is believed that 9/11 rekindled the UK–US special relationship, but at the same time it has been argued that British mismanagement of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan caused relations to deteriorate. Whilst I agree with part of this analysis in that Iraq represented a nadir in Anglo American relations I believe Afghanistan did not follow this trajectory. A wide range of factors help to explain this change in fortune, but I focus on the role played by the British military in restoring the trust and confidence of its US counterpart and argue that this institutional relationship was and is a vital component in the Anglo American Alliance.; (AN 41619707)
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3.

The USA and the EU as a third party in Middle East peacemaking: an asymmetric division of labour by Kaya, Taylan Özgür. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p143-160, 18p; Abstract: This article aims to analyse the role played by the USA and the European Union (EU) in Middle East peacemaking. It argues that there exists a de facto division of labour between two actors. While the USA has played a primary role and acted as the principal mediator in successive mediation efforts and dominated political and diplomatic dimension of the peace process; the EU was relegated to a secondary and supplementary role and has mainly focused on economic and financial dimension of the peace process and the creation of the structural conditions for sustainable peace which aimed to complement peacemaking efforts at the diplomatic level.; (AN 41619711)
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4.

The Canadian politics of fair-share: the first burden-sharing debates about NATO by Kunertova, Dominika. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p161-183, 23p; Abstract: After the long domination of economic and collective action theories, the literature on the political aspects of Allied burden-sharing is growing. This article analyses the politics of fair-share in NATO from the perspective of Canadian officials during the first burden-sharing debates in 1949–1952. I focus on sense-making and, through an interpretive methodology, I reconstruct the Canadian discourse on fair-share. This article shows that for Canada sharing NATO’s burden was not only a matter of technicality or realist considerations; in order to make NATO burden-sharing work, the allies needed to balance three dimensions of collective defence burden: military, economic, and moral.; (AN 41619710)
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5.

Obama’s leadership style: enabling transatlantic allies in Libya and Mali by Paquin, Jonathan; Massie, Justin; Beauregard, Philippe. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, April 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p184-206, 23p; Abstract: This article assesses President Obama’s transatlantic leadership style with regard to foreign crises and it contrasts it with the style of the previous Bush administration. It argues that the Obama administration exercises what we call enabling leadership, which implies that the US does lead, but that it does not feel the need to project ‘leadership from the front’. The article first analyses the diplomatic aspect of leadership by focusing on the ‘speaking order’ among the United States and three of its core allies, namely the United Kingdom, France and Canada. It presents a computer-assisted content analysis of the 482 official statements issued by these four states in response to the crisis in Libya in 2011 and Mali in 2012–2013. The paper then performs a detailed analysis of the financial and military contributions of the US and its allies to confront these crises. It provides qualitative and quantitative evidence suggesting that the Obama administration consciously adopted enabling leadership, a strategy that is consistent with the worldview of the president and his foreign policy entourage.; (AN 41619709)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 10, no. 1, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

‘I wish I could be the journalist I was, but I currently cannot’: Experiencing the impossibility of journalism in Burundi by Risso, Linda; Frère, Marie-Soleil. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: In Burundi, a small landlocked post-conflict country in Central Africa, the independent broadcasting sector was severely undermined in May 2015, following a coup attempt against the regime of President Pierre Nkurunziza. More than 80 journalists, some of them accused of being accomplices to the putschists, were threatened and forced to leave the country. Their outlets were damaged and forbidden to operate. Shown as a model of ‘professionalism’, ‘independence’ and ‘pluralism’ until then, journalism in Burundi has subsequently faced huge challenges, both inside the country (where the space for free speech keeps shrinking despite a pluralist façade) and outside (where Burundian journalists in exile have established alternative media). This article identifies how the professional identity of the journalists has been affected by these two phenomena: the challenges of working from abroad as well as the growing control on free media faced by those still operating from within the country. Based on extensive interviews, the author shows the extent to which Burundian journalists have lost self-confidence and trust in their ability to perform their professional ethos and the role they believe they should play in society.; (AN 41808626)
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2.

Forty years’ personal experience by Risso, Linda; Norton-Taylor, Richard. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p25-39, 15p; Abstract: This article reflects a journalist’s personal experience of reporting on the UK military, analysing the relationship between senior military figures and the Ministry of Defence (their political masters) and the media. Topics covered include manipulation of the media and the popularity of the armed forces, as well as unpopular, ill-planned, military operations, notably Iraq and Afghanistan. The author also examines other operations, notably the wars in the Falklands and Kosovo, the 1991 Gulf War and the Scott Arms-to-Iraq Inquiry. The article goes on to explore leaks by frustrated military; tensions between military commanders and ministers; the 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review; military chiefs not speaking truth to power; ministers jealous of the military’s close relations with journalists; and the Defence Advisory Notice Committee. The author reveals how official secrecy is honoured more in the breach than in its observance, especially concerning the special forces.; (AN 41808627)
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3.

Reporting conflict in Africa by Risso, Linda; Plaut, Martin. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p40-47, 8p; Abstract: The quality of reporting African conflicts by Western media has declined in recent years as budgets have been cut and the number of correspondents has been reduced. Falling coverage has meant that audiences are unfamiliar with even the most basic facts about most African states. Most news stories must start from first principles, leaving little room for nuance and detail. This article, drawing on nearly three decades of first-hand experience, explains the pressures faced in reporting developing stories in complex emergencies. These include persuading editors of the need to cover events in countries that rarely appear in the Western media to the difficulties of interpreting journalistic standards written to meet the needs of domestic news coverage. This comes as the demand to satisfy the needs of an ever-expanding range of outlets has never been greater, including radio, television and online media. In the circumstances, careful preparation and a highly professional and supportive editorial team in a journalist’s home base are essential for a successful assignment.; (AN 41808624)
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4.

Framing conflict – the Cold War and after: Reflections from an old hack by Risso, Linda; Somerville, Keith. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p48-58, 11p; Abstract: The media – whether mainstream press, broadcasting and online services or social media – is still a major source of news about conflicts for the majority of people. They rely on the media to tell them what is going on in the world, select what is important or relevant and exclude the items that are deemed unimportant or unintelligible. The media uses forms of representation and framing to simplify and provide recognized depictions of distant countries, peoples and wars. These are part of the basic operating procedures of media organizations. But do they conceal or exclude more than they explain and do they give an accurate picture of the causes and combatants? Based on 40 years of monitoring, reporting and putting together news programmes on conflicts across the globe, the author seeks to analyse how framing works and the distortions in understanding that it leads to. The author gives his perspective on the five decades of conflict in Angola and the way framing has changed but done little to inform or educate.; (AN 41808625)
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5.

Reporting from the front: First-hand experiences, dilemmas and open questions by Risso, Linda; Risso, Linda. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p59-68, 10p; (AN 41808628)
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6.

When is a conflict a crisis? On the aesthetics of the Syrian civil war in a social media context by Risso, Linda; Meis, Mareike. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p69-86, 18p; Abstract: This article examines mobile phone videos that have been disseminated via YouTube since the beginning of the Syrian civil war to illustrate how media aesthetics and public discourse interact in the perception and interpretation of conflicts as crises. The Syrian civil war has shown that scenes of immediate protest and military action recorded on mobile phones become instruments of war and conflict as they bear a new aesthetics that influences the perception and interpretation of the situation in Syria. The article introduces a research perspective that is informed by discourse analysis and media aesthetics and can be used for the study of the perception and interpretation of war and conflict in relation to social media in general and mobile phone videos in particular. By providing new insights from this perspective for the study of war and conflict reporting, it furthers the debate on the perceptive and interpretive impact of images.; (AN 41808621)
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7.

Beyond Abu Ghraib: War trophy photography and commemorative violence by Risso, Linda; Jakob, Joey Brooke. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p87-104, 18p; Abstract: The commemoration of wartime often has emerged alongside brutal practices waged on the enemy, and the photographed events at Abu Ghraib are no exception. Indeed, the composition of these images builds upon a visual history in which certain dynamics are represented within more general and often innocuous combat photography. This article focuses on two things in order to articulate this premise. The first is to outline how ‘war trophy photography’ is the result of the entwined practices of war photography and trophy collection. Mapped using a combined comparative historical approach and visual semiotics, this research draws upon three images, one from WWI, another from WWII, and one from Abu Ghraib. Specifically to highlight how posing within these photos acknowledges the images as trophies, the second function of this article emerges with the concept of ‘commemorative violence’, as the representation is fused with emotional communication and cultural memory.; (AN 41808622)
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8.

Professional or personal framing? International media coverage of the Israel–Hamas prisoner exchange deal by Risso, Linda; Karniel, Yuval; Lavie-Dinur, Amit; Samuel Azran, Tal. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p105-124, 20p; Abstract: This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel’s Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government’s position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.; (AN 41808623)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 22, no. 2, April 2017

Record Results
1. Political mistrust in southern Europe since the Great Recession by Muro, Diego; Vidal, Guillem. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p197-217, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political effects of the Great Recession on southern Europe were substantial. The rapid economic deterioration of Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain from 2008 onwards was accompanied by an increase in citizens’ dissatisfaction towards national political institutions. The sources of political mistrust in the southern periphery were of a political and economic nature. Using quantitative data from EU member states from 2000 to 2015, this paper evaluates the suitability of competing theories in explaining this shift in political attitudes in southern European countries. It first hypothesizes that political mistrust is explained by citizens’ rationalist evaluations of changing macroeconomic performance. It also hypothesizes that political mistrust changes according to institutional performance. The paper argues that economic crises act as an external shock that places politics, politicians and institutions in the spotlight as a result of citizens’ deteriorating performance of the economy. The findings suggest that unemployment, public debt and political corruption are key variables in understanding short-term changes in political mistrust.; (AN 41677813)
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2. Blurring the borders between old and new social movements: the M15 movement and the radical unions in Spain by Roca, Beltran; Diaz-Parra, Iban. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p218-237, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the relationships between the M15 movement and radical labour organizations in Spain. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it concludes that to the extent that the economic crisis has evolved, the relations between the M15 and the trade unions have moved from mistrust to convergence. This is especially evident in the case of radical trade unionism with which the M15 shares several features. Although the M15 has been studied as an example of a ‘new social movement’, recent changes suggest certain shifts in relation to the type of activated subject and to the motivating factors for collective action. One of the consequences of this is the closeness to the institutions of the workers’ movement, which blurs the borders between old and new social movements.; (AN 41677814)
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3. Relations with North Africa: a new priority in Portuguese bilateral foreign policy? by Pinto Arena, Maria do Céu. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p238-256, 19p; Abstract: AbstractPortugal has remained quite distant from coastal North African states for many centuries. Having recently emerged as a prominent player across North Africa, Portugal’s current relationship with the Maghreb countries is unprecedented in its history. Lisbon has invested in building the Maghreb axis as a ‘new priority’ in the architecture of Portugal’s bilateral foreign policy. This policy already took off, and is now beyond the rhetorical plan, where it stood for many years. Portugal and its partner countries across the Mediterranean have reiterated their willingness to keep up with the positive momentum, especially from the past 10 years, deepening bilateral political dialogue and bolstering trade relations. This article puts Portuguese relations with North Africa into context and offers an up-to-date analysis on recent (and ongoing) developments in Luso‒Maghreb relations.; (AN 41677816)
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4. The Israeli collective memory and the Masada Syndrome: a political instrument to counter the EU funding of Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations by Harpaz, Guy; Jacobsen, Elisha. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p257-277, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe EU’s practice of funding Israeli non-governmental human rights organizations (hereinafter ‘HRNGOs’) has in recent years encountered a counter-strategy, pursued by certain Israeli NGOs and members of the Israeli government, media and academia. This counter-strategy has succeeded in discrediting the HRNGOs and the EU and rendering their mutual collaboration less effective. The purpose of this article is to contextualize the counter-strategy within the sphere of Israel’s collective memory. The article analyses the manner in which certain politicians and various members of the Israeli society (agents of memory), who themselves are the product of the evolving Israeli collective memory and identity (structure), attempt to draw on Israel’s collective memory/structure in order to advance their particular political agenda.; (AN 41677817)
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5. Major rulings of the European Court of Human Rights on Cyprus: the impact of politics by Türkmen, Füsun; Öktem, Emre. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p278-300, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has so far issued six major judgments on Cyprus concerning the ongoing consequences of Turkey’s military intervention of 1974. Starting with the Loizidou case (1995, 1996), the rulings of the court on Cyprus v. Turkey (2001), Demades v. Turkey (2003), Eugenia Michaelidou v. Turkey (2003), Xenides-Arestis v. Turkey (2005), and Demopulos and others v. Turkey (2011) have mostly been criticized for their ‘politicized’ legal content, including by some of the judges of the ECtHR itself, through their dissenting opinions. This article attempts to demonstrate the – not always negative ‒ impact of specific political developments on the court’s rulings as well as on the attitudes of the states parties before the court, as a result of this interaction.; (AN 41677815)
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6. Still a Beacon of Human Rights? Considerations on the EU Response to the Refugee Crisis in the Mediterranean by Barbulescu, Roxana. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p301-308, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe European Union is a political union of democracies which protects human rights and presents itself as a beacon of human rights on the global scene. This Profile reviews the measures the EU has introduced in response to the crisis and highlights the problems they pose from a human rights perspective. Overall, a set of five measures were adopted: (1) improving search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean and the Aegean in order to prevent loss of human lives at sea; (2) initiating military intervention to tackle networks of smugglers; (3) introducing resettlement and relocation quotas to alleviate pressure on the EU member states which serve as entry points (Italy, Greece and Hungary) and from the countries neighbouring Syria (primarily Turkey); (4) creating a common list of safe countries to facilitate and speed up the return of failed asylum seekers and undocumented migrants; and finally (5) strengthening cooperation with countries of origin and transit to readmit migrants and to tighten border controls. Whether the EU will be able to respond to the unfolding crisis by providing international protection to those in need while simultaneously securing its external borders will be a yardstick by which to judge its human rights commitment.; (AN 41677821)
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7. Participatory Democracy in Southern Europe: Causes, Characteristics and Consequences by Rak, Joanna. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p309-311, 3p; (AN 41677820)
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8. Le Hamas et le monde by Brenner, Björn. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p311-314, 4p; (AN 41677818)
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9. Revolutionary Egypt: connecting domestic and international struggles by Malfait, Seppe. Mediterranean Politics, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p314-315, 2p; (AN 41677819)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p7-8, 2p; (AN 41392105)
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2.

Tahrir Square, From Place to Space: The Geography of Representation by Bar’el, Zvi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p9-22, 14p; Abstract: Abstract:Due to its role in the Egyptian Revolution, Tahrir Square in Cairo became synonymous with the Arab Spring. During the protests it was transformed from a physical place into a symbolic space and then into an abstract space. This article follows the stages of the square’s transformation and aims to expose the implications that this transformation has on public discourse and on the political legitimacy that abstract spaces might bestow on regimes in general, and particularly in Egypt.; (AN 41391805)
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3.

The Idea of the Civil State in Egypt: Its Evolution and Political Impact following the 2011 Revolution by Lavie, Limor. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p23-44, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:The model of the “civil state” (dawla madaniyya) occupies a central place in the public debate over the character of Egypt following the January 25 Revolution of 2011. The demand to establish a civil state was ostensibly shared by all the political currents in Egypt. However, when these currents attempted to set out agreed-upon guidelines for Egypt’s future, it soon became clear that they were far from a consensus, and that defining the civil state was at the heart of the controversy. This article examines the roots of this concept in Western political philosophy, tracing its evolution in Egypt from its first appearance in the beginning of the 20th century until the recent debate on its inclusion in Article 1 of the 2014 constitution.; (AN 41392008)
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4.

The Islamic Da‘wa Party and the Mobilization of Iraq’s Shi‘i Community, 1958–1965 by Alaaldin, Ranj. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p45-65, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:Based on extensive field research and primary source material, this article analyzes the history of the Islamic Da‘wa Party and its emergence as a sociopolitical movement. It looks at the party’s impact on Iraq’s Shi‘i community. In doing so, it argues that it was with the advent of the party and the 1960s period that Iraq’s traditionally heterogeneous Shi‘i community became increasingly communalized and collectively mobilized.; (AN 41392080)
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5.

The Military and the State in Iran: The Economic Rise of the Revolutionary Guards by Forozan, Hesam; Shahi, Afshin. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p67-86, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is a multilayered political, ideological, and security institution that has steadily acquired an increasing role in Iran’s economy in recent years. This article analyzes the growing economic and business involvement of the IRGC in the broader context of Iranian state-society relations in general, and its civil-military dynamics in particular. More specifically, we look at the political and socioeconomic processes within which the IRGC operates at the interrelated levels of the state and society. This analysis sets out the framework based on which we examine the IRGC’s increasing power in the course of its engagements and various conflicts in both political and societal arenas, in particular its economic expansion under Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency. This article concludes by discussing the implications of the IRGC’s rise on the economic policy of the government under President Hassan Rouhani.; (AN 41392039)
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6.

The Logic and Illogic of an Israeli Unilateral Preventive Strike on Iran by Merom, Gil. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p87-110, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:The Israeli political leadership has invested massively in preparing a credible preventive strike option on Iran’s nuclear program. The article assesses this option in the context of Israel’s operational acumen and strategic preferences. It points out to a critical gap between the capacity to achieve the operational objectives and the strategic utility of a preventive strike. It then discusses the logical fallacies underlying Israeli leaders’ explanations of how this gap would be overcome, assessing the potential downsides of a strike.; (AN 41391939)
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7.

Chronology: July 16, 2016 – October 15, 2016 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p111-146, 36p; (AN 41392144)
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8.

Five Inauguration Days: The US and the Middle East by Clarke, Richard A.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p147-154, 8p; (AN 41392110)
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9.

The Fall of Heaven: The Pahlavis and the Final Days of Imperial Iranby Andrew Scott Cooper (review) by Alvandi, Roham. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p155-156, 2p; (AN 41392068)
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10.

Dwelling in Conflict: Negev Landscapes and the Boundaries of Belongingby Emily McKee (review) by Dinero, Steven C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p156-158, 3p; (AN 41391978)
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11.

Kuwait Transformed: A History of Oil and Urban Lifeby Farah Al-Nakib (review) by Roberts, David B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p158-159, 2p; (AN 41391844)
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12.

Spheres of Intervention: US Foreign Policy and the Collapse of Lebanon, 1967–1976by James R. Stocker (review) by Ellis, Kail C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p159-160, 2p; (AN 41391954)
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13.

Political Rationale and International Consequences of the War in Libyaed. by Dag Henriksen and Ann Karin Larssen (review) by St John, Ronald Bruce. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p161-162, 2p; (AN 41391996)
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14.

Men of Capital: Scarcity and Economy in Mandate Palestineby Sherene Seikaly (review) by Nadan, Amos. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p162-163, 2p; (AN 41392101)
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15.

Palestine Investigated: The Criminal Investigation Department of the Palestine Police Force, 1920–1948by Eldad Harouvi (review) by Hughes, Matthew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 41391848)
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16.

An Intellectual History of Turkish Nationalism: Between Turkish Ethnicity and Islamic Identityby Umut Uzer (review) by Benam, Cigdem. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p165-166, 2p; (AN 41391828)
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17.

Oil Booms and Business Busts: Why Resource Wealth Hurts Entrepreneurs in the Developing Worldby Nimah Mazaheri (review) by Wright, Steven. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p167-168, 2p; (AN 41391834)
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18.

Reporting in the MENA Region: Cyber Engagement and Pan-Arab Social Mediaby Mohammad Ayish and Noha Mellor, and: The Naked Blogger of Cairo: Creative Insurgency in the Arab Worldby Marwan M. Kraidy (review) by Monier, Elizabeth. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p168-170, 3p; (AN 41392136)
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19.

Field Notes: The Making of Middle East Studies in the United Statesby Zachary Lockman (review) by Anderson, Lisa. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p171-172, 2p; (AN 41392137)
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20.

Us versus Them: The United States, Radical Islam, and the Rise of the Green Threatby Douglas Little (review) by Carle, Glenn L.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p172-174, 3p; (AN 41391850)
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21.

Lawrence of Arabia’s War: The Arabs, the British and the Remaking of the Middle East in WWIby Neil Faulkner (review) by Calvert, John. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p174-175, 2p; (AN 41391821)
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22.

Britain in the Middle East, 1619–1971by Robert T. Harrison (review) by Bishku, Michael B.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p176-177, 2p; (AN 41391888)
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23.

Salafi-Jihadism: The History of an Ideaby Shiraz Maher (review) by Wagemakers, Joas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p177-179, 3p; (AN 41391966)
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24.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), February 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p180-184, 5p; (AN 41391835)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 24, no. 1, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41556957)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p3-4, 2p; (AN 41556955)
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3.

U.S. Commitments in the Middle East: Advice to the Trump Administration by Chollet, Derek; Sullivan, Jake; Simes, Dimitri; Long, Mary Beth. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p5-34, 30p; (AN 41556959)
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4.

Syria and Its Neighbors: Chatham House Special Section by Phillips, Christopher. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p35-35, 1p; (AN 41556960)
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5.

Eyes Bigger than Stomachs: Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in Syria by Phillips, Christopher. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p36-47, 12p; (AN 41556948)
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6.

Syria's Spillover on Iraq: State Resilience by Natali, Denise. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p48-61, 14p; (AN 41556947)
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7.

The Syrian War: Spillover Effects on Lebanon by Salloukh, Bassel F.. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p62-78, 17p; (AN 41556950)
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8.

Sowing Division: Kurds in the Syrian War by Kaya, Zeynep; Whiting, Matthew. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p79-91, 13p; (AN 41556949)
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9.

Social Change, Network Formation and Syria's War Economies by Abboud, Samer. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p92-107, 16p; (AN 41556952)
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10.

Israel, Palestine and Nonterritorial Governance: A Reconfigured Status Quo by Deets, Stephen. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p108-128, 21p; (AN 41556954)
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11.

The GCC and the Muslim Brotherhood: What Does the Future Hold? by Hedges, Matthew; Cafiero, Giorgio. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p129-153, 25p; (AN 41556953)
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12.

Qatar's LNG: Impact of the Changing East‐Asian Market by Wright, Steven. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p154-165, 12p; (AN 41556951)
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13.

The Field of Fight: How to Win the Global War against Radical Islam and Its Allies by Norton, Augustus Richard. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p166-170, 5p; (AN 41556956)
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14.

Trouble in the Tribe: The American Jewish Conflict over Israel by Rubner, Michael. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p170-173, 4p; (AN 41556958)
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15.

The New Arab Wars by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p173-178, 6p; (AN 41556946)
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16.

Review Essay: T.E. Lawrence by Gearon, Eamonn. Middle East Policy, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p178-181, 4p; (AN 41556945)
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14

Millennium
Volume 45, no. 2, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Neuroscience and War: Human Enhancement, Soldier Rehabilitation, and the Ethical Limits of Dual-use Frameworks by Howell, Alison. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p133-150, 18p; Abstract: Recent breakthroughs in neuroscience have led to increasing concern about its uses in warfare. This article challenges the primacy of dual-use frameworks for posing ethical questions concerning the role of neuroscience in national security. It brings together three fields – critical war studies, bio-ethics, and the history of medicine – to argue that such frameworks too starkly divide ‘good’ and ‘bad’ military uses of neurotechnology, thus focusing on the degradation of human capacities without sufficiently accounting for human enhancement and soldier rehabilitation. It illustrates this through the emergence of diagnoses of Traumatic Brain Injury and Polytrauma in the context of post-9/11 counterinsurgency wars. The article proposes an alternative approach, highlighting the historical co-production and homology of modern war and medicine so as to grapple with how war shapes neuroscience, but also how neuroscience shapes war. The article suggests new routes for thinking through the connections between war, society, science, and technology, proposing that we cease analysis that assumes any fundamental separation between military and civilian life.; (AN 41355982)
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2.

Approaches to Concept Analysis by Berenskoetter, Felix. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p151-173, 23p; Abstract: This article takes as its point of departure Stefano Guzzini’s recent call for ‘ontological theorizing’ as a reflexive engagement with central concepts. In an attempt to advance this agenda, the article presents an accessible overview of different approaches to concept analysis to stake out the field for a discussion of what ontological theorising might entail. The article advances the notion of concepts as ‘basic’ and lays out the parameters through which they obtain meaning, followed by a discussion of three approaches, which tackle the multifaceted nature of basic concepts within and across different contexts. These approaches are labelled ‘historical’, ‘scientific’ and ‘political(critical)’ and presented through the work of Reinhart Koselleck, Giovanni Sartori and Michel Foucault, respectively. The article notes that concept analysis, as discussed here, stands in tension with modern forms of theory building yet is a creative source for theorising that accepts the unstable, political and context-bound nature of ontology.; (AN 41355987)
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3.

The Structure of Feeling – Emotion Culture and National Self-Sacrifice in World Politics by Koschut, Simon. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p174-192, 19p; Abstract: Why do individuals sacrifice themselves to defend a nation-state? This article emphasises the link between emotion and culture by investigating the affective reproduction of culture in world politics. Building on the tradition of Émile Durkheim, it introduces the concept of emotion culture to IR. Emotion cultures are understood as the culture-specific complex of emotion vocabularies, feeling rules, and beliefs about emotions and their appropriate expression that facilitates the cultural construction of political communities, such as the nation-state. It is argued that emotions provide a socio-psychological mechanism by which culture moves individuals to defend a nation-state, especially in times of war. By emotionally investing in the cultural structure of a nation-state, the individual aligns him/herself with a powerful cultural script, which then dominates over other available scripts. The argument is empirically illustrated by the case of the so-called Japanese kamikazepilots.; (AN 41355991)
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4.

Review Article: International Political Theory Today by Brown, Chris. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p193-200, 8p; Abstract: The four books under review offer very different takes on the nature of International Political Theory, but still display certain, cross-cutting, similarities. The books under review are:Jack L. Amoureux, A Practice of Ethics for Global Politics: Ethical Reflexivity(London: Routledge, 2016, 268pp. £90).Michael W. Doyle, The Question of Intervention: John Stuart Mill & the Responsibility to Protect(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015, 272pp. £58.99).Renée Jeffery, Reason and Emotion in International Ethics(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014, 252pp. £69.99).Michael Walzer, The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015, 172pp. £16.99).; (AN 41355981)
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5.

Introduction: The Aesthetic Turn at 15 (Legacies, Limits and Prospects) by Hozić, Aida A.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p201-205, 5p; (AN 41355989)
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6.

Recognising, and Realising, the Promise of The Aesthetic Turn by Steele, Brent J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p206-213, 8p; (AN 41355990)
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7.

Aesthetics, Ethics, and Visual Research in the Digital Age: ‘Undone in the Face of the Otter’ by Shepherd, Laura J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p214-222, 9p; (AN 41355986)
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8.

Aesthetic International Political Economy by Belfrage, Claes; Gammon, Earl. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p223-232, 10p; (AN 41355985)
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9.

Re-Thinking (Post) Communism after The Aesthetic Turn: Art and Politics in The Romanian Context by Pusca, Anca. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p233-240, 8p; (AN 41355983)
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10.

The Art of Losing (In) the International by Choi, Shine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p241-248, 8p; (AN 41355988)
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11.

Thinking Like an Artist-Researcher about War by Gibbon, Jill; Sylvester, Christine. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p249-257, 9p; (AN 41355984)
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12.

In Search of Thinking Space: Reflections on the Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory by Bleiker, Roland. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, January 2017, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p258-264, 7p; (AN 41355992)
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15

Orbis
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 40813866)
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2.

National Security Challenges by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-12, 9p; Abstract: The most important national security challenge for the next president will be rebuilding a domestic consensus on America's role in the world. Unless the president can answer fundamental questions voters are asking, she or he will be hobbled in foreign policy. Only having done that can our next president proceed to adopt policies and develop strategies that manage a rising China and a declining Russia, organize countries with common interests to stanch the wildfires burning in the Middle East, and reclaim for our country the international stature that fosters our security and prosperity.; (AN 40813865)
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3.

Understanding the Return of the Jacksonian Tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: The 2016 presidential election demonstrated the rise of a “restraint constituency” in American politics that openly questions Washington's bipartisan post-Cold War pursuit of a grand strategy of primacy or liberal hegemony. This constituency has been animated by the return of the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy, most notably in the candidacy of Donald Trump, which directly questions the benefits of alliance relationships as well as U.S. underwriting of an open global economic system. It also stresses the need for the United States to act unilaterally in defense of its core foreign policy interests. The resurgence of the Jacksonian tradition will make it difficult for the next President to reestablish a foreign policy consensus and combat perceptions of American decline.; (AN 40887735)
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4.

How U.S. National Security Decisions Are Made by Gvosdev, Nikolas K.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p27-33, 7p; Abstract: Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election will bring to the Oval Office a person with no past political experience. Having run on a foreign policy platform that, at times, challenged the established bipartisan orthodoxy in Washington, he must also deal with a Congress which, although nominally dominated by his own political party, is more likely to wish to exercise a close check on the new administration. Given the chill between the Republican party's foreign policy establishment and the President-elect and with the proviso that the new Chief Executive will need to get Senatorial confirmation for his nominees to the top echelons of the executive branch departments, it raises the possibility that the new team will continue with trends already noticeable in the last three presidential administrations: to shift the focal point of decision-making away from the national security bureaucracy and the Cabinet in favor of the “palace” of advisors and White House staff surrounding the president.; (AN 40813882)
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5.

Rethinking Geopolitics; Rebuilding Alliances by Granieri, Ronald J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p34-42, 9p; Abstract: Although the recent presidential campaign did not focus on foreign policy, the new President will confront major international challenges and be expected both to make difficult decisions about ongoing conflicts and chart a course for the future. This essay sketches the international situation at the end of the Obama Administration and suggests a course of realistic engagement that recognizes the limits of American power in defense of national interests.; (AN 40813881)
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6.

Shaping the 21stCentury Military by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: To guide the development of the armed forces’ future, the incoming president will want to offer guidance to the Pentagon on grand strategy and the supporting principles and planning framework to size and shape the joint warfighting force. This strategic direction will be a critical aspect of the initial national security planning effort and will provide guidance as to the number of kinds of wars that the Pentagon must be prepared to deter or win should deterrence fail. This article offers options and guidance for two major components of U.S. defense policy. These are Design Principles and alternative Force Design Constructs. These force constructs are not the strategy itself, but they are the requisite building blocks and guidance which defense policymakers use to shape the desired force and explain that force in its requests for the funding required from the American people.; (AN 40887734)
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7.

The Future U.S. Defense Budget by Schroeder, Wayne A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p64-75, 12p; Abstract: The next president should elevate the role of U.S. defense strategy and planning in the next administration toward the goal of developing a new strategic framework that assumes a long-term defense competition with both Russia and China. This goal will require a thorough overhaul of the resource assumptions of the Obama defense budget and future years defense program. The next Administration should also seek the removal of the resource constraints imposed by the Budget Control Act of 2011. To support a new strategic framework, the United States will have to sustain defense spending at a higher, yet affordable level, for the long term.; (AN 40813880)
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8.

Navigating Russia: Pivots & Resets, Walls & Deals by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p76-82, 7p; Abstract: Russia has proved a confounding counterpart to American political leaders over the past decade. To the veritable Rubik's Cube that is today's complex international security environment, American leaders too often react with simplism. Some seem unable or unwilling to articulate a contemporary doctrine to guide U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism, and other contemporary challenges. Faith in the directional march of capital “H” History or the curative effect of Globalism and like nostrums is a poor substitute for a well explicated statement of American geopolitical interests.; (AN 40753609)
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9.

Managing Sino-American Relations by Dreyer, June Teufel. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p83-90, 8p; Abstract: Past Chinese policy has proved deficient in managing the Sino-American relationship. Your administration should break with past assumptions, cease allowing China to set the agenda, be aware of specious Chinese claims based on distortions of history, avoid using meaningless or misleading terms in speaking of the relationship, be cognizant of the tendency of some China specialists to self-censor, establish clear guidelines for the limits of U.S. tolerance of Chinese behavior, and be prepared to respond forcefully if they are transgressed Be aware that failure to do so will be regarded as acquiescence to Chinese claims and an invitation to advance future claims.; (AN 40753608)
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10.

Responding to China's Rising Sea Power by Yoshihara, Toshi; Holmes, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p91-100, 10p; Abstract: America's next president must embrace risk to cope with rising Chinese sea power. The incoming administration should pivot to the Asia-Pacific more boldly than the Obama administration has. As it does so, Washington must accept risk to its interests and forces to uphold freedom of the sea, and it must impress upon Beijing that infringing on freedom of the sea in the South China Sea or elsewhere carries unacceptable risks for China's interests and forces. Rediscovering the art of imposing risk will let the incoming administration hold that which China treasures at risk, should China persist with its belligerence.; (AN 40850515)
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11.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41122563)
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12.

Advice to the Next President on India and South Asia by Ganguly, Sumit. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p101-108, 8p; Abstract: A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing.; (AN 40850516)
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13.

Revisiting the Iran Nuclear Deal by Kahan, Jerome H.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p109-124, 16p; Abstract: One of Donald Trump's stated priorities when he becomes President is to kill the Nuclear Deal with Iran, one of the key legacies President Barack Obama wishes to leave. This article develops a memorandum for President Obama to consider sending to his successor that proposes a series of steps to be taken, with the support of our negotiating partners, on how to make the deal more supportive of the nation's security interests, avoiding the difficult and dramatic step of pulling out of the agreement. A four-part scenario, triggered by an assumed Iranian abrogation of the deal, is employed as a means of gaining insights for drafting this memo.; (AN 40850519)
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14.

Divining a “Trump Doctrine” by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p125-136, 12p; Abstract: This essay, written before Donald J. Trump's election as 45th President of the United States, sought to divine a “Trump doctrine” on national security and foreign policy, based on what Mr. Trump himself said and wrote over the preceding decades. It shows Mr. Trump's sympathy for a unilateralist (but not the pejorative isolationist of which some charge him) approach to defining American interests and for strategic ambiguity in dealing with America's adversaries. There, in fact, is a sizeable body of material from which to discern the contours of his thinking in these areas, much of it quite prescient. What some find disorientating is that Mr. Trump never felt compelled to synthesize it into a definitive “Trump doctrine,” or at least not one that satisfied the orthodoxy.; (AN 41122556)
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15.

History and Statecraft: A Complicated Marriage by McCormick, Evan D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p137-142, 6p; (AN 40850517)
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16.

The Rise and Fall of the BRICS? by Weber, Yuval. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p143-148, 6p; (AN 40850518)
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17.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41122566)
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