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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Assessing the performance of the European Union in Central and Eastern Europe and in its neighbourhood by Papadimitriou, Dimitris; Baltag, Dorina; Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p1-16, 16p; (AN 41283381)
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2.

“The transformative power of Europe” beyond enlargement: the EU’s performance in promoting democracy in its neighbourhood by Börzel, Tanja A.; Lebanidze, Bidzina. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p17-35, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper argues that the European Union’s (EU) performance in promoting democracy in its neighbourhood is not only compromised by the lack of a membership perspective but the selective sanctioning of non-compliance with democracy standards caused by conflicting foreign policy objectives. We identify two conditions for the EU’s consistent application of democratic conditionality: the absence of a stability-democratisation dilemmaand the presence of pro-democratic reform coalitions.If neither of these conditions is present, the EU is more likely to act as a status-quo than a transformative power prioritising (authoritarian) stability over uncertain (democratic) change.; (AN 41283380)
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3.

“Veni, vidi, …  vici?” EU performance and two faces of conditionality towards Ukraine by Burlyuk, Olga; Shapovalova, Natalia. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p36-55, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConcluding an Association Agreement (AA) has been a major incentive of EU conditionality towards Ukraine and most other Eastern Partnership countries. Contrary to what was intended and expected, Ukrainian government under the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych refused to conclude the AA and, in the course of the subsequent countrywide mass uprising, turned into a more authoritarian version of itself. To explore EU performance, in this case, the article analyses EU conditionality towards Ukraine in 2010–2014. If conditionality is conceptualised as intergovernmental bargaining, then EU policy failed because the conditions were not met by Yanukovych. However, if conditionality is conceptualised as a tool of societal mobilisation and differential empowerment of domestic actors, then EU policy succeeded because the desired outcome was achieved, albeit through an unexpected course of events. This second face of conditionality is essential to understanding EU performance and anticipating effects of EU policies in the neighbourhood.; (AN 41283383)
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4.

EU normative performance: a critical theory perspective on the EU’s response to the massacre in Andijon, Uzbekistan by Bosse, Giselle. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p56-71, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces a new analytical framework - EU Normative Performance- to examine the European Union’s (EU) policy towards autocratic regimes in its wider Eastern neighbourhood. Drawing on critical theory and the writings of Jürgen Habermas, EU Normative Performance does not define measures of a (cost-) efficient conduct of foreign policy, but develops benchmarks of an ideal-type emancipatory policy constrained by normative principles (Normative Performance as output) and derived from undistorted argumentative reasoning (Normative Performance as a process). The case study assesses the EU’s response to the Andijon massacre in Uzbekistan in May 2005.; (AN 41283382)
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5.

Between arbitrary outcomes and impeded process: the performance of EU Twinning projects in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood by Roch, Stefan. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p72-87, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines to what extent EU Twinning projects perform well enough to have a lasting impact on administrative reform in the Eastern neighbourhood. Through tracing the development of the Twinning instrument and analysing the implementation of a sample of Twinning projects in Moldova, the analysis concludes that Twinning has considerable deficits, in terms of both process, as well as outcome performance. To address the latter, the article suggests that Twinning needs to be better adapted to the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, as well as the specific demands of the Eastern neighbourhood countries.; (AN 41283384)
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6.

The more the merrier? Assessing the impact of enlargement on EU performance in energy and climate change policies by Bocquillon, Pierre; Maltby, Tomas. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p88-105, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the impact of enlargement on European Union performance in energy and climate change policies. It looks at process-driven performance, focusing on agenda-setting, negotiation dynamics and institutional change – as well as outcome-driven performance, looking at the ambitiousness of policy objectives and their implementation. The empirical analysis is based on qualitative, comparative case studies of EU climate change and energy security policies. The article shows that enlargement has had a nuanced but contrasted impact on the two areas. It also points to the recent assertiveness of Central and Eastern European Countries in both energy security and climate policy.; (AN 41283385)
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7.

Revisiting the role of domestic politics: politicisation and European Cohesion Policy performance in Central and Eastern Europe by Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p106-125, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article evaluates the influence of domestic political factors on the performance of Cohesion Policy (CP) in new member states. It argues that domestic levels of politicisation, within Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) can mediate the outcome-driven performance of the policy. Empirically this is probed against original empirical evidence from two cases studies: Bulgaria and Romania. Evidence was found to suggest that politicisation can affect the management and implementation of EU funds delivery. More specifically, political patronage damaged managerial continuity and the development of expertise in the specialised institutions managing CP. In addition, political clientelism was associated with some of the problems found in the selection of EU funded projects and, more pre-eminently, with regard to the allocation of public procurement contracts. The article discusses the wider theoretical implications of its findings and the impact of politicisation on the implementation of EU policies in CEECs.; (AN 41283386)
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8.

From ambitious goals to improper fit: hybrid performance of Phare pre-accession programme for civil society development in Bulgaria by Hristova, Dessislava. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p126-142, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocused on the performance of the Poland and Hungary Assistance for Restructuring of the Economy (Phare) pre-accession programme for civil society development (CSD) in Bulgaria as a case-study of EU performance, the article examines the interplay between outcome and process-based performance by analysing Phare’s design and objectives and the domestic players and factors in its implementation. The article combines document research and qualitative data, as well as analysis on the current state of development of the civil society organisations in Bulgaria. It contributes to the study of EU performance in Central and Eastern Europe through drawing conclusions on how the Phare programme contributed to Bulgaria’s pre-accession process. The article argues that inappropriate and incomplete policy transfers hinder the performance of EU in domestic CSD. Delivery bottlenecks coupled with centralisation of the design and management structures, and ambivalence in the objectives-setting in CSD lead to a mixed overall performance.; (AN 41283387)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: New Challenges for the European Union in the Arab Mediterranean and the Revision of the European Neighbourhood Policy by Seeberg, Peter; Shteiwi, Musa. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: This Introduction presents a conceptual framework for the Thematic Issue of European Foreign Affairs Review and sets the analytical scene for the contributions. The point of departure for the articles is the launching of a comprehensive review of the European Neighbourhood Policy 18 November 2015. The review emphasizes that ongoing transition processes are affecting the Mediterranean states, leading to a complex and differentiated Middle Eastern reality, which challenges the EU and calls for a rethinking of European foreign and security policies. A key notion of the review is the term ‘stabilization’ and it is underlined that causes of instability not only can be found within a traditional security domain, but also should be traced back to weak economic and social development, migration, lack of opportunities, etc. The Introduction discusses theoretical paradigms of relevance for analysing recent perspectives of EU-Mediterranean cooperation.; (AN 41272694)
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2.

Libya and Syria: Inserting the European Neighbourhood Policy in the European Union’s Crisis Response Cycle by Koenig, Nicole. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p19-38, 20p; Abstract: Fostering peace and stability has been a key aim of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), but its effective impact on conflicts has been marginal. This article analyses the ENP’s security dimension through the conceptual prism of coherence. As a policy cutting across functional domains and governance levels the ENP faces horizontal and vertical coherence challenges. The empirical analysis focuses on two cases lying at the intersection of the ENP and comprehensive European Union (EU) crisis management: the EU’s responses to the Syrian and Libyan conflicts between 2011 and 2016. The analysis shows that the EU has gradually redirected ENP funds to short-term security- and migration-related goals. However, the EU has failed to ensure vertical coherence in the field of high politics. The externalities of the Libyan and Syrian conflicts might foster national preference convergence and thereby increase vertical coherence. While this should strengthen the ENP’s security dimension, the risk is that the policy’s distinct character as a tool for structural conflict prevention is diluted within an ever broadening comprehensive approach that focuses on conflict symptoms rather than root causes.; (AN 41272695)
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3.

The European Union’s Engagement in Conflict Processes and Conflict Spillovers: The Case of Lebanon Since the Onset of the Syrian War by Fakhoury, Tamirace. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-58, 20p; Abstract: The article explores the European Union’s (EU) conflict response to Lebanon in the wake of Syria’s war and its spillover effects. Seeking to boost the polity’s ‘resilience’, the EU has deployed resources and strategies to stabilize the country, enhance its social cohesion and promote ‘effective governance’. The EU has furthermore integrated Lebanon in its broader response to the outcomes of the Arab uprisings and the Syrian conflict. While the EU has become more attuned to Lebanon’s conflict environment, it has had limited effectiveness in handling Lebanon’s conflict processes against the benchmark of its declared goals. The EU’s realist-normative dilemmas and inability to address Lebanon’s core issues of contention emerge as constraining factors. The bloc is more effective in mitigating short-term strains through cooperating with the government on convergent interests such as security and refugee governance than playing an impactful role in conflict resolution.; (AN 41272698)
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4.

How to (Not) Walk the Talk: The Demand for Palestinian Self-Determination as a Challenge for the European Neighbourhood Policy by Beck, Martin. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p59-73, 15p; Abstract: The aim of the current article is to analyse the challenges for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to pursue a meaningful and effective policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on four dimensions: the history of European foreign policies toward the Middle East conflict, opportunities and constraints of realizing Palestinian self-determination, institutional opportunities and constraints for the ENP of walking the talk of an Israeli-Palestinian settlement, and policy options of the EU toward the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and their success conditions.The EU’s chances and constraints in addressing the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are discussed as structural challenges: the challenge created through the historical normative engagement of the EU, the problematic local conditions for constructively dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the European institutional capabilities and their limits to project its policy concepts on the Middle East. The critical discussion of the three-faceted system of challenges that the EU is exposed to when dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is followed by the presentation and assessment of different policy options in the light of success conditions to (not) walk the talk of dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in a productive way. The article comes to the conclusion that the EU is hardly capable of contributing to the realization of Palestinian self-determination.; (AN 41272697)
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5.

Migration, Mobility and the Challenge of Co-ownership Exploring European Union-Tunisia Post-Revolutionary Agenda by Zardo, Federica. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p75-89, 15p; Abstract: Soon after the jasmine revolution and the fall of Ben Ali’s regime in 2011, the migration and mobility dossier immediately entered the cooperation agenda between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia and dominated bilateral negotiations. The signature of the Joint Declaration for a Mobility Partnership was an important breakthrough in EU-Tunisia cooperation, since after decades of stalemate, the agreement allegedly sealed a new mutual will to cooperate in a sensitive policy area. Despite its pivotal role in the ‘new turn’ in EU-Tunisia relations, and against the EU declared quest for strengthened co-ownership, this contribution argues that the first steps of the EU-Tunisia Privileged Partnership in the realm of migration tend to replicate rooted dynamics rather than breaking with the past.It is contented that the permanence of deep institutional embeddedness in times of volatile transition limited the leeway of the Tunisian government, confirm the asymmetric nature of the relationship and questions the possibility for future cooperation priorities to be truly co-owned.; (AN 41272699)
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6.

Mobility Partnerships and Security Subcomplexes in the Mediterranean: The Strategic Role of Migration and the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policies Towards the MENA Region by Seeberg, Peter. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p91-110, 20p; Abstract: The present article discusses the negotiating and implementing of Mobility Partnership (MP) agreements between the European Union (EU) and Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, and Tunisia. Taking its starting point in the conceptual notions of subregional security complexes and non-traditional security issues, the article analyses the MPs by looking at the strategic significance of migration in the context of EU’s foreign and security policy cooperation with the five Arab Mediterranean states. The MPs are seen as an important element in the EU’s overall migration strategy, but have been met with reluctance by the Arab partner states. The article concludes that so far only to a limited degree have the MPs developed into well-functioning tools for managing the migration policies of the EU and its partners states, and that they seem mainly to play a role as instruments for the EU’s foreign and security policy interests.; (AN 41272700)
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7.

Youth as a New ‘Foreign Policy Challenge’ in Middle East and North Africa: A Critical Interrogation of European Union and US Youth Policies in Morocco and Tunisia by Huber, Daniela. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p111-128, 18p; Abstract: It is not only since January 2011 and the so-called ‘youth revolutions’ that youth has become a key concept through which Europeans and Americans are viewing the Arab world. Since the 2000s, youth has increasingly entered European Union (EU) foreign policies in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and the revised neighbourhood policy has in fact devoted an entire section to youth unemployment. But are EU policies contributing to the inclusion of youth? Based on discourse analysis and a comparative approach with US policies, this article argues that the EU and the United States have framed youth exclusively in relation to their ideal vision of a liberal order in the region as an asset, challenge or threat. This has in turn justified foreign policies which are pushing for a further liberalization of the labour market in these countries and which reproduce gendered images of young Muslim men as terror threats and threats to women, young Muslim women as victims and non-productive. While the Arab uprisings have resisted this discourse and practice of Western actors, they have not succeeded to change them; Western policies remain resilient.; (AN 41272701)
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3

European Security
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

European diplomatic practices: contemporary challenges and innovative approaches by Bicchi, Federica; Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p391-406, 16p; Abstract: AbstractAs the aim of this special issue is to show practice approaches at work in the case of European diplomacy, this introduction provides readers with a hands-on sense of where the conversation about practices and European diplomacy currently stands. By introducing the key terms and overviewing the literature, the article contextualises the guiding questions of the special issue. It starts by reviewing how practice approaches have evolved in IR debates. It then describes European diplomacy’s nuts and bolts in a post-Lisbon setting. It continues by focusing on specific practices and analytical mechanisms that contribute to understand European diplomacy’s transformations and the role of security. While the debate about practices goes beyond the case of diplomacy, the latter has become a showcase for the former and this special issue continues the debate on practices and diplomacy by zooming in on the European Union.; (AN 40332799)
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2.

Doing Europe: agency and the European Union in the field of counter-piracy practice by Bueger, Christian. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p407-422, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe practice turn provides new avenues for core questions of international relations and European Studies. This article draws on a practice theoretical account to shed new light on the constitution of agency in global politics. An understanding of agency as achievement that requires significant practical work and the participation in international fields of practice is developed. Drawing on the case of the field of counter-piracy practice and the European Union’s (EU’s) work to counter piracy off the coast of Somalia, it is shown how the EU achieved the position as a core actor in the field. A detailed discussion of the EU’s work in interrupting and knowing piracy, in building capacity, and in governing piracy is provided.; (AN 40332800)
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3.

Making sense of the EU’s response to the Arab uprisings: foreign policy practice at times of crisis by Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p423-441, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Arab uprisings of 2011 put into question previously held understandings about the stability of authoritarian regimes in North Africa as well as the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with countries in its southern neighbourhood. Despite early calls on behalf of the EU to change its policies, the Union’s responses in the early stages seemed mostly characterised by continuity. This article claims that certain dispositions and background knowledge developed over several decades vis-à-vis EU’s Mediterranean policies served as a baseline from which EU officials and diplomats acted. Drawing on insights from practice approaches, the article argues that the practical understandings on what the EU can (and cannot) do vis-à-vis partner countries in North Africa create a kind of power politics of practical dispositions. The article focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy - the EU’s flagship initiative - and builds on a unique set of data that combine policy documents and interviews with about 30 EU officials and national diplomats from before and after the Arab uprisings. In this way, it illustrates how practice relates to change in that even though the EU’s responses drew on an established repertoire of practice, enacting it in a new context opened up new possibilities for action.; (AN 40332802)
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4.

The practice of burden sharing in European crisis management operations by Mérand, Frédéric; Rayroux, Antoine. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p442-460, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIf a European organisation decides to deploy a military force in Mali or a police mission in Afghanistan, member states probably believe that collective security is a public good that benefits them all. But who will lead the mission? Who will staff it? Who will pay for it? Who will risk casualties? While rational-choice theorists expect little burden sharing, constructivists expect a great deal more insofar as normative pressures are brought to bear on governments. The problem is that it is hard to find countries that systematically eschew their responsibilities or, contrariwise, systematically contribute their fair share out of a sense of moral obligation. In this article, we analyse burden sharing as an anchoring practice, shedding light on the social logic of burden sharing rather than abstract interests or norms. Established after the end of the Second World War, the field of European security has given birth to a “community of security practice” around the more or less routine task of determining national contributions to crisis management operations. Based on interviews with practitioners from the UK, France, Germany, Norway and Ireland, we analyse the impact of intersubjectivity, power and strategic culture on the practice of burden sharing.; (AN 40332801)
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5.

Europe under occupation: the European diplomatic community of practice in the Jerusalem area by Bicchi, Federica. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p461-477, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation.; (AN 40332803)
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6.

European security as practice: EU–NATO communities of practice in the making? by Græger, Nina. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p478-501, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean security is at a critical juncture and many have called for a more coherent and efficient response, involving both the EU and NATO. However, the primary tool for EU–NATO cooperation, “Berlin Plus”, has been stuck in a political quagmire since the mid-2000s, making a lot of scholars to conclude that this cooperation is obsolete and outdated. This article is challenging this view by analysing a range of informal but regular interaction patterns that have emerged. Using practice theory, it sheds new light on and explores how EU and NATO staff at all levels engage in informal practices on various sites in headquarters in Brussels and in field operations. A study of EU–NATO cooperation as practice focuses on the everyday, patterned production of security as well as what makes action possible, such as (tacit) practical knowledge and shared “background” knowledge (education, training, and experience). The article also discusses the extent to which shared repertoires of practice may evolve into loose communities of practice that cut across organisational and professional boundaries.; (AN 40332805)
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7.

The making of a diplomat: the case of the French Diplomatic and Consular Institute as an identity workspace by Baylon, Donoxti. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p502-523, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the creation of the Diplomatic and Consular Institute by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and conceptualises this new professional school of diplomacy as an “identity workspace” following the analysis of a cohort’s learning experience. This article aims to spark a debate from a practice perspective on diplomatic training as offered by Ministries of Foreign Affairs in Europe.; (AN 40332806)
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8.

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy by Chelotti, Nicola. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p524-541, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brussels-based) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states’ positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats’ conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On the whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent.; (AN 40332804)
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9.

Editorial Board European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40332807)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

China: the Party, the Internet, and power as shared weakness by Navarria, Giovanni. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe spreading application of digital networks throughout China’s social, economic and political structures exposes the Communist Party to new weaknesses that are increasingly exploited by citizens and used by them to contest and restrain its power monopoly. The Party successfully counters these trends by employing alternative web tactics. To make sense of this dynamic, the paper proposes a new concept of power as shared weakness (ruò shì jūn zhān de lì liàng). The term refers to the inability of actors (from the most powerful to the least powerful) to exercise full control over the digitally networked environment in which they operate.; (AN 41134194)
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2.

The emergence of private security governance. Assessing facilitating conditions in the case of Somali piracy by Staff, Helge. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p21-37, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFacing the threat of Somali piracy, private actors have created a private security governance framework by both issuing and implementing standards as well as offering operative security solutions through armed guards. Which conditions have facilitated this provision of private security? The present article approaches this research question in two innovative ways: Theoretically, by deriving four conditions from the literature on private climate governance and applying them to the security realm; and empirically, by analyzing the activities of Private Military and Security Companies and the shipping industry in the case of Somali piracy based on a series of semi-structured interviews. Thus, the article contributes to the literature on private security in at least two ways: it provides an extensive understanding of private security incorporating operative and regulative elements and it uses insights about private governance from a more developed field in order to understand private security governance more systematically. The article concludes that all four conditions prominent in the literature on climate change – risk perception, involvement of capital markets, governmental inability, and commodification – can successfully be applied to the case of Somali piracy and explain the emergence and dynamic of private security governance.; (AN 41134193)
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3.

Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance by Dalby, Simon; Moussavi, Zahra. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p39-55, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGeopolitics, climate change and environmental security operate in complicated and sometimes directly conflictual ways. Driven in part by national policies of food self-sufficiency in response to economic sanctions imposed on Iran by American and European policies, the destruction of one of the world’s largest inland lakes raises questions about the interaction of multiple forms of security, and in particular how securitizations by various actors interact at a number of scales. Lake Urmia in North Western Iran has rapidly dwindled in the last decade, a result of unsustainable water extractions to irrigate growing agricultural production of apples and other horticultural products. Clearly assumptions that security is additive across sectors and scales is not the case here as elsewhere, but the Urmia Lake episode emphasizes that they are in fact frequently operating at cross-purposes; national security strategies may compromise other forms of security quite directly. Blaming climate change, and possibly the deliberate use of climate modification techniques for the lake’s demise adds a key dimension to securitization discussions. This matters for security studies more generally now because climate change is increasingly being introduced as a macrosecuritization in international politics.; (AN 41134197)
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4.

Iraq’s struggle with de-Ba`thification process by Keskin Zeren, Aysegul. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p57-76, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTVetting/lustration/purging is one of many transitional justice mechanisms, designed for addressing the atrocities of a former regime, restoring peace, providing justice and engendering unity and reconciliation. It specifically aims to purify the public sphere of former regime members or of people who lack integrity. de-Ba`thification of Iraq is one of the latest transitional justice mechanism that can be examined under this category. The process of de-Ba`thification holds lessons and provides valuable insight into policy-making well beyond the Iraqi context. This article presents a detailed analysis of the implementation of de-Ba`thification process in Iraq and a number of lessons to be learned/relearned by policy-makers. Data gathering involves in-depth and formal interviews with the designers and implementers of de-Ba`thification project including Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) administrator and advisors; Higher National de-Ba`thification Commission (HNDBC) and Accountability and Justice Commission (AJC) members; other US and Iraqi officials.1; (AN 41134196)
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5.

What explains the success of preventive diplomacy in Southeast Asia? by Huan, Amanda; Emmers, Ralf. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p77-93, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInter-state preventive diplomacy (PD) has mostly been regarded as successful in Southeast Asia as evidenced by the absence of inter-state armed conflict. This success has generally been credited to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Yet, in terms of addressing specific crises, the paper argues that three factors are critical to the success of inter-state PD in Southeast Asia: the level of great power interest in particular disputes, the perceived legitimacy of the PD actor, and the nature of the agreement being sought. Great power interference complicates strategic calculations and is therefore likely to make it harder for PD attempts to succeed. Reversely, the critical involvement of the United Nations as a PD-doer and negotiator helps de-escalate violence in interstate disputes in Southeast Asia. The paper applies these factors to understand why the East Timor and the Preah Vihear Temple cases were successful exercises of PD while PD, in regard to the South China Sea dialogue, has so far only produced limited results.; (AN 41134195)
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6.

Should companies be involved in peacemaking, or mind their own business? by van Dorp, Mark. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p95-102, 8p; (AN 41134198)
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7.

Protest: a cultural introduction to social movements by Marcelli, Andrea Mattia. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p103-105, 3p; (AN 41134199)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Valuing the Contributions of Nonstate and Subnational Actors to Climate Governance by van der Ven, Hamish; Bernstein, Steven; Hoffmann, Matthew. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: Nonstate and subnational climate governance activities are proliferating. Alongside them are databases and registries that attempt to calculate their contributions to global decarbonization. We label these registries “orchestration platforms” because they both aggregate disparate initiatives and attempt to steer them toward overarching objectives such as improved transparency, accountability, and effectiveness. While well-intentioned, many orchestration platforms adopt a narrow conception of “value” as either quantifiable greenhouse gas (GHG) reductions or relevant outputs. We offer a more comprehensive approach to valuing nonstate and subnational climate governance that is rooted in recognizing the potential for initiatives to become far-reaching (i.e., achieve scale) and durable (i.e., become entrenched). We illustrate the comparative advantage of our approach with reference to a particular case of nonstate governance: The Carbon Trust’s attempt to create product carbon footprints. By tracing the direct and indirect impacts of product carbon footprinting, we show that initial failures to generate quantifiable GHG reductions or produce relevant outputs do not reflect the intervention’s broader impacts through scaling to other jurisdictions and entrenching business practices that contribute to decarbonization. Taking this broader view of “value” can help policy-makers better understand and gauge the contribution of nonstate and subnational climate governance to global decarbonization.; (AN 41266012)
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2.

Fighting for King Coal’s Crown: Business Actors in the US Coal and Utility Industries by Downie, Christian. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p21-39, 19p; Abstract: Over the last two decades, business actors have received growing attention in global environmental politics. In the context of climate change, scholars have demonstrated the capacity of business actors to directly shape outcomes at the national, international, and transnational levels. However, very little work has focused exclusively on business actors in the coal and utility industries. This is surprising, given that resistance from these industries could delay or even derail government attempts to address climate change. Accordingly, this article focuses directly on the preferences of business actors in the coal and utility industries. Drawing on interviews with executives across the US energy sector, it considers business preferences on two of the most important attempts by the Obama administration to limit emissions from coal: the Waxman-Markey bill and the Clean Power Plan. In doing so, it provides new insights about the preferences of these actors and the divisions within these industries that could be exploited by policy-makers and activists seeking to enact climate change regulations.; (AN 41266014)
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3.

Indigenous Belief Systems, Science, and Resource Extraction: Climate Change Attitudes in Ecuador by Eisenstadt, Todd A.; West, Karleen Jones. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p40-58, 19p; Abstract: Indigenous people around the world have been particularly vocal about climate change as a challenge to their cosmovision—or traditional worldview—resulting in demands for protection of the earth as part of their core beliefs. Is this because indigenous people are the most vulnerable, and feel the impact of climate change more directly? Or is it because of the centrality of the earth to their traditional beliefs? Using survey evidence from Ecuador, we examine how indigenous cosmovision, science, and vulnerability influence the belief that climate change exists. On the basis of one-on-one interviews with indigenous leaders in Ecuador, we argue that both traditional beliefs and Western science inform citizen views of climate change. We discuss the implications of these findings, arguing that rather than competing with science, the Kichwa-based cosmovision complements Western scientific efforts to combat climate change. We also find that proximity to oil extraction is an important determinant of belief in climate change in Ecuador, suggesting that conceptualizations of vulnerability should be tailored to the particular experiences of individuals.; (AN 41266013)
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4.

Stakeholder Engagement in the Making: IPBES Legitimization Politics by Esguerra, Alejandro; Beck, Silke; Lidskog, Rolf. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p59-76, 18p; Abstract: A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept “politics of legitimation,” we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.; (AN 41266005)
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5.

Institutional Mechanisms and the Consequences of International Environmental Agreements by Kim, Yoomi; Tanaka, Katsuya; Matsuoka, Shunji. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: This article examines the institutional mechanisms affecting the environment and economies of the member countries of international environmental agreements (IEAs), particularly focusing on the legalization and flexibility aspects of IEAs. To identify the factors that influence the consequences of IEAs, we applied the Bayesian probit model to a database including 123 IEAs related to 23 international environmental regimes. The environmental consequences data were taken from the existing database and rescored (Böhmelt and Pilster 2010; Breitmeier et al. 2006), and unintended economic consequences were identified using data from 209 countries. Legally binding IEAs showed a significant improvement of environmental performance, but a significant decrease was related to the presence of inflexible rules. Moreover, decision-making flexibility was positively related to environmental improvement, and negatively related to regime body flexibility. The economic consequences model showed a positive significant impact of the secretariat’s independence on the economies of member countries, while legally binding IEAs showed negative effects. All flexibility elements showed positive impacts on economic consequences. In our research, IEA uncertainty had negative effects on both the environmental and economic aspects; however, we observed positive relationships in the environment and economic analyses when IEAs promoted public goods.; (AN 41266008)
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6.

Regulatory Institutions and Market-Based Climate Policy in China by Goron, Coraline; Cassisa, Cyril. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p99-120, 22p; Abstract: Domestic regulatory institutions are essential components of emissions trading systems (ETS). Not only do they shape the ways that markets operate, they also condition the environmental value of the carbon credits they produce. However, the literature on global carbon politics has paid little attention to local ETS regulators. In a decentralized system increasingly based on a noodle bowl of diversified environmental markets, the study of carbon markets must integrate the institutions in which they operate. This article focuses on China, which, due to its size, is both keen to and expected to have a significant impact on the global system of market-based instruments. We examine how China’s regulatory institutions have worked to implement the seven ETS pilots launched since 2012, and tease out some implications regarding how China’s national ETS may contribute to global climate change governance. In this study, we analyze both formal and informal regulatory institutions, through the practice of local actors. The main finding is that the tension between the state and markets in China’s ETS implementation has resulted in a reinforcement of state domination rather than the emergence of robust regulatory institutions. The contribution that the ETS makes to China’s emissions reduction is also limited by more pressing environmental and industrial policies that local regulators must prioritize. Local nonregulatory implementation practices could undermine the long-term objective to integrate China’s ETS with others under article 6 of the UNFCCC.; (AN 41266006)
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7.

Protecting the Environment of the Final Frontiers by Koivurova, Timo. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p121-124, 4p; (AN 41266004)
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8.

Bennett, Brett. 2015. Plantations and Protected Areas: A Global History of Forest Management. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. by Gibbs, Gabriela Bueno. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p125-126, 2p; (AN 41266010)
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9.

Markham, William T., and Lotsmart Fonjong. 2015. Saving the Environment in Sub-Saharan Africa: Organizational Dynamics and Effectiveness of NGOs in Cameroon. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. by Hamann, Steffi; Schwartz, Brendan; Sneyd, Adam. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p127-129, 3p; (AN 41266009)
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10.

Nicholson, Simon, and Sikina Jinnah, eds. 2016. New Earth Politics: Essays from the Anthropocene.Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. by Zelli, Fariborz. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p129-131, 3p; (AN 41266007)
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11.

Contributors Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 piii-v, 3p; (AN 41266011)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 22, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Women, Peace, and Security: Are We There Yet? by Labonte, Melissa; Curry, Gaynel. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p311-319, 9p; (AN 39752994)
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2.

Pay the Polluter: Why South Korea and Japan Should Fund Abatement in China by Richey, Mason; Daewon, Ohn. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p321-330, 10p; (AN 39752987)
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3.

What Happened to the Responsibility to Rebuild? by Keranen, Outi. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p331-348, 18p; Abstract: While significant obstacles to the realization of the Responsibility to Protect in practice remain, it has nonetheless made considerable progress in transforming from an idea to an emerging norm. At the same time, however, its sister component, the Responsibility to Rebuild has elicited less scholarly and policy attention. The lack of attention to rebuilding responsibilities has been made all the more urgent by the violent aftermath of the first protection intervention in Libya in 2011. Against this backdrop, the article examines the way in which the Responsibility to Rebuild is understood and operationalized, with reference to Libya and Côte d'Ivoire, theaters of two recent protection interventions. The conceptual evolution of the Responsibility to Rebuild reveals a distinct shift toward a more statist understanding of the rebuilding phase; what was initially considered a part of the wider international protection responsibility has come to be viewed as a domestic responsibility. This recalibration of the responsibility to rebuild stems from the concept's association with the reactive element of R2P as well as from the changes in the wider normative environment. The more statist understanding of rebuilding responsibilities has manifested itself not only in the emphasis on domestic ownership of the rebuilding process in the wake of protection interventions, but also in the reconceptualization of the wider international Responsibility to Rebuild as a narrower responsibility to assist in building the capacity of the state subjected to protection intervention. This has been problematic in policy terms as the attempt to build capacity through the standard state-building measures has resulted at best in negative peace and at worst in armed violence.; (AN 39752993)
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4.

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and Legitimacy in Global Health Governance by Harman, Sophie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p349-368, 20p; Abstract: The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation brings to light the legitimacy problem with global philanthropy. The legitimacy problem here is twofold: first, with regard to the criteria used to assess the presence or absence of legitimacy in global governance; and, second, how analysis of legitimacy does not fully account for how we understand the legitimate basis of rule drawn from private wealth. This article begins to address this lacuna by analyzing the legitimacy of an actor that wields considerable authority in the field of global health politics and has growing prominence in contemporary global governance, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.; (AN 39752991)
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5.

A Catalyst for Cooperation: The Inter-Agency Standing Committee and the Humanitarian Response to Climate Change by Hall, Nina W. T.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p369-387, 19p; Abstract: Climate change is predicted to lead to an increasing frequency of natural disasters and humanitarian emergencies, yet scholars have not examined how the humanitarian community is responding to this issue. This article examines its initial engagement with the climate change regime and finds it was remarkably coordinated. Humanitarian agencies coauthored submissions to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and the leaders of major humanitarian organizations spoke on co-organized panels on the humanitarian perils of climate change. In fact, the overarching trend was cooperation, not competition, among humanitarian agencies. This is an intriguing finding as it runs counter to the dominant account of a humanitarian marketplace in which actors are constantly competing for resources. Instead, this article suggests that the Inter-Agency Standing Committee played a significant role in mobilizing and coordinating humanitarian organizations' initial efforts. It highlights how and to what extent institutionalized cooperation between international organizations enables further cooperation in new issue areas and regimes. Scholars of international organizations, global environmental politics, and humanitarianism will be interested in how cooperation emerged in the humanitarian regime and shaped subsequent interaction with the climate change regime.; (AN 39752985)
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6.

Voting Cohesion of the BRICS Countries in the UN General Assembly, 2006–2014: A BRICS Too Far? by Hooijmaaijers, Bas; Keukeleire, Stephan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p389-407, 19p; Abstract: In July 2014 during the sixth BRICS summit, the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa launched the Fortaleza Declaration and Action Plan, suggesting a further intensification and institutionalization of their cooperation in the field of foreign policy, including within the framework of the United Nations. This article examines the extent to which the intensification of BRICS cooperation in the field of foreign policy is reflected in their voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. It presents an original dataset of the degree of voting cohesion among the five BRICS countries. It demonstrates that, overall, there is no significant increase in the degree of voting cohesion since the start of the consultations in the BRIC framework in 2006.; (AN 39752984)
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7.

The World Bank as a Development Teacher by Bazbauers, Adrian. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p409-426, 18p; Abstract: The World Bank has been widely critiqued as a source of development norms. Yet one aspect of its activities has received relatively little academic attention: the socialization of development norms through training programs. This article addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing changes in the curricula, pedagogy, and methodology of the Economic Development Institute and the World Bank Institute—the teaching and learning arm of the World Bank. The article argues that, unlike the coercive nature of World Bank loan conditionality, the two teaching institutes have operated quietly in the background attempting to persuasively habitualize and naturalize member country participants into accepting particular understandings of and approaches to development as best practice and common sense. It concludes that the institutes have been active in the creation of toolkits used to socialize individuals into accepting and following World Bank development norms.; (AN 39752992)
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8.

The International Politics of South-South Trade by Scott, James. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p427-445, 19p; Abstract: South-South trade has become a core component of the contemporary trade debate, but the idea of using preferential trade agreements among developing countries to foster industrialization and diminish dependence on the North has a long history. This article examines the North-South and South-South politics surrounding two efforts to operationalize this idea—the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations Among Developing Countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Global System of Trade Preferences Among Developing Countries within the UN Conference on Trade and Development. It argues that the rich world has been somewhat obstructive in these efforts, but ultimately the primary cause for the weakness of these agreements is traced to failure by the Global South to make good on the rhetoric surrounding economic cooperation and South-South solidarity. Lessons from this history must be learned if current efforts to extend the GSTP are to bring greater benefits, particularly to the least developed.; (AN 39752990)
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9.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p447-451, 5p; (AN 39752988)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 12, no. 1, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Indonesia’s Environmental Diplomacy under Yudhoyono: A Critical–Institutionalist–Constructivist Analysis by Taufik, Kinanti Kusumawardani. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p1-26, 26p; Abstract: Indonesia’s environmental diplomacy during Yudhoyono’s administration gained positive international recognition, yet Indonesia’s high-profile diplomatic initiatives took place amid a continued path of environmental decline. Broadly defining environmental diplomacy as a mediating institution between universalism and particularism through the co-constitutive processes of environmental regimes, this article employs a critical–institutionalist–constructivist framework to explain the gap between Indonesia’s commitments to universal norms of environmental preservation and the corresponding local practices. Using both primary and secondary data, the research offers a boundary analysis of diplomacy as the hub between universal norms and local values concerning human–nature relations. Findings suggest that however assertive Indonesia may be in its external diplomatic initiatives, the benefits that it expects to gain from a ‘green reputation’ will only go as far as its efforts to strengthen the foundational local institutions that are required to adapt and localize its global environmental diplomacy strategies.; (AN 39363172)
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2.

Diplomatic Security for Hire: The Causes and Implications of Outsourcing Embassy Protection by Cusumano, Eugenio. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p27-55, 29p; Abstract: The increasing deployment of foreign service officials in fragile and post-conflict environments has enormously magnified the need to protect diplomatic premises and personnel. Consequently, several states have resorted to private security companies (pscs) as providers of diplomatic protection. As epitomised by the scandals surrounding the United States government’s use of armed contractors, however, the privatisation of diplomatic security has often proved problematic. This article analyses the scope, causes and implications of outsourcing diplomatic protection, assessing the extent to which the use of pscs by the usState Department offers an appropriate response to the need to secure diplomatic personnel in dangerous locations, and providing some policy recommendation on how to improve the effectiveness and accountability of privatised diplomatic protection.; (AN 39363177)
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3.

Russia’s Public Diplomacy in Central Asia and the Caucasus: The Role of the Universities by Fominykh, Alexey. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p56-85, 30p; Abstract: The article discusses the outreach practices of Russian universities in former Soviet republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus as a part of Russia’s public diplomacy effort. Perceiving the competitive environment of international education in the Commonwealth of Independent States in terms of geopolitical rivalry, the Russian government encourages state-owned universities to recruit more students and establish partnerships in this strategic region. As a result, focusing on Central Asia and the Caucasus for international student recruitment, Russian higher educational institutions not only pursue higher reputation and tuition revenues, but also perform as public diplomacy actors, supplementing and sometimes substituting the activities of official institutions.; (AN 38917345)
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4.

Emotional Diplomacy: Official Emotion on the International Stage, written by Todd H. Hall (2015) by Clarke, Amy. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p87-89, 3p; (AN 38887141)
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5.

Disruptive Power: The Crisis of the State in the Digital Age, written by Taylor Owen (2015) by Tigau, Camelia. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p90-92, 3p; (AN 38910035)
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6.

Turkey’s Public Diplomacy, written by B. Senem Çevik and Philip Seib (2015) by Morsink, Niels. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p93-94, 2p; (AN 38916106)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 32, no. 3, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by Warner, Michael. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p281-285, 5p; (AN 41474637)
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2.

A battle lost: re-examining the role of German radio intelligence in the Battle of Gumbinnen by Smoot, Andrew H.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p286-299, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe East Prussian Campaign of August 1914 is famous for the intercept of Russian clear-text radio messages by German radio operators. English language accounts have long credited German radio intelligence with providing the information that brought on the Battle of Gumbinnen. However, German and Russian language documents and accounts tell a different story. This paper argues that radio intelligence did not provide the information that led to the Battle of Gumbinnen. Instead, the origins, conduct and aftermath of the battle resulted from intelligence errors that caused the German command authorities to misunderstand the location, structure and intentions of the opposing Russian forces.; (AN 41474639)
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3.

Birth of Russian SIGINT during World War I on the Baltic Sea by Juurvee, Ivo. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p300-312, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe story of recovery German codebooks from the wreckage of German light cruiser Magdeburgby Russian Navy and the latter use of these books by Royal Navy are widely known. What the Russians were doing with their copies of codebooks has not been thoroughly covered in English. This article deals with elaborate SIGINT system on the Baltic Sea during WWI and especially the heart of it – Sipthamn SIGINT station. There in the middle of woods in current Estonian territory was situated the first radio station in world with intelligence as its primary function. Decryption efforts were directed by Ernst Vetterlein who left Russia 1918 to become a leading cryptologist on Russian direction in the British GC&CS.; (AN 41474638)
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4.

‘A shadowy entity’: M.I.1(b) and British Communications Intelligence, 1914–1922 by Bruce, James. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p313-332, 20p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough the part played by the British War Office’s cryptanalytic bureau in diplomatic cryptanalysis during the First World War is better understood than formerly, its contribution to military Communications Intelligence (Comint) has remained largely unknown. This article describes the origins of what eventually became M.I.1(b), its wartime development as a military cryptanalytic (and eventually cryptologic) bureau, and its post-war demise; it also seeks to identify the factors that contributed to its subsequent obscurity. It concludes that M.I.1(b) played a key role in British army Comint during the First World War, both through its own cryptanalytic work and in supporting and coordinating the efforts of widely dispersed field cryptanalytic activities, and that its subsequent obscurity has served to distort understanding of the development of British Comint.; (AN 41474640)
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5.

‘A matter of opinion’: British attempts to assess the attrition of German manpower, 1915–1917 by Halewood, Louis. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p333-350, 18p; Abstract: AbstractRevisionist historians of the Western Front have demonstrated that Britain had no alternative but to wage a war of attrition to defeat Germany. However, the effort to assess this process has been neglected in the historiography. This article explores British attempts to gauge the success of their strategy of wearing down German manpower. Efforts in London proved unable to supply a convincing answer. Using General Headquarters’ dubious estimates from the front, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig argued that his strategy was working. Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s inability to confound these estimates shaped his decision to permit the Passchendaele offensive.; (AN 41474641)
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6.

Seeing over the hill: the Canadian Corps, intelligence, and the battle of Hill 70, July–August, 1917 by Ferris, John. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p351-364, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe Commonwealth assaults against German forces on the western front during 1917 include several famous disasters and successes. Perhaps the least known of these successes is the battle of Hill 70 of August 1917, in which the Canadian Corps seized a powerful German position, inflicted disproportionate and heavy losses on the defenders, and achieved their strategic objective of pinning German forces away from the campaign in Flanders. This success occurred because the Canadian Corps developed a sophisticated and powerful system for set piece battles, in which intelligence played a key role. This article assesses how intelligence affected all aspects of this battle – from national and theatre level decision-making, down to the dissemination of information to individual soldiers. It demonstrates how intelligence worked in tactical and operational terms on the western front in 1917, and shaped battles.; (AN 41474642)
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7.

Impermanent alliances: cryptologic cooperation between the United States, Britain, and France on the Western Front, 1917–1918 by Smoot, Betsy Rohaly. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p365-377, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe extent of practical cooperation in the business of communications intelligence and communications security between the United States, France, and the United Kingdom on the Western Front has not been documented in depth. This paper will examine cryptologic cooperation between the three allies during the First World War, discuss why the relationships ended after that war, and argue that these impermanent alliances did not shape the cryptologic relationship between the U.S. and the UK that formed during the Second World War.; (AN 41474643)
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8.

World War I and the birth of American intelligence culture by Stout, Mark. Intelligence & National Security, April 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p378-394, 17p; Abstract: AbstractHistorians and practitioners generally date the origins of modern American intelligence to the Office of Strategic Services (1942–1945) and the National Security Act of 1947 which created the CIA and the U.S. Intelligence Community. These claims are CIA-centric and focus on interagency structures. However, modern American intelligence actually has deeper roots of a cultural nature. An observable American intelligence culture was in place by the end of World War I. Not all the aspects of this culture were unique to the United States and, of course, cultures change over time. However, all of the components of early American intelligence culture discussed here are observable in today’s Intelligence Community.; (AN 41474644)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 92, no. 5, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

TOC – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pi-i, 1p; (AN 39921010)
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2.

Editorial Board – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 39921011)
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3.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 39921012)
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4.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 39921013)
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5.

A gendered human rights analysis of Ebola and Zika: locating gender in global health emergencies by DAVIES, SARA E.; BENNETT, BELINDA. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1041-1060, 20p; Abstract: Globally gender remains a key factor in differing health outcomes for men and women. This article analyses the particular relevance of gender for debates about global health and the role for international human rights law in supporting improved health outcomes during public health emergencies. Looking specifically at the recent Ebola and Zika outbreaks, what we find particularly troubling in both cases is the paucity of engagement with human rights language and the diverse backgrounds of women in these locations of crisis, when women‐specific advice was being issued. We find the lessons that should have been learnt from the Ebola experience have not been applied in the Zika outbreak and there remains a disconnect between the international public health advice being issued and the experience of pervasive structural gender inequalities among those experiencing the crises. In both cases we find that responses at the outbreak of the crisis presume that women have economic, social or regulatory options to exercise the autonomy contained in international advice. The problem in the case of both Ebola and Zika has been that leaving structural gender inequalities out of the crisis response has further compounded those inequalities. The article argues for a contextual human rights analysis that takes into account gender as a social and economic determinant of health.; (AN 39920974)
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6.

Off‐road policing: communications technology and government authority in Somaliland by HILLS, ALICE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1061-1078, 18p; Abstract: Prompted by the trend to see information and communications technology (ICT) as a tool for capacity building, this article asks whether the use of ICT has—or can—recast centre–periphery relations in a hybrid country such as Somaliland. Taking as its departure point Herbst's observation that a fundamental problem confronting African leaders concerns how to extend or consolidate authority over sparsely settled lands, it uses recent developments in Somaliland's coast guard and immigration police to assess ICT's contribution to changing security provision in remote and coastal areas. This allows for an analysis of Somaliland's law enforcement framework, the relationship between its politics and practice, the practical application of its coercive resources, and the Silanyo government's priorities and preference for consensus and co‐existence whenever security imperatives allow. It suggests that ICT can be a desirable operational tool or a variable in existing power networks, but that it does not represent a new mode of security governance. ICT's potential to connect Somaliland's government and populace, and politics and practice, is for now minimal, but identifying the ways in which security actors such as coast guards actually use ICT allows for a more accurate assessment of the variables shaping centre–periphery relations. Contrary to Herbst's observation, the Silanyo government does not need to overtly or systematically extend, consolidate or exert its authority in remote and coastal areas. Spatial metaphors such as centre–periphery help to clarify the situation, but the significance invested in them reflects western rationalities, rather than Somali realities.; (AN 39920971)
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7.

UK cyber security and critical national infrastructure protection by STODDART, KRISTAN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1079-1105, 27p; Abstract: This article is intended to aid the UK government in protecting the UK from cyber attacks on its Critical National Infrastructure. With a National Cyber Security Centre now being established and an updated National Cyber Security Strategy due in 2016, it is vital for the UK government to take the right approach. This article seeks to inform this approach by outlining the scope of the problems Britain faces and what action the UK government is taking to combat these threats. In doing so, it offers a series of recommendations designed to further help mitigate these threats, drive up cyber resiliency and aid recovery plans should they be required. It argues that complete engagement and partnership with private sector owner–operators of Critical National Infrastructure are vital to the success of the government's National Cyber Security Strategy. It makes the case that for cyber resiliency to be fully effective, action is needed at national and global levels requiring states and private industry better to comprehend the threat environment and the risks facing Critical National Infrastructure from cyber attacks and those responsible for them. These are problems for all developed and developing states.; (AN 39920976)
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8.

The Paris Agreement and the new logic of international climate politics by FALKNER, ROBERT. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1107-1125, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews and assesses the outcome of the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP‐21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in Paris in December 2015. It argues that the Paris Agreement breaks new ground in international climate policy, by acknowledging the primacy of domestic politics in climate change and allowing countries to set their own level of ambition for climate change mitigation. It creates a framework for making voluntary pledges that can be compared and reviewed internationally, in the hope that global ambition can be increased through a process of ‘naming and shaming’. By sidestepping distributional conflicts, the Paris Agreement manages to remove one of the biggest barriers to international climate cooperation. It recognizes that none of the major powers can be forced into drastic emissions cuts. However, instead of leaving mitigation efforts to an entirely bottom‐up logic, it embeds country pledges in an international system of climate accountability and a ‘ratchet mechanism’, thus offering the chance of more durable international cooperation. At the same time, it is far from clear whether the treaty can actually deliver on the urgent need to de‐carbonize the global economy. The past record of climate policies suggests that governments have a tendency to express lofty aspirations but avoid tough decisions. For the Paris Agreement to make a difference, the new logic of ‘pledge and review’ will need to mobilize international and domestic pressure and generate political momentum behind more substantial climate policies worldwide. It matters, therefore, whether the Paris Agreement's new approach can be made to work.; (AN 39920978)
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9.

Washington's failure to resolve the North Korean nuclear conundrum: examining two decades of US policy by FARAGO, NIV. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1127-1145, 19p; Abstract: More than two decades of nuclear dialogue between the United States and North Korea have not prevented Pyongyang from conducting four nuclear tests and building up a nuclear weapons arsenal. Putting the blame for the failure of this dialogue solely on Pyongyang ignores the hesitancy and confusion of US policy. Historical evidence suggests that the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations consistently failed to prioritize their objectives and adopted an impatient and uncompromising negotiating strategy that contributed to this ongoing non‐proliferation fiasco. Identifying US policy mistakes at important crossroads in the dialogue with Pyongyang could help to prevent similar mistakes in the future. In this regard, the following analysis suggests a new approach towards Pyongyang based on a long‐term trust‐building process during which North Korea would be required to cap and then gradually eliminate its nuclear weapons in return for economic assistance and normalization of relations with the United States. Importantly, the United States might have to resign itself to North Korea's keeping an independent nuclear fuel cycle under supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as to accepting South Korea's request to independently enrich uranium and pyroprocess spent nuclear fuel. This would be a more favourable alternative to allowing North Korea to continue accumulating nuclear weapons. Moreover, if the United States continues on the Obama administration's failed policy path, then there is a better than even chance that the Korean Peninsula may slide into a nuclear arms race.; (AN 39920977)
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10.

City networks: breaking gridlocks or forging (new) lock‐ins? by ACUTO, MICHELE; RAYNER, STEVE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1147-1166, 20p; Abstract: There is today a global recognition that we live in an ‘urban age’ of near‐planetary urbanization where cities are at the forefront of all sorts of agendas. Yet little attention is offered to the active role of cities as political drivers of the urban age. There might today be more than two hundred ‘city networks’ globally, with thousands of para‐diplomatic connections actively defining relations between cities, international organization and corporate actors. This actively networked texture of the urban age shapes all areas of policy and, not least, international relations, and holds much promise as to possible urban solutions to global challenges. Based on an overview of a representative subset of this mass of city‐to‐city cooperation (n=170), this article illustrates the landscape of city networking, its issue areas and institutional shapes, and its critical features. As we argue, city networks today are faced by a crucial challenge: while trying to overcome state‐centric ‘gridlocks’ cities are, at the same time, building both political–economic as well as very material ‘lock‐ins’. We need to pay serious attention to this impact of city diplomacy in international affairs, developing a greater appreciation of the path dependencies and responsibilities this diplomatic activity purports.; (AN 39920970)
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11.

The framework nation: can Germany lead on security? by ALLERS, ROBIN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1187, 21p; Abstract: Can Germany lead on security? This article aims to address this question by looking at recent German contributions to European defence cooperation. In 2013 Germany introduced the Framework Nations Concept (FNC) as a systematic and structured approach towards joint capability development. The concept relies on the idea that bigger nations take the overall responsibility for coordinating the contributions of smaller partners in a capability package. The framework nation model as such is not new but the initiative has been welcomed as a potential game changer in European defence cooperation and as confirmation of Germany's commitment to NATO. In light of the Ukraine crisis, measures to adapt NATO and to strengthen the European pillar of the alliance have become more urgent. Allies and partners increasingly want Germany to extend its role as Europe's dominant economic and financial power to matters of security and defence. The framework nation model allows Germany to take international responsibility, while avoiding debates about leadership and hegemony. Moreover, as a framework nation, Germany can advance flexible cooperation among a smaller number of allies without undermining its commitment to multilateralism. But the FNC initiative also raises further questions: what is the added value of the framework nation model compared to similar formats; what should be the place of smaller groupings in the evolving Euro‐Atlantic security architecture; and how reliable is Germany in the role of a lead nation?; (AN 39920972)
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12.

The many faces of a rebel group: the Allied Democratic Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo by TITECA, KRISTOF; FAHEY, DANIEL. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1206, 18p; Abstract: This article discusses the case of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It shows how a variety of actors that have opposed the ADF group have framed the rebels to achieve a range of political and economic objectives, or in response to organizational and individual limitations. The DRC and Ugandan governments have each framed ADF in pursuit of regional, international and national goals separate from their stated desires to eliminate the armed group. The UN stabilization mission in Congo's (MONUSCO) understanding of the ADF was influenced by organizational limitations and the shortcomings of individual analysts, producing flawed assessments and ineffective policy decisions. Indeed, the many ‘faces’ of ADF tell us more about the ADF's adversaries than they do about the rebels themselves. The article shows how the policies towards the ADF may not be directly related to defeating a rebel threat, but rather enable the framers (e.g. DRC and Ugandan governments) to pursue various political and economic objectives, or lead the framers to pursue misguided operational plans (e.g. MONUSCO). In doing so, the article highlights more broadly the importance of the production of knowledge on conflicts and rebel groups: the way in which a rebel group is instrumentalized, or in which organizational structure impact on the understanding of the rebel group, are crucial not only in understanding the context, but also in understanding the interventions on the ground.; (AN 39920973)
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13.

Institutionalization, path dependence and the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship by XU, RUIKE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1228, 22p; Abstract: One of the remarkable phenomena in post‐Cold War world politics is the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship (AASR) in spite of recurrent announcement of its death by pessimists. Current scholarship on Anglo‐American relations largely draws on interests and sentiments to explain the persistence of the AASR, ignoring other important contributing factors such as institutionalization. This article is the first to give serious consideration to the role of institutionalization in influencing the persistence of the AASR. By using the concept of path dependence, this article argues that the high‐level institutionalization in Anglo‐American intelligence, nuclear and military relations plays a seminal role in contributing to the persistence of the AASR in the post‐Cold War era. The institutionalized intelligence relationship is exemplified by the relationship between the UK's Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) and the US's National Security Agency (NSA), which is underpinned by the UKUSA Agreement. The institutionalized nuclear relationship is exemplified by a variety of Joint Working Groups (JOWOGs), which is underpinned by the 1958 Mutual Defence Agreement. The institutionalized military relationship is exemplified by routinized military personnel exchange programmes, regular joint training exercises and an extremely close defence trade partnership. The high‐level institutionalization embeds habits of cooperation, solidifies interdependence and consolidates mutual trust between the UK and the US in their cooperation on intelligence, nuclear and military issues.; (AN 39920975)
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14.

Continuity and change in Angola: insights from modern history by VINES, ALEX. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1229-1237, 9p; Abstract: Angola may be entering a pivotal moment, triggered by persistently low oil prices and its president José Eduardo dos Santos (the world's second longest‐serving president) signalling that he may step down in 2018. Will this result in continuity or change? This review article of six books on modern Angola shows that since 1820, significant dips in international commodity prices have marked moments of lasting political change in the country. They also show that the history of Angolan nationalism is one of deep divisions and that political loyalty and support were often more about survival or ambition than about ideology and ethnicity. Throughout modern Angolan history personalities, such as Agostinho Neto, Jonas Savimbi and José Eduardo dos Santos, have also played a critical role in determining the country's fortunes. The single greatest foreign influence on Angola might be Cuba's ‘internationalist solidarity’ of sending up to five per cent of its population to Angola between 1976 and 1991 in support of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). Over a decade later, the Chinese also found that the MPLA government determined their partnership. This review article examines the strength of Angolan agency and how the drivers of change are complex, determined by personality politics, geopolitics, prestige, solidarity, cost–benefit analysis and timing.; (AN 39920979)
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15.

The Cambridge history of the Second World War by WARNER, GEOFFREY. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1239-1247, 9p; Abstract: Following on from earlier three‐volume histories of the Cold War and the First World War, Cambridge University Press completes a trilogy with this detailed treatment of the Second World War. Multi‐authored in the Cambridge tradition, the individual chapters cover a wide range of events and topics and the 81 contributors, mainly but not exclusively from the United Kingdom and the United States, include both scholars who have already established a reputation in the subject as well as those who are in the process of doing so. Perhaps the greatest strength of the volumes is the treatment given to what may be loosely referred to as the Pacific War. No one who uses them properly is going to have any doubts about the nature and importance of the struggle between Japan and its opponents between 1937 and 1945, and it is particularly encouraging to note the use of Chinese and Japanese sources by the authors, when so many English‐language books on the subject cite none. The principal weakness of the enterprise is its division into an unnecessarily complicated series of topics, which is not always adhered to by the authors and which often compels the unfortunate reader to skip backwards and forwards, not only within but between volumes. Despite this flaw, however, this remains an important contribution to the history of the Second World War and will need to be consulted by any serious student of the subject for many years to come.; (AN 39920980)
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16.

Before anarchy: Hobbes and his critics in modern international thought. By Theodore Christov by Spence, J. E.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1251-1252, 2p; (AN 39920982)
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17.

Terrorism and the right to resist: a theory of just revolutionary war. By Christopher J. Finlay by Bentley, David. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1252-1254, 3p; (AN 39920981)
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18.

The intelligence war in Latin America, 1914–1922. By Jamie Bisher by Plater‐Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1254-1255, 2p; (AN 39920984)
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19.

A Korean conflict: the tensions between Britain and America. By Ian McLaine by Warner, Geoffrey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1255-1256, 2p; (AN 39920983)
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20.

Between Samaritans and states: the political ethics of humanitarian INGOs. By Jennifer Rubenstein by Collinson, Sarah. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1256-1258, 3p; (AN 39920989)
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21.

After violence: transitional justice, peace, and democracy. By Elin Skaar, Camila Gianella Malca and Trine Eide by Nelaeva, Galina A.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1258-1260, 3p; (AN 39920992)
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22.

Legitimate targets? Social construction, international law and US bombing. By Janina Dill by Hoffmann, Alvina. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1260-1261, 2p; (AN 39920988)
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23.

Political culture, political science and identity politics: an uneasy alliance. By Howard J. Wiarda by Pervez, Muhammad Shoaib. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1261-1262, 2p; (AN 39920990)
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24.

Rising powers and multilateral institutions. Edited by Dries Lesage and Thijs Van de Graaf by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1262-1263, 2p; (AN 39920991)
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25.

The hacked world order: how nations fight, trade, maneuver, and manipulate in the digital age. By Adam Segal: Internet wars: the struggle for power in the 21st century. By Fergus Hanson by Nocetti, Julien. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1263-1266, 4p; (AN 39920987)
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26.

Atomic anxiety: deterrence, taboo and the non‐use of U.S. nuclear weapons. By Frank Sauer by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1266-1267, 2p; (AN 39920985)
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27.

US missile defence strategy: engaging the debate. By Michael Mayer by Boothby, W. H.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1268-1268, 1p; (AN 39920986)
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28.

Global inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization. By Branko Milanovic by Campanella, Edoardo. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1269-1270, 2p; (AN 39920993)
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29.

Accommodating rising powers: past, present, and future. Edited by T. V. Paul by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1270-1272, 3p; (AN 39920994)
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30.

The global governance of climate change: G7, G20, and UN leadership. By John J. Kirton and Ella Kokotsis by Torney, Diarmuid. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1272-1273, 2p; (AN 39920995)
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31.

Britain's Europe: a thousand years of conflict and cooperation. By Brendan Simms by Oliver, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1273-1274, 2p; (AN 39920997)
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32.

The lure of technocracy. By Jürgen Habermas. Translated by Ciaran Cronin by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1275-1276, 2p; (AN 39920998)
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33.

Mes chemins pour l’école [My pathways for education]. By Alain Juppé: Pour un État fort [For a strong state]. By Alain Juppé: Cinq ans pour l'emploi [Five years for employment]. By Alain Juppé by Dungan, Nicholas. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1276-1278, 3p; (AN 39920996)
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34.

Russia, Eurasia and the new geopolitics of energy: confrontation and consolidation. Edited by Matthew Sussex and Roger E. Kanet by German, Tracey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1278-1279, 2p; (AN 39921000)
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35.

Pluralism by default: weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics. By Lucan Way by Gould‐Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1279-1280, 2p; (AN 39921001)
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36.

On Stalin's team: the years of living dangerously in Soviet politics. By Sheila Fitzpatrick by Stan, Marius. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1281-1282, 2p; (AN 39920999)
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37.

The Gulf states in international political economy. By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen by Nonneman, Gerd. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1282-1284, 3p; (AN 39921002)
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38.

South Africa's political crisis: unfinished liberation and fractured class struggles. By Alexander Beresford by Vandome, Christopher. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1284-1285, 2p; (AN 39921003)
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39.

Pakistan at the crossroads: domestic dynamics and external pressures. Edited by Christophe Jaffrelot by Willasey‐Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1286-1287, 2p; (AN 39921004)
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40.

China's strong arm: protecting citizens and assets abroad. By Jonas Parello‐Plesner and Mathieu Duchâtel by Fulton, Jonathan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1287-1288, 2p; (AN 39921006)
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41.

When China goes to the Moon… By Marco Aliberti by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1288-1289, 2p; (AN 39921005)
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42.

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne by Maini, Tridivesh Singh. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1289-1291, 3p; (AN 39921007)
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43.

United States law and policy on transitional justice: principles, politics, and pragmatics. By Zachary D. Kaufman by Hurd, Hilary. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1291-1292, 2p; (AN 39921008)
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44.

The unquiet frontier: rising rivals, vulnerable allies, and the crisis of American power. By Jakub J. Grygiel and A. Wess Mitchell by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1292-1294, 3p; (AN 39921009)
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45.

Books reviewed September 2016 International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1295-1295, 1p; (AN 39921014)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 30, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Subverting Reality: The Role of Propaganda in 21st Century Intelligence by Fitzgerald, Chad W.; Brantly, Aaron F.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p215-240, 26p; (AN 41283621)
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2.

Operation Spiders: Fighting an Early Cold War Ukrainian Subversion behind the Iron Curtain by Bury, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p241-268, 28p; (AN 41283620)
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3.

Shin Bet and the Challenge of Right-Wing Political Extremism in Israel by Pascovich, Eyal. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p269-309, 41p; (AN 41283624)
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4.

What Science Can Teach Us about “Enhanced Interrogation” by Duke, Misty C.; Van Puyvelde, Damien. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p310-339, 30p; (AN 41283622)
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5.

Chilean Intelligence after Pinochet: Painstaking Reform of an Inauspicious Legacy by Matei, Florina Cristiana; de Castro García, Andrés. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p340-367, 28p; (AN 41283623)
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6.

An Evidence-Based Evaluation of 12 Core Structured Analytic Techniques by Coulthart, Stephen J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p368-391, 24p; (AN 41283625)
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7.

A DCIA Settles Scores by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p392-405, 14p; (AN 41283627)
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8.

Israel and the Two Germanys by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p405-411, 7p; (AN 41283626)
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9.

Understanding the Foe by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p412-416, 5p; (AN 41283630)
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10.

Misreporting the Agency by Lancaster, Earl. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p416-420, 5p; (AN 41283628)
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11.

A Scoundrel in Plain Sight by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p421-425, 5p; (AN 41283629)
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12.

Guarding the Door to the Persian Gulf by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p425-429, 5p; (AN 41283631)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 22, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Camp David and Dayton: Comparing Jimmy Carter and Richard Holbrooke as Mediators by Karčić, Hamza. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-32, 32p; Abstract: u.s.mediation towards resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict in the 1970s and Balkan conflicts in the 1990s may not seem comparable at first. Differences between these conflicts in terms of history, duration and dynamics abound. The nature and level of u.s.involvement provides further contrasts. Yet, the Camp David negotiations in 1978 and the Dayton Peace Talks in 1995 offer striking parallels in terms of third-party mediator actions undertaken. This article compares the two summits by applying the analytic framework developed by Curran, Sebenius and Watkins to categorize third party mediator strategies. The analysis builds on this framework and deduces common tactics employed by third-party mediators at Camp David and Dayton.; (AN 41504585)
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2.

Beyond Push and Pull: The Sudan Peace Process as a Case Study by Schiff, Amira. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p33-61, 29p; Abstract: This research examines Zartman’s formulation of mutually hurting stalemate and mutually enticing opportunity as variables pushing and pulling parties toward agreement during the negotiation that took place between southern and northern Sudan between 2002 and 2005. This case shows that ripeness theory and formulating the push and pull factors indeed help clarify what brought the parties to negotiate and reach an agreement. However, we contend that the push and pull formulation in its current form might not fully account for the complexity of processes in ethno-political intractable conflicts, such as in Sudan, when the process is characterized by the parties’ mutual distrust and the deep involvement of third parties, driven by their own domestic and foreign policy interests.; (AN 41504586)
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3.

Reforming the United Nations Security Council: Feasibility or Utopia? by Schaefer, Kai. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p62-91, 30p; Abstract: Reforming the United Nations Security Council has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for over two decades. However, structural reform of the Council remains elusive. This article explains why after so many years nearly all 193 states within the unremain actively seized on the matter of reform, despite no immediate outcome being in sight. In order to analyze Security Council reform efforts and the various obstacles along the way, this article emphasizes states’ motivations during the reform process. With the help of new institutionalist theory, an argument is formed that highlights how certain states are driven by strategic calculations and self-interest, while others are more normatively motivated. Furthermore, the article highlights that despite only lukewarm support for reform from certain states, not a single state can publicly denounce Council reform, because the reform issue itself has become an ingrained norm.; (AN 41504587)
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4.

Process Peace: A New Evaluation Framework for Track iiDiplomacy by Allen, Nathaniel; Allen, Nathaniel. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p92-122, 31p; Abstract: Track iidiplomacy, or unofficial interactions designed to produce ideas, build relationships, and change perceptions, has become a supplement – and sometimes an alternative – to traditional diplomacy. Yet practitioners and scholars still debate its effectiveness. Practitioners claim that Track iidiplomacy promotes peace but insist that its contributions are intangible and therefore difficult to assess empirically. Meanwhile, scholars maintain that only rigorous empirical evaluation can demonstrate the effect of Track iidiplomacy on conflict outcomes. This study seeks to break this impasse in two ways. First, it provides a comprehensive explanation of why Track iipractitioners object to evaluation, drawing on personal interviews conducted in eight countries. Second, it proposes a new evaluation framework, which we call the “Process Peace” approach, which better balances practitioner and scholarly equities. Our framework should appeal to readers interested in bridging the gap between the practice and theory of Track iidiplomacy.; (AN 41504588)
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5.

The Eastern Nile River Waterscape: The Role of Power in Policy-making and Shaping National Narratives by Khennache, Lylia; Khennache, Lylia; Khennache, Lylia. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p123-161, 39p; Abstract: This article examines the role of power interchanges in hindering collaborative efforts over shared water resources in the Eastern Nile River. We track the formative process of riparian countries’ narratives, showing how they problematize the watershed differently in accordance with the typology of power dimensions laid out under a proposed framework called Power on Water to Water Policy(pwwp). The framework presented attempts to give: (i) a power analysis of the riparian countries’ interactions, and (ii) a prescription of intervention avenues for river basin governance. The use of scientific literature and interviews triangulate data collection to ensure a more accurate analysis. Application of the pwwpframework is shown to contribute an original perspective to watershed management, enabling first, a comprehensive understanding of the Eastern Nile River situation from a power and institutional perspective and second, the identification of elements disrupting effective implementation of water resources management in the watershed.; (AN 41504589)
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6.

The Importance of Power Balance in Nuclear Arms Negotiations: An Addendum by LaMar, Casey. International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p162-180, 19p; Abstract: Theorists debate whether symmetry or asymmetry of the power balance can help bring about bargaining success. Arbitration is difficult because the ‘Symmetry Theory’ accepts Structuralist theoretical conventions, while the ‘Asymmetry Theory’ rejects such conventions. This article employs a ‘Nuclear Weapons Addendum’ to strengthen the Asymmetry Theory by allowing it to explain bargaining results in symmetric and asymmetric cases without dismissing Structuralist assumptions. We analyze comparative case studies of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty to argue that this modified Asymmetry Theory provides a more convincing narrative that should be considered in Structuralist discussions of international negotiation.; (AN 41504590)
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7.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, February 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p181-181, 1p; (AN 41504591)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
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3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 24, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Disentangling aid dynamics in statebuilding and peacebuilding: a causal framework by Barma, Naazneen H.; Levy, Naomi; Piombo, Jessica. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p187-211, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile scholars and practitioners alike argue that the pursuit of sustainable peace in post-conflict developing countries requires international interventions to build state capacity, many debate the precise effects that external assistance has had on building peace in conflict-affected states. This paper seeks to clear conceptual ground by proposing a research agenda that disentangles statebuilding and peacebuilding from each other. Recent scholarship has made the case that the two endeavours are geared towards distinct sets of goals, yet few have subjected the causal mechanism underlying those processes or the relationship between them to sustained theoretical and empirical inquiry. Additionally, despite decades of mixed results from international interventions, we lack knowledge of the mechanisms by which external engagement leads to specific outcomes. To address these gaps, this paper offers a causal framework for understanding the effects of aid dynamics on state coherence and the depth of peace. It specifies the variables in that framework, with a view to establishing a new research agenda to advance our understanding of statebuilding and peacebuilding. Finally, it proposes that public service delivery in post-conflict countries offers fertile empirical ground to hypothesize about and test the relationship between state coherence and sustainable peace.; (AN 41468200)
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2.

The ‘Warriors Break’: Hamas and the Limits of Ceasefire Beyond Tactical Pause by Milton-Edwards, Beverley. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p212-235, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCeasefires are a difficult thing to achieve. No more so than in the conflicts of the Middle East. Without ceasefires civilians caught in wars remain vulnerable. As recent events in the Middle East have demonstrated though ceasefires are difficult to negotiate and are far more likely to breakdown than succeed. When it comes to the notion of negotiating ceasefires with Islamist groups, in particular, there is a widely held belief in Western policy-making circles that the task is even harder if not impossible. This is because such counterparts are frequently viewed as holding absolutist goals and positions which are entirely incompatible with peace-making. In this article we present analysis of one such group the Palestinian Hamas movement. we find evidence that far from seeking to prolong conflict Hamas has offered ceasefires and calms on repeated occasions to Israel. This article contends that the willingness of Hamas, however, is circumscribed by the context of conflict and its other actors, as well as the unwillingness of mediators and negotiations to explore inclusion of such groups into the political process.; (AN 41468198)
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3.

Peacekeeping deployment abroad and the self-perceptions of the effect on career advancement, status and reintegration by Wilén, Nina; Heinecken, Lindy. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p236-253, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the last three decades, international peace operations have multiplied. As a consequence, trainings and deployments for peace missions have become an essential part of the military’s work. Yet the importance of peace operations to the individual soldier’s career development has so far been relatively absent in academic writing. This article attempts to fill this gap by examining how soldiers perceive the effects of their peace operation deployments in terms of career opportunities and status upon reintegration in the home unit. Adopting an inductive approach, the authors analyse 50 interviews conducted with military personnel from the South African Defence Force (SANDF). The findings show mixed responses in terms of the effect of deployments on career development. In general senior staff value the experience acquired more highly than lower ranks who experience multiple deployments as having a negative effect on vertical career mobility. Nor do lower ranked personnel see any marked change in the (in) formal status upon reintegration back into their national armed force, while higher staff officers perceive an enhanced status especially where this is related to operational success. The article argues that peacekeeping deployment should be seen as a process, which has consequences for the individual soldiers’ career long after homecoming, rather than as an independent event during a lifelong career.; (AN 41468199)
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4.

Reintegrating former fighters in the Congo: ambitious objectives, limited results by Perazzone, Stephanie. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p254-279, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCurrent scholarly works in International Relations grew increasingly preoccupied over the effectiveness and programmatic failure of international assistance, especially with regard to issues pertaining to the ‘security–development’ nexus and the post-9/11 ‘securitization’ agenda. Complex Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes implemented worldwide since the late 1980s became a key component of international post-conflict intervention. With the extension of UN peacebuilding operations, DDR packages, which initially embraced short-term security goals in mere support of negotiated peace settlements, now entail significantly broader development objectives. Located at the interface of security and development approaches, DDR’s third phase, reintegration, has yielded limited outcomes despite growing efforts to implement long-term economic and social recovery activities. Using micro-level data derived from extensive fieldwork conducted in the Democratic Republic of Congo, this article argues that the challenges encountered in implementing reintegration might originate from high politicization of programme outcomes and recurrent neglect of local programme recipients and the socio-economic context in which they evolve. Despite formal endorsement of broad development objectives, this affected reintegration processes and their outcomes since what was really implemented consisted mainly of minimal activities prioritizing immediate security gains.; (AN 41468202)
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5.

Neutral in favour of whom? The UN intervention in Somalia and the Somaliland peace process by Malito, Debora Valentina. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p280-303, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo what extent is making peace not a neutral or impartial exercise? By analysing the peace initiatives undertaken in Somalia and Somaliland (1991–95), this article questions the positionality and alignment of the actors involved, and claims that neither process has been an impartial exercise. To explore this argument the article first theoretically frames how supporters and critics of liberal peace elaborate on the dilemma of neutrality and impartiality. Departing from Lederach’s criticism of impartiality, I claim that the UN–US intervention in Somalia has been an instrument of division, as well as leverage for political and military advantage. External interveners have initially subverted the internal distribution of power, but they lacked the commitment and material capacity of sustaining the preferred ‘winning’ faction. By unpacking the category of ‘local’ I then map the protagonists of the Somaliland pacification, as well the mechanism of institution-building that enabled a multi-scale of stakeholders to sustain the conflict resolution. This analysis contributes to reconceptualise the political architecture of making peace. It also helps to disentangle the study of peace and violence from the myths of the liberal, neutral, intervention doctrine.; (AN 41468201)
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6.

The establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission: reflecting power shifts in the United Nations by Kmec, Vladimir. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p304-325, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper explores the changing distribution of international power by taking the example of the establishment of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). The paper points to tensions between the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly over the responsibility for the PBC and in the composition of the Commission’s Organizational Committee. These tensions portray the reality of the current international system that is characterized by a shift in the geopolitical power distribution. It is a shift from a system in which the Security Council, strongly marked by the veto power of the permanent members, is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security to a multilateral one that reflects an increased involvement of non-permanent members in the governance of international peace and security. The Commission marks a transformation of the UN from a system in which power of a state is understood in military terms to one that recognizes the growing importance of other aspects such as economic influence and geographical representation.; (AN 41468204)
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7.

Peacebuilding through non-formal education programmes: a case study from Karamoja, Uganda by Datzberger, Simone. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p326-349, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExperts increasingly refer to the crucial role of education in cultivating processes of sustainable peacebuilding in conflict-affected environments. While peacebuilding interventions have slowly started to place emphasis on aspects of equality or service delivery in formal education systems, the potential of non-formal education (NFE) programmes to foster social transformation in conflict-affected environments often remains unexploited. There is little research examining how NFE can affect the security situation and peace process in a conflict-affected region, or the role it plays in peacebuilding at large. To address these questions, the article draws on the case study of the Alternative Basic Education Karamoja (ABEK) programme in Uganda. It is based on a multi-track data collection strategy involving visits to learning centres, focus group discussions and interviews with government officials, teachers, youth, civil society organizations and other stakeholders over a period of three months in 2015. The study finds that, despite persistent implementation challenges, ABEK proved to (a) be relevant to the security and conflict conditions in the region; and (b) overcome structural and indirect forms of violence through alternative and flexible modes of education. The ABEK case therefore gives rise to much wider peacebuilding implications and formal education sector planning in conflict-affected environments.; (AN 41468203)
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8.

Global–Regional Relations in Peace and Security: The Challenge of Cooperation by Marangio, Rossella. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p350-354, 5p; (AN 41468206)
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9.

Review Essay: From Atrocity to Elections in West Africa by Taylor, Ian. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p355-357, 3p; (AN 41468205)
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10.

Can Humanitarian Ethics Survive Manipulation? by Mellado Domínguez, Alvaro. International Peacekeeping, March 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p358-362, 5p; (AN 41468207)
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14

International Relations
Volume 30, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by Ziegler, Charles E; Evans, Gareth. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p259-261, 3p; (AN 39958867)
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2.

Critical perspectives on the Responsibility to Protect: BRICS and beyond by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p262-277, 16p; Abstract: The articles in this Special Issue derive from a conference on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) held under the auspices of the Center for American and Global Security at Indiana University–Bloomington, 15–16 May 2015. The studies in this issue variously explore the development of the R2P in the United Nations, assess the role of the International Criminal Court in bringing perpetrators of mass atrocities to justice, introduce a territorial dimension to R2P, and elucidate the current position of non-Western emerging countries, specifically the BRICS, on R2P. The most ardent advocates of the doctrine tend to be from the major English-speaking liberal democracies, although prominent African statesmen were also instrumental in promoting the concept. The Libyan experience prompted a reassessment of R2P, magnifying suspicions that the norm may be simply a Western strategy for enhancing influence and effecting regime change. The idea of state sovereignty as responsibility domestically, and the possibility of international assistance to regimes struggling to protect vulnerable populations, has widespread support in the non-Western world. Coercive measures against predatory regimes are not rejected wholesale, but the BRICS are suspicious of Western motives in advocating forcible intervention and justifiably skeptical that such interventions will do more good than harm.; (AN 39958864)
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3.

The origins and evolution of Responsibility to Protect at the UN by Ziegler, Charles E; Cater, Charles; Malone, David M. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p278-297, 20p; Abstract: This article situates the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept, later accepted by many as a principle, in the wider flow of events following on the end of the Cold War. Among the hallmarks of change in the United Nations (UN) Security Council as of the early 1990s, in stark contrast to the Council’s preoccupations during its first four decades of activity, was its growing attention to humanitarian considerations relating to conflict, its new willingness to tackle conflicts (mainly internal ones) it might have avoided earlier, and its willingness to experiment with new approaches to resolving them. Just as worries over terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction were to become dominant themes in its work, the humanitarian imperative also incrementally wove itself into the fabric of the Council’s decision-making. It is against this wider backdrop and that of several spectacular UN failures to prevent genocide and other mass humanitarian distress that UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Kofi Annan was impelled as of 1999 to look beyond existing international law and practice for a new normative framework, that while formally respecting the sovereignty of states nevertheless elevated humanitarian concerns and action to the level of an international responsibility to prevent the worst outcomes. Today R2P finds itself competing with other legal and diplomatic principles, but it remains a potent platform for advocacy and, at times, for action by the UN.; (AN 39958870)
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4.

Can the International Criminal Court contribute to the Responsibility to Protect? by Ziegler, Charles E; Schiff, Benjamin N. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p298-313, 16p; Abstract: The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm asserts that states have duties beyond their borders to help avoid, respond to, and prevent recurrence of circumstances that produce massive human rights violations. Actions undertaken to implement those duties can include aid, reform, or more muscular involvements. The need for such engagement implies that the target state’s government is losing or has lost its legitimacy. Labeling by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of a conflict as a ‘situation’ under its purview asserts that large-scale crimes are likely taking place for which individuals should be held accountable. This should trigger R2P considerations. However, the fit between R2P and the ICC is uncomfortable. Although the ICC may appear a useful tool for R2P, forays into the politics of R2P by the ICC are undertaken at its peril. Moreover, so far, the ICC has not clearly had positive effects upon conflict. While the ICC can be idealized as a contributor to R2P, coordination is formally non-existent and the Court’s protection effects are ambiguous.; (AN 39958862)
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5.

The spear point and the ground beneath: territorial constraints on the logic of Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Waters, Timothy William. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p314-327, 14p; Abstract: The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) faces considerable criticism, of both its inefficacy – its failure to describe an effective pathway around the obstacles to humanitarian intervention in the sclerotic global security system – and its overreach, especially the risk that it enables pretextual agendas of intervention and regime change. Yet neither defenders nor critics have paid much attention to another possibility or risk incumbent in R2P: the likelihood, once intervention is undertaken, that the interveners themselves will be involved in a conflict over territory, whose likely solutions will include, not simply regime change, but partition. The doctrine as we now have it, built thoroughly on a state-centric logic, does not engage with this question, and indeed there are strategic reasons for ignoring the issue: acknowledging such a quality would be too much for R2P’s supporters to admit or its critics to accept. But whatever our normative orientation toward this rising or stumbling doctrine, we ought to be clear about where taking it seriously is really likely to lead us: sooner or later – and more often than we might wish to acknowledge – R2P interventions will force us to confront the logic of partition.; (AN 39958871)
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6.

Harmonizing ‘Responsibility to Protect’: China’s vision of a post-sovereign world by Ziegler, Charles E; Kozyrev, Vitaly. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p328-345, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the recent evolution of China’s policies toward the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept in the context of a changing international environment. As an example of an emerging ‘non-Western’ alternative to the existing normative consensus, the Chinese perception of the norm reflects the nature of the ongoing new East–West divide and is derived from Beijing’s new vision of a future world order and China’s role in it. In 2001–2011, China supported R2P as a new mechanism to revise Western practices of humanitarian interventionism and to contribute to a changing multilateral global international legal order exemplifying China’s new status as a responsible ‘global citizen’. When the R2P norm was politicized by the West as part of its global democratic interventionist policies of 2005–2014, China’s predominantly globalist vision of the international rule of law was replaced by its predominantly security-driven approach. This perspective, while recognizing the ongoing globalization of sovereignty, calls for a ‘right balance between justice and interest’ by the international community and denies the traditional Western leadership in the norm-making process. The Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders believe that the future evolution of the R2P concept should meet China’s strategic interests, including its global order-forming and institution-building initiatives. Efforts to operationalize the R2P norm will have to take this factor into account.; (AN 39958863)
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7.

Russia on the rebound: using and misusing the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p346-361, 16p; Abstract: Russian leaders consider the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) a Western liberal democratic norm that erodes sovereignty and threatens Russia’s great power status. They suspect the United States and Europe use R2P as a means of effecting regime changes that support their national interests, not as a purely altruistic effort to protect vulnerable populations. Having experienced state collapse, societal fragmentation, and a weakened foreign policy over the past two decades, Russia rejects the Western universalist interpretation of R2P in favor of a civilizational perspective that privileges the Kremlin’s interpretation of when intervention is or is not legitimate. A close analysis of domestic factors in Russian politics, combined with an understanding of Moscow’s newly confident approach to geopolitics, are needed to understand Russia’s position as one of the most vocal critics of the Responsibility to Protect.; (AN 39958865)
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8.

India and the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ganguly, Sumit. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p362-374, 13p; Abstract: India, though a working democracy, has adopted an ambivalent stance toward the genesis and evolution of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. This article traces India’s views toward the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention, outlines its reactions toward the advent of the norm, and discusses India’s positions on the attempts to apply it to recent international crises. It then argues that India’s cautious support for the principle stems in part from concerns about its potential abuse in the hands of the great powers, post-colonial concerns about the diminution of the norm of state sovereignty, and finally, its own domestic vulnerabilities in the protection of human rights.; (AN 39958869)
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9.

Brazil and Responsibility to Protect: a case of agency and norm entrepreneurship in the Global South by Ziegler, Charles E; Stuenkel, Oliver. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p375-390, 16p; Abstract: This article questions the still broadly accepted notion that the global debate about Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is divided into a Western (or Northern) ‘pro-R2P’ camp and a non-Western (or Southern) ‘anti-R2P camp’. In the same way, the relatively broadly accepted assertion that R2P is a Western concept overlooks the important contributions developing countries have made in the creation of the norm. Brazil’s stance vis-à-vis R2P, analyzed in this article, is a powerful example of this reality, and the country has, in the past years, temporarily assumed leadership in the discussion about how to strengthen the norm. Paradoxically, Brazil’s move was widely seen as obstructionist. This points to a broader bias that tends observers not to grant non-Western powers the same agency in the creation of rules and norms. The ongoing multipolarization will force observers to correct this vision, as countries in the Global South such as China will be increasingly able to ‘act upon’ R2P, a capacity that so far has been reserved for established powers.; (AN 39958868)
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10.

South Africa and the Responsibility to Protect: from champion to sceptic by Ziegler, Charles E; Smith, Karen. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p391-405, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an overview of the South African government’s evolving position on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). While the country was an advocate of R2P in the run-up to the 2005 United Nations (UN) World Summit and the related idea of non-indifference in Africa, its conduct while serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and subsequent developments have raised questions about its continued commitment to these principles. In particular, Resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya proved to be a turning point. It is argued that while South Africa continues to support the broad idea of civilian protection, it is in favour of a consultative, regional approach and has become increasingly critical of what it views as the selective application and militarisation of the R2P. In trying to make sense of the apparent contradictions in South Africa’s position, it is necessary to situate the debate against the background of broader tensions in its foreign policy, particularly around the promotion of human rights. These, in turn, are linked to divergent and multiple foreign policy identities that the post-apartheid state is still coming to terms with.; (AN 39958866)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 41, no. 3, Winter 2017

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p3-6, 4p; (AN 41226645)
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2.

Is Chinese Nationalism Rising? Evidence from Beijing by Johnston, Alastair Iain. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p7-43, 37p; Abstract: “Rising nationalism” has been a major meme in commentary on the development of China's material power since the early 1990s. Analysts often claim that rising nationalism, especially among China's youth, is an important force compelling the Chinese leadership to take a tougher stand on a range of foreign policy issues, particularly maritime disputes in East Asia. The rising nationalism meme is one element in the “newly assertive China” narrative that generalizes from China's coercive diplomacy in these disputes to claim that a dissatisfied China is challenging a U.S.-dominated liberal international order writ large. But is this meme accurate? Generally, research on Chinese nationalism has lacked a baseline against which to measure changing levels of nationalism across time. The data from the Beijing Area Study survey of Beijing residents from 1998 to 2015 suggest that the rising popular nationalism meme is empirically inaccurate. This finding implies that there are other factors that may be more important in explaining China's coercive diplomacy on maritime issues, such as elite opinion, the personal preferences of top leaders, security dilemma dynamics, organizational interests, or some combination thereof.; (AN 41226638)
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3.

Deterrence and Dissuasion in Cyberspace by Nye, Joseph S.. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p44-71, 28p; Abstract: Understanding deterrence and dissuasion in cyberspace is often difficult because our minds are captured by Cold War images of massive retaliation to a nuclear attack by nuclear means. The analogy to nuclear deterrence is misleading, however, because many aspects of cyber behavior are more like other behaviors, such as crime, that states try (imperfectly) to deter. Preventing harm in cyberspace involves four complex mechanisms: threats of punishment, denial, entanglement, and norms. Even when punishment is used, deterrent threats need not be limited to cyber responses, and they may address general behavior as well as specific acts. Cyber threats are plentiful, often ambiguous, and difficult to attribute. Problems of attribution are said to limit deterrence and dissuasion in the cyber domain, but three of the major means—denial by defense, entanglement, and normative taboos—are not strongly hindered by the attribution problem. The effectiveness of different mechanisms depends on context, and the question of whether deterrence works in cyberspace depends on “who and what.” Not all cyberattacks are of equal importance; not all can be deterred; and not all rise to the level of significant national security threats. The lesson for policymakers is to focus on the most important attacks and to understand the context in which such attacks may occur and the full range of mechanisms available to prevent them.; (AN 41226640)
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4.

What Is the Cyber Offense-Defense Balance? Conceptions, Causes, and Assessment by Slayton, Rebecca. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p72-109, 38p; Abstract: Most scholars and policymakers claim that cyberspace favors the offense; a minority of scholars disagree. Sweeping claims about the offense-defense balance in cyberspace are misguided because the balance can be assessed only with respect to specific organizational skills and technologies. The balance is defined in dyadic terms, that is, the value less the costs of offensive operations and the value less the costs of defensive operations. The costs of cyber operations are shaped primarily by the organizational skills needed to create and manage complex information technology efficiently. The current success of offense results primarily from poor defensive management and the relatively simpler goals of offense; it can be very costly to exert precise physical effects using cyberweapons. An empirical analysis shows that the Stuxnet cyberattacks on Iran's nuclear facilities very likely cost the offense much more than the defense. The perceived benefits of both the Stuxnet offense and defense, moreover, were likely two orders of magnitude greater than the perceived costs, making it unlikely that decisionmakers focused on costs.; (AN 41226641)
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5.

Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation: How States Pursue the Bomb by Narang, Vipin. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p110-150, 41p; Abstract: How do states pursue nuclear weapons? Why do they select particular strategies to develop them, and how do these choices affect the international community's ability to prevent nuclear proliferation? The bulk of the proliferation literature focuses on why states want nuclear weapons. The question of how they pursue them, however, has largely been ignored. This question is important because how states try to acquire nuclear weapons—their strategies of nuclear proliferation—affects their likelihood of success and thus the character of the nuclear landscape. Four strategies of proliferation are available to states: hedging, sprinting, hiding, and sheltered pursuit. Nuclear acquisition theory explains why a proliferator might select one strategy over the others at a given time. Empirical codings from the universe of nuclear pursuers, combined with a detailed plausibility probe of India's long march to acquiring nuclear weapons—including novel details—establish the analytical power of the theory. Different strategies of proliferation offer different opportunities and vulnerabilities for nuclear proliferation and nonproliferation, with significant implications for international security.; (AN 41226642)
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6.

Learning to Deter: Deterrence Failure and Success in the Israel-Hezbollah Conflict, 2006–16 by Sobelman, Daniel. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p151-196, 46p; Abstract: What are the sources of deterrence stability and under what conditions can weak actors deter stronger adversaries? To deter a superior adversary, the weak actor must convince it that if conflict breaks out, the weak actor would be capable of rendering its opponent's strategic capabilities tactical and its own tactical capabilities strategic. The deterrence relationship that has evolved between Israel and the Lebanese Hezbollah in the decade since—and as a result of—the 2006 Lebanon War (a.k.a. the Second Lebanon War or the July War) confirms this observation. A comparison of these two actors’ deterrence behavior in the years preceding the war and in its aftermath shows that one of the leading explanations for the ongoing stability along the Israeli-Lebanese border is that Israel and Hezbollah have learned to apply deterrence in a manner that meets the prerequisites of rational deterrence theory.; (AN 41226644)
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7.

Correspondence: NATO Non-expansion and German Reunification by Maass, Richard W.; Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p197-200, 4p; (AN 41226639)
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8.

Correspondence: Perspectives on the Pivot by Anderson, Nicholas D.; Silove, Nina. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p201-205, 5p; (AN 41226643)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 52, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Fifty Shades of Brexit: Britain’s EU Referendum and its Implications for Europe and Britain by Oliver, Tim. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p1-11, 11p; Abstract: AbstractBritain’s vote to leave the EU has raised more questions than answers, which is ironic given that David Cameron’s aim for the referendum was to settle the European question in British politics. The outcome, which reflected a range of causes, leaves significant uncertainties overhanging UK politics, UK-EU relations and wider European politics. It is likely that the confused outcome of the referendum and the technicalities of Brexit mean that for both the UK and the EU future relations will resemble fifty shades of grey rather than some black and white division of in or out.; (AN 41563861)
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2.

The Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in Jeopardy? Internal Divisions and the Impact of World Politics by Müller, Harald. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p12-27, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe frustration of non-nuclear weapon states about the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament has reached boiling point: a vast majority of them have supported a resolution in the UN General Assembly that establishes a negotiation forum for concluding a prohibition of nuclear weapons in 2017. Rising tension among the nuclear powers and populist movements feeding nationalist emotions make it unlikely that the situation will change for the better in the near future. It is thus possible that the NPT might be eroded or, in the worst case scenario, simply collapse because of diminishing support.; (AN 41563862)
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3.

The European ‘Other’ in Poland’s Conservative Identity Project by O’Neal, Molly. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p28-45, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSince taking office in November 2015, Poland’s conservative government has pressed for a sweeping reinterpretation of the past, and a re-envisioning of the future, of the political community. This conservative identity project idealises the allegedly fully sovereign Poland of the interwar period and repudiates the normative commitments underpinning Poland’s accession to the European Union. The worldview of the conservative government’s liberal critics, by contrast, represents a fusion of the inclusive nationalism asserted in opposition to communist rule with the affirmation of a European identity. The reawakening of historically resonant debates about the nature of Poland’s European-ness, emphasizing the centrality of the (Western) European ‘other’ in Poland’s national idea, carries significant implications for its relations within the international environment.; (AN 41563864)
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4.

How China’s New Silk Road Threatens European Trade by Holslag, Jonathan. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p46-60, 15p; Abstract: AbstractFor all the promises of mutually beneficial cooperation, Chinese policy documents about the New Silk Road, also called ‘One Belt, One Road’, mostly testify to a strong ambition to unlock foreign markets and support domestic firms in taking on foreign competitors. This confirms China’s shift from defensive mercantilism, which aims to protect the home market, towards offensive mercantilism, which seeks to gain market shares abroad. In a context of global economic stagnation, this comes as a major challenge to Europe. As China’s market share grows spectacularly in countries along the New Silk Road, key European member states have both lost market shares and even seen their exports shrink in absolute terms.; (AN 41563863)
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5.

A Neoliberal Rentier System: New Challenges and Past Economic Trajectories in Iraq by Costantini, Irene. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p61-75, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Islamic State’s conquest of swathes of Iraqi territory, combined with falling oil prices, revealed the fault lines of a model of economic development that made the country extremely vulnerable to the events of 2014. Over the last 13 years, the consolidation of the rentier economy in parallel to the promotion of a neoliberal model – a neoliberal rentiersystem – has not initiated a process of sustainable economic development. The main factors explaining this missed opportunity can be found in the tensions that exist between the two models and, in particular, between the relative roles of the state and the private sector as drivers of economic development.; (AN 41563865)
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6.

Repression and Monarchical Resilience in the Arab Gulf States by Lawson, Fred H.; Legrenzi, Matteo. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p76-87, 12p; Abstract: AbstractWhy the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.; (AN 41563867)
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7.

Navigating the Unknown: Barriers to Evidence-Based Defence and Security Policy in the European Union by Wilkinson, Benedict; Amadio Viceré, Maria Giulia; Montague, Erin. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p88-99, 12p; Abstract: AbstractAt a time when Europe faces numerous crises, there is a real need for rigorous evidence to underpin effective policymaking. However, a gap between academia and policy creates clear obstacles in the use of evidence in policymaking. Many of these enduring obstacles are manifest in the inherent differences between separate communities: academics have difficulty communicating research in an applicable manner, and policymakers, in turn, tend to focus on operational motivations. The gap widens considerably when foreign, security and defence policy within the complex institutional structures of the European Union is considered. In addition to these well known barriers to evidence-based policy, there are two more obstacles in the defence and security space: sovereignty and dispersed decision-making. A dialogue of best practices must be opened up to broker knowledge in the EU context.; (AN 41563866)
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8.

The Impact of Institutions on Foreign Policy Think Tanks in France and Denmark by Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon; Schmitt, Olivier. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p100-115, 16p; Abstract: AbstractEven though France is an active player on the world stage, its foreign and security think tank milieu is smaller than that of similar powers, most notably the United Kingdom. Comparing French think tanks with those in Denmark illustrates how French institutional structures constrain think tank activities. France’s political tradition of centralisation, its non-academic civil service education, and separation of academia and administration create an environment in which think tanks are underfunded and walk a fine line between an over-controlling administration and a suspicious academia. Some French think tanks perform well in spite of these structures, which indicates that they could flourish and compete at the highest international level if given better structural conditions.; (AN 41563868)
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9.

Think Tank Involvement in Foreign Policymaking in the Czech Republic and Poland by Cadier, David; Sus, Monika. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p116-131, 16p; Abstract: AbstractStudies on foreign policy think tanks have too often remained disconnected from the analysis of foreign policy outcomes. Yet, investigating the development, functions and influence of think tanks can provide valuable insights into the context in which foreign policy is formulated. The Czech Republic and Poland represent interesting comparative cases in this regard: while Polish think tanks are more numerous and tend to be better placed in international rankings, they are less involved in the policymaking process than their Czech counterparts. This contrast has mainly to do with the sociology of foreign policy elites and the role of political parties in both countries.; (AN 41563871)
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10.

The Crisis of the European Union: How the Institutional Framework Changed during Crisis Management by Vittori, Davide. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p132-136, 5p; (AN 41563872)
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11.

Losing Values along the Path of ENP Implementation by Palm, Anja. International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p137-138, 2p; (AN 41563870)
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12.

Recent publications International Spectator, January 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p139-144, 6p; (AN 41563869)
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