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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- MILLENNIUM

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1

Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 21, no. 2, June 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p151-151, 1p; (AN 39766547)
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2.

A Path to a Comprehensive Prohibition of the Use of Chemical Weapons under International Law: From The Hague to Damascus by Asada, Masahiko. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p153-153, 1p; Abstract: The prohibition of the use of chemical weapons under international law has a long history dating back to the 19th century. Until the late 20th century, most of the endeavors by the international community had resulted in partial measures, not amounting to a comprehensive and absolute ban on their use, with limitations inherent in the relevant instruments, with the reservations put to the prohibitions or with different interpretations given to them. The recent use of chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war has revived the discussion on this issue. It is partly because although at that time Syria was a Contracting Party to the Geneva Protocol, which does not prohibit their use in civil war, and was not a State Party to the Chemical Weapons Convention, which may prohibit their use in internal armed conflict, the Security Council in Resolution 2118 (2013) declared that the use of chemical weapons in Syria is a violation of international law. This prompts us to examine whether the use of chemical weapons, including in internal armed conflict, is prohibited under customary international law. Moreover, a couple of years earlier, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was amended to add to its list of crimes a use of chemical weapons in non-international armed conflict. With these facts in mind, this article examines the history of prohibiting the use of chemical weapons under international law, with particular reference to their use in internal armed conflict.; (AN 39766550)
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3.

UN Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Protection of Civilians by Murphy, Ray. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p209-209, 1p; Abstract: UN peacekeeping has had a long and controversial involvement in the affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The current operation there constitutes one of the UN’s most challenging missions to date. MONUC’s (Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en R<a><ac>e</ac><ac>´</ac></a>publique D<a><ac>e</ac><ac>´</ac></a>mocratique du Congo) mandate evolved over time and the force adopted an increasingly robust posture. MONUC needed the military capacity to take action to support the transitional process and to deter spoilers, while at the same time ensuring the protection of civilians who were at risk. As the situation deteriorated, the response of the UN was to modify the mission to meet what were seen as the main challenges to stability. In 2010 MONUC became United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO). This led to a reconfiguration and change in role to that of a stabilisation mission. Subsequently in 2013, the Security Council approved the establishment of the Force Intervention Brigade. This reflected an acknowledgement of the scale of the crisis and that it was necessary to take the initiative militarily to neutralise spoilers. The combat nature of the Brigade mission distinguishes it from other UN operations under Chapter VII and has important implications for the status of the military personnel comprising the whole MONUSCO mission. MONUSCO continues to be subject to criticism for its failure to protect civilians. While the situation would almost certainly have been worse without UN involvement, MONUSCO cannot continue to try and manage the conflict indefinitely while failing to protect civilians at risk.; (AN 39766553)
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4.

Operationalizing Security Council Resolution 1325: The Role of National Action Plans by Barrow, Amy. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p247-247, 1p; Abstract: Since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR 1325) in October 2000, the international community has seen the emergence of a normative framework on women, peace and security. Despite international recognition of women’s multiple roles in armed conflict and its aftermath, the United Nations and its Member States have been criticized for failing to implement SCR 1325. National Action Plans (NAPs) have been adopted as one mechanism to strengthen the operationalization of SCR 1325. The early development of NAPs was driven by Northern European States. Denmark first adopted an NAP in 2005, followed shortly after by the United Kingdom in 2006. States emerging from protracted armed conflict have also adopted national level initiatives, though the development of NAPS in Asia, a region which has been marred by armed insurgency movements and territorial disputes, has lagged behind. To date, only five Asian States have adopted NAPs, Afghanistan, the Philippines, Japan, Nepal and the Republic of Korea. This article analyses the development of NAPs, considering experiences in both ‘donor’ and ‘conflict’ states, to consider whether NAPs provide the necessary catalyst to operationalize soft law instruments and strengthen norms on women, peace and security, including SCR 1325’s broader objectives of women’s empowerment and access to decision-making in peace and security processes.; (AN 39766545)
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5.

'A Few Rotten Apples: A Review of Alleged Detainee Abuse by British Personnel in Iraq Following the Al Sweady Inquiry. Is There Still a Case to Answer? by Wood, Tim. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p277-277, 1p; Abstract: Despite two lengthy public inquiries there remains uncertainty and suspicion about the conduct of British personnel towards Iraqi detainees during Op TELIC. The Al Sweady Inquiry rebuked but largely exonerated the accused personnel and criticised the Iraqi complainants and their legal representatives. Yet, a communication to the International Criminal Court, submitted by ECCHR/PIL, accuses the British government of abuse that is tantamount to war crimes. This article reviews the substantive allegations of mistreatment contained within the communication and considers the Legal Paradigm of the conflict. It assesses allegations of systematic and systemic abuse, including the criminal responsibility of senior politicians and military officers. It offers some conclusions and perspectives with regard to the notion of a few rotten apples and whether there is still a case to answer.; (AN 39766552)
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6.

The Laws Potential to Break--Rather Than Entrench--the South China Sea Deadlock? by McLaughlin, Rob; Nasu, Hitoshi. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p305-305, 1p; Abstract: The complex matrix of territorial claims and counter-claims, and associated resource and maritime disputes, which characterizes the tension in the South China Sea points to a deadlocked, and in some respects apparently intractable, dispute. This article seeks to examine a series of rule-based alternative options aimed at finding or creating fractures in this deadlock—points that may offer pathways, or introduce new possibilities, into the management of the dispute, with a view to breaking the deadlock on a limited scale or in relation to a limited set of issues. The analysis begins with a brief overview of the ways in which law can facilitate initiative, an attribute often forgotten when law is understood only as the language by which disputes are expressed and entrenched. The article then argues that treaty-based cooperative models—namely, the Antarctic regime model and the joint development model—for escaping the deadlock in the South China Sea are unlikely to succeed, at least in the short term, not least because they do not offer mechanisms or opportunities to overcome the regional introspection underpinning the deadlock. Finally, the article outlines four rule-based and legally expressible alternative options for finding or creating fractures in the deadlock.; (AN 39766546)
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7.

The Practice and Patterns of EU Military Operations in Concert with the United Nations by Töro, Csaba. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p339-339, 1p; Abstract: In the light of the experience of European Union (EU) participation in collective international crisis management endeavours by military means in the last 10 years, certain discernible modalities can be observed and identified as patterns for operational arrangements between the EU and the United Nations (UN) in terms of objectives, mandates and functions. The reviewed range of cases illustrates the ways and means of EU security enterprises to reinforce, complement or substitute UN activities and capacities in acute crisis situations or in zones of chronic security threats. Some of the EU military operations were conducted for short periods of time (in 2003 and also in 2006) as direct assistance for the prolonged (though transformed) and largest UN peacekeeping engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The longest EU military presence (in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2004) in a former conflict area demonstrates continuous regional stabilization efforts as an autonomous operation with a UN mandate. As another example of concerted EU and UN engagements, a military contingent under EU banner could be deployed in a critical area (Chad/Central African Republic 2008–2009) temporarily to plug security gaps until the insertion of a UN ‘multidimensional presence’ assuming protective responsibilities in the theatre of operation. The first naval EU military deployment around the Horn of Africa has been sustained in support of UN-led humanitarian aid and relief operation in Somalia since 2008. Occasionally, simultaneous UN and EU military undertakings in the same country (Mali since 2013) are implemented in complementary manner in pursuit of the reconstruction of state functions and security.; (AN 39766548)
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8.

Marco Roscini, Cyber Operations and the Use of Force in International Law by Bannelier-Christakis, Karine. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p367-367, 1p; (AN 39766544)
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9.

Sikander Ahmed Shah, International Law and Drone Strikes in Pakistan: The Legal and Socio-Political Aspects by Byrne, Max. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p368-368, 1p; (AN 39759098)
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10.

Jonas Ebbesson, Marie Jacobsson, Mark Klamberg, David Langlet and Pal Wrange (eds), International Law and Changing Perceptions of Security: Liber Amicorum Said Mahmoudi by Brennan, Anna Marie. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, June 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p372-372, 1p; (AN 39766551)
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2

Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note by Breslawski, Jori. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p3-3, 1p; (AN 40821626)
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2.

Sequencing the Peace: How the Order of Peace Agreement Implementation Can Reduce the Destabilizing Effects of Post-accord Elections by Joshi, Madhav; Melander, Erik; Quinn, Jason Michael. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-28, 25p; Abstract: Once a set of civil war actors reach a final peace agreement, a number of different implementation sequences are possible as the negotiated provisions are put into practice. We focus on a key but threatening stepping stone in the post-accord period—the holding of the first post-accord election—which has the capacity to be a stabilizing or destabilizing force. We identify effective accommodation provisions that civil war actors can negotiate and implement before the first post-accord election to reduce the chances of renewed violence. Utilizing new longitudinal data on the implementation of comprehensive peace agreements between 1989 and 2012 and a series of survival models, we find that if the first post-accord election is preceded by the implementation of accommodation measures, elections can have a peace-promoting effect. However, in the absence of preelection accommodation measures, elections are much more likely to be followed by peace failure.; (AN 40821624)
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3.

Do Negotiation Interventions Matter? Resolving Conflicting Interests and Values by Harinck, Fieke; Druckman, Daniel. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p29-55, 27p; Abstract: This study compared the effects of three interventions and a no-intervention control on the settlement of resource and value conflicts. These variables were arranged in a two (conflict issue: resources vs. values) by four (no intervention vs. other affirmation vs. shared identity vs. transaction costs) between-dyads design in which 127 dyads engaged in a negotiation task. Negotiators reached generally lower joint outcomes in the value conflict compared to the resource conflict, but after the other-affirmation intervention, this pattern was reversed. The shared-identity intervention did not result in higher joint outcomes for value conflicts. Stressing positive concern for the other negotiator may be a more effective strategy than stressing commonalities between the parties: increased concern for self and decreased defense of own opinions may account for this result. Forcing and logrolling behavior are shown to be mediating variables between the type of conflict and outcomes.; (AN 40821618)
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4.

Beyond Zeroes and Ones: The Intensity and Dynamics of Civil Conflict by Chaudoin, Stephen; Peskowitz, Zachary; Stanton, Christopher. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p56-83, 28p; Abstract: There is a tremendous amount of variation in conflict intensity both across and within civil conflicts. Some conflicts result in huge numbers of battle deaths, while others do not. Conflict intensity is also dynamic. Conflict intensity escalates, de-escalates, and persists. What explains this variation? We take one of the most prominent explanations for the onset and occurrence of civil conflict—variation in economic conditions—and apply it to the intensity and dynamics of civil conflict. Using an instrumental variables strategy and a rich set of empirical models, we find that the intensity of conflict is negatively related to per capita income. We also find that economic conditions affect conflict dynamics, as poorer countries are likely to experience longer and more intense spells of fighting after the onset of conflict.; (AN 40821623)
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5.

Exposure to Violence, Ethos of Conflict, and Support for Compromise: Surveys in Israel, East Jerusalem, West Bank, and Gaza by Canetti, Daphna; Elad-Strenger, Julia; Lavi, Iris; Guy, Dana; Bar-Tal, Daniel. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p84-113, 30p; Abstract: Does ongoing exposure to political violence prompt subject groups to support or oppose compromise in situations of intractable conflict? If so, what is the mechanism underlying these processes? Political scholarship neither offers conclusive arguments nor sufficiently addresses individual-level forms of exposure to violence in the context of political conflict, particularly the factors mediating political outcomes. We address this by looking at the impact of exposure to political violence, psychological distress, perceived threat, and ethos of conflict on support for political compromise. A mediated model is hypothesized whereby exposure to political violence provokes support for the ethos of conflict and hinders support for compromise through perceived psychological distress and perceived national threat. We examined representative samples of two parties to the same conflict: Israelis (N= 781) and Palestinians from Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the West Bank (N= 1,196). The study’s main conclusion is that ethos of conflict serves as a mediating variable in the relationship between exposure to violence and attitudes toward peaceful settlement of the conflict.; (AN 40821622)
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6.

The Distinctive Effects of Empathy and Hope in Intractable Conflicts by Rosler, Nimrod; Cohen-Chen, Smadar; Halperin, Eran. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p114-139, 26p; Abstract: The goal of the current research was to examine how discrete positive intergroup emotional phenomena affect conflict-related attitudes in different contexts of intractable conflict. We hypothesized that empathy, but not hope would be negatively associated with aggressive attitudes during escalation, while hope, but not empathy would be associated with conciliatory attitudes during de-escalation. In study 1, we examined our hypotheses within a correlational design in an emotion-inducing context, while in study 2 a two-wave survey was conducted during real-life events within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict; a peace summit as well as a war. Both studies supported our hypotheses, thus indicating the unique, yet complimentary, contribution of each of the two emotional phenomena to the advancement of peace.; (AN 40821621)
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7.

Renewable Natural Resource Shocks and Conflict Intensity: Findings from India’s Ongoing Maoist Insurgency by Gawande, Kishore; Kapur, Devesh; Satyanath, Shanker. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p140-172, 33p; Abstract: An interesting stream of the civil conflict literature has identified an important subset of civil conflicts with disastrous consequences, that is, those that emerge as a consequence of shocks to renewable natural resources like land and water. This literature is, however, reliant on qualitative case studies when claiming a causal relationship leading from renewable resource shocks to conflict. In this article, we seek to advance the literature by drawing out the implications of a well-known formal model of the renewable resources–conflict relationship and then conducting rigorous statistical tests of its implications in the case of a serious ongoing civil conflict in India. We find that a one standard deviation decrease in our measure of renewable resources increases killings by nearly 60 percent over the long run.; (AN 40821625)
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8.

Self-Containment: Achieving Peace in Anarchic Settings by Adam, Antonis; Sekeris, Petros G.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p173-203, 31p; Abstract: In anarchic settings, potential rivals can be dragged into arms races degenerating in open wars out of mutual suspicion. We propose a novel commitment device for contestants to avoid both arming and fighting. We assume that the military decides the armament levels of a country, while the civilian decides whether to attack a rival country. When these decision-making bodies perfectly communicate, the decision makers are unable to credibly communicate to their foe their willingness not to arm and not to attack, thus implying that war ensues. With imperfect information, however, peace may ensue as countries credibly signal to their rival a more peaceful stance since contestants are more reluctant to enter in an armed confrontation with a potentially understaffed army. Using data on the 1975 to 2001 period, we provide supportive evidence that in countries where the head of the state or the defense minister are military officers, and are therefore better informed of their armies’ fighting preparedness, the likelihood of observing an international conflict is higher.; (AN 40821620)
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9.

Coordination, Learning, and Coups by Little, Andrew T.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p204-234, 31p; Abstract: This article proposes a theory of coups that centers around coordinationand learning. The military is modeled as many officers who only want to join a coup if others join as well (i.e., coordination). If the current regime has survived past coup attempts, it is common knowledge that it is relatively strong (i.e., learning). Combining these effects, once the regime survives the first period, officers know that the regime is strong enough that they may refrain from staging a coup—regardless of how dissatisfied they may become with the status quo—under the mutually enforcing expectation that no other officer will rebel. The model has other equilibria where coup attempts can occur after the first period, allowing for more detailed empirical predictions. The analysis highlights several reasons why new regimes are prone to coups, but among regimes surviving the initial turmoil, structural factors that would seem to predict coup attempts can have an ambiguous effect. The model also makes novel predictions about how the “initial conditions” of a regime as well as what kinds of changes to payoffs affect the likelihood of coups.; (AN 40821619)
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3

Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 10, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Mapping the Nexus of Transitional Justice and Peacebuilding by Baker, Catherine; Obradovic-Wochnik, Jelena. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p281-301, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the convergences and divergence between transitional justice and peacebuilding, by considering some of the recent developments in scholarship and practice. It examines the notion of ‘peace’ in transitional justice and the idea of ‘justice’ in peacebuilding. It highlights that transitional justice and peacebuilding often engage with similar or related ideas, though the scholarship in each field has developed largely in parallel to each other, and often without any significant engagement between the fields of inquiry. The article also notes that both fields share other commonalities, insofar as they often neglect questions of capital (political, social, economic) and at times, gender. It is suggested that trying to locate the nexus in the first place draws attention to where peace and justice have actually got to be produced in order for there not to be conflict and violence. This in turn demonstrates that locally, ‘peace’ and ‘justice’ do not always look like the ‘peace’ and ‘justice’ drawn up by international donors and peacebuilders; and, despite the ‘turn to the local’ in international relations, it is surprising just how many local and everyday dynamics are (dis)missed as sources of peace and justice, or potential avenues of addressing the past.; (AN 39918075)
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2.

Disciplinary Divides in Post-Conflict Justice and Peace: Tracking If and How we Share Ideas by Millar, Gearoid; Lecy, Jesse. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p302-320, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of post-conflict justice and peace incorporates ideas from many disciplines and on a range of topics including justice, reconciliation, democratization, and peace. While diversity is valuable, it can also lead to confusion in theory and practice and so requires close evaluation of how diverse ideas interact, and to what end. This paper begins the systematic examination of such interactions by using new bibliometric software to track citations between two particularly influential literatures contributing to post-conflict theory: the legal and the psychosocial. The paper describes how these traditions interact and the impact on the post-conflict literature as a whole.; (AN 39918076)
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3.

Transitional Justice in Peacebuilding: Dynamics of Contestation in the DRC by Arnould, Valerie. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p321-338, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the place of transitional justice in peacebuilding by exploring how domestic and international actors frame this relationship and how this, in turn, moulds dynamics of contestation around transitional justice. In the transitional justice literature, contestation is usually framed around an international–domestic dichotomy: transitional justice agendas promoted by external actors confront strategies of instrumental adaptation of transitional justice by domestic elites and the adoption of alternative transitional justice approaches by local actors. Based on an analysis of transitional justice policy-making in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), this paper proposes that a more multifaceted reading of contestation to transitional justice is needed. In the DRC, both external and domestic actors variously acted as transitional justice promoters and resisters, and their positioning on transitional justice was strongly conditioned by their broader understandings of the nature of the conflict and transitional justice’s role in peacebuilding. It is therefore suggested that contestation of transitional justice does not necessarily reflect a rejection of international approaches to justice, but instead more broadly expresses a lack of agreement on what transitional justice is and what its goals are. The article thus contributes to a broader interrogation of how discourses about the meaning of transitional justice are constructed in practice.; (AN 39918077)
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4.

Might Makes Right: War-Related Payments in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Hronešová, Jessie. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p339-360, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the patterns of distribution of material reparations (compensation) for victims and veterans in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina. Drawing on bottom-up approaches to reparative justice and critical peacebuilding, it explains the existing material reparation schemes in Bosnia as outcomes of the post-war transition and interests of the main transitional actors. It first explores the different approaches to war-related compensation for victim and veteran groups and then demonstrates that veterans have formed powerful pressure groups, drawing on extensive political and economic resources. Their organizations have been receiving socioeconomic support in exchange for electoral endorsement and public political support. As victims are fragmented ethno-nationally, by categories, and also lack capacities, their means to leverage the authorities for change are limited, even when matched with NGO and international support. This paper argues that unless material reparation is distributed in a transparent and consistent manner, it may create additional social cleavages and tensions.; (AN 39918078)
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5.

Transitional Justice and Its Discontents: Socioeconomic Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Limits of International Intervention by Lai, Daniela. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p361-381, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe incorporation of socioeconomic concerns into transitional justice has traditionally, as a result of prevailing liberal notions about dealing with the past, been both conceptually and practically difficult. This article demonstrates and accounts for these difficulties through the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country which has been characterized by a complex transition process and a far-reaching international intervention, encompassing transitional justice and peacebuilding as well as political and economic reforms. Examining the limits of international intervention in Bosnia and the marginalization of socioeconomic justice issues, the article analyses the events surrounding the protests that broke out in February 2014, and the ensuing international engagement with the protest movement. Faced with a broad-based civic movement calling for socioeconomic justice, the international community struggled to understand its claims as justice issues, framing them instead as problems to be tackled through reforms aimed at completing Bosnia’s transition towards a market economy. The operation of peacebuilding and transitional justice within the limits of neoliberal transformation is thus instrumental in explaining how and why socioeconomic justice issues become marginalized, as well as accounting for the expression of popular discontent where justice becomes an object of contestation and external intervention.; (AN 39918080)
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6.

Contested Governance: Understanding Justice Interventions in Post-Qadhafi Libya by Lamont, Christopher K.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p382-399, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis contribution reflects upon the nexus between transitional justice and peacebuilding through a study of how transitional justice practices in post-Qadhafi Libya interacted with broader efforts to establish governance institutions in the aftermath of Libya’s 2011 armed conflict. It argues that dominant practices of transitional justice, promoted by external actors, prescribed narrow state-centric justice interventions that were ill-suited for a polity in which the state was highly contested. In fact, transitional justice proved divisive in Libya because attempts to project state-centric liberal justice practices were limited by their targeting of weak institutions that lacked local legitimacy and their inability to reconcile alternative normative frameworks that challenge the modern state. In addition, the weakness of Libya’s state institutions allowed thuwwar, or revolutionary armed groups, to dictate an exclusionary form of justice known as political isolation. Drawn from fieldwork conducted in Libya, this contribution provides lessons for both peacebuilding and transitional justice practice that call for a rethinking of teleological notions of transition and greater engagement with notions and concepts that fall outside dominant practices.; (AN 39918079)
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7.

Practicing Normality: An Examination of Unrecognizable Transitional Justice Mechanisms in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone by Martin, Laura S.. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p400-418, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTransitional justice and peacebuilding mechanisms have a tendency to reflect the extraordinary nature of conflict. These recognizable mechanisms—official bodies and institutions with preconceived goals and processes—are often inaccessible and undesired. In fact, what is often desired in post-conflict societies is the ordinary: a transition to a ‘new normal’. This article explores the various ways in which Sierra Leoneans practice normality in the post-conflict era. This is done through economic restoration, agricultural activities and religious engagement. Ultimately, these mechanisms are often seen as a more legitimate and meaningful way for many ordinary Sierra Leoneans to move past their war-related experiences and find some sense of peace and justice.; (AN 39918081)
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8.

Peace and Justice through a Feminist Lens: Gender Justice and the Women’s Court for the Former Yugoslavia by O’Reilly, Maria. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p419-445, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPost-conflict interventions to ‘deal with’ violent pasts have moved from exception to global norm. Early efforts to achieve peace and justice were critiqued as ‘gender-blind’—for failing to address sexual and gender-based violence, and neglecting the gender-specific interests and needs of women in transitional settings. The advent of UN Security Council resolutions on ‘Women, Peace and Security’ provided a key policy framework for integrating both women and gender issues into transitional justice processes and mechanisms. Despite this, gender justice and equality in (post-)conflict settings remain largely unachieved. This article explores efforts to attain gender-just peace in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). It critically examines the significance of a recent ‘bottom-up’ truth-telling project—the Women’s Court for the former Yugoslavia—as a locally engaged approach to achieving justice and redress for women impacted by armed conflict. Drawing on participant observation, documentary analysis, and interviews with women activists, the article evaluates the successes and shortcomings of responding to gendered forms of wartime violence through truth-telling. Extending Nancy Fraser’s tripartite model of justice to peacebuilding contexts, the article advances notions of recognition, redistribution and representation as crucial components of gender-just peace. It argues that recognizing women as victims and survivors of conflict, achieving a gender-equitable distribution of material and symbolic resources, and enabling women to participate as agents of transitional justice processes are all essential for transforming the structural inequalities that enable gender violence and discrimination to materialize before, during, and after conflict.; (AN 39918082)
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9.

The Struggle for Individual Criminal Accountability in a World of States: From ‘New’ to ‘Credible’ to ‘Rough’ Justice by Reike, Ruben. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, July 2016, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 3 p446-451, 6p; (AN 39918083)
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4

Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 15, no. 2, April 2016

1.

Editors' Introduction by Cook, Martin L.; Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p79-80, 2p; (AN 39922418)
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2.

The Harmful and Residual Effects on Civilians by Bombing Dual-purpose Facilities by Burkhardt, Todd. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p81-99, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article addresses what we owe to the civilians of a state with which we are militarily engaged. The old notion of noncombatant immunity needs to be rethought within the context of both human rights and into the postwar phase.No doubt, civilians will be killed in war. However, much more can be done during and after the fighting to protect civilians’ basic human rights from the ills of war. I argue for making belligerents accountable ex postby requiring them to repair destroyed dual-purpose facilities that are essential for securing basic human rights of the civilian populace. I argue also that a belligerent’s targeting decisions should be reviewed ex postby an impartial commission.; (AN 39922411)
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3.

Beyond Just War: Military Strategy for the Common Good by Lonsdale, David. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p100-121, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe objective of this article is to move ethical discourse on military strategy beyond the confines of the established War Convention. This is achieved by utilising the common good, a concept found in political philosophy and theology. The common good acts as a positive organising concept for socio-political activity. With its focus on peace, development and the flourishing of the individual and community, the common good poses a significant challenge to strategy. This article constructs an approach to strategy that is compatible with the common good. Importantly, it does so whilst respecting the pursuit of victory as an indispensable component of strategy’s true nature. The theory presented in this article is then tested in relation to four different modes of strategy: regular war, irregular war, deterrence, and cyberwar.; (AN 39922412)
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4.

Hiding Death: Contextualizing the Dover Ban by Mobley, Kayce. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p122-142, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFollowing the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain.; (AN 39922413)
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5.

Great-power Responsibility, Side-effect Harms and American Drone Strikes in Pakistan by Aslam, Wali. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p143-162, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn International Relations (IR), the actions of great powers are usually assessed through their direct effects. Great powers are generally considered to be responsible for the consequences of their actions if they intentionally caused them. Although there is discussion on “double-effects” and “side-effect harms” in the realms of philosophy and political sociology, these largely remain absent from the field of IR. This article bridges that gap by clarifying a set of yardsticks through which side-effect harms of great powers’ actions can be evaluated, including “capacity”, “historical precedent”, “voluntarism” and “unintentional causality”. These yardsticks are deduced through the Theory of Special Responsibilities, which combines elements of Constructivism and the English School. The theoretical framework presented is then applied to the case of American drone strikes in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. A number of terrorists in FATA have relocated elsewhere within Pakistan to escape these strikes, subsequently harming individuals in new locations. The article asks: who bears responsibility for the harm brought to civilians by these dislocated terrorists? Analysis from the perspective of the theoretical framework, constructed and applied here, suggests that even if the US may claim not to have directly intended such an outcome, it still shares some responsibility for the harm to innocent civilians.; (AN 39922414)
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6.

The Philosophy of War and Exile: From the Humanity of War to the Inhumanity of Peace, by Nolen Gertz by Hallgarth, Matthew. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p163-165, 3p; (AN 39922416)
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7.

To Kill Nations: American Strategy in the Air-atomic Age and the Rise of Mutually Assured Destruction, by Edward Kaplan by Mattox, John Mark. Journal of Military Ethics, April 2016, Vol. 15 Issue: Number 2 p166-168, 3p; (AN 39922415)
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5

Journal of Peace Research
Volume 53, no. 6, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

New democracies and the risk of civil conflict: The lasting legacy of military rule by Cook, Scott J; Savun, Burcu. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p745-757, 13p; Abstract: Existing theories of regime transitions suggest that new democracies are more prone to political violence than consolidated democracies. We contend that this risk varies based on the political legacy of the new regime. Specifically, we argue that the prior authoritarian regime influences the risk of conflict in new democracies by shaping the nature of the post-transition political environment. In democracies following military rule, the former autocratic leadership often remains an active political force in the new regime. The continued presence of a materially powerful opposition creates a division in the new regime, increasing the risk of conflict by: (i) complicating efforts to consolidate democratic rule and (ii) signaling potential political opportunity to would-be rebels. In line with our argument, we find that only those new democracies emerging from military rule are more likely to experience civil conflict compared with consolidated democracies. These findings have implications for democracy promotion and conflict prevention efforts, suggesting that democratization is not always associated with an increased short-term risk of conflict as is currently assumed.; (AN 40444998)
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2.

The democratic dividend of nonviolent resistance by Bayer, Markus; Bethke, Felix S; Lambach, Daniel. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p758-771, 14p; Abstract: Research suggests that nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are more successful in deposing dictators than armed rebellions. However, ousting dictators is only the first step in the process of democratization. After deposing an autocratic regime, societies enter a transition phase where they must learn to consolidate the gains of democracy and bargain about the new rules of the democratic regime. But even if free, fair, and competitive elections are held, indicating a successful transition to democratic rule, uncertainty about its stability remains salient. In the period that follows, either democracy survives and proves to be resilient, or an autocratic backslide occurs. In this article, we analyze the effect of NVR campaigns on the survival of democratic regimes. Building on the literature on modes of transitions and nonviolent resistance, we argue that those democratic regimes that come into being as a result of a NVR campaign are less prone to democratic breakdown. The main mechanism which produces this effect is that the organizational culture of NVR campaigns spills over to the subsequent democratic regime fostering conditions favorable for democratic survival. We test the effect of NVR campaigns on democratic regime survival using survival analysis and propensity score matching. The results show that democratic regimes that experience NVR during the transition phase survive substantially longer than regimes without NVR.; (AN 40444997)
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3.

How can political trust be built after civil wars? Evidence from post-conflict Sierra Leone by Wong, Pui-Hang. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p772-785, 14p; Abstract: As a fundamental concept in peace research, trust, or the lack of it, has shown to be associated with the onset of violent conflict, the instability of negotiated settlement, and the sustainability of peace. Despite its proven importance, the question of how political trust can be built after civil conflicts has only received limited attention and remains unanswered. While previous studies demonstrated that improved provision of public services plays a significant role in a trust-building process, the present article shows a more nuanced picture, namely that service enhancement only works if it reflects the needs of people. Projects that do not properly mirror the needs of people, however, have no direct effect on building political trust. Using micro-level data from Sierra Leone, the article finds that people are more likely to trust governments that are willing to listen and respond to their needs and demands. Though government performance carries the previously hypothesized effect, its explanatory power reduces substantively once responsiveness is introduced into the analysis. This finding also holds when potential biases due to endogeneity and sample selection are considered. Results from a mediation analysis also indicate that if government performance has any effect, it is transmitted through the responsiveness mechanism. Overall, this article contributes to the literature by clarifying the mechanism of trust-building in post-conflict societies.; (AN 40444986)
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4.

Localized legacies of civil war: Postwar violent crime in Northern Ireland by Deglow, Annekatrin. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p786-799, 14p; Abstract: This study explores the local effects of internal armed conflict on postwar violent crime in Northern Ireland. It argues that exposure to wartime violence will lead to higher levels of violent crime in the aftermath of conflict. Particularly, it claims that exposure to violence committed by armed groups challenging the state (anti-government groups) will have this effect, as it erodes the legitimacy needed for local law enforcement agencies to function effectively. This, in turn, is expected to contribute to the emergence of a postwar public security gap that lowers opportunity costs to resort to violent crime for a range of local actors. To evaluate these propositions, spatial statistics on a subnational dataset covering war-related fatalities for the period 1969–98 and police crime records for the postwar period 2002–06 are employed. The results indicate that the more an area has been exposed to violence, and the larger the proportion of this violence committed by anti-government groups, the more violent crime on the local level. This study hence contributes both to the burgeoning literature on the legacies of civil war and to recent research emphasizing the need to disaggregate non-state actors.; (AN 40444991)
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5.

Sooner or later: The timing of ethnic conflict onsets after independence by Ray, Subhasish. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p800-814, 15p; Abstract: A well-known finding in the literature on ethnic conflict is that new states are more prone to ethnic conflict than old states. What are less well known, however, are the mechanisms through which independence leads to ethnic conflict. This lacuna is surprising since the literature offers different mechanisms to explain the result, each pointing to very distinct policy responses. This article examines these mechanisms by analyzing variations in the time from independence until an ethnic group engaged in armed conflict in ex-British colonies using an original colonial legacies dataset covering 177 ethnic groups in 33 ex-colonies. My analysis reveals that the main group-level triggers of early conflict onset are perceptions of backwardness, exclusion from political power on the eve of independence, downgrading of political status in the immediate aftermath of independence, and being regionally based. More generally, I find that shorter durations of post-independence peace are better explained by subjective evaluations of group worth instead of rational assessments of the costs and benefits of mobilization. These findings indicate that power-sharing arrangements may be a sine qua non for stabilizing new states in divided societies since what is at play in these contexts are complex considerations of group status that cannot be accommodated by non-ethnic institutional arrangements.; (AN 40444995)
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6.

Twisting arms and sending messages: Terrorist tactics in civil war by Polo, Sara MT; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p815-829, 15p; Abstract: We examine the strategic rationale for terrorist tactics in civil war. We identify conditions that favor terrorism as a tactic in armed civil conflicts as well as the specific targets as a function of rebel characteristics, goals, and government responses to political demands. Terrorist tactics can be helpful as an instrument to coerce the government in asymmetric conflicts, as rebels are typically weak relative to the government. But terrorism can also help communicate the goals and resolve of a group when there is widespread uncertainty. We consider the strategic importance and rationale for terrorism in terms of the frequency of attacks and specific targets, and analyze our propositions using new data linking actors from the Uppsala/PRIO Armed Conflict Data and the Global Terrorism Database. Consistent with our expectations, we find that terrorism is used more extensively in civil conflicts by weaker groups and when attacks can help the group convey its goals without undermining popular support. Groups with more inclusive audiences are more likely to focus on ‘hard’ or official targets, while groups with more sectarian audiences are more likely to attack ‘soft’ targets and civilians.; (AN 40444982)
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7.

International law, military effectiveness, and public support for drone strikes by Kreps, Sarah E; Wallace, Geoffrey PR. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p830-844, 15p; Abstract: Despite the increased emphasis on domestic politics in the study of international law, scholars remain divided about whether and how international law affects domestic institutions. Moreover, while public support is a core ingredient for sustainable, legitimate policies in a democracy, research at the individual level of analysis remains limited. Weighing in on these areas of study, we investigate the use of drone strikes for counterterrorism, a subject of considerable debate. Proponents in the government point to drones as both effective for disrupting terrorist networks and compatible with international law. Critics from groups such as international organizations (IOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) respond that attacks create more terrorists than they kill and violate legal commitments. The central question we ask in this article is whether these international legal criticisms impact public support for drone strikes, the centerpiece of US counterterrorism policy, or whether individuals are more persuaded by effectiveness-based arguments. Employing a survey experiment of a nationally representative sample of the United States, we find IO and NGO criticisms can shape public attitudes even around an important national security issue like drone strikes, but are most influential when messages center on legal critiques rather than matters of effectiveness. Our findings speak to fundamental questions about the domestic politics of international legal commitments, the role of IOs and NGOs in shaping political debates, and the durability of US counterterrorism policy.; (AN 40444996)
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8.

Using violence, seeking votes: Introducing the Militant Group Electoral Participation (MGEP) dataset by Matanock, Aila M. Journal of Peace Research, November 2016, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 6 p845-853, 9p; Abstract: In many cases, including some of the most destructive civil conflicts and some of the newest emerging democracies, militant and ex-militant groups form political parties to participate in elections. Despite the prevalence of such electoral participation, it has rarely been studied, and scholars have not explored its influence on outcomes such as conflict or democratization. A lack of comprehensive data has impeded this research. The dataset introduced in this article provides annual data on militant and ex-militant group participation in legislative elections between 1970 and 2010. The Militant Group Electoral Participation (MGEP) dataset allows for further empirical study of the patterns, causes, and consequences of this behavior. Moreover, in combination with other datasets, MGEP stands to provide additional insights on conflict, peace, democratization, and electoral politics more broadly. In this article, I describe MGEP, provide summary statistics on the data, and show its applications, including through a replication study on post-conflict elections.; (AN 40444999)
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6

Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 29, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Putin and the Nuclear Dimension to Russian Strategy by Cimbala, Stephen J.; McDermott, Roger N.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p535-553, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNuclear weapons and nuclear strategy have found themselves as parts of the discussions among expert and other commentators about the future of Russian President Vladimir Putin and about Russia’s military-strategic options in Europe following its annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Eastern Ukraine. This study considers some of the nuclear-related aspects of Putin’s and Russia’s survivability with respect to: (1) principal challenges for NATO in the face of improving Russian military capabilities and plausible strategies, (2) the future relationship between Russia’s conventional military and nuclear capabilities and military-strategic priorities, and (3) assessment of Russia’s threat perceptions in the context of its ‘strategic history’.; (AN 40217613)
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2.

The Evolution of Russian Military Thought: Integrating Hybrid, New-Generation, and New-Type Thinking by Thomas, Timothy. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p554-575, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article highlights both the evolution of Russian thinking and Russian General Staff interest in a concept known as new-type warfare. In early 2015, General-Lieutenant A. V. Kartapolov, then director of the Russian General Staff’s Main Operation’s Directorate, both explained the concept in an article written for the Journal of the Academy of Military Scienceand provided a schematic visualization of the concept. Before this revelation, Western analysts had thought that the Russian military was using either hybrid warfare concepts or new-generation warfare (NGW) means. In response to these assertions from the West, Russian military officers stated that they do not conduct hybrid war, noting clearly that this is a Western method for waging modern war. However, two retired Russian officers did write extensively on NGW in 2012 and 2013, which prompted much discussion in the West. This concept was not directly refuted by Russian military officers, which may mean it is still a relevant way to consider warfare within the ranks of military professionals. At this moment, however, with General Staff backing, it appears that the new-type warfare concept has won out over NGW, although an evolution and integration of thinking is also apparent in the progression from hybrid, to NGW, to new-type warfare.; (AN 40217615)
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3.

Military Means for Non-Military Measures: The Russian Approach to the Use of Armed Force as Seen in Ukraine by Westerlund, Fredrik; Norberg, Johan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p576-601, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Russian Federation’s approach to the use of armed force abroad is a concern for other states. This case study of Russian armed force use against Ukraine in 2014 and 2015 employs an analytical framework based on Russian conceptualizations. Distinguishing between military and non-military means and measures, we analyze Russia’s deployment of armed forces to carry out measures in interstate conflict resolution, focusing on military forces deployed for non-military measures. We find that the use of armed forces in Ukraine largely conforms to Russian conceptualizations, allowing for extensive fighting without it amounting to a military conflict in the Russian view.; (AN 40217617)
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4.

Partnership for a Secure Future: Montenegrin Road to NATO from 2006 to 2015 by Vučković, Vladimir; Vučinić, Boro; Ðorđević, Vladimir. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p602-625, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes, as based on NATO enlargement strategy and its very nature underpinning democratization and social and political transformation, Montenegro’s bid for NATO membership from 2006 to 2015 by discussing two issues: on the one hand, democratic stabilization and civilian control of the armed forces, and on the other, military reform that has happened in this respect so far. The article confirms that NATO enlargement policy has profoundly impacted the process of democratic stabilization of Montenegro, which as a state has become more democratically mature and institutionally stable, in essence a consolidated democracy. The article also claims that Montenegro has demonstrated visible and significant progress in its military reform, not only by creating a good basis for improving the existing defense capabilities and capacities, but far more importantly by continuing its reform of the defense system, investing in military modernization, and achieving an appropriate level of interoperability in accordance with the NATO standards. As a result, the Montenegrin Army is readily deployable in NATO-led operations and missions.; (AN 40217620)
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5.

The KGB and the Czechoslovak State Security Apparatus in August 1968 by Žáček, Pavel. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p626-657, 32p; Abstract: abstractThe KGB of the USSR Council of Ministers, whose interests in the entire Communist bloc were threatened by the reform process of the Prague Spring, had a major share in the preparation and course of the occupation of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. The espionage apparatus of the First KGB Main Directorate was considerably strengthened by the chairman of the KGB, Y. V. Andropov. pecial groups of members of Czechoslovak State Security (StB) were activated in the nights from 20 to 21 August 1968 and charged with taking control of the headquarters of the secret police and paralyzing selected party and state institutions, including communications, radio, and television.Thanks to the resistance of the general public to the occupation, the intended goals were not achieved. The apparatus of the StB essentially fell apart, and only a small minority consisting of the Soviets’ most loyal colleagues remained on their side. The members of the KGB were nervous and unsure, and aggressive in their communication. It was only when the Czechoslovak political representation had signed what are called the Moscow protocols that the situation changed and the StB again became subordinate to the KGB.; (AN 40217619)
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6.

The Outbreak of the Polish-Soviet War: A Polish Perspective by Borzecki, Jerzy. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p658-680, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is much confusion on the issue of when the Polish-Soviet war broke out. Various authors hold that the war started anywhere between late 1918 and early 1920. It is arguable, though, that from a Polish perspective the war began with the January 1919 Soviet attack on the city of Wilno (Vilnius), defended by its Polish inhabitants. Since Poles widely believed the Wilno region to be a part of Polish national territory, the government in Warsaw felt it had little choice but to treat the attack as a casus belli.; (AN 40217618)
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7.

Ukraine’s Other War: The Rule of Law and Siloviky After the Euromaidan Revolution by Kuzio, Taras. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p681-706, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUkraine underwent a second democratic revolution in 2013–2014, which led to the overthrow of President Viktor Yanukovych. The article analyzes the sources of the failure since the Euromaidan Revolution of Dignity to reform the rule of law, reduce high-level corruption, and apply justice to Yanukovych and his entourage for massive corruption that bankrupted Ukraine, murder of protestors, and treason.; (AN 40217621)
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8.

‘To Defeat the Enemy Was Less a Problem Than the Laziness and Indolence of Our Own Commanders … ’ by Zamulin, Valerii Nikolaevich. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p707-726, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe most important component of any fighting army’s success is its established rear services. Unfortunately, as recently disclosed documents in the Russian Federation’s Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense [TsAMORF] bear witness, in the spring of 1943 during the preparation for the battle of Kursk, which became a fundamental turning point in the Great Patriotic War, the supply services of the Voronezh Front that was holding the southern shoulder of the Kursk salient were working poorly and seriously affected both the level of combat readiness and the morale of its personnel.; (AN 40217624)
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9.

EOV Editorial Board The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40217622)
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7

Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 39, no. 5-6, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Reshaping the People’s Liberation Army since the 18th Party Congress: Politics, Policymaking, and Professionalism by Char, James; Bitzinger, Richard A.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p599-607, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFollowing the pivotal decision by China’s last paramount leader to change the course of China’s development in the latter years of the previous century, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has undergone profound changes that have enabled it transform itself more quickly than ever before. Under its current commander-in-chief, these developments have become more pronounced, with Xi Jinping taking a noticeably greater interest in harnessing the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) coercive forces as his domestic powerbase and as a foreign policy instrument complementing his country’s hard economic assets. Following the 18th Party Congress, reforms to the PLA’s command and control functions have continued apace. It is thus timely to scrutinize the PLA’s continued efforts to further enhance its operational capabilities, in terms of both its hardware– including its hard power projection and procurement – and its heartware– the softer aspects of its development, such as its operational doctrine and military ethos. With the CCP keen to continue devoting substantial political and economic capital to strengthen the capabilities of its armed servants, the present period is a critical phase in the reshaping of the PLA into a force on par with the world's other advanced militaries.; (AN 40293829)
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2.

Reclaiming the Party’s Control of the Gun: Bringing Civilian Authority Back in China’s Civil-Military Relations by Char, James. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p608-636, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince emerging as China’s top leader following the 18th Party Congress, Xi Jinping has moved swiftly to consolidate his formal authority as Central Military Commission chairman over the Chinese People’s Liberation Army. In redressing the civil-military imbalance wrought by Dengist economic reforms, the commander-in-chief has combined institutional mechanisms with the use of fear to impose authoritative civilian control over the military. This paper proposes that a combination of changes to the Chinese strategic environment has contributed to Xi’s utility of the anti-corruption campaign to purge the regime’s coercive forces of its previous underpinnings, and advances that the war on military malfeasance has given rise to a new set of dynamics in civil-military relations in post-Reform China.; (AN 40293831)
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3.

The Sino-US ‘Cat-and-Mouse’ Game Concerning Freedom of Navigation and Flights: An Analysis of Chinese Perspectives by You, Ji. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p637-661, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUS surveillance operations in the Chinese Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and entry into the 12 NM of China-held reefs in the South China Sea have met with aggressive People’s Liberation Army intercepts. This ‘cat-and-mouse’ game is a symptom of the structural conflict of interests that define enduring Sino-US tension. On the other hand, both Washington and Beijing have tried to strike a subtle balance between maintaining a broadly-based bilateral relationship, demonstrating resolve in protecting their vital interests and formulating crisis management measures to avoid an irreversible free fall in the bilateral ties with grave regional impact. This dictates a unique and dynamic action/reaction pattern by the two militaries in the South China Sea and China’s EEZ. This paper aims to reconstruct this pattern of contention and the trend of evolution. It argues that although the two countries have prioritised maintenance of a workable Sino-US relationship among different strategic considerations, the on-the-spot encounters may trigger some standoffs that may put the bilateral relationship under great stress. Crisis management is the key for this cat-and-mouse game to be under control, but it will become increasingly more difficult in the years to come.; (AN 40293830)
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4.

US–China military relations: competition and cooperation by Saunders, Phillip C.; Bowie, Julia G.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p662-684, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina’s efforts to build a ‘new type of great power relations’ and a ‘new type of military-to-military relations’ do not constitute a major turning point in relations with the United States. Political relations set limits on military cooperation, and the two sides have been unable to construct a sustainable strategic basis for relations. This has contributed to an ‘on-again, off-again’ pattern in military ties. Trends show a pattern of frequent disruptions in military-to-military relations from 2000 to 2010, followed by an increase in interactions beginning in 2012. Nevertheless, obstacles on both sides are likely to limit mutual trust and constrain future development of military-to-military relations.; (AN 40293832)
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5.

Integrating the Services and Harnessing the Military Area Commands by Blasko, Dennis J.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p685-708, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is halfway through a multi-decade modernization process. It has begun a major restructuring effort as it shifts its focus from a traditional continental defensive posture to a more maritime-oriented emphasis. In order to create more balanced joint force, it has adjusted the structure of its highest command organization, the Central Military Commission; abolished the former four General Departments and seven Military Regions; created five new joint Theater Commands and service-level commands for the Army and Rocket Force; and is reducing the size of its active duty force by 300,000 personnel. While seeking to overcome numerous internal obstacles, the PLA continues to develop and improve its capabilities to conduct integrated joint operations to deter a variety of threats to China’s sovereignty and territory and, if deterrence fails, to win informationized local war.; (AN 40293833)
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6.

Space, the New Domain: Space Operations and Chinese Military Reforms by Pollpeter, Kevin. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p709-727, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Chinese military has embarked on a series of organizational and doctrinal reforms intended to better enable it to fight modern war. Prominent among these reforms is the growing emphasis on space to enable long-range precisions strikes and on counterspace to deny space capabilities to an adversary. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has officially designated space as a new domain and established an organization to command space forces. With this increased focus on space, the PLA may begin to develop a doctrine to govern the use of space in military operations. The higher priority given to space, especially space control, by the PLA coincides with similar actions by the US military, increasing the possibility of warfare in space and the risks of escalation.; (AN 40293834)
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7.

Innovation in China’s Defense Technology Base: Foreign Technology and Military Capabilities by Cheung, Tai Ming. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p728-761, 34p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina’s defense science, technology, and industrial system has been undergoing a far-reaching transformation over the past two decades and the single biggest factor behind this turnaround is the role of external technology and knowledge transfers and the defense industry’s improving ability to absorb these inputs and convert into localized output. China is pursuing an intensive campaign to obtain defense and dual-use civil–military foreign technology transfers using a wide variety of means, which is explored in this article.; (AN 40293836)
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8.

Reforming China’s defense industry by Bitzinger, Richard A.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p762-789, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEven with sizable economic inputs, access to foreign technologies, and considerable political will, China, up until the late 1990s, experienced only limited success when it came to the local design, development, and manufacture of advanced conventional weapons. Not surprisingly, therefore, reforming the local defense industry in order to upgrade its technology base and manufacturing capabilities and to make armaments production more efficient and cost-effective has long preoccupied the Chinese leadership. The fact that most of these efforts had little positive impact on the country’s military technological and industrial capabilities only encouraged Beijing to experiment with additional reforms in the hopes of finally getting it right.; (AN 40293835)
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9.

From the Editors Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p790-792, 3p; (AN 40293837)
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10.

Strategy in the Age of Artificial Intelligence by Ayoub, Kareem; Payne, Kenneth. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p793-819, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe argue that Artificial Intelligence (AI) will, in the very near future, have a profound impact on the conduct of strategy and will be disruptive of existing power balances. To do so, we review the psychological foundations of strategy and explore the ways in which AI will impact human decision-making. We then review current and evolving capabilities in ‘narrow’, modular AI that is optimised to perform in a particular environment, and explore its military potential. Lastly, we look ahead to the more distant prospect of a general AI.; (AN 40293838)
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11.

Information Is Not a Weapons System by Jackson, Colin F.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p820-846, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile many militaries have tried to capitalize on the potential of information operations in internal war, few have succeeded. I argue that military information campaigns fall short of expectations for two reasons. First, the theory of influence militaries generally embrace – communications as a non-lethal weapons system – is largely invalid. While treating information as a weapons system makes it easier to integrate it into the existing military planning system, this overstates the independent effects of communications on behavior and understates the importance of interactive effects of what commercial marketing theory refers to as the “marketing mix” – product, price, promotion, and placement. It would be more appropriate to treat military information operations as a form of marketing: a composite effort to induce a specific behavior in a target audience by applying a combination of material and ideational instruments. The marketing model suggests that the efficacy of information operations will depend not simply on the message and its delivery (promotion) but on the behavior the sender seeks to induce (the product), the costs of that behavior (the price), and the opportunities available for such behavior (the placement).; (AN 40293839)
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12.

Can Limited Intervention Work? Lessons from Britain’s Success Story in Sierra Leone by Ucko, David H.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p847-877, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFollowing frustrating campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, Western interventions are becoming more limited, with troops being deployed for short bursts and residual peace-building tasks being left to others. Although this approach limits exposure for the intervening government, it struggles to achieve meaningful political change. Examining the comparatively successful British intervention in Sierra Leone (2000–02), this article identifies the conditions for effectiveness in these campaigns. It challenges the historiography of the case by framing armed confrontations and raids as enablers of politics rather than ends in themselves; indeed, in both the conduct and study of intervention, politics must reign supreme.; (AN 40293841)
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13.

Emulating US Counterinsurgency Doctrine: Barriers for Developing Country Forces, Evidence from Peru by Koven, Barnett S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p878-898, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent US advances in counterinsurgency doctrine have been adopted by developing country armed forces. Nevertheless, no systematic study has examined the barriers they face to implementing highly involved counterinsurgency strategy. Tracing the evolution of Peruvian doctrine demonstrates that Peru was able to quickly improve the unity of effort, intelligence capacity, and military basing to meet the demands of a population-centric hearts-and-minds approach to counterinsurgency. Nevertheless, the limited tactical initiative and flexibility of Peruvian forces remains a challenge. The Peruvian experience is instructive for other militaries undergoing similar transitions. However, given the diversity of insurgent conflicts, this doctrine is not universally appropriate.; (AN 40293840)
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14.

Choosing the Right Sidekick: Economic Complements to US Military Grand Strategies by Kim, Dong Jung. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p899-921, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScholars and practitioners of grand strategy agree that the use of military force should be supplemented by appropriate economic policies. However, strangely few accounts of economic complements to military grand strategies have been presented in recent discourse on US grand strategy. This paper takes a first step to fill this information gap. I first assess the role that could be played by economic measures under two types of grand strategies – one focusing on the balance of power and the other emphasising influence and order. Second, I introduce what I call ‘the influence-capability dilemma’ and discuss tradeoffs in adopting certain economic policies in order to help the US sustain pre-eminence in the international system. Third, I discuss how the US should address this dilemma of economic means in dealing with the rising China.; (AN 40293845)
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15.

Colin S. Gray, Strategy and Defence Planning: Meeting the Challenge of Uncertainty by Black, Jeremy. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p922-924, 3p; (AN 40293844)
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16.

Kenneth Payne, The Psychology of Strategy by Jervis, Robert. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p924-925, 2p; (AN 40293842)
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17.

Eitan Shamir, Transforming Command: The Pursuit of Mission Command in the U.S. British, and Israeli Armies by Bregman, Ahron. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p926-927, 2p; (AN 40293843)
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18.

Peter D. Haynes, Toward A New Maritime Strategy: American Naval Thinking in the Post Cold War Era by Prime, Nicholas C.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p927-929, 3p; (AN 40293847)
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19.

Vipin Narang, Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era: Regional Powers and International Conflict by Sechser, Todd S.. Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p929-931, 3p; (AN 40293846)
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20.

Corrigendum Journal of Strategic Studies, September 2016, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 5-6 p932-932, 1p; (AN 40293848)
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8

Journal of Transatlantic Studies
Volume 14, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Marsh, Steve. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p321-325, 5p; (AN 40284229)
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2.

Science, democracy, and peace: Churchill on society and statesmanship, in the Fulton Address and beyond by Jeffrey, Marjorie. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p326-339, 14p; Abstract: The observations and proposals made by Churchill in the Fulton Address rested on his understanding of two forces shaping politics in the twentieth century – science and democracy – and their effect on the need for and possibility of statesmanship. Neither of these two forces had effects that were simple or unreservedly beneficial. Only through wise rule could these forces achieve desirable effects and be safeguarded from their pernicious potential. In Fulton, Churchill was reiterating and applying to new circumstances concerns that he had voiced many times before; the speech can therefore be seen as more than an immediate response to the events of the day.; (AN 40284230)
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3.

Toward Cold War thinking: editorial reactions to Churchill’s iron curtain speech in North Carolina newspapers by Levering, Ralph B.. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p340-349, 10p; Abstract: This article argues that the Cold War arrived in America – in Washington and in U.S. public opinion – between October 1945 and March 1947, and more specifically in February and March 1946. It also contends that Winston Churchill’s ‘iron curtain’ speech on 5 March 1946 played an important role in alerting the American public to the reality that Soviet foreign policy was both expansionist and anti-democratic. Churchill’s anti-Soviet speech, together with earlier ‘firm’ but more guarded speeches by Senator Arthur Vandenberg and Secretary of State James Byrnes, clearly contributed to the anti-Soviet milieu that was reflected in a Gallup poll in mid-March in which only 7% of respondents approved of ‘the policy Russia is following in world affairs’. Ironically given the lasting fame of Churchill’s speech, editorials in the five North Carolina newspapers analyzed in the article opposed what they saw as his main proposal: an Anglo-American alliance against Russia. Yet four of the five papers agreed with Vandenberg, Byrnes, and Churchill that Western nations needed to oppose Soviet expansionism firmly, thus upholding the ideals of the United Nations. The article concludes by explaining why President Harry Truman did not follow Churchill’s lead in publicly condemning Soviet foreign policy for another year, until his famous ‘Truman Doctrine’ speech on 12 March 1947.; (AN 40284232)
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4.

Reluctant partners: African Americans and the origins of the special relationship by Webb, Clive. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p350-364, 15p; Abstract: This article assesses the overwhelmingly negative reaction of African Americans to the speech delivered by Winston Churchill in Fulton, Missouri, in March 1946. It shows that black intellectuals and activists fervently opposed the Anglo-American alliance championed by the former prime minister because they believed it a cynical attempt to buttress an exploitative overseas empire that Britain could no longer afford. African Americans considered Churchill a racist intent on preserving white global hegemony and suppressing the democratic aspirations of people of colour. Despite their initial optimism about the Attlee government elected to power in July 1945, they became almost as mistrustful of the Labour Party as they did the Conservatives. In demonstrating how African Americans considered the Anglo-American alliance to be a means of propagating white racism, the article provides a new perspective on grassroots resistance to the Special Relationship, emphasising tensions between diplomatic elites and ordinary citizens.; (AN 40284231)
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5.

Churchill, Fulton and the Anglo-American special relationship: setting the agenda? by Marchi, Anna; Marsh, Steve. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p365-382, 18p; Abstract: Churchill is often deemed to have failed at Fulton in delivering ‘the crux’ of what he came to secure, namely a special Anglo-American relationship based in both interest and ‘fraternal association’. As other contributions to this special edition demonstrate, there are good grounds for this verdict. However we ask whether, and if so in what ways, Churchill was actually able in and through the Sinews of Peace speech to set the agenda and frame the terms of discussion for the later emergence of a special relationship. To do this we treat the special relationship as a discursive construct and by combining diplomatic history with corpus-assisted discourse studies map discourse features of the Sinews of Peace speech against media discourse on Anglo-American relations in the early 1950s.; (AN 40284233)
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6.

From Reykjavik to Fulton: Reagan, Thatcher, and the ending of the Cold War by Cooper, James. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p383-400, 18p; Abstract: Following the 1986 Reykjavik Summit between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher debated the future of nuclear weapons and the solidarity of the western alliance with the American president. After leaving office, all three leaders delivered lectures at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, the site of Winston Churchill’s famous address that articulated the embryonic Cold War in 1946. This article argues that just as Reagan and Thatcher’s Fulton speeches held different emphases on the past and future of international affairs, Reykjavik was a flashpoint in the endgame of the Cold War that reflect different approaches to the challenges of the international system as outlined by Churchill at Westminster College. Thatcher, in the spirit of her predecessors, including Churchill, had to diplomatically manage Anglo-American relations in order to secure her own policy objectives.; (AN 40284234)
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7.

Curtains, culture and ‘collective’ memory by Ryan, David. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, October 2016, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 4 p401-415, 15p; Abstract: The images of the Iron Curtain and their resonances accompanied by the standard Cold War narrative persist in contemporary Western culture and collective memory. The cast of mind created in the 1946 Fulton speech centred on the Iron Curtain, has endured beyond the changed geopolitical landscape. Though Churchill’s was a message strewn amongst a series of other similar sentiments, its narrative authority, the clarity of the image, the resonance of the metaphor, wove through the Cold War years; it was referenced frequently as shorthand for a bipolar configuration of power. Eventually, the Berlin Wall became a manifestation of the Curtain and the image, constructed of words, of metaphor, eventually of concrete and wire, it became a metaimage, an allegory ‘of power and value’ that was presented as a neutral reading of the geopolitical landscape, the image of Europe and Cold War confrontation [W. J. T. Mitchell, Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation(Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 157]. Churchill was not alone in the creation of the message, certainly he explored options for diplomacy in the 1950s, but his was the captivating image, and image that made accommodation along lines of the ‘one world’ agenda advanced by Franklin Roosevelt, by pragmatists and realists, later, Nixon and Bush Sr., more difficult. Gorbachev identified the conventional Cold War thinking as the ‘Fulton model’. In his vision for the post-Cold War era he sought to avoid this Cold War mentaliteand through his 1988 UN speech and other initiatives to produce a ‘Fulton in reverse’. Yet the wall endures in our cultural mentalite, and in our cultural and institutional conception of the era.; (AN 40284235)
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9

Media, War & Conflict
Volume 9, no. 2, August 2016

Record

Results

1.

‘These people protesting might not be so strident if their own jobs were on the line’: Representations of the ‘economic consequences’ of opposition to the Iraq war in the Irish national press by Coulter, Colin; Browne, Harry; Flynn, Roddy; Hetherington, Vanessa; Titley, Gavan. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p113-136, 24p; Abstract: In this article, the authors examine the ways in which the social movement in Ireland opposed to the Iraq war was represented in the national press. The article draws upon data generated by the largest research project of its type ever conducted in an Irish context. The authors considered representations of the anti-war movement in 11 daily and Sunday newspapers over a period of 9 months. One of the principal threads that ran through newspaper coverage of the time centred upon concerns about the possible ‘economic consequences’ of opposing the war against Iraq. A close reading of the data reveals that the familiar reliance of journalists on official sources and interpretations ensured that the national press tended to cast the anti-war movement in Ireland as a danger to both the regional and national economy at a time of seemingly unprecedented prosperity.; (AN 39770580)
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2.

Introducing new datasets on Northern Ireland’s media in the peace process and a test of newsworthiness in times of ‘troubles’ by Armoudian, Maria. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p137-161, 25p; Abstract: To assist researchers studying the relationships between mass media messages and escalating conflict or peace-building, this article introduces two new datasets generated from Belfast, Northern Ireland, during the critical period before the Belfast Peace Agreement’s ratification. The first, the Northern Ireland Media Dataset (NIMD), contains coded data from a stratified, systematic random sample of articles from the three daily newspapers plus available articles from two paramilitary-related publications. The second, the Northern Ireland Community Relations Dataset (NICRD), resulted from merging one existing database – the Northern Ireland section of the Global Terrorism Database from the University of Maryland (College Park) – with the University of Ulster’s Chronology of the Conflict and coding the combined data for new variables that signify degrees of antagonism, non-antagonism, or peace-building. The latter set contains significant events, such as acts of violence, demonstrations, ceasefires, elections and peace rallies. Together and with other datasets, the NIMD and NICRD help researchers analyze and measure different aspects of mass media messages in either the escalation of violence or building peace in one conflict region. As a small showcase of the data, the research tests one hypothesis of newsworthiness in times of conflict and peacemaking, demonstrating that news norms of drama, conflict and events favor coverage of political parties like Sinn Fein, which used these norms to become the most covered political party during this time.; (AN 39770584)
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3.

Media coverage and the escalation of militarized interstate disputes, 1992–2001 by Miller, Ross A; Bokemper, Scott E. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p162-179, 18p; Abstract: Some international crises – such as the Cuban Missile Crisis – receive widespread media coverage, while others are barely reported at all. Does this matter for the behavior of the dispute participants? Can widespread media coverage change the course of history? The authors’ goal is to assess how varying levels of coverage in elite news sources – The New York Timesand The Timesof London –influence the outcomes of international crises. Their analysis of over 300 dispute dyads indicates that, even after controlling for potential endogeneity and standard explanations of dispute outcomes, higher levels of media exposure make it more likely that targets of threats will escalate crises.; (AN 39770579)
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4.

Edible lies: How Nazi propaganda represented meat to demonise the Jews by Buscemi, Francesco. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p180-197, 18p; Abstract: This article analyses magazines and books of Nazi propaganda representing meat in order to demonise the Jews. Nazism adopted controversial policies on meat. On the one hand, it banned vegetarian associations; on the other hand, Hitler and many Nazi officials professed their vegetarianism. Moreover, Nazi Animal Protection Law protected animals from the same tortures that the Nazis inflicted in the concentration camps. The article draws on Bauman’s theory that Nazism may be understood through the opposition purity/impurity, and on Gambrill‘s propaganda studies. Moreover, it is based on Elias’s Civilising Process and on Fullbrook’s ‘uncivilising process’. Finally, it focuses on other studies on Nazism and on ancient myths on animals revived by the Nazis. Qualitative propaganda and semiotic analysis focuses on Jews dealing with producing, selling and eating meat. Magazines and books have been sampled according to maximum variation strategy, and therefore this study focuses on a great variety of propagandistic images and texts. Results show that propaganda targeted the Jewish slaughterers, dealers, butchers and eaters in order to represent them as involved in the uncivilising process. In the end, meat contributed to the representation of the Jew as ‘impure’. Related to this, blood is overrepresented and is often part of a code of violence that depicts the Jew as separate from the rest of the world, as threatening the German civilising process and, again, as impure. Moreover, the symbolic meat eating contributed to the fabrication of the legend of the Jews as human flesh eaters. Finally, propaganda for children conveyed the Nazi criminal message more directly than any other form.; (AN 39770581)
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5.

How to warn: ‘Outside-in warnings’ of Western governments about violent conflict and mass atrocities by Meyer, Christoph O.; Otto, Florian. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p198-216, 19p; Abstract: The literature on the warning-response gap in conflict prevention over-emphasizes political will as the crucial variable, whereas warning is not considered problematic. This article makes the case for distinguishing more clearly signs and indications from actual warnings. Furthermore the article argue that the quality of warnings matters for achieving at least partial persuasive success with decision-makers. The article identify key factors limiting or enhancing warning impact, focusing on source credibility, message content and communication mode. They argue that warning communicators need to take credibility problems more seriously, invest more time in identifying, understanding and building relationships with the most relevant recipients and tailor warnings accordingly in terms of content, timing and communication mode. If organizations lack the capacity to provide credible prescriptions on how to act, they should concentrate on high quality reporting to enhance rather than damage their credibility.; (AN 39770578)
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6.

Book review: Disruptive Power: The Crisis of the State in the Digital Age and The Real Cyber War: The Political Economy of Internet Freedom by Maréchal, Nathalie. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p217-222, 6p; (AN 39770582)
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7.

Book review: Strategic Narratives, Public Opinion, and War: Winning Domestic Support for the Afghan War by Colley, Thomas. Media War and Conflict, August 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 2 p222-224, 3p; (AN 39770583)
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10

Mediterranean Politics
Volume 21, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Political steering: how the EU employs power in its neighbourhood policy towards Morocco by Großklaus, Mathias; Remmert, David. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p343-363, 21p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough the European Union’s engagement beyond its borders is ultimately about power, the concept remains under-utilized in empirical analyses of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This article therefore proposes political steering as an analytical framework to conceptualize and track the empirical use and entanglements of diverse forms of power, highlighting genuine soft mechanisms. These bind actors to discursive practices because formalized sanctions or institutions are absent. This case study of the EU’s human rights and rule-of-law promotion in Morocco reveals how such soft mechanisms are intertwined with indirect steering mechanisms to achieve technicalization of policy reform at the governmental level and parallel politicization at the societal level.; (AN 40001877)
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2.

Europeanization as a Democratization Tool? The Case of Morocco by Catalano, Serida L.; Graziano, Paolo R.. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p364-386, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper applies the Europeanization ‘toolkit’ to EU democratization policies in Morocco within the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) framework. To this aim, the bottom-up and top-down dimensions of EU‒Morocco relations are analysed diachronically both before and after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that the Moroccan ruling elite has used the anchor to the EU as a survival strategy and that the EU has merely responded to Moroccan political liberalization rather than having influenced it. Therefore, the paper debates the extent to which the very notion of Europeanization might be used with respect to democratization policies in Morocco, and it shows an overturning of the sender‒receiver relationship proving that Europeanization has been used instrumentally rather than having any autonomous supportive effect on democratization.; (AN 40001876)
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3.

EMU Political Leadership vs. Greek Civil Society: How Shall We Live Together? by Guisan, Catherine. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p387-406, 20p; Abstract: AbstractEMU is a political programme at risk: its reform must reconnect with the original Community ethos as well as institutional and policy changes. Historically this ethos manifested itself in public practices of power as action in concert (‘promise’) and generosity (‘gift’), which Arendt, Mauss and Ricoeur’s political thought helps define. The 2012 Fiscal Compact moved away from such practices. Some Greek civil society organizations have demonstrated more genuine commitment to promise and generosity during the Greek fiscal crisis. This is not unique to Greece. EU parliaments and executives must consult with civil society meaningfully to properly integrate EMU within EU law.; (AN 40001879)
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4.

Israel-Cyprus-Greece: a ‘Comfortable’ Quasi-Alliance by Tziarras, Zenonas. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p407-427, 21p; Abstract: AbstractBy adopting a neorealist approach to alliance formation this paper examines the trilateral partnership of Israel, Cyprus and Greece. It argues that since its inception in 2011 it has developed into a (‘comfortable’) quasi-alliance – a less formal and more flexible form of alliance than the traditional ones – driven by profit and threat-related individual and collective motivations. The primary motivations behind the formation of the quasi-alliance have been the common perceptions of Turkey as a security threat and energy-related interests. Moreover, it is suggested that the ‘comfortable’ and quasi nature of the alliance could allow the three states to manoeuvre politically so as not to exclude future and parallel relations with Turkey. This means that the transformation of the quasi-alliance into a more formal alliance is a rather unlikely scenario and that it could fade out should Turkish‒Israeli relations improve.; (AN 40001878)
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5.

Introduction: Prospects for Palestinian‒Israeli Relations: What Lies Ahead by Tartir, Alaa; Oliveira Martins, Bruno. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p428-431, 4p; (AN 40001880)
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6.

The Two-Stage Solution: Toward a Long-Term Israeli-Palestinian Truce by Thrall, Nathan. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p432-436, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThere is growing consensus among Israelis and Palestinians that the paradigm of pursuing a two-state solution through bilateral talks has reached a dead end. Yet the widely discussed alternatives to this supposedly expired model have not posed a credible challenge to it. Instead they have been confined largely to academic discussions among activists who enjoy little support in their societies; the proposals are more a reflection of widespread desperation than a serious movement to bring change. In the absence of a negotiated settlement to the conflict, one possibility, though currently remote, is that Israel and a future Palestinian state will establish a long-term truce that settles some disputes, such as over territory, while leaving other issues unresolved.; (AN 40001882)
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7.

Killing the Zombie Peace and Building a New Movement by Turner, Mandy. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p437-441, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThe prospects for a just and sustainable peace are dire. The Oslo framework and the two-state solution are no longer fit for purpose (if indeed they ever were). And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could limp on for a while longer – like a zombie that refuses to die. This short opinion piece argues that, in this context, a new movement and a new strategy are urgently required.; (AN 40001881)
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8.

Overcoming Phobias and Asymmetries in Israel and Palestine by Mendel, Yonatan. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p442-446, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that in order to reach future breakthroughs, vis-à-vis the Israeli political and discursive limitations, two main principles would need to be approached. Firstly, any future formula will need to correspond with the changing reality (the physical impossibility of the old-fashioned two-state solution) by pushing forward a political solution that highlights a safe Jewish existence in the region of Israel/ Palestine, irrespective of whether this safety will be highlighted in relation to a one-state, confederative or a parallel two-state solution. Secondly, it will need to acknowledge the attachment – be it historical, religious or legal – of Jewish-Israelis to the land. These principles are related to the Israeli phobias mentioned and analyzed in the article, and are crucial for any future solution that will see Jewish-Israelis and Palestinians living either side by side or on the same side, but with equal citizenship, a paradigm that can happen in two parallel states, in a state of all of its citizens, or in two states with open borders and joint institutions.; (AN 40001884)
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9.

Is a Just and Lasting Peace Possible? by Giacaman, George. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p447-451, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThe right-wing drift in Israeli public opinion that brought Benjamin Netanyahu to power for the fourth time has deepened the existing political stalemate, sharpened internal Palestinian discontent with the Palestinian Authority (PA), and further undermined its legitimacy. After nearly a quarter of a century of negotiations, since the Madrid conference in late 1991, the PA appears to have reached the end of the line. Its attempt to “internationalize” the conflict by seeking recognition as a state by the UN Security Council and the General Assembly is meant in part to gain time and fill the political gap. Palestinian civil society groups perceive Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) as an alternative strategy to the failed “negotiated process” to end occupation even if it is a long term effort. A stable and just peace does not appear possible in the near future, and in the long run the nature of the solution need not be the one deemed at present as the only possible one.; (AN 40001885)
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10.

The EU against the New Normal: Avoiding the Banalization of the Israeli‒Palestinian Dispute by Martins, Bruno Oliveira. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p452-456, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis article assesses the European Union (EU)’s engagement with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and highlights the unintended consequences of the policies pursued by Brussels on this matter. While stressing that Palestinians and Israelis interested in peace face the danger of the banalization of the conflict, the article argues that the current status quo is unacceptable and unstainable in the long run, and this demands new policies from the actors involved with the conflict or its resolution. The EU policies’ overall rationale must be to treat the Israeli‒Palestinian dispute as a normal, non-exceptional conflict, in which economic and legal tools can be employed to create new legal facts on the ground. An alternative EU approach to the conflict must recognize the insufficiency of recent initiatives and should be built upon two pillars: the legalization of the main contending issues and the empowerment of the civil society actors and initiatives that foster dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis.; (AN 40001883)
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11.

Palestine‒Israel: Decolonization Now, Peace Later by Tartir, Alaa. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p457-460, 4p; Abstract: AbstractThis people-focused contribution questions fundamental assumptions about the persistence of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and discusses prerequisites for alternative strategies. It argues that without addressing people’s perceptions and beliefs, peace will remain elusive. It also argues that moving beyond the cycles of failure and impasses requires serious engagement in a process of decolonization of Palestine, new framing and new assumptions to understand why this conflict persists. Only by addressing the imbalances of power and ending the Israeli occupation in the short term can future long-term solutions be discussed.; (AN 40001888)
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12.

A Gender View of the Arab Uprisings by Bilgic, Ali. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p461-466, 6p; (AN 40001887)
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13.

The Economic Development Process in the Middle East and North Africa by Tovias, Alfred. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p467-469, 3p; (AN 40001886)
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14.

Regional insecurity after the Arab uprisings. Narratives of security and threat by Colombo, Silvia. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p469-471, 3p; (AN 40001890)
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15.

Europe in the New Middle East: Opportunity or Exclusion? by Heidlmayr-Chegdaly, Ingrid. Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 p471-473, 3p; (AN 40001891)
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16.

Editorial Board Mediterranean Politics, September 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 3 pebi-ebi; (AN 40001889)
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11

Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 27, no. 1, 2015

Record

Results

1.

From the Editor by Pagedas, Constantine A.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p1-4, 4p; (AN 38505859)
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2.

The Mediterranean's Future in an Age of Uncertainty by Engelke, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p5-21, 17p; Abstract: As tempting as it is to forecast the Mediterranean's future through the bleak lens of its present, it is unwise to do so. Over and again throughout history, writing the future through the linear extrapolation of contemporary trends has proven foolish. This essay identifies the most critical socioeconomic, political, ecological, and geopolitical drivers of change that together will shape the Mediterranean's future. It analyzes the possible impacts of three major trends (demographic imbalance, ongoing empowerment, and rising natural resource stresses) and three critical uncertainties (the future of collective identity, the role of distant global powers, and economic turbulence).; (AN 38505856)
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3.

Europe and Its Seas in the Twenty-First Century by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p22-29, 8p; Abstract: While Europe is normally viewed through the prism of the great Eurasian landmass, the continent is absolutely dependent on the global maritime domain for commerce, resources, energy extraction, and security. Today Europe faces a number of maritime challenges, ranging from uncontrolled immigration across the Mediterranean to a newly assertive Russia that expresses its ambitions at sea. Europe has so far not formulated a comprehensive approach to the maritime domain and has responded to challenges in a reactionary fashion. Europe must now, however, devise strategies and approaches that can help safeguard European interests at sea.; (AN 38505857)
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4.

From Karamanlis to Tsipras: The Greek Debt Crisis through Historical and Political Perspectives by Bistis, George. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p30-54, 25p; Abstract: The year 2015 started with a great promise for austerity-harmed people in Greece, but within a few months the promise began to fade as reality sunk in. It was a year that the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) achieved a historic electoral triumph in Greece. SYRIZA came to power promising to end the austerity era. However, from its first days in office, the new government realized that keeping this promise would be a far greater challenge than winning the election. Cancelation of the austerity measures required renegotiation of Greece's bailout loans, loans that were conditional on Greece's implementation of these measures. Given that the European lenders had their reasons for setting things up this way, it was not long before Greece's strong anti-austerity drive set the country on a collision course with the eurozone. The negotiations between the two sides are examined in this essay through the perspective of Greece's half-century-long relationship with the European Union and against a backdrop of personal observations and comment, relevant public sentiments, and critical events defining each period discussed.; (AN 38505858)
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5.

The Greek Economic Crisis: Myths, Misperceptions, Truths, and Realities by Catsambas, Thanos. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p55-70, 16p; Abstract: This essay summarizes developments since the outbreak of the Greek economic crisis in 2010 from the perspective of various myths that dominated the public discourse from 2010 to 2016. In the author's view, the perpetuation of these myths, which was partly the result of poor communication policies of the Greek governments, impeded a swifter resolution of the crisis. The analysis is based on the author's personal experiences while he served as an alternate executive director of the International Monetary Fund representing Greece from January 2012 to July 2015.; (AN 38505860)
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6.

Urban Renewal Projects and Democratic Capacities of Citizens by Tepe, Sultan. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p71-96, 26p; Abstract: Many of the urban renewal projects (URPs) in consolidating democracies are not market-led projects but rather projects initiated by the state and implemented by the private sector. Promising to improve urban poor regions with URPs poses unique challenges and opportunities to residents, yet their microfoundations and the impact on citizens remain largely unexplored. Tracing the ways in which state, economic, and individual factors interact in two drastically different URPs in Istanbul, this resident-centered approach highlights two contradictory patterns: (1) citizens' increasing dependency on the central government and reluctance to protest and (2) the exigency to raise land-based demands beyond the confines of elections. Together these introduce URP residents as a new critical urban force in their respective democracies.; (AN 38505862)
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7.

Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Nile River: The Continuing Dispute by Lawson, Fred H.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p97-121, 25p; Abstract: Recent studies of Egypt's long-standing dispute with Ethiopia over the distribution of the waters of the Nile River assume that the adoption of the Nile Basin Initiative in 1999 heralded a sharp turn toward regional conciliation and harmony. This assumption is unwarranted, given Cairo's insistence that its “historic rights” to the Nile be preserved and the belligerent response by Egyptian politicians to Ethiopia's inauguration of the Millennium Project in the spring of 2013. A careful survey of recent relations between the two states demonstrates that the dispute retains a high potential for severe conflict.; (AN 38505861)
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8.

Is the American Century Over? by Ahrari, Ehsan M.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2016, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p122-125, 4p; (AN 38505863)
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12

Middle East Journal
Volume 70, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editor’s Note The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p363-364, 2p; (AN 39807403)
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2.

Local (R)evolutions in Tunisia, 2011–2014: Reconstructing Municipal Political Authority The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p365-381, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with “direct democracy,” local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.; (AN 39807866)
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3.

The Tunisian General Labor Union and the Advent of Democracy The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p383-398, 16p; Abstract: Abstract:The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) played a major role in the 2010/11 Tunisian revolution and in the subsequent democratization process. This article seeks to explain why the union was capable of taking on this role in light of the fact that, before the revolution, it cooperated with and was heavily infiltrated by the regime of President Zine El-‘Abidine Ben ‘Ali. By describing the UGTT’s internal struggles during the dictatorship, the article claims that the UGTT demonstrated elements of both resistance and compliance. This duality made it possible for the organization to survive authoritarianism and also be a credible player in the transition to democracy. The article shows, in contrast to the dominant theories within democratization studies, that a regime-affiliated civil society organization can play an important role in the democratization process.; (AN 39807371)
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4.

Reassessing Hizbullah’s Socioeconomic Policies in Lebanon The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p399-418, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This article looks at Hizbullah’s politico-economic and socioeconomic policies in Lebanon. It first analyzes Hizbullah’s economic thought and its origins. It then studies the party’s policies in the various governments in which it has participated and how they have responded to changes in its social base as the Islamic movement has grown among larger sections of the Shi‘i middle class and bourgeoisie. Analyzing Hizbullah’s positions and policies helps us understand its evolution and integration within the Lebanese political system.; (AN 39807914)
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5.

Integrating Shi‘a in the Modern Nation-State: Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din, Hizbullah, and Engagement in Lebanese Politics The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p419-438, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This article addresses one aspect of the political thought of Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din, head of the Islamic Shi‘i Supreme Council in Lebanon between 1978 and 2001. It examines his call for Shi‘a to politically integrate into their respective nation-states. This was a political position Shams al-Din contextualized in his examination of Shi‘i doctrine’s historical approach to unjust rulers, which led him to infer the permissibility of cooperation with modern governments. Shams al-Din’s conviction of the necessity of national integration stemmed from his concern about the development of sectarian militancy among Lebanese Shi‘a, especially his perception of Hizbullah’s pursuit of an independent political agenda. In his opinion, Hizbullah’s approach alienated Arab Shi‘a from their societies and posited a threat to their ability to live in multiconfessional or Sunni-dominated societies.; (AN 39807653)
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6.

The United States and the 1981 Lebanese Missile Crisis The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p439-456, 18p; Abstract: Abstract:This article looks at the Lebanese Missile Crisis of 1981, drawing upon a broad range of primary and secondary sources including documents from the Reagan White House and the State Department. It argues that the United States intervened in the crisis because an all-out conflict between Syria and Israel bore unacceptable consequences since it could have damaged the Camp David peace process and the Reagan Administration’s security strategy for the Persian Gulf.; (AN 39807557)
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7.

Chronology: January 16, 2016 – April 15, 2016 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p457-480, 24p; (AN 39807319)
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8.

America, Israel, and Missed Opportunities for Peace by Wilcox, Philip C.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p481-485, 5p; (AN 39807409)
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9.

Small-State Mediation in International Conflicts: Diplomacy and Negotiations in Israel-Palestineby Jacob Eriksson (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p486-487, 2p; (AN 39807675)
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10.

Palestinians in Jerusalem and Jaffa, 1948: A Tale of Two Citiesby Itamar Radai (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p487-489, 3p; (AN 39807948)
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11.

Lives in Common: Arabs and Jews in Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Hebronby Menachem Klein (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p489-490, 2p; (AN 39807777)
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12.

Hero of the Crossing: How Anwar Sadat and the 1973 War Changed the Worldby Thomas W. Lippman (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p490-492, 3p; (AN 39807712)
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13.

Christians in Egypt: Strategies and Survivalby Andrea B. Rugh (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p492-494, 3p; (AN 39807684)
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14.

The Ba‘thification of Iraq: Saddam Hussein’s Totalitarianismby Aaron M. Faust (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p494-495, 2p; (AN 39807561)
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15.

The Rise of the Israeli Right: From Odessa to Hebronby Colin Shindler (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p495-496, 2p; (AN 39807687)
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16.

The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanonby Bassel F. Salloukh (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p496-497, 2p; (AN 39807453)
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17.

The Saudi Kingdom: Between the Jihadi Hammer and the Iranian Anvilby Ali Al Shihabi (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p498-499, 2p; (AN 39807451)
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18.

Saudi Arabia: A Kingdom in Perilby Paul Aarts and Carolien Roelants (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p499-501, 3p; (AN 39807519)
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19.

National Elections in Turkey: People, Politics, and the Party Systemby F. Michael Wuthrich (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p501-502, 2p; (AN 39807977)
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20.

Anatomy of Authoritarianism in the Arab Republicsby Joseph Sassoon (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p503-504, 2p; (AN 39807938)
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21.

From Resilience to Revolution: How Foreign Interventions Destabilize the Middle Eastby Sean L. Yom (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p504-505, 2p; (AN 39807620)
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22.

Iran and Pakistan: Security, Diplomacy and American Influenceby Alex Vatanka (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p505-507, 3p; (AN 39807621)
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23.

Religious Difference in a Secular Age: A Minority Reportby Saba Mahmood (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p507-508, 2p; (AN 39807477)
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24.

The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Centuryby Henri Lauzière (review) The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p509-510, 2p; (AN 39807581)
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25.

Recent Publications The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), July 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 3 p511-516, 6p; (AN 39807391)
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13

Middle East Policy
Volume 23, no. 4, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Issue Information ‐ TOC Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 40797044)
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2.

Editorial by Joyce, Anne. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p3-4, 2p; (AN 40797034)
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3.

The Middle East and the Next Administration: Challenges, Opportunities and Recommendations by Freeman, Chas W.; Zogby, James; Goldenberg, Ilan; Hyman, Gerald F.. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p5-41, 37p; (AN 40797035)
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4.

Operation “Retribution”: Putin's Military Campaign in Syria, 2015–16 by Williams, Brian Glyn; Souza, Robert. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p42-60, 19p; (AN 40797036)
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5.

Liberating Mosul: Beyond the Battle by O'Driscoll, Dylan. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p61-73, 13p; (AN 40797037)
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6.

Jihadism in the Arab World after 2011: Explaining Its Expansion by Lia, Brynjar. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p74-91, 18p; (AN 40797039)
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7.

EU Action in the Mediterranean: Structural Impediments Post‐2011 by Isaac, Sally Khalifa. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p92-102, 11p; (AN 40797041)
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8.

EU Policies in the Mashreq: Between Integration and Security Partnership by Seeberg, Peter. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p103-113, 11p; (AN 40797038)
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9.

Libya's Future: Uncertain, Despite a Political Agreement by Watanabe, Lisa. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p114-122, 9p; (AN 40797040)
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10.

Erdoğan and the Decline of Turkey by Gunter, Michael M.. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p123-135, 13p; (AN 40797042)
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11.

The Turkish Coup Attempt: The Gülen Movement vs. the State by Yavuz, M. Hakan; Koç, Rasim. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p136-148, 13p; (AN 40797043)
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12.

What Can Peacekeepers Do If There Is No Peace to Keep? by Jett, Dennis. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p149-158, 10p; (AN 40797045)
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13.

Who Rules the World? by Davidson, Lawrence. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p159-161, 3p; (AN 40797046)
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14.

Religion and State in Syria: The Sunni Ulama from Coup to Revolution by Sajjad, Ahmed. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p161-163, 3p; (AN 40797047)
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15.

The Fires of Spring by Goldman, Matthew. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p163-166, 4p; (AN 40797048)
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16.

ISIS: A History by Degerald, Michael. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p166-169, 4p; (AN 40797049)
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17.

Sinai: Egypt's Linchpin, Gaza's Lifeline, Israel's Nightmare by Rigas, Georgios. Middle East Policy, December 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p170-172, 3p; (AN 40797050)
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14

Millennium
Volume 45, no. 1, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

The Mysterious Case of Aafia Siddiqui: Gothic Intertextual Analysis of Neo-Orientalist Narratives by Gentry, Caron E.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: When Aafia Siddiqui ‘disappeared’ from her upper-middle class life in Boston in 2003 due to accusations that she was involved in al Qaeda, competing narratives from the US government, media, and her family emerged striving to convince the American public of her guilt or innocence. These narratives were rooted in a gendered form of neo-Orientalism that informed and structured the War on Terror. The narratives, of innocent Soccer Mom, nefarious Lady al Qaeda, and mentally fragile Grey lady, sought to explain how a well-educated woman could possibly be involved with a terrorist organisation. This article uses intertextual analysis to draw parallels between Gothic literature and the Siddiqui narratives. Gothic literature’s dependency upon gendered unease is particularly evident in the Siddiqui narratives, which then reveal the uncertainties within the War on Terror, particularly those related to American exceptionalism.; (AN 40006406)
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2.

Writing the Lives of Others: Storytelling and International Politics by Daigle, Megan. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p25-42, 18p; Abstract: This article explores practices of writing deployed in an attempt (sometimes futile) to mitigate and interrogate the relationship between researcher and informant across the unequal relations of power, economic disparities, and cultural divides – factors that create a partial and committed position for the author. In the process, and through the lens of an ethnographic study of sexual-affective economies in contemporary Cuba, storytelling emerges as a method and methodology for International Relations that facilitates (re)presentation of interviews that are unstructured, contingent, and difficult. Storytelling as a method and methodology reveals the multiplicity, contingency, and uncertainty of the research process, questioning the incitements to detachment and objectivity on which IR methodologies are built. Thus, narrative writing proves invaluable for expressing how the international acts on bodies (and vice versa), and for relating personal experiences of repression and resistance, joy and pain, in an international frame. Far from a merely stylistic choice, storytelling bears real ethical and political implications – for the research produced and for the individual subjects implicated in its production. Along the way, practices of writing themselves come to the fore, as academic conventions fall away and stories surface. Storytelling itself thus elaborates on the possibilities inherent in more creative, less structured, and more interpretive writing across the field of international politics.; (AN 40006409)
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3.

The Contingency of Constructivism: On Norms, the Social, and the Third by Kessler, Oliver. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: This article argues that constructivism has not engaged with the concept of contingency sufficiently. While such noted constructivists as Onuf, Kratochwil, and Wendt often refer to ‘double contingency’, it is the concept of ‘norms’ rather than ‘contingency’ that is used to characterise constructivist theorising in International Relations (IR). In this article, I outline how moderate and radical constructivists differ in their take on norms and thereby establish how the problem of contingency is actually at the core of constructivist theorising. The discussion then shows how Kratochwil, Onuf, and Wendt have made use of double contingency while moderate constructivists have re-introduced the single actor to show how norms ‘cause’ action. The third part moves beyond the double contingency framework. By differentiating ‘the social’ from ‘society’, this section shows that a ‘third’ position can be identified. The concept of ‘triple contingency’ then could be a way ahead for the theoretical discussion on constructivism itself.; (AN 40006407)
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4.

The Promise of Ontology: Nihilism for a Pluralist World by Paipais, Vassilios. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p64-71, 8p; (AN 40006404)
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5.

Ex Nihilo in Mundum: A Reply to Paipais by Prozorov, Sergei. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p72-79, 8p; Abstract: In this reply to Vassilios Paipais’s review of my Void Universalismbooks I focus on two main points of my disagreement with Paipais. The first concerns the possibility of deriving universalist axioms of world politics from the ontology of the void discussed in the first volume, Ontology and World Politics. While Paipais rejects such a possibility and posits a contentless ontology of the political, I argue that it is possible to derive from void ontology the political axioms of community, equality and freedom understood as attributes of indiscernible ‘whatever being’. The second pertains to the limitations on the world-political subject addressed in the second volume, Theory of the Political Subject. While Paipais is entirely correct in arguing that my notion of political subjectivity combines purism on the level of content with prudentialism with regard to form, I demonstrate that this combination is not a contradiction but is rather the precondition of politics as free praxis, whereby the politicisation of particular worlds in accordance with universal axioms always remains up to the subject.; (AN 40006412)
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6.

Introduction: Faking Itin 21stCentury IR/Global Politics by Sjoberg, Laura. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p80-84, 5p; (AN 40006408)
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7.

Queering Uncle Sam, the Caribbean, and the Academy: A Humanifesto for Us All by Selbin, Eric. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p85-90, 6p; (AN 40006411)
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8.

Trans* America by Sjoberg, Laura. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p91-97, 7p; (AN 40006403)
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9.

A Fake and a Hysteric: the Captain of Team Australia by Langlois, Anthony J.. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p98-104, 7p; (AN 40006413)
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10.

The Diplomat and the Domestic: Or, Homage to Faking It by Rao, Rahul. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p105-112, 8p; (AN 40006410)
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11.

The Pedagogical Power of a Lavender Dildo: Teaching Cindy Weber’s Faking Itto American Undergraduates by Dunn, Kevin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p113-118, 6p; (AN 40006405)
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12.

‘What is told is always in the telling’: Reflections on Faking Itin 21st Century IR/Global Politics by Weber, Cynthia. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, September 2016, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 1 p119-130, 12p; (AN 40006414)
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15

Orbis
Volume 61, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editor's Corner by Owens, Mackubin T.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 40813866)
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2.

National Security Challenges by Schake, Kori. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p4-12, 9p; Abstract: The most important national security challenge for the next president will be rebuilding a domestic consensus on America's role in the world. Unless the president can answer fundamental questions voters are asking, she or he will be hobbled in foreign policy. Only having done that can our next president proceed to adopt policies and develop strategies that manage a rising China and a declining Russia, organize countries with common interests to stanch the wildfires burning in the Middle East, and reclaim for our country the international stature that fosters our security and prosperity.; (AN 40813865)
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3.

Understanding the Return of the Jacksonian Tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p13-26, 14p; Abstract: The 2016 presidential election demonstrated the rise of a “restraint constituency” in American politics that openly questions Washington's bipartisan post-Cold War pursuit of a grand strategy of primacy or liberal hegemony. This constituency has been animated by the return of the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy, most notably in the candidacy of Donald Trump, which directly questions the benefits of alliance relationships as well as U.S. underwriting of an open global economic system. It also stresses the need for the United States to act unilaterally in defense of its core foreign policy interests. The resurgence of the Jacksonian tradition will make it difficult for the next President to reestablish a foreign policy consensus and combat perceptions of American decline.; (AN 40887735)
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4.

How U.S. National Security Decisions Are Made by Gvosdev, Nikolas K.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p27-33, 7p; Abstract: Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election will bring to the Oval Office a person with no past political experience. Having run on a foreign policy platform that, at times, challenged the established bipartisan orthodoxy in Washington, he must also deal with a Congress which, although nominally dominated by his own political party, is more likely to wish to exercise a close check on the new administration. Given the chill between the Republican party's foreign policy establishment and the President-elect and with the proviso that the new Chief Executive will need to get Senatorial confirmation for his nominees to the top echelons of the executive branch departments, it raises the possibility that the new team will continue with trends already noticeable in the last three presidential administrations: to shift the focal point of decision-making away from the national security bureaucracy and the Cabinet in favor of the “palace” of advisors and White House staff surrounding the president.; (AN 40813882)
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5.

Rethinking Geopolitics; Rebuilding Alliances by Granieri, Ronald J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p34-42, 9p; Abstract: Although the recent presidential campaign did not focus on foreign policy, the new President will confront major international challenges and be expected both to make difficult decisions about ongoing conflicts and chart a course for the future. This essay sketches the international situation at the end of the Obama Administration and suggests a course of realistic engagement that recognizes the limits of American power in defense of national interests.; (AN 40813881)
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6.

Shaping the 21stCentury Military by Hoffman, F.G.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: To guide the development of the armed forces’ future, the incoming president will want to offer guidance to the Pentagon on grand strategy and the supporting principles and planning framework to size and shape the joint warfighting force. This strategic direction will be a critical aspect of the initial national security planning effort and will provide guidance as to the number of kinds of wars that the Pentagon must be prepared to deter or win should deterrence fail. This article offers options and guidance for two major components of U.S. defense policy. These are Design Principles and alternative Force Design Constructs. These force constructs are not the strategy itself, but they are the requisite building blocks and guidance which defense policymakers use to shape the desired force and explain that force in its requests for the funding required from the American people.; (AN 40887734)
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7.

The Future U.S. Defense Budget by Schroeder, Wayne A.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p64-75, 12p; Abstract: The next president should elevate the role of U.S. defense strategy and planning in the next administration toward the goal of developing a new strategic framework that assumes a long-term defense competition with both Russia and China. This goal will require a thorough overhaul of the resource assumptions of the Obama defense budget and future years defense program. The next Administration should also seek the removal of the resource constraints imposed by the Budget Control Act of 2011. To support a new strategic framework, the United States will have to sustain defense spending at a higher, yet affordable level, for the long term.; (AN 40813880)
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8.

Navigating Russia: Pivots & Resets, Walls & Deals by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p76-82, 7p; Abstract: Russia has proved a confounding counterpart to American political leaders over the past decade. To the veritable Rubik's Cube that is today's complex international security environment, American leaders too often react with simplism. Some seem unable or unwilling to articulate a contemporary doctrine to guide U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism, and other contemporary challenges. Faith in the directional march of capital “H” History or the curative effect of Globalism and like nostrums is a poor substitute for a well explicated statement of American geopolitical interests.; (AN 40753609)
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9.

Managing Sino-American Relations by Dreyer, June Teufel. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p83-90, 8p; Abstract: Past Chinese policy has proved deficient in managing the Sino-American relationship. Your administration should break with past assumptions, cease allowing China to set the agenda, be aware of specious Chinese claims based on distortions of history, avoid using meaningless or misleading terms in speaking of the relationship, be cognizant of the tendency of some China specialists to self-censor, establish clear guidelines for the limits of U.S. tolerance of Chinese behavior, and be prepared to respond forcefully if they are transgressed Be aware that failure to do so will be regarded as acquiescence to Chinese claims and an invitation to advance future claims.; (AN 40753608)
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10.

Responding to China's Rising Sea Power by Yoshihara, Toshi; Holmes, James. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p91-100, 10p; Abstract: America's next president must embrace risk to cope with rising Chinese sea power. The incoming administration should pivot to the Asia-Pacific more boldly than the Obama administration has. As it does so, Washington must accept risk to its interests and forces to uphold freedom of the sea, and it must impress upon Beijing that infringing on freedom of the sea in the South China Sea or elsewhere carries unacceptable risks for China's interests and forces. Rediscovering the art of imposing risk will let the incoming administration hold that which China treasures at risk, should China persist with its belligerence.; (AN 40850515)
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11.

Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 41122563)
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12.

Advice to the Next President on India and South Asia by Ganguly, Sumit. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p101-108, 8p; Abstract: A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing.; (AN 40850516)
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13.

Revisiting the Iran Nuclear Deal by Kahan, Jerome H.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p109-124, 16p; Abstract: One of Donald Trump's stated priorities when he becomes President is to kill the Nuclear Deal with Iran, one of the key legacies President Barack Obama wishes to leave. This article develops a memorandum for President Obama to consider sending to his successor that proposes a series of steps to be taken, with the support of our negotiating partners, on how to make the deal more supportive of the nation's security interests, avoiding the difficult and dramatic step of pulling out of the agreement. A four-part scenario, triggered by an assumed Iranian abrogation of the deal, is employed as a means of gaining insights for drafting this memo.; (AN 40850519)
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14.

Divining a “Trump Doctrine” by Haines, John R.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p125-136, 12p; Abstract: This essay, written before Donald J. Trump's election as 45th President of the United States, sought to divine a “Trump doctrine” on national security and foreign policy, based on what Mr. Trump himself said and wrote over the preceding decades. It shows Mr. Trump's sympathy for a unilateralist (but not the pejorative isolationist of which some charge him) approach to defining American interests and for strategic ambiguity in dealing with America's adversaries. There, in fact, is a sizeable body of material from which to discern the contours of his thinking in these areas, much of it quite prescient. What some find disorientating is that Mr. Trump never felt compelled to synthesize it into a definitive “Trump doctrine,” or at least not one that satisfied the orthodoxy.; (AN 41122556)
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15.

History and Statecraft: A Complicated Marriage by McCormick, Evan D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p137-142, 6p; (AN 40850517)
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16.

The Rise and Fall of the BRICS? by Weber, Yuval. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 p143-148, 6p; (AN 40850518)
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17.

Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2017, Vol. 61 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 41122566)
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