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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear Clouds on the Horizon? Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 41942845)
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2.

A Reflection on the Legal Obligation for Third States to Ensure Respect for IHL by Breslin, Andrea. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p5-37, 33p; Abstract: The proliferation of armed conflict involving widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) has created a virtually unprecedented humanitarian crisis, including levels of exodus not witnessed since the end of the Second World War. This article focuses on the promotion of compliance with and the enforcement of IHL. The capacity and influence of both international and regional actors in the promotion and enforcement of international law has evolved considerably in the half century since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. International organisations have been recognised as important actors with a significant role to play in the preservation of international peace and order, but individual states also have a role to play and a duty to wield their influence to the degree possible to avoid violations of the fundamental principles of the laws of armed conflict. This research article examines the legal obligation of third states under the Geneva Conventions to promote compliance with IHL to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflict.; (AN 41942846)
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3.

Enhancing Civilian Protection by Engaging Non-State Armed Groups under International Humanitarian Law by Saul, Ben. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-66, 28p; Abstract: While most contemporary armed conflicts are non-international, the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to non-state armed groups (NSAGs), the mechanisms for holding them accountable for violations, and international engagement with them to promote humanitarian protection of civilians remain underdeveloped. A crucial question is how states and international actors can enhance engagement with NSAGs to improve respect for IHL, including through legal or quasi-‘legal’ tools and the socialization processes of norm diffusion, persuasion and social pressure. Section 2 of this article briefly charts the formal international laws and mechanisms that apply to NSAGs, noting the jurisprudential controversies over how and why IHL and human rights law does or should bind NSAGs. Sections 3 and 4 summarize the key reasons why NSAGs violate or respect humanitarian norms, based on existing research. Section 5 reviews the suite of legal tools and practical mechanisms available to encourage NSAGs to respect IHL. Section 6 then focuses on international efforts to engage NSAGs and the gaps in engagement. It concludes by offering tentative suggestions as to how the international community might deepen and widen its engagement with NSAGs to improve their respect for humanitarian norms.; (AN 41942848)
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4.

The Normative Status of Unilateral Ad HocCommitments by Non-State Armed Actors in Internal Armed Conflicts: International Legal Personality and Lawmaking Capacity Distinguished by Kassoti, Eva. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p67-96, 30p; Abstract: This article examines the normative status of unilateral ad hoc commitments issued by non-State armed groups during internal armed conflicts. The article sketches out the two main approaches to the question of the juridical nature of these instruments to be found in the literature, namely the consent thesis and the customary law thesis. The article notes that both theses rest on certain assumptions regarding the concepts of ‘international legal personality’ and ‘law-making capacity’ and proceeds to examine these concepts. It is argued that these concepts, although interrelated, are distinct. International legal personality signifies that international law cognises certain entities as its subjects by bestowing upon them a wide array of rights, obligations and capacities. Lawmaking capacity is best understood as a subspecies of international legal personality that may only be conferred upon a subject on the basis of State consent. The article discusses and rejects the consent thesis since it conflates the distinction between international legal personality and lawmaking capacity; it undermines the existing legal bases underpinning the application of international humanitarian law to non-State armed groups; and rests on shaky evidentiary grounds. The article turns to the customary law thesis and argues that, despite its powerful explanatory force, at this point in time at least, there is very little evidence to support it. The article concludes by stressing the wider implications of the findings reached herein. The distinction between legal personality and lawmaking capacity propounded here may serve as a broader basis for assessing commitments entered into by other non-State actors in different fields of law.; (AN 41942841)
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5.

The Impact and Effectiveness of UNCLOS on Counter-piracy Operations by Paige, Tamsin Phillipa. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: The laws that criminalise piracy are well established; however, what is less clear is how these laws are being applied and the impact that they have in the world. This article addresses these questions primarily through a case study on Somali piracy, particularly the impact of direct criminal enforcement. The waning issue of Somali piracy was the first significant test of these laws since their entry into international law as a jus cogensnorm in the mid-19th century. The case study relies primarily on qualitative data gathered through interviews with individuals engaged in enforcement through prosecution, investigation or prison services, conducted in the Seychelles in 2013. The examination parses the direct and indirect impact of these laws, concluding that they are ineffective in the context of direct enforcement of criminal law; however, their existence has given rise to political engagements and the use of other legal regimes, rendering them very effective in an indirect manner when piracy is addressed as a broader security issue.; (AN 41942842)
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6.

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must1—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations) by Simonen, Katariina. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p125-145, 21p; Abstract: The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal.International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness.The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.; (AN 41942847)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Eastern Ukraine: The Legitimacy of a Request and The Competence of the United Nations General Assembly by Zavoli, Ilaria. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p147-173, 27p; Abstract: In the last two years, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been analysed by legal experts in relation to the possible secession of the eastern territories and its legal and political consequences. Less attention has been given to a peaceful settlement of the dispute through the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces. The ‘peacekeeping solution’ is quite appealing, but it is not straightforward, due to the Russian opposition in the Security Council. In order to adopt it, the international community needs to bypass the Security Council’s deadlock using an alternative process. This article discusses the possibility of having a peacekeeping operation in Eastern Ukraine established by the UN General Assembly. Traditionally, the UN Security Council is considered the organ competent for the deployment of peacekeeping operations. Taking a differentiated approach, and recalling the ‘Uniting for Peace’ Resolution, the author argues that there can be a role of the General Assembly on the matter. The analysis focuses on two points: (i) the legitimacy of a Ukrainian request, giving attention to the factual situation in Eastern Ukraine and to the legal conditions under which a UN peacekeeping mission can lawfully operate; and (ii) the competence of the UN General Assembly in authorizing peacekeeping operations in Eastern Ukraine, considering both its traditional function and the legal basis that supports a different interpretation of its role in maintaining international peace and security.; (AN 41942844)
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8.

James E. K. Parker, Acoustic Jurisprudence by Windridge, Oliver. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p175-179, 5p; (AN 41942843)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 61, no. 8, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Violence and Civilian Loyalties: Evidence from Afghanistan by Schutte, Sebastian. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1595-1625, 31p; Abstract: Insurgency and counterinsurgency are widely described as “population-centric warfare”: a competition between military actors over civilian loyalties. Drawing on a high-resolution conflict event data set and a new approach for analyzing reactive behavior in space and time, this article answers the question of how civilian cooperation and defection are systematically driven by incumbent and insurgent violence. Theoretically, the study contributes to resolving a dispute between proponents of deterrence- and alienation-based approaches to population-centric warfare. Empirically, this analysis improves upon the mixed results from previous microstudies in favor of an integrated picture: indiscriminate violence has almost no effect on collaboration with the adversary in its immediate spatiotemporal vicinity. At larger levels of aggregation, however, a clear reactive pattern of collaboration with the adversary becomes visible which is in line with alienation-based reasoning.; (AN 42979599)
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2.

Popular Support, Violence, and Territorial Control in Civil War by Rueda, Miguel R.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1626-1652, 27p; Abstract: I study civilians’ cooperation with an armed group in an irregular war. In the model, civilians differ in their valuation of siding with the armed group and make cooperation decisions without knowing others’ motivations or cooperation choices. I find that a superior military force is not sufficient to bring high cooperation and that full cooperation can only be attained if military power is complemented by expectations of punishment for helping the enemy. The model challenges the idea that random violence aimed at punishing enemy cooperators is used when selectivity is difficult to implement, and it shows that indiscriminate reprisals induce lower levels of cooperation, even when enemy cooperators are less likely to be punished with selective methods. Finally, I find that communities that have a highly centralized process of decision making are expected to give their support to only one group of combatants and to be exposed to less violence.; (AN 42979593)
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3.

A House Divided: Threat Perception, Military Factionalism, and Repression in Africa by Hendrix, Cullen S.; Salehyan, Idean. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1653-1681, 29p; Abstract: Why do African regimes repress certain contentious challenges but not others? We argue that in addition to opposition claims and tactics, African regimes are especially likely to view challenges expressing ethnic and/or religious claims as threatening. However, in theorizing the decision to use repression, we relax the assumption that the state is a unitary actor. Leaders with a history of factionalism in their security forces face a delegation problem: orders to repress may not be followed or could even cause intraregime violence and/or defections. For this reason, states with divided security forces are less likely to enact repression. This potential for fracturing the regime will be greatest when the challenge has ethnic or religious claims and targets the state, implying an interactive effect. Using the Social Conflict in Africa Database, we find that regimes with a history of past military factionalism are generally less likely to use repression and are especially less likely to repress contentious challenges making ethnic or religious claims.; (AN 42979602)
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4.

Domestic Signaling of Commitment Credibility: Military Recruitment and Alliance Formation by Horowitz, Michael C.; Poast, Paul; Stam, Allan C.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1682-1710, 29p; Abstract: We provide a new perspective on how domestic factors shape the prospects for international cooperation. Internal arms, specifically conscription, signal a willingness and suitability to be a dependable ally. Possessing ineffective military forces inhibits a state’s ability to assist prospective allies and renders a state less able to deter threats on its own. This exemplifies an instance where the trade-off between arms and allies does not apply. Using new data on the military recruitment policies of states since 1816, we find that adopting a conscription-based recruitment system in the previous five years makes a state more likely to form an alliance in the current year, even when accounting for a heightened threat environment.; (AN 42979601)
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5.

Sanctions and Preventive War by McCormack, Daniel; Pascoe, Henry. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1711-1739, 29p; Abstract: In this article, we demonstrate that through their use as tools of military containment, sanctions play an unappreciated role in international politics. We show that sanctions can be used to smooth shifts in relative power that would otherwise lead to preventive war. After presenting a model of shifting relative power and sanctions, we discuss two cases in which sanctions were imposed to destroy an adversary’s military capability. We also explore the implications of this argument for the evaluation of sanctions’ effectiveness. Because sanctions may be deployed as a mechanism to lock in the status quo rather than revise it, the outcome of a sanctions episode must be compared to its counterfactual rather than the status quo ante. Our argument suggests that sanctions may be effectively deployed in response to expected adverse shifts in relative power; therefore observed outcomes disadvantageous to the sanctioning state are insufficient proof that sanctions have failed.; (AN 42979594)
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6.

Export Diversity and Human Rights by Peterson, Timothy M.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1740-1767, 28p; Abstract: In this article, I synthesize a number of recent studies exploring how exports affect human rights, highlighting a common implication that this relationship is conditional on how exports are associated with leaders’ relative costs of repression and accommodation. Beginning with this synthesis, I develop a theory demonstrating how the composition of exports affects human rights via its impact on leader expectations. More diverse exports promote continued growth and prosperity, provide leaders with greater resources, and suggest conditions less conducive to severe dissent, all of which reduce the relative costs of accommodation. Repression is likely to threaten the benefits otherwise associated with greater export diversity; thus its relative cost increases amid greater export diversity. I test this theory using commodity-level data from the United Nations Comtrade database to create a country-year-level measure of export diversity. Statistical analyses spanning 1981 to 2009 support my expectation. My results are robust to sample restrictions and the use of instrumental variables.; (AN 42979598)
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7.

The Political Cost of War Mobilization in Democracies and Dictatorships by Carter, Jeff. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1768-1794, 27p; Abstract: Recent research concludes fighting or losing an interstate war is not costlier for democratic leaders than dictators, which implies most of our institutional explanations for differences in conflict behavior across regime type rest on empirically tenuous assumptions. I argue military mobilization, a fundamental but often overlooked aspect of war, should be costlier for democrats than dictators. Waging interstate war is associated with higher military spending and, often, lower social spending. Variation across regime type in the representation of the general public, civilian elite, and military in leaders’ winning coalitions should make democrats more likely than dictators to lose power given wartime patterns of government spending. This argument finds support during the period from 1950 to 2001. My findings provide microfoundations for a number of existing empirical results and suggest that differences in the conflict behavior of democracies and dictatorships should be largest when waging war requires a significant mobilization effort.; (AN 42979597)
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8.

Surprising Events and Surprising Opinions: The Importance of Attitude Strength and Source Credibility by Paolino, Philip. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1795-1815, 21p; Abstract: The academic debate concerning public opinion about war focuses upon two explanations: cost/benefits and partisan cues. Both sides of this debate use laboratory experiments to estimate the influence of events and cues, but Gelpi is notable for using a well-designed experiment to compare the theories simultaneously. He argues that his results support the cost/benefits explanation as “surprising events” that counter individuals’ prior attitudes have significantly more effect than “surprising opinions” upon people’s attitudes toward the Iraq War. His analysis, however, considers only the direction, but not the strength, of people’s attitudes toward the war. Additionally, the measure of source credibility for determining the influence of cues is not optimal. When the analysis accounts for attitude strength and uses a better measure of source credibility, the results show little support for the effect of surprising events and markedly greater support for the influence of partisan cues.; (AN 42979596)
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9.

The Surprising Robustness of Surprising Events: A Response to a Critique of “Performing on Cue” by Gelpi, Christopher. Journal of Conflict Resolution, September 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 8 p1816-1834, 19p; Abstract: Paolino presents two core critiques of “Performing on Cue.” First, he suggests that my dichotomous measures of support for the Iraq War bias against finding evidence of reinforcing cues. Second, he suggests that using party identification (ID) as a moderator for the treatment effects biases against finding an impact for elite cues. Unfortunately, Paolino’s statistical modeling choices do not reflect these theoretical concerns. His arguments about attitude strength and source credibility imply that the experimental treatments should have nonlinear effects. Yet Paolino relies on an ordinal logit model with a linear interaction of the treatments with a six-point index of party ID and Bush approval. A more appropriate approach for capturing Paolino’s critiques would estimate a multinomial logit model with categorical interaction effects between the treatments and the source credibility. These more appropriate statistical modeling choices reveal that the findings of “Performing on Cue” are very robust to the concerns raised by Paolino.; (AN 42979591)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 11, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Legitimacy in Conflict: Concepts, Practices, Challenges by von Billerbeck, Sarah B. K.; Gippert, Birte Julia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p273-285, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of legitimacy in situations of conflict and peacebuilding has increased in recent years. However, current work on the topic adopts many assumptions, definitions, and understandings from classical legitimacy theory, which centers on the relationship between the nation-state and its citizens. In this introduction, we provide a detailed critical overview of current theories of legitimacy and legitimation and demonstrate why they have only limited applicability in conflict and post-conflict contexts, focusing on the three main areas that the articles included in this special issue examine: audiences for legitimacy, sources of legitimacy, and legitimation. In particular, we show how conflict and post-conflict contexts are marked by the fragmentation and personalization of power; the proliferation and fragmentation of legitimacy audiences; and ambiguity surrounding legitimation strategies.; (AN 43119606)
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2.

UN Peace Operations and Conflicting Legitimacies by von Billerbeck, Sarah B. K.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p286-305, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAnalyses of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping increasingly consider legitimacy a key factor for success, conceiving of it as a resource that operations should seek and use in the pursuit of their goals. However, these analyses rarely break down legitimacy by source. Because the UN is an organization with multiple identities and duties however, different legitimacy sources – in particular output and procedural legitimacy – and the UN’s corresponding legitimation practices come into conflict in the context of peacekeeping. Drawing on a range of examples and the specific case of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), this article argues that looking at different legitimacy sources and linking them to the institutional identity of the UN is thus critical, and it shows how the UN’s contradictory legitimation practices can reduce overall legitimacy perceptions.; (AN 43119607)
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3.

The Local Legitimacy of Peacekeepers by Whalan, Jeni. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p306-320, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent scholarship and policy doctrine alike have identified local legitimacy as an important ‘success factor’ in peacekeeping – but like many such calls for greater attention to local dynamics, it is often unclear what local legitimacy actually means, how to analyse it, what causal processes are at work, and what might obstruct the operationalization of well-intentioned policy recommendations for peacekeepers to seek local legitimacy. This article aims to bring clarity to the complex concept of local legitimacy, including the ways in which insights drawn from legitimacy theory developed in very different social contexts can be adapted to the realities of the conflict societies into which peacekeepers deploy. First, it examines what it means to locate the legitimacy of peace operations at the local level, rather than the international. Second, it clarifies the causal links between peacekeepers’ legitimacy and their effectiveness, reviewing scholarship on local legitimacy and its adaptation of broader legitimacy theory. Third, it identifies three important reasons that locally legitimizing peacekeepers is so difficult in practice, distinguishing between the difficulties derived from the particular features of conflict societies and those derived from the institutional characteristics of peace operations.; (AN 43119608)
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4.

Legitimacy and Coercion in Peacebuilding: A Balancing Act by Gippert, Birte Julia. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p321-338, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the tendency of the power literature to analyse legitimacy and coercion in isolation, both theoretical and empirical evidence suggest that coercion and legitimacy are not parallel lines but can interact in different ways, supporting or undermining each other. A methodical exploration of the relationship between legitimacy and coercion is important not only for improving the theoretical literatures on power and legitimacy but also in the light of the increasing interest in the power of legitimacy in statebuilding and peacebuilding. This article first analyses the overall interaction between coercion and legitimacy, and then explores the question that emerges from the interaction analysis; what level of coercion is permitted or required in order for a mission’s local legitimacy to be sustained? Finally, for the practice of peacebuilding, the article shows that an operation needs to understand its initial legitimacy standing with the local population, as this determines how much coercive force it can employ without undermining its overall legitimacy.; (AN 43119609)
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5.

The Legitimacy Audience Shapes the Coalition: Lessons from Afghanistan, 2001 by Coleman, Katharina P.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p339-358, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLegitimacy considerations profoundly affect coalition-building strategies for contemporary military interventions. However, the nature of this impact depends on which of three distinct legitimacy audiences intervening governments are most concerned about: their domestic publics, the international community or the host-country population. Intervening actors typically value all three audiences, but may be more confident of some audiences’ approval than of others’. Moreover, these audiences may raise divergent demands regarding coalition design, each entailing distinctive strategic, operational and/or political costs. Intervening actors therefore make strategic choices about how to adjust their coalition, including which legitimacy audience to prioritize. Juxtaposing the two Western-led coalitions deployed to Afghanistan in 2001 highlights how profoundly such choices affect coalition design – and what unintended longer-term consequences they can have.; (AN 43119612)
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6.

Afghanistan’s Taliban – Legitimate Jihadists or Coercive Extremists? by Weigand, Florian. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p359-381, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe military intervention in Afghanistan in 2001 was portrayed as a fight to oust the extremist Taliban. But the Taliban have long been regaining influence, with the military victory of the Afghan government and its foreign allies now seeming less likely than ever. In light of these developments, this article investigates what the affected people – rather than the foreign interveners – think about the Taliban, and whether they perceive them as coercive or legitimate. Building on a conceptual understanding of legitimacy that has been adjusted to the dynamics of conflict-torn spaces, the article suggests that people judge the Taliban on the basis of how their day-to-day behaviour is perceived. While the Taliban are a coercive threat in urban centres and other areas where they launch attacks, they nonetheless manage to construct legitimacy in some of the places which they control or can access easily. A major source of their legitimacy in these areas is the way in which they provide services – such as conflict resolution – which some people consider to be faster and fairer than the state’s practices.; (AN 43119610)
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7.

Gender and blue helmets by Wilén, Nina. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p382-388, 7p; (AN 43119611)
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8.

Contested Norms in Peacekeeping by Ng, Joel. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p389-393, 5p; (AN 43119614)
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9.

Correction to: The Temporal Dimension in Accounts of Violent Conflict: A Case Study from Darfur Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2017, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p394-394, 1p; (AN 43119613)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 16, no. 1-2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editors’ Introduction: Are We All the Same? by Syse, Henrik; Cook, Martin L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p1-1, 1p; (AN 43055648)
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2.

The Value of Respect: What Does it Mean for an Army? by Collins, Pauline. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p2-19, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Australian Army has adopted “respect” as a new addition to the existing trio of values, “courage, initiative and teamwork.” This article explores what respect may mean as an army value. The significance of respect surrounding two incidents involving Australian Defence Force personnel while on duty in Afghanistan is considered. The first is the so-called “green on blue” attack by an Afghan National Army soldier killing three Australian soldiers on 29 August 2012. The second concerns allegations of mutilation of suspected Afghan insurgents’ corpses by soldiers attached to an Australian Special Forces Unit on 28 April 2013. The incidents have resulted in internal military investigations: in the second incident, with a view to possible prosecution for breach of the law of armed conflict and related disciplinary offences; and in the case of the green on blue attack, leading to a civilian coronial inquest. This article discusses the training and modelling of behaviour required to instil such a value as respect.; (AN 43055646)
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3.

Towards a Humanitarian Military Ethics: Moral Autonomy, Integrity and Obligations in the British and German Armed Forces by Kucera, Tomas. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p20-37, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHumanitarian operations may pose challenges to which armed forces prepared for warfighting seem rather ill-equipped. It is the aim of this article to examine in what way military ethics should be adapted to humanitarian tasks. Two ideal types of military ethics are defined here: warfighting and humanitarian. The warfighting ethic is supposed to maximise the utility of the military in war and combat and to that end utilises the virtues of loyalty and honour. In contrast, humanitarian obligations require to a larger extent the development of personal integrity and an ability to follow one’s own conscience. The adaptation of military ethics is demonstrated in the case studies of the UK armed forces and the German Bundeswehr. Whereas the moral code of the UK armed forces remains anchored in the principles of the warfighting ethic, the case of the Bundeswehr presents a military ethic closely approximating the humanitarian ideal type.; (AN 43055647)
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4.

Senior Officers in the Kishon Diving Affair: Between Ethics and Acts by Gushpantz, Tzippi. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p38-55, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor decades, soldiers in Israel’s elite naval commando unit trained in the highly polluted waters of the Kishon River without conducting any prior examination of its suitability as a training site. Following a high incidence of disease and even death among these soldiers, a national enquiry commission was set up. The thick descriptions in the commission protocols provided the factual infrastructure for this qualitative case study of an organizational phenomenon: how generations of senior officers enabled activities that directly contravened the declared code of ethics of the Israel Defense Forces regarding the risking of lives. The findings question the assumption that ethical decision-making is affected mainly by the traits and mindset of the individual. They show that the values, symbols and beliefs of a senior peer group mold a unique sub-culture and climate that can undermine the ethical ethos, even in a highly bureaucratic organization such as the military. The findings expand research knowledge about the impact of organizational contexts and group processes on ethical behavior, and extend applied knowledge regarding the instilment of ethics in organizations.; (AN 43055649)
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5.

What Sticks? The Evaluation of a Train-the-Trainer Course in Military Ethics and its Perceived Outcomes by van Baarle, Eva; Hartman, Laura; Verweij, Desiree; Molewijk, Bert; Widdershoven, Guy. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p56-77, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEthics training has become a common phenomenon in the training of military professionals at all levels. However, the perceived outcomes of this training remain open. In this article, we analyze the experiences of course participants who were interviewed 6–12 months after they had participated in a train-the-trainer course in military ethics developed by the Faculty of Military Sciences of the Netherlands Defence Academy. Through qualitative inductive analysis, it is shown how participants evaluate the training, how they perceive the development of their moral competence, and how they see the impact of the training on their own training practice.; (AN 43055651)
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6.

Situations and Dispositions: How to Rescue the Military Virtues from Social Psychology by Olsthoorn, Peter. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p78-93, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent years, it has been argued more than once that situations determine our conduct to a much greater extent than our character does. This argument rests on the findings of social psychologists such as Stanley Milgram, who have popularized the idea that we can all be brought to harm innocent others. An increasing number of philosophers and ethicists make use of such findings, and some of them have argued that this so-called situationist challenge fatally undermines virtue ethics. As virtue ethics is currently the most popular underpinning for ethics education in the military, it is important to know to what extent the claim situationists make is correct. Fortunately, a closer look indicates that an interactionist perspective, with our character and the situation interplaying, is more accurate than the situationist perspective.; (AN 43055650)
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7.

Keeping David From Bathsheba: The Four-Star General’s Staff as Nathan by Weigle, Brett D.; Allen, Charles D.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p94-113, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReaders of reports on ethical failures by four-star general officers must wonder, “Don’t they have staffs to ensure that the general follows ethics rules?” The Department of Defense publishes robust ethics guidance in several documents; however, a staff’s best efforts to implement this guidance may fail to make an impression on a senior leader who is susceptible to the “Bathsheba syndrome,” an allusion to the biblical account where the prophet Nathan rebuked King David for his moral failings. This paper proposes a methodology to enable senior headquarters staffs to play the role of Nathan in supporting ethical behaviors by high-level officers. It examines the mechanisms that embed ethical behavior within members of those staffs in carrying out their three principal roles of advising, scheduling, and transporting the four-star officer. The authors offer a framework based on an ethical infrastructure of organizational climate that focuses the staff’s daily efforts to mitigate risk across seven ethical “danger areas” that threaten ethical failures by senior officers.; (AN 43055652)
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8.

We’ll Always Have Kabul by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p114-117, 4p; (AN 43055653)
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9.

The Asia-Pacific Chapter of the International Society for Military Ethics by Allhoff, Fritz; Ford, Shannon; Henschke, Adam. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p118-120, 3p; (AN 43055658)
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10.

Just War Reconsidered: Strategy, Ethics and Theory, by James M. Dubik by Sisson, Logan B.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p121-123, 3p; (AN 43055657)
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11.

Ethics and Cyber Warfare: The Quest for Responsible Security in the Age of Digital Warfare, by George Lucas by Allhoff, Fritz. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p124-127, 4p; (AN 43055656)
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12.

Rise of the Machines. A Cybernetic History, by Thomas Rid by Cook, James L.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p128-129, 2p; (AN 43055654)
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13.

National Bird, directed by Sonia Kennebeck by Chapa, Joseph O.. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p130-137, 8p; (AN 43055655)
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14.

Hell on Earth: The Fall of Syria and the Rise of ISIS, directed by Sebastian Junger and Nick Quested by Hauer, Claudia. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2017, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1-2 p138-141, 4p; (AN 43055660)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 54, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Acknowledgements – JPRspecial issue on socialization and violence by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Checkel, Jeffrey T. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p591-591, 1p; (AN 43150194)
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2.

Socialization and violence: Introduction and framework by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Checkel, Jeffrey T. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p592-605, 14p; Abstract: This article sets the stage for a special issue exploring group-level dynamics and their role in producing violence. My analytic focus is socialization, or the process through which actors adopt the norms and rules of a given community. I argue that it is key to understanding violence in many settings, including civil war, national militaries, post-conflict societies and urban gangs. While socialization theory has a long history in the social sciences, I do not simply pull it off the shelf, but instead rethink core features of it. Operating in a theory-building mode and drawing upon insights from other disciplines, I highlight its layered and multiple nature, the role of instrumental calculation in it and several relevant mechanisms – from persuasion, to organized rituals, to sexual violence, to violent display. Equally important, I theorize instances where socialization is resisted, as well as the (varying) staying power of norms and practices in an individual who leaves the group. Empirically, the special issue explores the link between socialization and violence in paramilitary patrols in Guatemala; vigilantes in the Bosnian civil war; gangs in post-conflict Nicaragua; rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo, El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Uganda; post-conflict peacekeepers; and the US and Israeli military. By documenting this link, we contribute to an emerging research program on group dynamics and conflict.; (AN 43150191)
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3.

The limits of socialization and the underproduction of military violence: Evidence from the IDF by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Manekin, Devorah. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p606-619, 14p; Abstract: Research on socialization can obscure the agency of its targets, presenting socialization as a uni-directional process shaping beliefs and behaviors. This assumption is even stronger for the military, a totalizing institution often portrayed as fashioning its members into violence professionals through a top-down process of domination. In contrast, this article argues that even powerful socialization processes are not omnipotent, and that individuals retain a measure of agency even under pervasive social control. Drawing on the case of the Israel Defense Force during the Second Intifada, it shows that norms inculcated during military socialization can be undermined by the more ambiguous conditions of deployment. When soldiers also subscribe to competing norms and receive social support for their dissent, resistance can emerge, increase, and become more overt. Analysis of resistance to violence underscores the power of military socialization while drawing attention to its limits. It therefore challenges homogenizing views of soldiers, illuminating the processes through which military violence is produced and curbed.; (AN 43150189)
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4.

The persistence of sexual assault within the US military by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Wood, Elisabeth Jean; Toppelberg, Nathaniel. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p620-633, 14p; Abstract: What accounts for the puzzling persistence of sexual assault of both women and men within the ranks of the US military? Despite increasing efforts to end this intraforce violence, sexual assault of women persists at levels comparable to those in the civilian population and significantly higher than that of other crimes (data challenges prevent comparing rates for men). Drawing on recent analysis of rape as a practice rather than a strategy of war, we suggest the answer lies in the socialization not only of recruits but also of officers. We draw on an original typology of socialization processes and analysis of four well-documented cases to suggest the following account of why sexual assault persists. First, informal socialization processes (including sexualized hazing) trivialize sexual harassment and assault, establish assault as an appropriate form of punishment (including of those transgressing military gender norms), and license retaliation against victims who report. Second, officers sometimes sexually harass and assault subordinates, thereby endorsing similar acts by servicemembers under their command. Third, formal socialization processes of enlisted men and women, despite recent reforms, continue to reproduce a masculinity that undermines policies that seek to prevent sexual assault, in part because it fails to override these unauthorized and illegal socialization processes. Finally, the socialization of officers, combined with problematic incentive structures, undercuts efforts to end the de facto tolerance of sexual abuse by many officers. In our emphasis on horizontal as well as top-down socialization processes, and on those that subvert official policies as well as those that seek to inculcate them, we also contribute to scholarly understanding of socialization within organizations more generally.; (AN 43150190)
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5.

The socialization of civilians and militia members: Evidence from Guatemala by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Bateson, Regina. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p634-647, 14p; Abstract: When the Guatemalan civil war ended in 1996, the Peace Accords required the demobilization of the civil patrols. Yet, nearly two decades after the end of the war, the ex-patrollers remain organized and active. At first glance, the persistence of Guatemala’s civil patrols sounds like a triumph of socialization: the men enrolled in the civil patrols were effectively socialized during the war, so they continue patrolling today. This argument is seductively simple, but it is incorrect. Using process tracing to analyze historical documents and interviews with former civil patrollers, I show that the military did notsucceed in socializing most of its patrollers. The military was, however, remarkably successful at socializing civilians in conflict zones. After enduring a ferocious scorched earth campaign followed by re-education, civilians either learned to fear and comply with the military and the civil patrols, or they internalized the military-promulgated narrative that repression is necessary to guarantee security. Both these outcomes facilitate patrolling in postwar Guatemala, where many civilians in war-affected areas either embrace or tolerate extralegal security patrolling as a means of preventing crime from spreading to their communities. Theoretically, the case of Guatemala’s civil patrols expands our knowledge of socialization in militias and civil defense forces. Mass socialization of group members is not necessary for an armed group to retain its influence in the long term, even after a conflict has ended. Additionally, socialization occurs not just within groups, but also dynamically and interactively across group boundaries. To fully understand the trajectories of armed groups, it is important to analyze bothsocialization within armed groups andthe socialization of the broader civilian population.; (AN 43150188)
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6.

Bróderesin arms: Gangs and the socialization of violence in Nicaragua by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Rodgers, Dennis. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p648-660, 13p; Abstract: Drawing on longitudinal ethnographic research that has been ongoing since 1996, this article explores the way that gangs socialize individuals into violent norms and practices in Nicaragua. It shows how different types of gang violence can be related to distinct socialization processes and mechanisms, tracing how these dynamically articulate individual agency, group dynamics and contextual circumstances, albeit in ways that change over time. As such, the article highlights how gang socialization is not only a variable multilayered process, but also a very volatile one, which suggests that the socialization of violence and its consequences are not necessarily enduring.; (AN 43150187)
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7.

‘Talk of the town’: Explaining pathways to participation in violent display by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Fujii, Lee Ann. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p661-673, 13p; Abstract: How do people come to participate in violent display? By ‘violent display’, I mean a collective effort to stage violence for people to see, notice, or take in. Violent displays occur in diverse contexts and involve a range of actors: state and non-state, men and women, adults and children. The puzzle is why they occur at all given the risks and costs. Socialization helps to resolve this puzzle by showing how actors who have consciously adopted or internalized group norms might take part, despite the risks. Socialization is more limited in explaining how and why actors who are not bound by group norms also manage to put violence on display. To account for these other pathways, I propose a theory of ‘casting’. Casting is the process by which actors take on roles and roles take on actors. Roles enable actors to do things they would not normally do. They give the display its form, content, and meaning. Paying attention to this process reveals how violent displays come into being and how the most eager actors as well as unwitting and unwilling participants come to take part in these grisly shows. To explore variation in the casting process, I investigate violent displays that occurred in two different contexts: the Bosnian war and Jim Crow Maryland. Data come from interviews, trial testimonies, and primary sources.; (AN 43150195)
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8.

Membership matters: Coerced recruits and rebel allegiance by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Gates, Scott. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p674-686, 13p; Abstract: Unable to attract enough voluntary recruits, many rebel groups rely on force to fill their ranks. Given that the group used force to compel individuals to join, a coerced conscript would be presumed unlikely to be loyal and would be expected to desert at the first opportunity. Yet, groups that have relied on coerced recruitment retain their members just as well as, if not better than, rebel armies that rely on voluntary methods of recruitment. This is a puzzle. How do rebel groups maintain allegiance and prevent desertion, especially if they rely on abduction to staff their ranks? A recruit can be forced to join a rebel group, but continuing to rely on coercion to enforce retention is too costly and not sustainable. These groups must find a way to reduce the costs of retention. The solution to this puzzle rests in the mechanisms of socialization that shape the allegiance of forcibly recruited soldiers. Socialization mechanisms are traced through three outcomes: compliance (or Type 0 socialization), role learning (Type I socialization), and norm internalization (Type II socialization). Integrating socialization theory and a rational choice analysis demonstrates that mechanisms that alter preferences through Type II socialization are effective in retaining recruits; the highest level of retention occurs when several mechanisms work in concert. Illustrative case studies of the Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda, the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone, the Maoists in Nepal, and the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) show that a reliance on child soldiers, group assets (pecuniary and non-pecuniary), organizational structure, and the nature of military contestation shape when different mechanisms are effective or not.; (AN 43150196)
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9.

Armed group institutions and combatant socialization: Evidence from El Salvador by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Green, Amelia Hoover. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p687-700, 14p; Abstract: Ex-combatants who fought with the Salvadoran Army during El Salvador’s 1980–92 civil war often recall being ‘captured’, rather than recruited, suffering beatings and humiliation in the course of training, and fighting without a sense of purpose or direction. Those who served with rebel forces, by contrast, recall fatigue and frustration with new routines, but seldom hazing or abuse; most also recalled deep, ongoing instruction about the purpose and goals of the war. This comparison highlights the broad variation in armed groups’ formal institutions for socialization, a topic that political scientists have only recently begun to examine in depth. The Salvadoran case also emphasizes some shortcomings of the existing literature, which may elide the differing effects of different formal institutions, treat individual institutions as operating independently on combatant behavior, and/or fail to map complex causal processes intervening between institutions and behavior. This article takes as its starting point the observation that many armed group institutions – including recruitment, military training, political training, and disciplinary regimes – are components of the process known more generally as ‘combatant socialization’. Examining specific institutional processes associated with combatant socialization allows for the generation of more refined and specific theories of combatant socialization as both a causal variable and an outcome. At the same time, treating armed group institutions as related elements of a broader process, rather than as fully separate institutions, may also advance understandings of the effects of these institutions. I demonstrate that the implementation and content of formal institutions for socialization varied significantly both across and within groups in El Salvador; building on this analysis, I lay out several potential directions for comparative research.; (AN 43150186)
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10.

The ties that bind: How armed groups use violence to socialize fighters by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Cohen, Dara Kay. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p701-714, 14p; Abstract: How do armed groups use violence to create social ties? What are the conditions under which such violence takes place? In this article, I describe how armed groups use one type of atrocity, wartime rape, to create social bonds between fighters through a process of combatant socialization. As a form of stigmatizing, public, and sexualized violence, gang rape is an effective method to communicate norms of masculinity, virility, brutality, and loyalty between fighters. Drawing on literature about socialization processes, I derive a set of hypotheses about individual-level factors that may influence vulnerability to violent socialization, including age, previous socialization experiences, and physical security. I analyze the support for these hypotheses using newly available survey data from former fighters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The results show the broad applicability of considering group violence as a form of social control within armed groups, suggest some of the limits of violent socialization, and have implications for both theory and policy.; (AN 43150192)
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11.

Military socialization, disciplinary culture, and sexual violence in UN peacekeeping operations by Checkel, Jeffrey T; Moncrief, Stephen. Journal of Peace Research, September 2017, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 5 p715-730, 16p; Abstract: The sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) of civilians by international peacekeepers is a form of post-conflict violence that is pernicious and understudied, but far from inevitable. However, there are very few cross-mission analyses of the phenomenon. This article considers whether the socialization experiences of troops in two environments, the contributing state military and the peacekeeping mission itself, help to explain the observed variation in SEA. Drawing on a dataset of SEA allegations between 2007 and 2014, as well as the first publicly available data from the United Nations that identify the nationalities of alleged perpetrators, this article analyzes the layered nature of socialization through the lens of SEA. Specifically, this article presents evidence that SEA is positively associated with disciplinary breakdowns at the peacekeeping mission’s lower levels of command, and argues that a peacekeeping mission may carry its own norms and socializing processes that either constrain or facilitate the emergence and endurance of SEA.; (AN 43150193)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 30, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Russia-NATO Relationship Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How the ‘Defensive Inferiority Syndrome’ Is Increasing the Potential for Error by Boulegue, Mathieu. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p361-380, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNATO and Russia are locked in a self-reinforcing cycle of biased perceptions of each other. NATO and Russia entertain opposed world visions and conflicting narratives: This situation tends to create a ‘defensive inferiority’ syndrome that will be explored. In turn, NATO’s advances in Russia’s ‘near abroad’ are perceived as a threat by the Kremlin, thus maximizing the potential for errors and unwanted provocation that could trigger military escalation. Against this background, Russia has been negatively engaging NATO members through direct and indirect destabilization. If there is no such thing as a primer for Russian warfare, the second part of the article will show that the Kremlin’s strategy is far from unpredictable and can be defined as a ‘punish and spoil’ approach, i.e., a mix of brute force and unconventional means ranging from ‘hybrid’ warfare to ‘gray area diplomacy’.; (AN 42847567)
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2.

The Study of Things Military in the Republic of Macedonia (1991–2015): Flying in Place by Vankovska, Biljana; Taneska, Rina Kirkova. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p381-398, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this study ‘things military’ refers to political, social, and cultural concerns related to (and derived from) the military and national security policy. The research scope is limited to the disciplines that are believed to have — albeit weak — basis in the country’s academic traditions. We argue that social study of things military is marked by parochialism and ‘intellectual autism’. Macedonia’s main incongruity — being a NATO candidate country and an object of international state-building — inevitably reflects on its academic community’s inability to sustain any critical reflection on things military both internally and internationally.; (AN 42847566)
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3.

Suvorov’s ‘Invisible’ Divisions: A Preliminary Assessment by Robinson, Colin. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p399-409, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 1982 the Soviet defector ‘Viktor Suvorov’ tantalizingly added an additional type of reserve formation to the Soviet Ground Forces’ three known categories of divisions. These ‘invisible’ divisions were to be established from the Ground Forces’ millions of reservists stiffened by a thin cadre of personnel joining from higher-category parent divisions. But beyond vague estimates in the IISS ‘Military Balance’ during the 1980s, there were very little more data. Now, with the publication of new works in Russian, and associated Russian forum discussions, a preliminary list of such divisions can now be translated into English. Many details are still unclear, but these data give us another window into the Ground Forces’ Cold War order of battle.; (AN 42847565)
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4.

Relations between Turkey and the USSR at the Beginning of the Great Patriotic War by Moldadossova, A. K.; Abdugulova, B. K.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p410-439, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political ‘troubles’ that began in early 2015 between Turkey and the Russian Federation elicited interest in the history of relations between the two countries. However, the relationship between the two countries cannot be wiped out because it was already historically established in the 20th century. The main period of significance for the two countries was the relationship between Turkey and the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War [hereafter cited as the GPW]. This article uses facts based on information from Turkish and Soviet periodicals and from materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation. The features of Turkey’s foreign policy at the beginning of the GPW and the relationship between the USSR and Turkey are examined.; (AN 42847571)
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5.

Popular Leaders of the Civil War: Problems and the First Results of the Study by Posadsky, Anton Viktorovich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p440-452, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is a presentation of the idea and first results of the activities of the international research project on the study of the body of enterprising military-political leaders during the Civil War in Russia. Within the framework of the project they are labeled ‘popular leaders’ [narodnyi vozhak]. The article contains information about publications that were issued within the framework of this project, scientific results that were obtained, and the prospects of developing this initiative.; (AN 42847572)
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6.

The Impact of Intelligence Provided to the Soviet Union by Richard Zorge on Soviet Force Deployments from the Far East to the West in 1941 and 1942 by Glantz, David M.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p453-481, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmong the most controversial questions associated with the German-Soviet War (1941–1945) is the degree to which intelligence information received from his agents abroad influenced the decision making of Josef Stalin, the Chairman of the Soviet Council of People’s Commissars and soon Generalissimo of the Soviet Union, particularly during the summers of 1941 and 1942, when Adolf Hitler’s German Wehrmachtconducted its strategic offensives code-named Operations Barbarossaand Blau. This article assesses this question by assessing the impact of intelligence reports Stalin received from Richard Zorge (Sorge in German), a Soviet agent situated in Tokyo, Japan, prior to and during the Barbarossainvasion.; (AN 42847569)
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7.

Melnyk, Michael James, The History of the Galician Division of the Waffen-SS by Kocjančič, Klemen. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p482-483, 2p; (AN 42847570)
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8.

Yeomans, Rory (ed.), The Utopia of Terror: Life and Death in Wartime Croatia by Cox, John. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p484-485, 2p; (AN 42847568)
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9.

Relations of Central Asia with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization by de Haas, Marcel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p1-16, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTComparing the influence of and relationship of Central Asia with the major regional bodies, the SCO is an advantageous organization for the economic development of Central Asia, since it is an opportune podium for doing business, especially with China, with a guarantee that Moscow nor Beijing will take a dominating stance against them. Due to a lack of armed forces among CSTO allies, Russia delivers the majority of the troops assigned under the banner of the CSTO. However, this also means that the Kremlin — in return for its security umbrella — demands a certain degree of political influence on the Central Asian member states of the CSTO. The less Central Asian countries are depending on Russia for political, economic/energy, or security reasons, the more they can pursue their national interests.; (AN 42042079)
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10.

Contextualizing and Disarming Russia’s Arctic Security Posture by Flake, Lincoln E.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p17-29, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe West’s approach to Russian machinations in the Arctic is too often misinformed by simplistic media storylines of militarization and zero-sum competition. While Russian behavior of late in Ukraine and Syria has hardly been reassuring, Moscow’s Arctic approach stands remarkably separate from the larger tumult of relations with the West. The prevailing focus on security enhancements across Russia’s Arctic coastline risks oversimplifying Kremlin decision calculus and distorting conflict potential. Fortunately, recent trends in the region provide greater contextualization concerning Russian security. This article examines six features of Russia’s Arctic strategy that are particularly significant when considering an effective Western counter-posture in the Arctic. Three act to mitigate the risk of confrontation, while three other factors hold the potential to aggravate the security environment, After setting the geopolitical scene with these six features, this article offers five policy suggestions for the four NATO Arctic rim states. It argues against a blunt force deterrence posture in favor of a more nuanced approach based on issue-specific cooperation so as not to unnecessarily drag the region into a larger geopolitical fight.; (AN 42042078)
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11.

‘The War We Want; The War That We Get’: Ukraine’s Military Reform and the Conflict in the East by Sanders, Deborah. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p30-49, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the military change that has taken place in Ukraine since the conflict in the east began in 2014 and argues that the Ukrainian military that is emerging from this process is very different from that envisaged by earlier governments. The realities of the conflict on Ukraine from 2014 onwards have necessitated a move away from the transformational model of military reform adopted from 2006 to 2014. Instead, the Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) have been forced to adapt their structure, means, and methods according to a complex blend of the resuscitation of older features and the embrace of new solutions. This process notably has included the adoption of mass, crowdfunding, and the raising of volunteer battalions. These changes provide the foundation for what is likely to continue to be a painful process of far-reaching military reform.; (AN 42042077)
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12.

Between Vlasov and Himmler: Russian SS-Sonder-Regiment 1 ‘Waräger’ in Slovenia, 1944–45 by Kocjančič, Klemen. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p50-60, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of the article is to present the little-known Russian (Soviet) military unit that fought on the German side during the Second World War. Origins of this regiment go back to the Wrangel’s émigré army in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which provided the cadre for the future unit, working for the Germans against their old enemy — communists. First established as auxiliary police in Serbia, personnel were then sent to the Eastern front to perform commando-style actions in the Soviet hinterland. With the collapse of the German might, this unit was sent to Slovenia, reformed as a regiment, and used in warfare against local partisans.; (AN 42042081)
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13.

The Grand Delusion: The Creation and Perseverance of the September Campaign Mythos by Palmer, Matthew S.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p61-81, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe myth of the German mechanical juggernaut crushing a medieval Polish army has been repeatedly deconstructed. Elements of the myth are prima facie false, and others seen at first blush as factual are, with closer reading, products of propaganda, faulty intelligence, or intellectual prejudice. Soldiers rely on the victor’s delusion to keep their morale high, and wartime statesmen use mythos and delusion to shift blame, explain away inaction, and keep the public committed to final victory. Historians have no need of the myth, yet they perpetuate the meme and accept a simplistic version of events over a far more complex actuality. This article reexamines the myth using new research, examines why historians succumb to the romance of the myth, and critiques the implicit ramifications for the historical discipline.; (AN 42042080)
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14.

Axis or Allies? Coordinating the Rescuers of Downed Allied Airmen in World War II Yugoslavia by Gashler, Daniel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring World War II, American Army Air Forces commanders cooperated with Communist Partisans and their Chetnik enemies to rescue thousands of downed airmen from occupied Yugoslavia. American intelligence realized that a British-exclusive alliance with the Partisans hampered the ability to rescue as many airmen as possible. US commanders were unwilling to divert significant resources to the Balkans but instead gambled that the Chetniks might be willing to cooperate with rescuers as well. Air Force commanders were involved just enough to ensure that hundreds evaded capture, without involving themselves in a conflict where Americans had no national interest. These commanders showed the value of pragmatic cooperation over grand, ideological alliance.; (AN 42042082)
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15.

Ivan IV’s Professional Infantry, The Harquebusiers (Strel’tsy): A Question of Numbers by Halperin, Charles J.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe early modern European Military or Gunpowder Revolution did not exclude Muscovy, although the chronology and extent of its impact on Muscovy varied from Western Europe. This article examines the first step in that process, the creation of a standing army of gunpowder infantry, the harquebusiers (strel’tsy). It attempts to measure the influence of this development by determining the number of harquebusiers who served during Ivan’s reign. Previous studies of this question have overlooked the most detailed available data in the military registers for Ivan’s 1577 campaign in Livonia. Although it is impossible to compute an exact number, analysis leads to the conclusion that a field army could contain between 5,000 and 7,000 harquebusiers, which might constitute as much as 20 percent of the troops. However, this total does not include un-mobilized garrison harquebusiers, whose number remains unknown. The creation of the harquebusiers reflects a strategic decision to establish and increase professional gunpowder infantry, a reflection of the Military Revolution.; (AN 42042083)
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16.

Matev, Kaloyan, The Armoured Forces of the Bulgarian Army 1936–45: Operations Vehicles, Equipment, Organisation, Camouflage and Markings by Bolte, Brandon. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p117-118, 2p; (AN 42042086)
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17.

Ellis, Frank, Barbarossa 1941: Reframing Hitler’s Invasion of Stalin’s Soviet Empire by Harrison, Richard W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p119-120, 2p; (AN 42042084)
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18.

Gogun, Alexander, Stalin’s Commandos: Ukrainian Partisan Forces on the Eastern Front by Mann, Yan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p121-124, 4p; (AN 42042085)
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19.

Feferman, Kiril, The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Klein, Josh. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p125-127, 3p; (AN 42042089)
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20.

Shneyer, Aron, Pariahs Among Pariahs: Soviet-Jewish POWs in German Captivity, 1941–1945. by Klein, Josh. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p128-129, 2p; (AN 42042087)
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21.

Corrigendum The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, January 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p130-130, 1p; (AN 42042088)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 40, no. 6, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the editors Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p771-772, 2p; (AN 43056483)
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2.

Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case by Kragh, Martin; Åsberg, Sebastian. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p773-816, 44p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussia, as many contemporary states, takes public diplomacy seriously. Since the inception of its English language TV network Russia Today in 2005 (now ‘RT’), the Russian government has broadened its operations to include Sputnik news websites in several languages and social media activities. Moscow, however, has also been accused of engaging in covert influence activities – behaviour historically referred to as ‘active measures’ in the Soviet KGB lexicon on political warfare. In this paper, we provide empirical evidence on how Russia since 2014 has moved towards a preference for active measures towards Sweden, a small country in a geopolitically important European region. We analyse the blurring of boundaries between public diplomacy and active measures; document phenomena such as forgeries, disinformation, military threats and agents of influence and define Russian foreign policy strategy. In summary, we conclude that the overarching goal of Russian policy towards Sweden and the wider Baltic Sea is to preserve the geostrategic status quo, which is identified with a security order minimising NATO presence in the region.; (AN 43056482)
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3.

Enhancing Political Cohesion in NATO during the 1950s or: How it Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the (Tactical) Bomb by Moody, Simon J.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p817-838, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that the perceived need by NATO to nurture political cohesion within the Alliance during the 1950s resulted in the adoption of strategic concepts that were out-of-step with the military environment in which it was operating. It maintains that the Alliance acquiesced to American leadership on nuclear issues which led to the development of tactical nuclear capabilities at the expense of conventional war-fighting capabilities for the defence of the European Central Front. This resulted in a strategic concept that enhanced political cohesion but was militarily unviable.; (AN 43056481)
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4.

Eight Lost Years? Nixon, Ford, Kissinger and the Non-Proliferation Regime, 1969–1977 by Cameron, James; Rabinowitz, Or. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p839-866, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe years following the signature of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 have generally been seen as a period of neglect in US non-proliferation policy. While joining recent scholarship questioning this, the article also shows that the policies that emerged from the Nixon–Ford years were the product of a broad range of factors that constrained both the United States’ ability and willingness to build an effective non-proliferation regime. These included the Nixon administration’s initial skepticism regarding the NPT, as well as the global dispersion of power away from the US, combined with the continued importance of anti-Soviet containment.; (AN 43056485)
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5.

A Foregone Conclusion? The United States, Britain and the Trident D5 Agreement by Doyle, Suzanne. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2017, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 6 p867-894, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of the United Kingdom’s purchase of Trident D5 missiles have simplified the Reagan administration’s sale. Using previously classified documentation, this article highlights the potential political and financial ramifications of a sale agreement that led to complex deliberations within the Thatcher government up until the final day of negotiations. The White House viewed the sale as a means to strengthen Western nuclear and conventional forces to counter the perceived Soviet threat. However, even within this conducive environment, US officials still drove a hard bargain with their British counterparts, in order to support US strategic interests. Indeed, the White House utilised the sale to influence British defence policy. In this way, the Trident agreement was not a foregone conclusion but rather a continuation of the friendly, but not preordained, nature of US–UK nuclear relations that has been renegotiated, according to the varying interests of both parties, throughout the partnership's existence.; (AN 43056484)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 15, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

‘A military ERP’? Military assistance and US public diplomacy in Norway in the early 1950s by Danielsen, Helge. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p313-330, 18p; Abstract: This article explores how U.S. public diplomacy resources in Norway were mobilised in support of the Mutual Defense Assistance Program in the early 1950s. These efforts had two main objectives: to display U.S. commitment to allied security, and thus provide ‘psychological reassurance’, and, secondly, to mobilise popular support for increased defence spending by the Norwegian Government. The first ambition played well with local audiences. The second was more controversial, as it could be apprehended as meddling in domestic affairs. Close cooperation with local actors, a characteristic of U.S. public diplomacy in Norway at large, was therefore particularly important in this case.; (AN 43431869)
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2.

A transatlantic religious alliance? American and European protestant encounters, 1945–1965 by Krabbendam, Hans. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p331-347, 17p; Abstract: After World War II American and European Protestants linked up at various organisational levels to discuss and defend their common interests. On the American side this was far from a unified action. Disagreements between liberal and conservative Protestants in the United States meant that each side reached out to Europe in different ways, resulting in a variety of transatlantic religious alliances. The liberal representatives tried to draft a common platform for European engagement as part of their ecumenical objectives. Conservative Protestants on the other hand, feared this liberal effort and courted European souls with informal evangelical networks and joint US-European revival campaigns. Neither effort to shape new alliances was as successful as anticipated. Both suffered from Europe’s strong national religious interests and from the incongruity of a US presence in transatlantic political formations. As well, neither group could easily transcend the ideological divide created by the Cold War. In the end American evangelicals had greater success in drawing citizens on both continents in viable transatlantic relationships. Though the religious connections surfaced publicly only on occasion, they contributed to a lively transatlantic religious exchange.; (AN 43431870)
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3.

A view from the South: the Falklands/Malvinas and Latin America by Krepp, Stella. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p348-365, 18p; Abstract: This paper examines the traces the development of the conflict, which ultimately culminated in the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982, in Latin America. Utilising sources from the Organization of American States and recently declassified Brazilian documents from the National Archive and the Foreign Ministry, the paper relates the specific Latin American perspective on the conflict and highlights what role the South Atlantic occupied in the regional and national imaginaries of Latin Americans.; (AN 43431871)
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4.

Capacity, legitimacy or hegemony? A multi-tier explanation for NATO’s involvement in the Libya crisis by Reykers, Yf. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p366-385, 20p; Abstract: Although numerous regional (security) organisations have implemented UNSC-authorised military operations, we do not yet know which considerations prevail in the decision to work through a particular organisation. This article introduces a framework consisting of a capacity, legitimacy and hegemony logic for explaining the selection of a regional organisation. The article takes a rational-institutionalist approach, suggesting that analysis should primarily focus on the cost-benefit analyses of states. It applies the framework to NATO’s involvement in the Libya crisis (2011). Using insights from policy documents and 31 elite interviews, it shows that thoroughly explaining NATO’s involvement is only possible by taking into account all three logics.; (AN 43431872)
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5.

A French dandy in New York: Robert de Montesquiou and American visions of France in the Progressive era by Verhoeven, Timothy. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p386-402, 17p; Abstract: This article explores American stereotypes of France in the Progressive era by analysing the little-known visit of Count Robert de Montesquiou. The most famous dandy in fin-de-siècle Paris, Montesquiou arrived in 1903 to give a series of talks on literature. His visit, however, sparked a wave of hostility which reveals the role of gender, and particularly masculinity, in driving francophobia. At the same time, his ability to win an admiring audience attests to the appeal of France. The response to Montesquiou thus illuminates the negative and positive stereotypes which together made up American perspectives of France in this era.; (AN 43431873)
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6.

Legalist empire: international law and American foreign relations in the early twentieth century by Schumacher, Frank. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2017, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 4 p403-404, 2p; (AN 43431874)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 10, no. 1, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Dan Rather Maxim: Collective identity and news coverage of human rights and international law by Major, Mark. Media War and Conflict, April 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p127-140, 14p; Abstract: This article examines the influence of national identity on coverage of human rights and international law. Based on a content analysis of New York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today’s coverage of torture at Abu Ghraib and the Obama administration’s expansion of drone warfare, it is argued that the news media largely protects the American identity by ignoring or marginalizing considerations of human rights and international law, despite these issues being central to the events. This research posits that the news media adheres to the Dan Rather Maxim named after long-time CBS news anchor, Dan Rather, who noted that in times of conflict the press tends to ‘follow the flag’. In other words, national identity informs and ultimately skews coverage of conflicts. This article adds to the existing scholarship on social and national identity biases in the news by giving primacy to international law and human rights frames during controversial periods. The content analysis finds that the actions of US political actors and institutions do not receive ample treatment when viewed through the lens of human rights and international humanitarian law.; (AN 42854653)
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2.

Visual power: The scopic regime of military drone operations by Maurer, Kathrin. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p141-151, 11p; Abstract: This article analyzes how visual scopic regimes of military drones configure violence as a form of man hunting. For the French philosopher Grégoire Chamayou, man hunting embodies a type of cynegetic (hunting related) violence, which military drones can execute by power surveillance. Research often focuses on the political, legal, anthropological, and ethical aspects of this type of violence; the aspects of its visual framing are often underexposed. In order to change this shortcoming, this article draws attention to the medial aspects of this violence by investigating the drone’s scopic regime. The scopic regime refers to the drone’s visual configuration, i.e. its ocular operations of capture, its optical perspective on the target, the visual sensing of the drone pilot, as well as the target’s range of vision. Three scopic dimensions of military drones, namely hypervisibility, visual immersion, and invisibility are investigated. In doing so, this article explores how drones stage, interpret, convey, mediate, and execute violence as man hunting. Excursions to the works of contemporary visual artists are conducted in order to illustrate aesthetic interventions against the drone’s visual superpower.; (AN 42854657)
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3.

Conspiracy culture in Homeland(2011–2015) by Letort, Delphine. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p152-167, 16p; Abstract: Homelandis built on the conspiracy plots that provide entertaining suspense in the television series, which also reflects the fear culture that has developed in the wake of 9/11. CIA agent Carrie Mathison embodies the paranoid framework that undergirds the narrative, leading her to question the visible and to posit conspiracy theories behind coincidental events. Appropriating the narrative tropes of the gaslight films, Homelandenhances the unstable narrative structure produced by the combination of conspiratorial thinking with the serial. This article explores five seasons of Homelandand analyses the conspiratorial narrative it unfolds, highlighting how the serial format allows the creators to envision several scenarios illustrating individual and mass manipulation on the international stage, promoting a signifying system that blurs the final political message of the series.; (AN 42854656)
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4.

Diffused peace facilitation and the cosmopolitan filmmaker’s dilemma by Kalnes, Øyvind; Bakøy, Eva. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p168-188, 21p; Abstract: This article discusses the dilemmas documentary filmmakers face when acting upon the cosmopolitan ethos in a context of ongoing civil warfare and peace facilitation from the international society. This ethos is well known and accepted among Western audiences. When applied outside the Western hemisphere, the perspective of human-interest stories tends to get lost among audiences attached to the conflict. Instead, these stories may easily become identified as new public diplomacy on behalf of the participants on the ‘perceptual battlefield’ of war. The authors focus upon how this can be a challenge for Western states involved in peace processes in the same conflicts, especially for those small states that have little hard power and have to rely on gaining the trust of the conflicting parties. The article uses a case study of the Norwegian documentary My Daughter the Terroristabout the civil war in Sri Lanka as an example. The film became the epicentre of a major controversy during a critical stage in the peace process facilitated by the Norwegian government. The authors suggest the concept of diffused war can be translated as diffused peace facilitation to describe its effect on the peace process.; (AN 42854659)
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5.

When official consensus equals more negativity in media coverage: Broadcast television news and the (re-)indexing of the ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ repeal by Groshek, Jacob; Frush Holt, Lanier. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p189-207, 19p; Abstract: Media coverage surrounding the repeal of the ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ (DADT) military policy was analyzed to examine how tones in coverage change over time and along the contours of increases in official consensus. In advancing the concept of indexing beyond actual military conflict, or the threat of war and honing in on a domestic but still military issue, this study examines broadcast network news coverage for a period of one year before and after DADT was repealed. Findings observed here indicate that media coverage may be more independent of official consensus than shown in previous research, specifically in reporting more negatively after official consensus was achieved. These results further suggest that coverage was moderated by network and that conceptions of indexing may not hold in the contemporary media and political environment. Implications are discussed in relation to media coverage of contentious issues and performance in polarized politics.; (AN 42854654)
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6.

A Shared Rhetoric: The Western Front in 1914/15 as reported by Harry Gullett and Philip Gibbs by Kerby, Martin. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p208-221, 14p; Abstract: The newspaper articles written by the Australian Harry Gullett and his English counterpart Philip Gibbs during the opening months of the First World War provide important insights into the nature of war reporting, propaganda, censorship, and the relationship between the press and the military. Despite differences in background and temperament, their reports, which were written prior to official accreditation, were remarkably similar in tone and content for Gullett and Gibbs shared the belief that war was a regenerative force that would purify and strengthen a degenerate pre-war Britain. Both writers adopted a rhetoric in their initial wartime correspondence that emphasized traditional martial and patriotic values that they believed were an antidote to the weakness and disunity of a pre-war Britain beset by industrial, social and political upheaval. Battles would therefore be best presented as extended heroic narratives in which there was order, honour and greatness. This approach exerted an influence as pervasive as censorship itself.; (AN 42854658)
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7.

Conceptualizing journalistic self-censorship in post-conflict societies: A qualitative perspective on the journalistic perception of news production in Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia by Jungblut, Marc; Hoxha, Abit. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p222-238, 17p; Abstract: Post-conflict societies are subject to other societal forces than non-conflict or conflict societies. As a result, news production might differ between these three societal forms. In conflict, news is influenced either by the affiliation with a conflict party or at gunpoint. In non-conflict, it is shaped by manifold influences that are mostly connected to journalistic routines. In addition, post-conflict news production can be characterized by a high relevance of the conflict context and an emerging importance of routines. This article analyzes how journalists perceive self-censorship as an influence on post-conflict news production. It conceptualizes self-censorship as an analytic category and introduces different forms of self-censorship. Finally, the authors demonstrate the relevance of self-censorship as a force in post-conflict news production with the help of qualitative interviews conducted with journalists in Macedonia, Kosovo and Serbia.; (AN 42854660)
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8.

Nurse, martyr, propaganda tool: The reporting of Edith Cavell in British newspapers 1915–1920 by Hodgson, Guy Richard. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p239-253, 15p; Abstract: Edith Cavell’s death by a German firing squad in 1915 proved to be a significant moment for First World War propaganda. News of the British nurse’s death caused a torrent of outrage in Britain and around the world, inspired thousands of Allied troops to enlist and helped sway US opinion against Germany. Newspapers, as the principal source of communication between the government and the people, were essential in relaying this message and this article studies the roles played by the Daily Mail, the Manchester Guardianand the Daily Express. The results show the newspapers were eager participants as Britain sought to stiffen public hostility towards Germany and justify the suffering on the Western Front and at home. This article also examines the immediate post-war period as the newspapers changed from persuaders to reflectors of public opinion.; (AN 42854655)
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9.

Book review: Reporting Dangerously: Journalist Killings, Intimidation and Security by Rodgers, James. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p254-256, 3p; (AN 42854652)
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10.

Book review: Libyan Sugar by Brunt, Nathaniel. Media War and Conflict, August 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2 p256-258, 3p; (AN 42854651)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 22, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: A More Ambidextrous Process? by Schmitter, Philippe C.; Sika, Nadine. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p443-463, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDemocratization is always an ambidextrous process. On the one hand, it triggers a universalistic set of norms, events, processes and symbols. On the other hand, democratization involves a much more particularistic set of ‘realistic’ adaptations to the structures and circumstances of individual countries. In analysing the structures and conjunctures of countries in the Arab World during the past decades, scholars looked at them from the perspective of persistent authoritarianism. This essay exploits democratization theory – as well as its converse ‒ by analysing the universalistic set of events, processes and symbols of democratization elsewhere in the world, and then identifying the particularistic characteristics of timing, location and coincidence that seem likely to affect the political outcome of regime change in the countries affected by recent popular uprisings in the Arab World.; (AN 43412536)
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2.

Leavening Neoliberalization’s Uneven Pathways: Bread, Governance and Political Rationalities in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan by Martínez, José Ciro. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p464-483, 20p; Abstract: AbstractTechniques of governance in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan do not follow a single or unifying logic. Despite a more than decade-long shift towards a neoliberal orientation, market-disciplinary policies coincide with important exceptions. This article employs a modified variegated neoliberalization approach to explore one such exception. Specifically, it analyses the recent debate over the country’s bread subsidy to elucidate key elements of Jordan’s socio-economic transformation. The persistence of this long-standing welfare programme is linked to the uneven pathways of Jordanian neoliberalization and two potent political rationalities imbricated in this process.; (AN 43412535)
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3.

Trade unions and politics in Cyprus: a historical comparative analysis across the dividing line by Ioannou, Gregoris; Sonan, Sertac. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p484-503, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article is the first comparative study on the historical development of trade unions in Cyprus. It assesses the impact of the historical trajectory and ethnic division on the contemporary condition of the trade unions, which substantially diverge from each other. It compares and contrasts the framework, conditions and forms of trade unionism across the dividing line, focusing on the current conjuncture and accounts for them using a historical institutionalist approach. It concludes that disparity is likely to persist although recent austerity policies have been posing similar challenges to the trade unions on both sides of the divide.; (AN 43412539)
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4.

Endogenous Versus Exogenous Rules in Water Management: An Experimental Cross-country Comparison by Ibele, Benedikt; Sandri, Serena; Zikos, Dimitrios. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p504-536, 33p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper draws on institutional and experimental economics to investigate the role of exogenous and endogenous rules in irrigation systems. The hypotheses we examine argue that despite the differences between socio-economic and political settings, (1) endogenous rule-crafting can help water users to overcome appropriation and provision dilemmas in water-scarce environments like in the East Mediterranean countries and that (2) in market-like water governance systems, institutions other than the market itself, are less influential for overcoming appropriation and provision dilemmas than in hybrid governance systems. These hypotheses are being tested comparing the results of field experiments conducted in Jordan, the Republic of Cyprus and North Cyprus with 70 farmers. Field experiments simulate asymmetric access to resources and are based on variations of the irrigation game by Cardenas et al. to model and test asymmetric distribution of investment, harvest and revenue that favours upstream users. Empirical evidence shows that externally imposed allocation rules are able to bring in more equal distribution of revenue among upstream–downstream users but is likely to reduce the volume of investment and revenue, without resolving issues of free-riding. The authors argue that given the opportunity, water users (small farmers in our experiments) are able to craft their own rules improving the overall performance of the group in terms of investment and revenue, with a parallel improvement of equity in distribution. The implications and policy relevance of such findings are briefly discussed as they contradict typical practices of top-down policy delivery in the selected cases.; (AN 43412538)
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5.

Spain: The Forward March of Podemos Halted? by Gillespie, Richard. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p537-544, 8p; Abstract: AbstractImpressive electoral performances by Podemos in its first European, municipal and regional elections have not been sustained in the Spanish general elections of December 2015 and June 2016. In the context of government austerity policies and systemic political crisis, this radical left populist party has certainly attracted much support among youth and disadvantaged sectors, and had a great impact on Spain’s political life, yet so far Podemos has not managed to become the main alternative to the conservative Popular Party. Its alignment with the old United Left has proved unproductive and controversial. There have been tensions between the organizational centralism of the Podemos leadership and a desire for more decentralized expressions of radical politics in places such as Catalonia, as well as more generally from defenders of citizen politics or the original protest orientation of the party. For some currents of the left, Podemos has become too electorally oriented. Other critics point to a failure to reconcile left-wing objectives with the desire to capitalize on initial transversal appeal, extending beyond the traditional support base of the radical left. None the less, with Spain in a period of political stasis, there are still opportunities for Podemos to play a more influential role in the future, if it can address the challenges it faces without suffering schisms in the process.; (AN 43412537)
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6.

Priorities for International Co-operation with Libya: A Development Perspective by Furness, Mark. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p545-552, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides a development co-operation perspective on the challenges facing Libya during its post-Qadhafi transition. Four key areas for international co-operation are outlined: peace, reconciliation and justice; governance and public administration; economic diversification; and migration. While concrete initiatives in all of these areas depend on Libya’s domestic security situation, they need to be part of a long-term, holistic strategy for one of the most fragile and conflict-affected countries in North Africa. Assuming that Libya’s domestic power-brokers decide that a modern, prosperous country is what they want, patient and committed international support can help turn Libya into a success story.; (AN 43412540)
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7.

Neoliberal Governmentality and the Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa by Sanglaji, Mehdi. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p553-554, 2p; (AN 43412541)
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8.

Networked publics and digital contention: The Politics of everyday life in Tunisia by Wagner, Ben. Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p555-556, 2p; (AN 43412542)
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9.

Editorial Board Mediterranean Politics, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43412543)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525)
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2.

A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526)
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3.

Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527)
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4.

Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528)
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5.

Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529)
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6.

The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530)
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7.

Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531)
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8.

Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532)
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9.

The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 71, no. 3, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Dunn, Michael Collins. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p343-344, 2p; (AN 43007839)
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2.

Territory, Sovereignty, and New Statehood in the Middle East and North Africa by Ahram, Ariel I.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p345-362, 18p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines the interaction between territory, sovereignty, and statehood in the Middle East and North Africa. Various groups have aspired — and have failed — to become states since the contemporary regional system’s inception after World War I. Since the 2011 uprisings, movements claiming territory and sovereignty have emerged or become more viable throughout the region, including the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), Rojava, Cyrenaica, Azawad, and the Kurdistan Regional Government. Each poses different challenges to the regional system and holds out different hopes for rectifying historical missteps in state-building.; (AN 43008036)
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3.

‘Sectarianism’ and Its Discontents in the Study of the Middle East by Haddad, Fanar. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p363-382, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This article offers a critical examination of the vocabulary associated with the study of ‘sectarianism’ in the Middle East. It surveys Arabic- and English-language works on ‘sectarianism’ to illustrate how the term’s lack of definition has allowed it to be used in contradictory ways that render it, not simply meaningless, but distortive to our understanding of the region. In addition, the term ‘sectarianism’, with its inescapably negative connotations, has been used as a tool to neutralize political dissent and stigmatize people’s religious identity and otherwise legitimate acts of expression and mobilization.; (AN 43008404)
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4.

Identity and the Ba‘th Regime’s Campaign against Kurdish Rebels in Northern Iraq by Voller, Yaniv. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p383-401, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:Throughout its existence, the Iraqi Ba‘thist regime engaged in a war against Kurdish insurgents. Declassified Ba‘th Party documents reveal that beyond military means, Baghdad saw identity as a useful resource in suppressing the uprising. The documents tell of a sophisticated divide-and-rule strategy, using bureaucracy, law, and militia recruitment to manipulate the various minority communities in northern Iraq against the rebels and each other. Drawing on these documents, this article provides a detailed analysis of this strategy.; (AN 43007885)
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5.

Human Rights and Wrongs in Iran’s Drug Diplomacy with Europe by Christensen, Janne Bjerre. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p403-432, 30p; Abstract: Abstract:Europe has a strong interest in and a history of assisting Iran in controlling inflows of drugs from Afghanistan. But due to Iran’s increasing use of the death penalty in drug trafficking cases, Europe has terminated its cooperation. Based on interviews with Iranian policy-makers and representatives of both human rights organizations and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), this article presents Denmark’s withdrawal of drug control funding in 2013 as a case study, analyzing the dilemmas and trajectories of joint Iranian-European drug diplomacy and the prospects for reengagement following the nuclear agreement.; (AN 43008308)
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6.

Palestinian Refugee Visits to Their Former Homes by Klein, Menachem. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p433-449, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:This article compares Palestinian refugees and exiles’ written accounts of their visits to their places of origin in present-day Israel. The discussion is based on texts published by educated, upper-middle-class Palestinians living in the diaspora or in the West Bank, who made their visits as private citizens. After surveying the existing literature on refugee visits their homes in other post-conflict zones, the article discusses an aspect of Palestinian visits that previous studies have left untouched: the encounter between visitors and present occupants.; (AN 43008353)
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7.

Chronology: January 16, 2017 – April 15, 2017 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p450-478, 29p; (AN 43008514)
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8.

Toward a Comprehensive Solution? Yemen’s Two-Year Peace Process by Forster, Robert. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p479-488, 10p; (AN 43007999)
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9.

The Six-Day War: The Breaking of the Middle Eastby Guy Laron (review) by Terrill, W. Andrew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p489-490, 2p; (AN 43008130)
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10.

The Commander: Fawzi al-Qawuqji and the Fight for Arab Independence, 1914–1948by Laila Parsons (review) by Hughes, Matthew. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p491-492, 2p; (AN 43008297)
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11.

Copts and the Security State: Violence, Coercion, and Sectarianism in Contemporary Egyptby Laure Guirguis (review) by Elsässer, Sebastian. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p492-493, 2p; (AN 43008419)
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12.

Industrial Sexuality: Gender, Urbanization, and Social Transformation in Egyptby Hanan Hammad (review) by Goldberg, Ellis. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p493-494, 2p; (AN 43008296)
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13.

Democracy in Iran: Why It Failed and How It Might Succeedby Misagh Parsa (review) by Lob, Eric. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p495-497, 3p; (AN 43008017)
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14.

Reform Cinema in Iran: Film and Political Change in the Islamic Republicby Blake Atwood (review) by Minuchehr, Pardis. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p497-498, 2p; (AN 43008137)
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15.

The Military in Post-Revolutionary Iran: The Evolution and Roles of the Revolutionary Guardsby Hesam Forozan (review) by Rezaei, Farhad. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p498-500, 3p; (AN 43008523)
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16.

Family Law in Syria: Patriarchy, Pluralism and Personal Status Lawsby Esther van Eijk (review) by Welton, Mark D.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p500-501, 2p; (AN 43007752)
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17.

The New Turkey and Its Discontentsby Simon A. Waldman and Emre Caliskan (review) by Yesilada, Birol A.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p501-504, 4p; (AN 43008202)
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18.

Statecraft in the Middle East: Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics and Securityby Imad Mansour (review) by Fawcett, Louise. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p504-505, 2p; (AN 43007857)
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19.

Congress and the Shaping of the Middle Eastby Kirk J. Beattie (review) by Hibbard, Scott W.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p506-507, 2p; (AN 43007954)
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20.

America’s Dream Palace: Middle East Expertise and the Rise of the National Security Stateby Osamah F. Khalil (review) by Chamberlin, Paul Thomas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p507-508, 2p; (AN 43008435)
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21.

Counter Jihad: America’s Military Experience in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syriaby Brian Glyn Williams (review) by Rivera, W. A.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p509-511, 3p; (AN 43007956)
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22.

Salafi-Jihadism: The History of an Ideaby Shiraz Maher (review) by Cook, David. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p511-513, 3p; (AN 43008121)
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23.

Recent Publication The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), August 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 3 p514-515, 2p; (AN 43008215)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 24, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p1-2, 2p; (AN 43112608)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p3-4, 2p; (AN 43112609)
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3.

Post‐ISIS Iraq and Syria: Avoiding Chaos by Jeffrey, James; Natali, Denise; Alzayat, Wa'el; Salem, Paul. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p5-33, 29p; (AN 43112611)
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4.

The Future of Iraq: Is Reintegration Possible? by O'Driscoll, Dylan; van Zoonen, Dave. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p34-47, 14p; (AN 43112610)
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5.

The Role of the Muslim Brotherhood In the Syrian Civil War by Blanga, Yehuda U.. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p48-69, 22p; (AN 43112612)
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6.

The Four Waves of Global Jihad, 1979–2017 by Robinson, Glenn E.. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p70-88, 19p; (AN 43112613)
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7.

Iran's Defense Strategy: The Navy, Ballistic Missiles and Cyberspace by Bahgat, Gawdat; Ehteshami, Anoushiravan. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p89-103, 15p; (AN 43112598)
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8.

Reality vs. Fantasy: Transforming the Arab States' Military Force Structure by Amara, Jomana. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p104-116, 13p; (AN 43112601)
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9.

The Gaza Fighting: Did Israel Shift Risk from Its Soldiers to Civilians? by Levy, Yagil. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p117-132, 16p; (AN 43112602)
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10.

The Southern Transitional Council: Implications for Yemen's Peace Process by Forster, Robert. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p133-144, 12p; (AN 43112603)
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11.

Energy Security in the Eastern Mediterranean by Prontera, Andrea; Ruszel, Mariusz. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p145-162, 18p; (AN 43112605)
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12.

The Future of Iran‐Russia Energy Relations Post‐Sanctions by Kalehsar, Omid Shokri; Telli, Azime. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p163-170, 8p; (AN 43112604)
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13.

The Six‐Day War: The Breaking of the Middle East by Rubner, Michael. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p171-174, 4p; (AN 43112606)
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14.

From the First World War to the Arab Spring: What's Really Going On in the Middle East? by Sajjad, Ahmed. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p174-175, 2p; (AN 43112607)
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15.

False Dawn: Protest, Democracy, and Violence in the New Middle East by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p176-179, 4p; (AN 43112621)
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16.

Europe and Iran: The Nuclear Deal and Beyond and Nuclear Multilateralism and Iran: Inside EU Negotiations by Rafati, Naysan. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p179-182, 4p; (AN 43112614)
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17.

Kurdish Issues: Essays in Honor of Robert W. Olson by Gurses, Mehmet. Middle East Policy, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p182-184, 3p; (AN 43112616)
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14

Millennium
Volume 46, no. 1, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Imperial Mission, ‘Scientific’ Method: an Alternative Account of the Origins of IR by Thakur, Vineet; Davis, Alexander E.; Vale, Peter. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p3-23, 21p; Abstract: This article offers an alternative account of the origins of academic IR to the conventional Aberystwyth-centred one. Informed by a close reading of the archive, our narrative proposes that the ideas and method of what was to become IR were first developed in South Africa. Here, we suggest how the creation of a racially-ordered state served as a template for the British Commonwealth and later the World State. We draw further on the British dominions’ tour of Lionel Curtis, founder of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA), between September 1909 and March 1911, to indicate how Edwardian anxieties about the future of empire fuelled the missionary zeal of imperial enthusiasts, who placed enormous trust in the ‘scientific method’ to create a unified empire. This method and the same ideas were to become central features of the new discipline of IR. By highlighting the transnational circulation of these ideas, we also provide an alternative to the nationally-limited revisionist accounts.; (AN 43150165)
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2.

The Illegal, the Missing: an Evaluation of Conceptual Inventions by Oelgemöller, Christina. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p24-40, 17p; Abstract: Migration Management, a regime of radical differentiation and exclusion, renders many people illegal because they violate the laws of access across geopolitical borders. Migration Management further disappears some of these illegal people outside of the external boundaries of the Global North. Recently, however, discursive moves to mobilise the concept of the ‘missing person’ in the context of illegal migration have been introduced when discussing Mediterranean migration in particular. This article offers an ethico-political evaluation of such conceptual innovations. The article asks if a reconceptualisation of the illegal migrant as ‘missing person’ is able to destabilise Migration Management and concludes that this is unlikely. The article illustrates how this reconceptualisation cements the more radical practices of exclusion whilst the boundary-drawing is reformulated as one between dead and living migrants.; (AN 43150164)
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3.

International Art World and Transnational Artwork: Creative Presence in Rebecca Belmore’s Fountainat the Venice Biennale by Merson, Emily H.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p41-65, 25p; Abstract: Drawing from and contributing to the International Relations (IR) aesthetics literature, I analyse how Anishinaabe artist Rebecca Belmore’s 2005 Venice Biennale performance-based video installation Fountainis an enactment of creative presence at an intersection of international and transnational politics. Belmore’s aesthetic method of engaging with water as a visual interface between the artist and viewer, by projecting the film of her performance onto a stream of falling water in the Canadian Pavilion exhibition, offers a method of understanding and transforming settler colonial power relations in world politics. I argue that Belmore’s artistic labour and knowledge production is an expression of Indigenous self-determination by discussing how Fountainis situated in relation with Indigenous peoples’ transnational land and waterway reclamations and cultural resurgences as well as the colonial context of the international art world dynamics of the Venice Biennale. My analysis of Belmore’s decolonial sensibility and political imagination with respect to water contributes to IR aesthetics debates by foregrounding the embodiment of knowledge production and performance artwork as a method of decolonisation.; (AN 43150168)
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4.

Schmitt’s Telluric Partisan in American Entertainment Media: Fantasies of Resistance and Territorial Defence by Schulzke, Marcus. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p66-86, 21p; Abstract: This article explores the political significance of the narratives of partisan warfare that appear in American popular culture. I draw on Carl Schmitt’s concept of the ‘telluric partisan’ – a figure that fights outside the normative boundaries of conventional war in defence of a homeland and the traditional identities that are rooted in it. These fantasies provide a sense of moral clarity, promote national unity, characterise enemy aggression, and glorify traditional values. They establish a ready-made narrative that can be invoked to frame conflicts in terms of the heroic defence of an innocent and victimised people protecting themselves against foreigners and their dangerous ideologies. As I show, this call for popular engagement in war generally serves a conservative project of directing potentially revolutionary expressions of populism and vigilante justice into defence of family and the territorial status quo.; (AN 43150166)
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5.

Book Review: Walter Scheidel, The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century by Mann, Michael. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2017, Vol. 46 Issue: Number 1 p87-90, 4p; (AN 43150167)
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15

Orbis
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 40813866)
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2.

National Security Challenges by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-12, 9p; Abstract: The most important national security challenge for the next president will be rebuilding a domestic consensus on America's role in the world. Unless the president can answer fundamental questions voters are asking, she or he will be hobbled in foreign policy. Only having done that can our next president proceed to adopt policies and develop strategies that manage a rising China and a declining Russia, organize countries with common interests to stanch the wildfires burning in the Middle East, and reclaim for our country the international stature that fosters our security and prosperity.; (AN 40813865)
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3.

Understanding the Return of the Jacksonian Tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: The 2016 presidential election demonstrated the rise of a “restraint constituency” in American politics that openly questions Washington's bipartisan post-Cold War pursuit of a grand strategy of primacy or liberal hegemony. This constituency has been animated by the return of the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy, most notably in the candidacy of Donald Trump, which directly questions the benefits of alliance relationships as well as U.S. underwriting of an open global economic system. It also stresses the need for the United States to act unilaterally in defense of its core foreign policy interests. The resurgence of the Jacksonian tradition will make it difficult for the next President to reestablish a foreign policy consensus and combat perceptions of American decline.; (AN 40887735)
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4.

How U.S. National Security Decisions Are Made by Gvosdev, Nikolas K.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p27-33, 7p; Abstract: Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election will bring to the Oval Office a person with no past political experience. Having run on a foreign policy platform that, at times, challenged the established bipartisan orthodoxy in Washington, he must also deal with a Congress which, although nominally dominated by his own political party, is more likely to wish to exercise a close check on the new administration. Given the chill between the Republican party's foreign policy establishment and the President-elect and with the proviso that the new Chief Executive will need to get Senatorial confirmation for his nominees to the top echelons of the executive branch departments, it raises the possibility that the new team will continue with trends already noticeable in the last three presidential administrations: to shift the focal point of decision-making away from the national security bureaucracy and the Cabinet in favor of the “palace” of advisors and White House staff surrounding the president.; (AN 40813882)
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5.

Rethinking Geopolitics; Rebuilding Alliances by Granieri, Ronald J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p34-42, 9p; Abstract: Although the recent presidential campaign did not focus on foreign policy, the new President will confront major international challenges and be expected both to make difficult decisions about ongoing conflicts and chart a course for the future. This essay sketches the international situation at the end of the Obama Administration and suggests a course of realistic engagement that recognizes the limits of American power in defense of national interests.; (AN 40813881)
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6.

Shaping the 21stCentury Military by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: To guide the development of the armed forces’ future, the incoming president will want to offer guidance to the Pentagon on grand strategy and the supporting principles and planning framework to size and shape the joint warfighting force. This strategic direction will be a critical aspect of the initial national security planning effort and will provide guidance as to the number of kinds of wars that the Pentagon must be prepared to deter or win should deterrence fail. This article offers options and guidance for two major components of U.S. defense policy. These are Design Principles and alternative Force Design Constructs. These force constructs are not the strategy itself, but they are the requisite building blocks and guidance which defense policymakers use to shape the desired force and explain that force in its requests for the funding required from the American people.; (AN 40887734)
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7.

The Future U.S. Defense Budget by Schroeder, Wayne A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p64-75, 12p; Abstract: The next president should elevate the role of U.S. defense strategy and planning in the next administration toward the goal of developing a new strategic framework that assumes a long-term defense competition with both Russia and China. This goal will require a thorough overhaul of the resource assumptions of the Obama defense budget and future years defense program. The next Administration should also seek the removal of the resource constraints imposed by the Budget Control Act of 2011. To support a new strategic framework, the United States will have to sustain defense spending at a higher, yet affordable level, for the long term.; (AN 40813880)
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8.

Navigating Russia: Pivots & Resets, Walls & Deals by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p76-82, 7p; Abstract: Russia has proved a confounding counterpart to American political leaders over the past decade. To the veritable Rubik's Cube that is today's complex international security environment, American leaders too often react with simplism. Some seem unable or unwilling to articulate a contemporary doctrine to guide U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism, and other contemporary challenges. Faith in the directional march of capital “H” History or the curative effect of Globalism and like nostrums is a poor substitute for a well explicated statement of American geopolitical interests.; (AN 40753609)
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9.

Managing Sino-American Relations by Dreyer, June Teufel. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p83-90, 8p; Abstract: Past Chinese policy has proved deficient in managing the Sino-American relationship. Your administration should break with past assumptions, cease allowing China to set the agenda, be aware of specious Chinese claims based on distortions of history, avoid using meaningless or misleading terms in speaking of the relationship, be cognizant of the tendency of some China specialists to self-censor, establish clear guidelines for the limits of U.S. tolerance of Chinese behavior, and be prepared to respond forcefully if they are transgressed Be aware that failure to do so will be regarded as acquiescence to Chinese claims and an invitation to advance future claims.; (AN 40753608)
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10.

Responding to China's Rising Sea Power by Yoshihara, Toshi; Holmes, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p91-100, 10p; Abstract: America's next president must embrace risk to cope with rising Chinese sea power. The incoming administration should pivot to the Asia-Pacific more boldly than the Obama administration has. As it does so, Washington must accept risk to its interests and forces to uphold freedom of the sea, and it must impress upon Beijing that infringing on freedom of the sea in the South China Sea or elsewhere carries unacceptable risks for China's interests and forces. Rediscovering the art of imposing risk will let the incoming administration hold that which China treasures at risk, should China persist with its belligerence.; (AN 40850515)
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11.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41122563)
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12.

Advice to the Next President on India and South Asia by Ganguly, Sumit. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p101-108, 8p; Abstract: A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing.; (AN 40850516)
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13.

Revisiting the Iran Nuclear Deal by Kahan, Jerome H.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p109-124, 16p; Abstract: One of Donald Trump's stated priorities when he becomes President is to kill the Nuclear Deal with Iran, one of the key legacies President Barack Obama wishes to leave. This article develops a memorandum for President Obama to consider sending to his successor that proposes a series of steps to be taken, with the support of our negotiating partners, on how to make the deal more supportive of the nation's security interests, avoiding the difficult and dramatic step of pulling out of the agreement. A four-part scenario, triggered by an assumed Iranian abrogation of the deal, is employed as a means of gaining insights for drafting this memo.; (AN 40850519)
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14.

Divining a “Trump Doctrine” by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p125-136, 12p; Abstract: This essay, written before Donald J. Trump's election as 45th President of the United States, sought to divine a “Trump doctrine” on national security and foreign policy, based on what Mr. Trump himself said and wrote over the preceding decades. It shows Mr. Trump's sympathy for a unilateralist (but not the pejorative isolationist of which some charge him) approach to defining American interests and for strategic ambiguity in dealing with America's adversaries. There, in fact, is a sizeable body of material from which to discern the contours of his thinking in these areas, much of it quite prescient. What some find disorientating is that Mr. Trump never felt compelled to synthesize it into a definitive “Trump doctrine,” or at least not one that satisfied the orthodoxy.; (AN 41122556)
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15.

History and Statecraft: A Complicated Marriage by McCormick, Evan D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p137-142, 6p; (AN 40850517)
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16.

The Rise and Fall of the BRICS? by Weber, Yuval. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p143-148, 6p; (AN 40850518)
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17.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41122566)
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