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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Free Citizens’ Party – from Brussels to Prague? by Kaniok, Petr. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p433-449, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough the objectives of hard Eurosceptic parties are focused on the European Union (EU), a presence in the European Parliament (EP) is not their final goal. In order to fulfil their main objective – disbanding of the EU – they need to be relevant at the national level as well. Thus, being represented at the EU level can be used by them as a springboard to the domestic scene. This article analyses how such a process may occur. As its main finding, it claims that success in the EP elections can be Pyrrhic victory for hard Eurosceptics, since it reinforces their niche status.; (AN 43412387)
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2.

Legislative performance of the Russian State Duma: the role of parliament in an authoritarian regime by Krol, Gerrit. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p450-471, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAuthoritarian governments remain in power much longer when they distribute benefits to their supporters in an institutionalised way. Permitting parliament to fulfil a legislative function is an important strategy for autocrats to obtain long-lasting support from their allies. Political parties play an important role in this process – while having strong influence on the behaviour of MPs, empirical evidence from the Russian State Duma suggests that loyalty is rewarded with support for the legislative proposals of individual members. Amendments to government bills are high in quantity and often substantially significant. Legislative performance is, however, mostly limited to the United Russia party.; (AN 43412388)
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3.

Europarty Eastern enlargement: an empirical analysis of Europarty influence on Central and Eastern European parties and party systems by von dem Berge, Benjamin. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p472-495, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the influence of the two major “Europarties” – the European People’s Party and Party of European Socialists – on their Hungarian, Romanian, and Slovak partner parties from 1989 to 2012. Two research questions are examined: (1) In which way do Europarties influence their Central and Eastern European (CEE) partners?; and (2) What is the precise result of Europarty influence? These questions are answered by drawing on qualitative content analysis of 38 semi-structured interviews. The main finding is that due to strong Europarty influence, the CEE parties became more similar to the established West European parties regarding their strategic behaviour, programme, and intra-party democracy.; (AN 43412390)
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4.

Political foundations of bad governance in post-Soviet Eurasia: towards a research agenda by Gel’man, Vladimir. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p496-516, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy are some countries governed much more poorly than one might expect judging by their degree of socio-economic development? In particular, why are most countries of post-Soviet Eurasia, according to numerous international evaluations of quality of state governance, similar to underdeveloped Third World countries and lagging behind their post-Communist counterparts in Eastern Europe? This article presents some arguments regarding the factors and mechanisms of emergence and maintenance of bad governance in post-Soviet Eurasia, discusses various explanations for this phenomenon, considers potential pathways for overcoming the trap of bad governance and outlines possible directions for further research of this phenomenon.; (AN 43412389)
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5.

The litmus test of pride: analysing the emergence of the Belgrade “Ghost” pride in the context of EU accession by Slootmaeckers, Koen. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p517-535, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe transformation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights into a “standard for civilisation” has not been without consequences. With LGBT Pride parades becoming a symbol for Europeanness in the European Union (EU) accession process, this article asks how the litmus test character of Belgrade Pride has transformed LGBT politics in Serbia. Empirically, the analysis provides an in-depth analysis of how Serbia’s EU accession process has shaped the politics of Belgrade Pride between 2001 and 2015 and vice versa. It is argued that the international symbolic usage of Pride is no innocent practice as it has foreclosed its local politicality. Indeed, whilst Belgrade Pride became politicised as a litmus test in the EU accession process, domestically it developed into an apolitical ritualised event devoid of LGBT politics.; (AN 43412391)
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6.

Shifts in Eastern Europeans’ support for income redistribution 1992–2009 by Finley, Katelyn. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p536-558, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines how Eastern Europeans’ support for income redistribution has changed from 1992–2009. Contrary to expectations that Eastern Europeans would become more tolerant of inequality and less supportive of redistribution as market structures consolidated, support for redistribution has increased considerably. Support particularly increased during the 1990s as Eastern Europeans became more sceptical of the market’s fairness. Although support for redistribution decreased slightly in the 2000s, support in 2009 remained considerably higher than the 1992 levels. Support decreased during the 2000s because of a strengthening the effect of self-interest on attitudes as well as some regained support for the market’s fairness. The pattern of change in citizens’ attitudes suggests that support for redistribution shifts most during times of economic crisis and fluctuates to small degrees during periods of relative stability.; (AN 43412394)
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7.

National minorities in Putin’s Russia: diversity and assimilation by Gulina, Olga R.. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p559-560, 2p; (AN 43412392)
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8.

Post-communist mafia state: the case of Hungary by Krylova, Yulia. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p561-562, 2p; (AN 43412393)
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9.

Czech democracy in the eyes of Czech political scientists by Roberts, Andrew. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p562-572, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper surveys six recent Czech language books on the state of Czech democracy. The books are largely critical and identify four major problems: ineffectiveness, corruption, apolitical politics, and economic stagnation. The authors variously attribute these problems to institutions, culture, and public policy and accordingly recommend changes in these areas. While most of these claims ring true, lacking is both a consideration of positive qualities and empirical proof of the extent of these problems or the efficacy of the solutions.; (AN 43412395)
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10.

Trouble on the far right. Contemporary right-wing strategies and practices in Europe by Giurcanu, Magda. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p572-573, 2p; (AN 43412399)
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11.

Editorial Board Page East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43412397)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 3, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

CETA as a Potential Model for (Post-Brexit) UK-EU Relations by Neuwahl, Nanette. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p279-301, 23p; Abstract: CETA, the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between the EU and Canada, is a useful model for post-Brexit trade relations between the UK and the EU. In this article it is argued that what could tentatively be called a CC-CETA (Comprehensive Cross-Channel Economic and Trade Agreement), would bring distinct benefits to the UK (and the EU) in partial replacement of the Single Market relationship. After considering other options, recommendations for the conclusion of such a CC-CETA are made. The question of how CETA itself could be affected by the conclusion of such an agreement, and the pre-emptive effect of a CC-CETA on the relations between Canada and the UK are equally considered.; (AN 43237938)
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2.

‘Off the Bench but Not off Duty’: The Judicial Diplomacy of the Court of Justice by Tatham, Allan F.. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p303-321, 19p; Abstract: The evolution of the EU diplomatic system has allowed for a broader understanding of the role of networks and different stakeholders in diplomacy. So far, scant attention has been paid to the pivotal position of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in judicial diplomacy. The aim of this article is to chart the various strategies employed by the CJEU in conducting its diplomacy, with a particular focus on its relations with apex courts of regional economic communities and complex federal states. Taking a practice-based approach to the study of diplomatic actions, the article seeks to examine the networks created or enhanced by the CJEU; how different sites for diplomacy impact on the success of the Court’s extra-forum activities; and how the CJEU might use new technologies to build on those strategies to bolster its own role in the development of the EU diplomatic system.; (AN 43237939)
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3.

What Place for Gender Mainstreaming in the EU’s Framework on Support to Transitional Justice? by Ketelaars, Elise. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 5 p323-340, 18p; Abstract: In 2015 the European Union (EU) Commission published the EU’s Framework on Support to Transitional Justice, its long-anticipated first policy document which exclusively discusses the EU’s conceptualization of and approach towards transitional justice. This article examines this document from a gender perspective situating the analysis within the emerging body of critical feminist literature on involvement of the international community in support for gendered transitional justice and peacebuilding within the framework of the UN’s Women, Peace and Security agenda. It concludes that the EU’s explicit commitment to gender mainstreaming in its approach towards transitional justice without the subsequent development of a clear strategy to achieve the stated goals fits within a broader international tendency and that in order to advance feminist research in the field of EU, gender and transitional justice scholars should build on the emerging body of research regarding the instrumentalization of feminism for international security goals by infusing it with insights from critical (feminist) global political economy research, which inquires the relations between international interventions and the economic interests of dominant international actors.; (AN 43237940)
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4.

Promoting Human Rights Through the EU External Action: An Empty ‘Vessel’ for Sexual Minorities? by Danisi, Carmelo. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p341-356, 16p; Abstract: Sexual minorities’ rights are increasingly included in the EU internal as well as external agenda. While the EU normative framework and its internal developments seem to be dominated by the value of equality, doubts arise on the rationale underlying the EU external action. All institutions are indeed involved in this field. While the Commission is called to monitor issues relating to sexual orientation and gender identity in accession countries, the Council has issued specific Guidelines and the EU Parliament has in turn raised specific concerns in its dialogue with African partners. Although these attempts are welcomed for stressing the need to protect a ‘vulnerable’ group in countries where they have no guarantees, a ‘selective’ non-discrimination approach seems to emerge in most actions having an external dimension. This approach contradicts the EU internal developments and may eventually risk being ineffective and counterproductive for targeted people. Considering the international trend in human rights law towards the recognition of the full spectrum of human rights irrespective of one’s sexual orientation or gender identity, this article posits the need for a significant change in the EU external approach in this field.; (AN 43237941)
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5.

The Invocation of the European Union’s Mutual Assistance Clause: A Call for Enforced Solidarity by Nováky, Niklas I. M.. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p357-375, 19p; Abstract: After the 13 November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, France invoked Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), the so-called mutual assistance clause, for the first time since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty introduced it. France wanted its European Union (EU) partners to assist it in fighting the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) group, which was behind the attacks. However, France’s decision to invoke the article, which had previously been seen as merely symbolic with little actual relevance, is puzzling. The reason for this is that France could have also sought assistance through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO’s) much more robust Article 5 or the EU’s solidarity clause, which is specifically designed for responding to terrorist attacks. However, France chose Article 42(7) over the alternatives because it was more flexible and came with less political baggage. It also enabled France to demand that other Member States make additional contributions to its various foreign and security policy actions around the world to alleviate the burden they were placing on it. In other words, it allowed France to call for ‘enforced solidarity’, which went beyond what it could have demanded from its partners in less extraordinary circumstances.; (AN 43237942)
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6.

The Role of Experts in the European Defence Agency: An Emerging Transgovernmental Network by Calcara, Antonio. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p377-392, 16p; Abstract: The European Defence Agency (EDA), thanks to the adoption of a large number of strategic documents and its expertise in the formulation of collaborative projects, has become a crucial player in the European defence field. However, the role of the EDA and the everyday practices of the people that work in and collaborate with the Agency remain to be studied systematically. No empirical studies have been conducted to assess the EDA ‘hybrid’ way of working that includes European, governmental and non-governmental experts.The article argues that the EDA is at the core of an emerging transgovernmental network of European defence experts and professionals, that are able to share best practices, ‘know how’ and develop common norms of communication. This transgovernmental network of experts is generating a process of informal socialization among defence practitioners, it is shaping Member States’ defence planning in research and technology (R&T) activities and, in general, it is legitimizing the role of EDA in the broader EU institutional context.; (AN 43237943)
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7.

Legal Creativity in EU External Relations: The Stabilization and Association Agreement Between the EU and Kosovo by Elsuwege, Peter Van. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p393-409, 17p; Abstract: This article puts the specific features of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) between the EU and Kosovo in perspective. In particular, it analyses how the unsolved issue of Kosovo’s recognition affects the scope and content of the agreement. For this purpose, the SAA with Kosovo is compared to the SAA with Serbia. Despite the at first sight comparable structure of both agreements, the absence of mixity in the SAA with Kosovo as well as the reservations regarding its international legal status lead to a number of noticeable differences, in particular as far as the rules regarding entry and residence of Kosovo nationals are concerned.; (AN 43237944)
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8.

Chinese College Students’ Perceptions of the EU and Its Relations with China by Shi, Jian; Langjia, Zeren; Li, Zhuyu. European Foreign Affairs Review, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p411-432, 22p; Abstract: According to previous research on the Chinese perception of the European Union (EU),(H. Zhou & L. Dong, The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of the Chinese Public Perceptions of the EU and China-EU Relations, 2 Eur. Stud. (2008); H. Tang, Under the Adjustment of EU-China Relations the Chinese People’s Concept of the EU, 4 Foreign Aff. Rev. (2012).) Chinese primarily acquire their knowledge of the EU from the media, which renders it difficult for them to comprehensively understand its operational mechanisms or take a sanguine view of the EU. However, their perception of the EU recently has undergone a noticeable transformation due to the ‘perception imbalance’ and ‘perception deficit’ which can sometimes lead to negative impressions, especially during the period of trading disputes. Impressions that Europeans are arrogant and discriminate against China lead to a diminution in Chinese public’s confidence and enthusiasm in the EU. This article analyses findings of two surveys conducted in 2013 and 2016 among university students from five main universities in Chengdu of their perception of the EU. It comes to the conclusion that, although holding optimistic views on the EU-China relations at large, respondents concurrently express a concern for the in-depth strategic partnership between the EU and China, for the EU’s competence to tackle its internal challenges, and for the EU’s legitimacy to persuade other international agents into following its model of regional integration.; (AN 43237945)
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3

European Security
Volume 26, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

EU–NATO relations: running on the fumes of informed deconfliction by Smith, Simon J.; Gebhard, Carmen. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p303-314, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides the framework for the contributions to this special issue. It first puts the theme into context and outlines the main issues that justify further analytical engagement with European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) relations to the extent we propose here. We then provide some historical background to frame the discussion, and in doing so also outline the current state of interaction between the EU and NATO. We then briefly contextualise the changing strategic environment shaping the relationship, including recent proposals to implement their declared “strategic partnership”. This introduction then presents an overview of the existing literature to set the stage for a renewed look at the research agenda that has emerged over the last two decades. We close with an outline of the individual contributions to this special issue, which are presented in two sections: one focusing on theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of EU of EU–NATO relations, and one on the inter-organisational relationship in practice, followed by a concluding synopsis and outlook.; (AN 42980325)
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2.

Theorising inter-organisational relations: the “EU–NATO relationship” as a catalytic case study by Koops, Joachim A.. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p315-339, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the historical evolution of research on the “European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) relationship” since the 1950s and examines the numerous ways in which it has served as an important case study for applying and developing theory-guided and conceptual research on inter-organisational relations (IOR) in International Relations. After a dearth of policy-oriented research during the 1990s and early 2000s, a wide range of scholars have contributed to a “conceptual turn” in the study of EU–NATO during the last decade. This development, as this article will argue, not only signifies a stronger interest by scholars to understand the complex relationship between both organisations with the help of more theory-driven research, but also highlights that the EU–NATO relationship has become a “catalytic case study” in terms of inspiring conceptual experimentation and advancing efforts to theorise IOR more generally. The article provides for the first time a systematic stock-taking and analysis of the richness of concepts and theoretical debates related to EU–NATO relations research and offers scholars wider insights into the most promising approaches and analytical tools for understanding and theorising EU–NATO relations.; (AN 42980323)
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3.

Grasping the everyday and extraordinary in EU–NATO relations: the added value of practice approaches by Græger, Nina. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p340-358, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMuch scholarly work seeking to explain the EU–NATO relationship emphasises conflicting national or institutional interests, strategic individuals, and operational inefficiencies and overlaps. This article offers an alternative account of how both the everyday and the extraordinary in EU–NATO security cooperation can be identified and analysed by applying practice theory. Despite the “Cyprus issue”, which has left EU–NATO cooperation under Berlin Plus in political stalemate, regular interaction involving civilian and military EU and NATO staff at all levels and various sites has increased over the past decade. The article shows how a practice take is well suited to uncover the practical logic at work in these, predominantly informal EU–NATO encounters; how practices are established, enacted, and also abrupted. Furthermore, it discusses how shared “background conditions” – skills and experience – facilitate practices, learning, and community-building but also competition and rivalry.; (AN 42980324)
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4.

The Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost: a Grounded Theory approach to the comparative study of decision-making in the NAC and PSC by Smith, Simon J.; Tomic, Nikola; Gebhard, Carmen. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p359-378, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStudies of the relationship between the EU and NATO often focus on the limitations of cooperation, be it at the political or the operational level. However, little is known about the functioning of the political institutional linkages between the EU and NATO. This article therefore studies the main decision-making bodies of the two organisations at the political, ambassadorial level, namely the Political and Security Committee (PSC) of the EU and the North Atlantic Council (NAC) in NATO, as well as their joint meetings. The article employs an inductive Grounded Theory approach, drawing on open-ended interviews with PSC and NAC ambassadors, which reveal direct insights from the objects of analysis. The findings emphasise the impact of both structural and more agency-related categories on decision-making in these three fora. The article thus addresses both the paucity of study on these bodies more broadly and the complete lacuna on joint PSC–NAC meetings specifically, warranting the inductive approach this article endorses.; (AN 42980327)
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5.

The EU and NATO’s dilemmas with Russia and the prospects for deconfliction by Duke, Simon; Gebhard, Carmen. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p379-397, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEvents in Ukraine have rekindled discussions about NATO’s post-Cold War purpose and the way it relates to the EU. Through EU sanctions and a traditional military response from NATO, the West has manoeuvred itself into a paradoxical situation where every step it takes to reassure its Eastern allies increases rather than diffuses tensions with Russia. On the one hand, it seems that decades of carefully crafted strategic narratives of de-escalation are now in limbo. On the other, it might have indeed been the sustained attempt to create a liberal post-Cold War order that produced an “integration dilemma”, and ultimately drove Russia to the defensive realist logic of a Waltzian “security dilemma”. We argue that NATO’s reaction might have been based on a stylised threat and historical resentments rather than on a carefully calculated risk. Looking beyond the EU and NATO’s recent strategic choices, we argue that the situation can only be resolved by re-engaging Russia in a renewed de-escalatory dialogue that involves both the EU and NATO with a greater emphasis on the nuanced, but important, distinctions between the integration and security dilemmas.; (AN 42980326)
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6.

The EU, NATO and the European defence market: do institutional responses to defence globalisation matter? by Fiott, Daniel. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p398-414, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) are both institutions through which European states can engage in European defence–industrial cooperation. Each organisation embodies a unique set of institutional tools through which to manage issues such as the high and rising costs of defence procurement, technological innovation, defence R&D, standardisation, multinational capability programmes and interoperability. In short, the EU and NATO are institutional tools through which European states can manage the positive effects and negative consequences of defence globalisation. By drawing on an innovative conceptual framework derived from the institutional interaction literature, this article analyses how the EU and NATO interact with one another for defence–industrial issues. In doing so, the article principally aims to provide a conceptually informed analysis of the appeal of each body as a mechanism for defence–industrial cooperation and how each institution affects the other.; (AN 42980328)
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7.

The Single European Sky: a window of opportunity for EU–NATO relations by Lavallée, Chantal. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p415-434, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTo cope with increasing air traffic congestion, the European Union launched the Single European Sky in the early 2000s, intending to reform the European airspace which, at that time, was still fragmented by national frontiers. However, this has not been a purely civilian task, as military air transport is likewise affected. In fact, NATO has been concerned by the challenges facing the European Air Traffic Management environment due to the growing commercial aviation since its early days. For this, the European Defence Agency has been tasked to coordinate military views, thus opening a window of opportunity for EU–NATO relations. Both organisations promoting close coordination between the users of civilian and military airspace have built direct contact with each other. While examining how NATO and the EU are shaping their informal cooperation in this sector, the article considers the airspace community of users as a configuration of relations where inevitable inter- and intra-institutional power play is involved to reform the European airspace.; (AN 42980329)
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8.

The EU and NATO in Georgia: complementary and overlapping security strategies in a precarious environment by Mayer, Sebastian. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p435-453, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on fragile Georgia since the early 2000s, the article takes a country-centred perspective on EU–NATO inter-organisationalism. It outlines the regional strategies of these core Western security institutions and assesses their complementarity and overlap across three sets of tasks: defence and empowerment, crisis management, and security sector reform. While there is hardly functional overlap in the first and second sets, in the third the EU and NATO intersect to a considerable degree. Also, there is no significant inter-organisational cooperation over Georgia. One key conclusion is that while field-level overlap clearly jeopardises institutional effectiveness, overlapping toolboxes – as in crisis management – allow for institutional flexibility when one international organisation setting offers reputational or practical advantages. Against this backdrop, a case can be made contra propositions of merging the Common Security and Defence Policy and NATO.; (AN 42980330)
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9.

EU–NATO cooperation: the key to Europe’s security future by Howorth, Jolyon. European Security, July 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 3 p454-459, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe re-launch of the EU’s security and defence project in the wake of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump has focused the spotlight on the relationship between NATO and the EU. This article reviews the detailed aspects of that relationship as studied in the various contributions to this special issue. It argues that, over and above cooperation on the ground, the key issue to be addressed, which is usually skated over in the “big picture” literature on this question, is: where is all this heading? Is there a move towards a clear EU–NATO division of labour (if so, will it be geographic or functional?); or are the allies seeking a radical new balance of responsibilities and commitment as between the US and the Europeans for the stabilisation of the European neighbourhood? The paper argues that EU “strategic autonomy”, as called for in the Global Strategydocument of 2016, can only be achieved through the Europeanisation of NATO itself.; (AN 42980331)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Erratum Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 42021993)
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2.

Resilience and environmental security: towards joint application in peacebuilding by Schilling, Janpeter; Nash, Sarah Louise; Ide, Tobias; Scheffran, Jürgen; Froese, Rebecca; von Prondzinski, Pina. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p107-127, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTResilience is a widely used concept among development, environmental, security and peacebuilding organizations. However, resilience has rarely been applied in conjunction with the potentially complementary concept of environmental security. Therefore, this paper explores how the concepts of resilience and environmental security can be jointly applied by non-governmental organizations working to implement peacebuilding projects in developing countries. We first review definitions of the concepts and explore their strengths and pitfalls. Second, we develop a conceptual framework for a joint application whereby environmental security sharpens the scope of resilience, while resilience allows for taking issues into account that a traditional environmental security perspective might miss. Finally, we apply the conceptual framework to a case study from Palestine.; (AN 42021989)
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3.

Assessing regional cooperation: ASEAN states, migrant worker rights and norm socialization in Southeast Asia by Auethavornpipat, Ruji. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p129-143, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states’ engagement with migrant worker rights focus on the experience of such workers from gender, labour and security perspectives. As such, these studies are yet to consider the broader impact of migrant worker rights on the process and nature of cooperation between ASEAN members. This article addresses this gap by framing migrant worker rights within the broader human rights socialization ongoing within Southeast Asia, driven by both members of ASEAN and external stakeholders. It argues that, contrary to many existing accounts of norms as creating shared commitments, migrant worker rights have led to considerable contestation, often driven by diverging national approaches to the issue. This article examines the impact of migrant worker rights norms on Thailand, the largest labour-recipient state in ASEAN. It asserts that Thailand’s diverging experience is caused by the lack of norm precision, resulting in the applicatory contestation of such norms.; (AN 42021987)
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4.

Expanding the peacekeeping agenda. The protection of cultural heritage in war-torn societies by Foradori, Paolo; Rosa, Paolo. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to explain the emergence and assess the politico-military significance of ‘cultural peacekeeping’ (CPK) as a new task for international peace operations. The aim is to provide a conceptual appraisal of CPK and an initial insight into its objectives, opportunities and challenges. The analysis supports the inclusion of a cultural component in the mandates of peacekeeping interventions, even if we must be wary of the inherent difficulties and risk of unintended consequences. These are not to be underestimated, at the risk not only of failing to achieve the mission’s objectives but also of further deteriorating security on the ground and beyond. It follows that CPK should not be mistaken, nor presented to the public, as a minor, light, and inexpensive operation. Quite to the contrary, it is an extremely complex and politically very sensitive politico-military major exercise that needs careful planning and adequate capabilities. Misunderstanding or mismanaging CPK can severely backfire. It is a ‘double-edged weapon’ that must be handled cautiously to avoid the risk of the enemy manipulating it to its own advantage.; (AN 42021988)
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5.

Securitizing charity: the case of Palestinian zakat committees by Milton-Edwards, Beverley. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p161-177, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, the argument is offered that securitization of the Palestinian zakat committees became a weapon in the counter-terror arsenal of Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) as each sought to exert hegemony over what became framed as a ‘common enemy.’ The article extends the debate as it relates to the increasingly hostile response by state actors and the international community to the work of non- and semi-governmental Muslim charitable actors evidenced by proscription regimes, financial investigation, and prosecutions. Focusing on the example of Israel and the PA, it is contended that the securitization of Palestinian zakat committees was part of a wider policy to inhibit Palestinian autonomy and portray Islamic faith agency as terroristic. Both Israel and the PA, as governing powers, have engaged in attempts to undermine Palestinian zakat committees and their contribution to welfare and humanitarian support in the complex and enduring environment of conflict.; (AN 42021992)
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6.

On (the lack of) Latin American supranationalism by Sanchez, Wilder Alejandro. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p179-187, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis commentary discusses the state of supranationalism in Latin America. We will enumerate the numerous regional organizations in the Western Hemisphere, and also discuss their successes and failures at regional integration. While integration has had some successes, supranationalism has yet to flourish among Latin American states and it will probably not for the immediate future. Empirical evidence suggests that, while inter-state warfare is scarce in the region, there are still too many inter-state tensions, including ongoing border disputes, as well as occasional incidents, which prevent supranationalism from taking hold. This explains the lack of a North Atlantic Treaty Organization-esque type South American bloc. Nevertheless, small-scale integration projects have been successful, like visa waivers systems, educational programs or defense-cooperation projects. Ultimately, in a changing global geopolitical system, the distrust for supranationalism remains the same in Latin America.; (AN 42021990)
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7.

The changing role of the Gulf in the international political economy by Legrenzi, Matteo; Lawson, Fred H.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p189-199, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the past half-decade, the role of the Gulf in the international political economy has changed dramatically. The region’s position as a supplier of world hydrocarbons has slipped, even as local consumption of oil and gas continues to expand. Gulf investments have shifted from the industrialized countries to the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi Arabia no longer exercises disproportionate influence in the Group of 20. Finally, relations with the People’s Republic of China and India have become truly interdependent, which gives the Gulf the capacity to exercise leverage over these two rising powers, despite its diminished position in global affairs.; (AN 42021991)
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8.

The improbable war: China, the United States and the logic of great power conflict by dos Santos, Wagner M.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p201-202, 2p; (AN 42021995)
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9.

Grains by Kent, George. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p202-205, 4p; (AN 42021994)
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10.

Political philosophy and political action: imperatives of resistance by Pinckney, Jonathan. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p205-208, 4p; (AN 42021996)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 3, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

A Global Turn to Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading? Experiments, Actors, and Diffusion by Biedenkopf, Katja; Müller, Patrick; Slominski, Peter; Wettestad, Jørgen. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p1-11, 11p; (AN 42884421)
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2.

California’s Cap-and-Trade System: Diffusion and Lessons by Bang, Guri; Victor, David G.; Andresen, Steinar. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p12-30, 19p; Abstract: This article investigates the roles of policy diffusion and policy learning in shaping the design of California’s cap-and-trade system. On the surface, it is very similar to other cap-and-trade programs, but in practice many detailed differences reflect active efforts by California policy-makers to avoid flaws that they saw in other systems, such as the EU ETS and the US East Coast’s Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative. We assess how California’s cap-and-trade system emerged, the significance of policy diffusion, and the lessons for other trading systems by applying two broad sets of theoretical frames—the role of policy diffusion and the role of organized local political concerns. We find that despite the signature status of the trading system, California mostly relies on much less transparent and more costly direct regulation. We also find that California’s cap-and-trade system has developed mostly in its own, special political context, which hampers the feasibility of cross-border trading.; (AN 42884418)
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3.

Designing New Zealand’s Emissions Trading Scheme by Inderberg, Tor Håkon Jackson; Bailey, Ian; Harmer, Nichola. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p31-50, 20p; Abstract: We use the New Zealand emissions trading scheme to explore how diffusion and learning from other emissions trading systems can explain the adoption, design, and revision of climate policy. Drawing on secondary documents and interviews with politicians, government officials, business leaders, and independent commentators, we argue for further investigation of how interactions between international and domestic factors shape the design of climate policy, and for deeper probing of structural and shorter-term domestic imperatives, to avoid misreading the extent and nature of international diffusion influences. We particularly stress the importance of distinguishing analytically between diffusion interactions motivated by learning between jurisdictions and scrutiny aimed at avoiding material disadvantages as a result of miscalculations in climate policy design. Finally, we argue for greater attention to the temporal dimensions of climate policy development in explanations of how diffusion and domestic influences may change during policy adoption, design, and revision.; (AN 42884420)
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4.

The Politics of Learning: Developing an Emissions Trading Scheme in Australia by Müller, Patrick; Slominski, Peter. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p51-68, 18p; Abstract: The literature on policy transfer has paid little attention to how policy-makers strategically employ learning from abroad as a resource to advance their domestic policy preferences and successfully implement a policy program. Addressing this research gap, we further develop the concept of “political learning,” distinguishing three dimensions: “learning as an argumentative resource,” “selective learning,” and “learning about policy design.” Empirically, we illustrate the relevance of political learning from abroad for the case of developing an emissions trading system in Australia. In particular, we show how government policy-makers in Australia used political learning from abroad to promote emissions trading in the context of a polarized domestic climate of adversarial ideas and competing interests.; (AN 42884417)
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5.

The New (Fragmented) Geography of Carbon Market Mechanisms: Governance Challenges from Thailand and Vietnam by Smits, Mattijs. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p69-90, 22p; Abstract: Countries in the Global South—which are contributing an increasing share of global greenhouse gas emissions—are actively developing carbon market mechanisms, including emissions trading systems and (voluntary) offset mechanisms. This article analyzes past and emerging experiments with carbon market mechanisms in Thailand and Vietnam, in the context of their domestic political economies and the shifting dynamics of the global climate governance regime. Drawing from thirty-three in-depth interviews and document analysis, I show the changing roles of government, the private sector, civil society, and donor and multilateral actors in these countries. Moreover, the article identifies key factors that may play roles in the further—and more synergistic—development of carbon market mechanisms: the generation of domestic demand for carbon credits; building and keeping human capacity and adequate data; creating space for civil society; ensuring coordination within the government and between sectors, notably the energy sector; and establishing further linkages with regional (Asian) and global carbon market mechanisms, such as those in China, Japan, and South Korea. These findings suggest that market-based mechanisms with high social and environmental integrity are one of the options that countries in the Global South have to achieve low-carbon development in the post-Paris climate change regime.; (AN 42884414)
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6.

Policy Infusion Through Capacity Building and Project Interaction: Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading in China by Biedenkopf, Katja; Van Eynde, Sarah; Walker, Hayley. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p91-114, 24p; Abstract: Capacity-building projects can be a vehicle for fostering policy diffusion. They should not, however, be considered as exclusively externally driven; the receiving jurisdiction’s receptiveness and leverage to steer the design of those projects can be crucial factors, shaping the process of infusing different external policy expertise and experiences into domestic policy design and implementation. This article shows that the Chinese National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) has played a key role in steering the capacity-building efforts of external financiers in the case of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions trading. The focus here is twofold: analyzing, on the one hand, the interaction among capacity-building projects financed by different external financiers, and on the other, the role that central actors and brokers can play in the complex structure of interacting projects.; (AN 42884415)
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7.

Emissions Trading and Policy Diffusion: Complex EU ETS Emulation in Kazakhstan by Gulbrandsen, Lars H.; Sammut, François; Wettestad, Jørgen. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p115-133, 19p; Abstract: This article examines the roles of international policy diffusion and domestic politics in shaping the design of an emissions trading system (ETS) in Kazakhstan. We find that although the overall framework for the Kazakh ETS and many of its design elements are based on the EU ETS, domestic political factors were central mediating variables in the diffusion process. The system was initiated at the highest levels within the government, but the fast-tracked nature of the implementation process did not provide sufficient notification to the donor community to mobilize much-needed technical support until the pilot phase had been completed. Implementation of a fully operational system was postponed until 2018 due to industry mobilization against the system and unresolved legal and technical issues. The findings indicate that the longer-term outcome of a diffusion process can be policy divergence, not convergence, as domestic interest groups influence policy and as governments learn from their own implementation experiences.; (AN 42884416)
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8.

Carbon Trading: Who Gets What, When, and How? by Lederer, Markus. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p134-140, 7p; (AN 42884413)
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9.

Complicating Carbon Markets by Barkin, J. Samuel. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p141-146, 6p; (AN 42884419)
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10.

Corridors of Power: The Politics of Environmental Aid to Madagascar by Baker-Médard, Merrill. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p147-149, 3p; (AN 42884410)
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11.

The Mekong: A Socio-Legal Approach to River Basin Development by Gellers, Joshua C.. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p149-151, 3p; (AN 42884411)
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12.

Concentration and Power in the Food System: Who Controls What We Eat? by Clapp, Jennifer. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p151-152, 2p; (AN 42884412)
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13.

Contributors Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42884409)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 23, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

A Pivotal Moment in Global Governance? Looking Back to Look Forward by Karns, Margaret P.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p329-347, 19p; (AN 43024513)
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2.

Prevention Crisis: The Need for New Consensus at the United Nations by Majekodunmi, Ben. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p349-361, 13p; (AN 43024522)
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3.

The ASEAN Regional Forum's Experts and Eminent Persons Group: Achievements, Limitations, Prospects by Moon, Chung-In; You, Chae-Kwang. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p363-381, 19p; Abstract: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations Regional Forum has introduced the Experts and Eminent Persons system as a security affairs–related epistemic community in Asia Pacific. However, its performance has remained rather stagnant. This article assesses its performance by examining achievements and limitations of the system and identifies barriers to its effective functioning. The findings attribute its dismal performance to skewed composition and poor quality of membership, lack of depth and diversity of expertise and knowledge, absence of knowledge sharing or diffusion function, and negligible policy impact. The article suggests ways to improve the performance of the ARF-EEPs, and concludes by offering theoretical, empirical, and policy implications.; (AN 43024512)
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4.

China's Security Council Engagement: The Impact of Normative and Causal Beliefs by MacLeod, Lisa. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p383-401, 19p; Abstract: This essay argues that UN Security Council responses to internal armed conflict are the product of the interests as well as the causal and principled beliefs of its engaged permanent members. As China has grown from a regional to a global actor, it has become a more active participant in Council deliberations. The cases of East Timor and Darfur highlight the ways in which Council decisions have come to reflect Chinese understanding of the causes of peace and conflict and appropriate peace strategies. The future of UN peace operations will depend on the ability of the Council's engaged participants to discover shared interests and points of convergence in their causal and principled beliefs.; (AN 43024514)
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5.

International Organizations as Global Migration Governors: The World Bank in Central Asia by Korneev, Oleg. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p403-421, 19p; Abstract: Numerous international organizations play a key role in generating and sustaining migration governance across the world in the absence of a global migration regime. However, global governance scholarship lacks grounded understanding of their role, which is often rejected or simply left unnoticed. In rare cases when IOs do get academic attention, light is shed on two referent “migration” IOs—the International Organization for Migration and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees—while other IOs remain in their shadow. Drawing on the case of the post-Soviet Central Asia, which is characterized by both significant migration dynamics and multilayered governance but has so far escaped attention of migration governance scholars, this article takes two steps for establishing a new research agenda. First, it deploys and applies to IOs the concept of global migration governors defined as authorities who exercise power across borders for the purpose of affecting migration policy. Second, it moves discussion beyond the referent IOs and demonstrates the role of often overlooked nonreferent IOs, such as the World Bank, active in the field of migration governance. This analysis is based on fieldwork in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Russia conducted in 2011–2015.; (AN 43024521)
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6.

Goal Setting and Governance: Examining the G8 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition with a Gender Lens by Collins, Andrea M.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p423-441, 19p; Abstract: Building on recent discussions of the role of public-private partnerships in governance, this article argues that we must be more critical of the goals set by PPPs, and pay closer attention to the ways in which gender-based inequalities are obscured or overlooked in the construction of global policy strategies. In particular, the Group of 8's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition pledges to “act upon the critical role” played by women. Yet this article reveals that the New Alliance partnerships offer little in terms of substantive goals that address the gender inequalities experienced in rural land and labor markets, and instead appear to favor the expansion of trade without reference to the implications for rural food security.; (AN 43024518)
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7.

“A Force for Peace”: Expanding the Role of the UN Secretary-General Under Trygve Lie, 1946–1953 by Ravndal, Ellen Jenny. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p443-459, 17p; Abstract: The UN Charter describes him or her merely as the “chief administrative officer of the organization,” yet today the Secretary-General is widely recognized as the UN's chief political representative. How did this transformation and expansion of the office from administrative to political take place? Existing scholarship tends to emphasize the contribution made by Dag Hammarskjöld. This article challenges that story on two accounts: first, by pointing out the importance of institutional factors and not just the officeholder's personality; and second, by examining the contribution made by Trygve Lie, the UN's first Secretary-General. The article establishes a conceptual framework based on institutional theory to understand the role of the Secretary-General and analyzes Lie's contribution in the period 1946–1953.; (AN 43024516)
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8.

South-South Cooperation and Change in International Organizations by Milhorance, Carolina; Soule-Kohndou, Folashade. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p461-481, 21p; Abstract: Using the examples of the UN Development Programme and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, this article aims to analyze how the role of international organizations (IOs) is being changed through the incorporation of South-South cooperation (SSC) narratives and practices into their activities. Despite increased interest in the role of SSC in global governance, few empirical researchers get inside these organizations to see and analyze how this form of cooperation impacts IOs and how the latter adapt to these changes. Based on fieldwork and participant observation, the article presents some results on the mechanisms of IOs in their efforts to permanently readapt to the international environment and, at the same time, participate in the configuration of the international scene. The main argument is that the revival of SSC by rising powers has offered them an opportunity to establish individual and collective strategic partnerships with IOs. In doing so, these powers used SSC modalities to engage several redirections of IOs' governance to lift SSC to the top of the international agenda. IOs first resisted these changes and then readapted by using these strategic partnerships as a means to reaffirm their role in the international system's hierarchy as main institutions promoting SSC.; (AN 43024515)
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9.

Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance by Stephen, Matthew D.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p483-502, 20p; Abstract: In the 1990s, liberal optimism permeated the study and practice of international politics. International institutions were strengthened and the discourse and practice of global governance consolidated as a new approach to world affairs. Today, new powers are emerging in this institutionalized order. New powers have changed the power relations that underpinned global governance and are also economically, politically, and culturally different from established powers. Against this backdrop, this article investigates the impacts emerging powers are having on global governance. It presents six major trends and outlines their implications for the new global governance currently taking shape. Because new powers are emerging in an already institutionalized order, the emerging global governance order is gradually growing out of the existing one. Emerging powers are rendering parts of global governance dysfunctional, layering onto it, complicating it, but not overthrowing it.; (AN 43024517)
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10.

Brazil's Organization of the NETmundial Meeting: Moving Forward in Global Internet Governance by Fraundorfer, Markus. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p503-521, 19p; Abstract: In the face of the apparent weaknesses of the state system to find meaningful solutions to global challenges such as the regulation of the Internet, more democratic forms of governance may show more creative and innovative ways to move forward. Instead of focusing once again on the usual suspects in this debate (civil society actors, Western state actors, or international organizations), this article sheds light on the role of Brazil, a developing democracy from the Global South. The article examines Brazil's organization of the 2014 Global Multistakeholder Meeting on the Future of Internet Governance (NETmundial) in São Paulo. NETmundial allowed governments, civil society organizations, private actors, and local Internet communities to elaborate a human rights declaration on global Internet governance. The article explores why this multistakeholder process was so successful compared to previous multistakeholder approaches in global Internet governance. In the same vein, it argues that Brazil was capable of organizing a multistakeholder meeting based on three particular democratic elements: the promotion of human rights, the creation of participatory mechanisms, and the establishment of accountability mechanisms.; (AN 43024519)
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11.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 3 p523-524, 2p; (AN 43024520)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 12, no. 2-3, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: The Multilateral Politics of unDiplomacy by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin; Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p95-112, 18p; (AN 41844719)
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2.

Conceptualizing Groups in unMultilateralism: The Diplomatic Practice of Group Politics by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p113-137, 25p; Abstract: Political groups permeate the diplomatic process across the United Nations (un) system, from conference diplomacy to annual sessions of the deliberative bodies, yet they remain poorly understood and under-appreciated. This article approaches groups from a conceptual and theoretical perspective, providing a typology to differentiate clearly the various groups that are active in unprocesses, from electoral groups to regional organizations and single-issue coalitions. The article also examines how theories of multilateralism, global governance and international negotiation largely exclude group and inter-group dynamics. Theories of global governance and multilateralism operate at the systemic level of analysis, while theories of negotiation and coalitions reflect assumptions of individual agency; both levels of analysis obscure the operation of political groups and group politics in unmultilateralism. The emerging theories of diplomatic practice provide a meso-level approach that reveals the pervasive practice of group politics and politicized diplomacy in unmultilateralism.; (AN 41844720)
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3.

Group Politics in the Debates on Gender Equality and Sexual Orientation Discrimination at the United Nations by Smith, Karen E.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p138-157, 20p; Abstract: This article assesses the impact of ‘group politics’ in the particularly contentious debates of the United Nations (un) Human Rights Council and the unGeneral Assembly regarding gender equality and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The article identifies those groups that have been most active in the debates, and then analyses how and why they have shaped debates and norms in this area, how they interact with each other, and whether groups help to facilitate consensus or foster polarization in debates. The article examines the extent to which these groups are cohesive, and identifies the norms that each group puts forward in debates (through statements and resolutions). It then assesses and explains their impact on outcomes, the creation of shared norms and the potential for collective action. It further explores the implications of increasing cross-regional group activity in the Human Rights Council.; (AN 41844721)
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4.

Group Dynamics and Interplay in unDisarmament Forums: In Search of Consensus by Dee, Megan. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p158-177, 20p; Abstract: The elimination of nuclear weapons has been an objective of the United Nations (un) since 1946. Although addressed through multiple forums, including the unGeneral Assembly’s First Committee, Conference on Disarmament and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the possession and renunciation of nuclear weapons nevertheless remains a topic beset by multilateral stalemate and frustration over the entrenchment of positions between nuclear- and non-nuclear weapon states. Yet within these forums, disarmament politics are taking a new turn, with the emergence of new, cross-regional, cross-factional political groups working alongside more established blocs. Focusing on these group dynamics, this article argues that the emergence of new political groups, and their interplay with others, is critical to the effective functioning of disarmament negotiations. Through cooperative information exchange, encouraging policy entrepreneurship and by challenging the rigidity of entrenched bloc positioning, these new group dynamics may make an important contribution in the search for consensus within the un.; (AN 41844722)
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5.

Discussing Global Health and Access to Medicines in the unSystem: The Case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) by Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro; Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p178-196, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how and why regional organizations participate in the discussion about global health within the United Nations system. It focuses on the case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) and the topic of access to medicines, and argues that the creation of this organization and its activism in global health diplomacy and governance evolved in the context of the reconfiguration of multilateral cooperation in the Americas, where health has been defined as a human right and vital for regional citizenship. This process results from changing regional identities, unasur’s mandate and capacities, and the interests of leading member states such as Brazil.; (AN 41844723)
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6.

Negotiating the Responsibility to Protect in the unSystem: The Roles of Formal and Informal Groups by Bellamy, Alex J.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p197-220, 24p; Abstract: This article examines the role that groups played in the rise of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) within the United Nations (un) system. It focuses in particular on the role of informal groups of states in advancing a consensus on R2P, contrasting their role with that of formal regional and political groups, which — with the exception of the African Group — played a more marginal role. R2P has given rise to a multiplicity of informal groups of states. These informal groups operate alongside the formal regional and political groups and, with one or two exceptions, have tended to be significantly more influential, the main reason being the principle’s genesis. Arising out of fractious debates in the late 1990s about intervention and the relationship between sovereignty and fundamental human rights, R2P was from the outset a conscious attempt to bridge political divides between states in the un— especially the ‘North–South’ theatre.; (AN 41844724)
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7.

Group Politics in Global Development Policy: From the Millennium Development Goals to the Post-2015 Development Agenda by Farrell, Mary. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p221-248, 28p; Abstract: This article examines the group politics in global development policy from the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) to the Sustainable Development Goals (sdgs). The discussion tracks the actors and forces that shaped both sets of goals, and highlights the centrality of multilateral processes in framing the background for the interplay of group politics. With the expansion in the number and diversity of actors, and the United Nations system facilitating the engagement of multiple actors, ultimately the negotiation of the sdgs reflected a new diplomacy derived from mediation of multiple interests within a multilateral context.; (AN 41844725)
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8.

Negotiating in the unGeneral Assembly: The European Union and the Other Major Groups by Vrailas, Ioannis. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p249-255, 7p; Abstract: The overwhelming majority of the United Nations’ member states remain keen to preserve the traditional intergovernmental nature of the organization in the name of universalism, equality among states and national sovereignty. However, in most negotiating processes, delegations are increasingly content to take part through the groups or sub-groups of which they are members, rather than individually on a national basis. In this regard, the European Union (eu) sets the standards for both organization and effectiveness, especially since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the eu’s Special Observer status, granted by ungaResolution 65/276.; (AN 41844726)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 32, no. 6, September 2017

Record Results
1. Spycatcher’s little sister: the Thatcher government and the Panoramaaffair, 1980–1981 by Craig, Malcolm M.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p677-692, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis article investigates the Thatcher government’s attempts to suppress or censor reporting on secret intelligence issues in the early 1980s. It examines official reactions to a BBC intrusion into the secret world, as the long-running Panoramadocumentary strand analysed the role and accountability of Britain’s clandestine services. It also assesses the extent of collusion between the government and the BBC’s senior management. The Panoramaaffair was an important waypoint on the journey towards the dramatic Spycatcherepisode of the mid-1980s. The key players on the government side – Thatcher and Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong – failed to learn the lessons of the 1980–81 affair, that it was often more dangerous to attempt suppression than to simply let events run their course.; (AN 42987456)
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2. Missing revolution: the American intelligence failure in Iraq, 1958 by Karam, Jeffrey G.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p693-709, 17p; Abstract: AbstractWhy were American officials caught by surprise with the military coup and later revolution in Iraq on 14 July 1958? Drawing on American intelligence and diplomatic records as well as multilingual sources, this article argues that the US intelligence failure is the product of two factors: the collection of information from too few and too similar human sources of intelligence in Iraq’s ruling regime, and the unreceptivity of US officials to assessing new information and their unwillingness to update assessments of local Iraqi developments. It revisits America’s intelligence failure in Iraq and suggests important lessons for the study of intelligence.; (AN 42987460)
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3. The CIA and congressional oversight: learning and forgetting lessons by Hastedt, Glenn. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p710-724, 15p; Abstract: AbstractOrganizations both learn lessons and forget lessons. A lesson said to be learned by the CIA as a result of the negative reaction of congressional overseers to its interrogation program was the need to create opportunities to provide information and interact with them. The historical record shows that this was a lesson already learned. Why then the need to relearn it? It is suggested here that organizational forgetfulness may be triggered by the same factors which promote learning: perceived problems with organizational performance, opportunities to act, and people.; (AN 42987458)
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4. Why strategic intelligence analysis has limited influence on American foreign policy by Marrin, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p725-742, 18p; Abstract: AbstractWhy does strategic intelligence analysis have limited influence on American foreign policy? Intelligence analysis is frequently disregarded, this paper contends, because it is a duplicated step in the decision-making process and supplements but does not supplant policy assessment. Many intelligence analyses will confirm policy assessments and be redundant or – if the assessments are different – policy-makers will choose their own interpretations over those of intelligence analysts. The findings of this paper provide scholars with important insights into the limits of intelligence analysis in the foreign policy process as well as recommendations for increasing its positive impact on policy.; (AN 42987457)
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5. ‘My object is to be of service to you’: Carl Ackerman and the Wilson administration during World War I by McCune, Meghan Menard; Hamilton, John Maxwell. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p743-757, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe press was outraged in the 1970s when investigations exposed the CIA’s use of American journalists as undercover informants during the Cold War. This was treated as a shocking break in the traditional line between journalism and government. A study of journalist Carl W. Ackerman’s activities in the Great War, however, reveals such cooperation had precedents. While reporting oversees, Ackerman, later dean of Columbia Journalism School, worked behind the scenes with officials to shape and promote the Wilson administration’s foreign policy. This paper is a first step to understanding that pervasive, close relationships between journalists and government were well established at the beginning of the twentieth century.; (AN 42987459)
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6. The Cyber Pearl Harbor by Wirtz, James J.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p758-767, 10p; Abstract: AbstractThe article describes the incentives that would motivate an opponent to incorporate a surprise cyber attack into a conventional operation to defeat US deterrent strategies by presenting the United States with a fait accompli. In describing this ‘Cyber Pearl Harbor’, the article explores the organizational and intelligence constraints that make it difficult to respond to the prospect of a combined cyber surprise attack and conventional operation. The article suggests that a cyber surprise attack will not occur in a political or strategic vacuum. Instead, weak opponents will use it to achieve objectives that could not be attained if US and allied forces were fully alerted.; (AN 42987463)
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7. How much detail do we need to see? High and very high resolution photography, GAMBIT, and the Manned Orbiting Laboratory by David, James Edward. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p768-781, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the requirements for high and very high resolution photography of the USSR and other denied areas during the Cold War. It discusses the partial success of GAMBIT-1 and the much greater success of GAMBIT-3 beginning in 1966 in acquiring the former. The article reviews the development of the Manned Orbiting Laboratory (MOL) in the same period to collect very high resolution photography, the rationale for it, and the major technical and financial problems the program soon experienced. It then describes the debate beginning in 1968 over the value of this imagery considering the MOL’s costs and the growing success of GAMBIT-3, and these and the other factors that led President Richard Nixon to cancel the program the following year.; (AN 42987464)
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8. ‘It takes a Russian to beat a Russian’: the National Union of Labor Solidarists, nationalism, and human intelligence operations in the Cold War by Albanese, David C. S.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p782-796, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reconstructs the CIA’s exploitation of the Natsional’no Trudovoi Soyuz,a right-wing Russian nationalist organization, as a part of ‘rollback’ and ‘stay-behind’ covert operations against the Soviet Union during the 1950s. Operations such as these relied on the notion that far-right nationalism presented a potent counter to international communism. The article explores postwar ties between American intelligence and the NTS in a shared effort to ‘roll back’ the borders of communism. It likewise discusses the ability of Soviet counterintelligence to intercept, penetrate, and sabotage nationalist networks and their operations backed by Western governments.; (AN 42987462)
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9. MI5 and the Cold War in South-East Asia: examining the performance of Security Intelligence Far East (SIFE), 1946–1963 by Shaw, Alexander Nicholas. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p797-816, 20p; Abstract: AbstractFrom 1946–1963, MI5 operated a South-East Asian regional headquarters in Singapore: Security Intelligence Far East (SIFE). This article responds to growing interest in theatre-level intelligence organisation and the importance of intelligence to Britain’s Cold War and decolonisation by examining the performance of SIFE. On the organisational level, SIFE was strongest when it remained wedded to its charter functions and closely adhered to the priorities of its principal consumer: the Commissioner-General for South-East Asia. Its assessments were influential in shaping decision-makers’ understandings of key regional developments, although this did not always translate into public policy. Lastly, SIFE enjoyed success in developing lasting liaison relationships to cement British influence, but failed to utilise these to improve its intake of raw intelligence.; (AN 42987461)
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10. Information Technology (IT) woes and intelligence agency failures: the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s troubled IT evolution as a microcosm of a dysfunctional corporate culture by Tromblay, Darren E.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p817-832, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe Federal Bureau of Investigation has experienced a number of high-profile failures – across nearly four decades – in developing its Information Technology (IT) infrastructure. Repeated missteps are indications of problems with the Bureau’s broader culture that degrade its effectiveness across missions. A significant factor contributing to this dysfunctional culture is the diversification of the FBI’s responsibilities, to the point of losing a corporate identity. Reform will require an assessment of the Bureau’s purpose, the elements which it should retain in furtherance of this vision, and the steps to align its workforce with the competencies necessary to pursue this mission.; (AN 42987467)
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11. Room 40 and German intrigues in Morocco: re-assessing the operational impact of diplomatic cryptanalysis during World War I by Richards, Harry. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p833-848, 16p; Abstract: AbstractDuring World War I, Germany sought to provoke numerous insurrections throughout the British and French Empires. Examining the influence of signals intelligence within one of these colonial settings provides an opportunity to measure the operational importance of wartime cryptanalysis. Through a careful analysis of the original intercepts, this article reconstructs the responses of Room 40, the Admiralty’s cryptology department, to Germany’s Moroccan intrigues and highlights the development of intelligence practices. It argues that strategies to deploy diplomatic intelligence emerged gradually, but that Germany’s enduring support for Moroccan dissidents suggests diplomatic cryptanalysis only secured modest results within an operational context.; (AN 42987466)
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12. Collection ‘management by crisis’: strategic targeting and interrogation at Guantanamo Bay by Pearlman, Adam R.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p849-866, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines human intelligence collection in wartime, and offers a methodology to help determine the relative success or failure of the detainee interrogation mission at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba (GTMO). It surveys the relevant background on GTMO, a brief history on interrogations during World War II and Vietnam, and draws comparisons among them to be considered in potential future mass-interrogation missions. Drawing from documentary research and two dozen original interviews, it argues that, to the extent an intelligence mission was one of the purposes of transferring detainees to GTMO, the relevant metric of success is whether collectors were able to obtain more or ‘better’ intelligence from the detainees than they would have been able to in-theater. At the strategic level, then, GTMO’s value to intelligence collectors is to be assessed at the margins, rather than the absolute value of the information educed.; (AN 42987465)
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13. The protest years: the official history of ASIO: 1963–1975: volume II by Waters, Christopher. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p867-868, 2p; (AN 42987468)
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14. No place to hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. surveillance state by Chen, Kai. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p868-871, 4p; (AN 42987471)
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15. Objective Troy: a terrorist, a president, and the rise of the drone by Johnson, Loch K.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p871-873, 3p; (AN 42987469)
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16. Does terrorism work? A history by Bennett-Jones, Owen. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p873-875, 3p; (AN 42987472)
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17. Intercept: the secret history of computers and spies by King, Ross D.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p875-878, 4p; (AN 42987470)
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18. The spy who couldn’t spell: a dyslexic traitor, an unbreakable code, and the FBI’s hunt for America’s stolen secrets by Richelson, Jeffrey T.. Intelligence & National Security, September 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 6 p878-879, 2p; (AN 42987473)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 93, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Contentious borders in the Middle East and North Africa: context and concepts by Del Sarto, Raffaella A.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p767-787, 21p; Abstract: The recent upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have exerted pressure on the regional state system and its borders. Exploring the altered nature and function of borders in a comprehensive and theory-informed manner, together with their domestic, regional and international implications, is long overdue. As a starting point to this endeavour, this article provides the historical context to the problem of contested borders in the MENA region since the formation of the modern state system in the region until today. While problematizing a number of key concepts, the article proposes to analyse the currently contentious nature of many MENA borders by considering the often deeply conflicting configuration of state authority, legitimacy and territoriality over time; the Arab uprisings mark the most recent of a series of critical junctures. Developments at the international, regional and domestic levels are considered while attention is paid to their intersection. The article concludes by raising the question of whether prevailing conceptualisations of the state and its borders are adequate for a real understanding of past and present developments in the region, suggesting that alternative or additional approaches may be helpful.; (AN 42850302)
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2.

States and sovereignty in the Middle East: myths and realities by Fawcett, Louise. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p789-807, 19p; Abstract: To many observers the Middle East state system since the Arab uprisings stands at a critical juncture, displaying contradictory patterns of fragility and durability. The uprisings, which started late in 2010, were revolutionary in their initial impact, but beyond Tunisia, it is the counter-revolutionary movement which has proved more durable. However, the region has witnessed regime changes alongside intense levels of popular mobilization, violence and transnational activism. The results have been highly destabilizing, resulting in challenges, not only to regimes, but to the very sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. This, in turn, has contributed to a shifting regional power balance and repeated episodes of external intervention. Some commentators have argued that the whole regional system, always fragile and contested, is finally undergoing radical transformation; others point to its resilience. This article evaluates the latest wave of instability and its consequences for Middle Eastern states, their sovereignty and regional order, introducing themes and discussions taken up in other articles in this special issue. It argues that despite recent upheavals (and multiple predictions to the contrary), the Middle East system of states and borders will likely remain intact—at least in the medium term. This does not mean that states are necessarily ‘strong’ in a Weberian sense or that sovereignty at different levels is uncontested, but that continuity—state survival and border preservation—is likely to prevail over major change.; (AN 42850305)
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3.

The changing borders and borderlands of Syria in a time of conflict by Vignal, Leïla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p809-827, 19p; Abstract: This article aims at a better understanding of the changing nature of borders in warring Syria. Contrary to much media commentary, the Syrian uprising and the subsequent conflict have not been about territorial claims. In 2011, the borders of Syria were de facto pacified and, with the important exception of the border with Israel, were accepted as the legitimate boundaries of the Syrian state. This, however, does not contradict the fact that the unfolding of the Syrian uprising has had deep transformative effects on the borders of the country. Their nature, functions and management have significantly evolved since the uprising first broke out. In 2017, these borders no longer delineate a coherent territory under the control of a unique and somehow cohesive actor: the state. The ongoing territorial and political fragmentation of the country into territories controlled by different armed parties has given rise to multiple forms of control over the Syrian border that reflect the outcome of the armed confrontation. This article analyses the transformations of the borders from the outer boundaries of a state that exercises its sovereignty over its territory and delivers state functions and public goods to its citizens to a spatial envelope in which competing internal legitimacies operate. It also explores the new dynamics of the borders in relation with Syria's neighbours and the international order.; (AN 42850310)
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4.

Turkey's post-2011 approach to its Syrian border and its implications for domestic politics by Okyay, Asli S.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p829-846, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the implications of the post-2011 conflict in Syria for the relationship between Turkey's shifting border politics and its domestic politics, focusing on the period until mid-2015. The analysis demonstrates that two factors explain the shifts in Turkey's border management modalities in this period. These factors were: first, Turkey's aspiration to enhance its regional influence through a power reconfiguration in post-conflict Syria, in which the Assad regime would be replaced by a predominantly Islamist power elite; second, its concern about its territorial integrity and centralized nation-state model, which it tried to safeguard by impeding the emergence of a Kurdish state, or governance structure with increased autonomous powers and expanded territorial control. Power reconfigurations over the course of the conflict and newly arising threats emanating from the neighbouring civil war also had significant implications for Turkey's border management patterns. Embedded within a highly interconnected region that has also been increasingly structured in ethno-sectarian terms, instrumentally shifting border politics gave rise to a high degree of contestation in the domestic sphere, and contributed to the reinforcement of ethnic and sectarian identity boundaries permeating society and politics in Turkey. The case of Turkey is significant in understanding the overall impact of the post-2011 political transition processes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) on border politics, on the degree of interdependence between domestic and international politics, on the links between state borders and identity boundaries, and on state-society relations.; (AN 42850309)
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5.

Contesting borders? The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan's de facto state by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p847-863, 17p; Abstract: The Kurds are the largest territorially concentrated ethnic group in the world without its own nation state. However, the Iraqi Kurdish population has been striving to establish its own political order for more than two decades and, in northern Iraq, a markedly developed de facto state has emerged. Iraqi Kurdistan has established a considerable degree of autonomy and domestic sovereignty, which is particularly impressive considering the current state of its parent state Iraq. This success is puzzling, when considered alongside the most prominent theory of state formation, which argues that it is war that makes states. War does not explain the Kurdish state-making process. Rather, it has been a major setback for the Iraqi Kurds after 1991. This suggests an alternative theory of state formation, which argues that social coalitions of key elites can account for successful state-building. This article argues that the social coalition of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which sustained state-building in northern Iraq, emerged and stabilized because of external incentives. Demonstrating unity in front of the international community, and particularly in front of Iraqi Kurdistan's main sponsors, the US and Turkey, has resulted in large flows of revenue for the two parties. The case of Iraqi Kurdistan, therefore, allows for conclusions both on the potential and on the limitations of externally-promoted state-building coalitions. These insights are also relevant for debates on international state-building.; (AN 42850311)
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6.

Border management in an era of ‘statebuilding lite’: security assistance and Lebanon's hybrid sovereignty by Tholens, Simone. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p865-882, 18p; Abstract: International border management strategies have become the favoured practice to counter global threats, notably terrorism, migration flows and ‘weak states’. This article shows how border security assistance is translated and has political consequences in contexts where sovereignty is contested. It first offers a new conceptualization of contemporary security assistance as a form of ‘statebuilding lite’. These practices are void of comprehensive strategies for broader security governance, and are decentralized, pragmatic and ad hoc. The modus operandi is one whereby each donor develops its own niche, and directly supports specific agencies in the target state. Secondly, the article demonstrates how these tendencies play out in the one of the most important contemporary cases. Assistance to Lebanon since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war is particularly revealing, since Lebanon has received large numbers of Syrian refugees crossing its borders; witnessed rekindling of sectarian violence; and harbours Hezbollah, whose military operations in support of the Assad regime in Damascus draws Lebanon directly into the Syrian conflict. The ensuing situation, where vast amounts of security assistance reach Lebanon's many security agencies in complex ways, can best be described as a security assistance ‘bonanza’. In a micro-study of how the Lebanese Army, police, intelligence and customs agencies have engaged with an EU border management project, the article analyses how discourses of ‘integration’ have encountered the hybrid Lebanese context. It asserts that in the absence of a domestic political strategy, the state reverts back to basic modes of security-driven governance, aided by the readily available security assistance by actors with primarily strategic priorities. Drawing on the case of Lebanon allows us to fundamentally re-think how contemporary security assistance is practiced, and permits conceptualizations of global–local security linkages in a post-national world.; (AN 42850331)
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7.

Approaching borders and frontiers in North Africa by Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p883-896, 14p; Abstract: Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.; (AN 42850325)
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8.

The practice and culture of smuggling in the borderland of Egypt and Libya by Hüsken, Thomas. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p897-915, 19p; Abstract: This article looks at smuggling among the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin in the borderland of Egypt and Libya. Smuggling is understood as a transgressive economic practice that is embedded in the wider social, political and cultural connectivity of the Awlad ‘Ali. This connectivity transgresses state borders, collides with conceptions of state sovereignty, territory and citizenship. In addition, it has a greater historical depth than the respective post-colonial states, and is in many respects more vital than these. During the regimes of Gaddafi and Mubarak the economic productivity and political stability in the borderland was based on the shared sovereignty between politicians and cross border traders of the Awlad ‘Ali and the Egyptian and Libyan state. During and after the Arab spring and particularly in the subsequent civil war in Libya local non state sovereignties that operate across borders have gained significant empowerment and relevance. The article argues that shared sovereignty between state and non-state formations, between centres and peripheries, and between the national and the local level, is a central feature of the real practice of African governance and borderland economies.; (AN 42850319)
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9.

Borders and sovereignty in Islamist and jihadist thought: past and present by Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p917-935, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how Islamists and jihadists have framed issues pertaining to sovereignty, borders, as well as political and religious identity, over the last century. At a time when the territorial delimitations of several Arab countries seem more fickle than ever, it is necessary to address how Islamists and jihadists view the historical and contemporary aspects of borders and sovereignty. The Islamists, on the one hand—whose aim is creating a caliphate—have had to deal with unexpected realities, turning inevitably to some extent of reform of their original revolutionary ambition. The jihadists, on the other hand, while remaining committed to an armed struggle to unify Muslims worldwide, do not advocate for any action other than global insurrection. By focusing on the writings and discourses of major Islamist and jihadist leaders, it thus appears that the study of borders and sovereignty is indispensable to understanding the similarities and differences between the two ideologies. In addition, the study of borders and sovereignty allows for predicting developments in the region that largely pertain to the desire to achieve (jihadists) or amend (modern Islamists) the original revisionist design. It appears that borders, territory and sovereignty prove to be significant constraints for both Islamists and jihadists. Evidently, both Islamists and jihadists have reacted in diverging ways to the political and cultural realities that stand against their founding ideology—with certain Islamist movements having thus nationalized their doctrine, while jihadists still remain eager to achieve their original ambition.; (AN 42850297)
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10.

States, boundaries and sovereignty in the Middle East: unsteady but unchanging by Zartman, I. William. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p937-948, 12p; Abstract: States in the Middle East are real states, not yet Weberian and Westphalian, hard rather than strong states in most cases, with few cases of collapse after the Arab Spring. This article develops this idea, by discussing how their aspiring sovereignty over territory with established, if permeable, boundaries is likely to pursue its efforts at consolidation; only the Kurds and the Palestinians militate for a new sovereign entity of their own, with little success after decades of efforts and sympathy. Boundaries are remarkably stable, even often demarcated; challenges arise withinthe states for control, rather than between states, and at most decentralization in a few states may bring greater self-rule to ethnic groups. The challenge of regional order is not the creation of new boundaries, but the division of the region into a Shi'a Fatal Crescent against a Sunni north and south, both riven by state identity.; (AN 42850285)
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11.

The Mediterranean and its migrants: porous policy for a porous border by Spencer, Claire. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p949-956, 8p; Abstract: The Mediterranean Sea has traditionally been seen as a transit route rather than a border zone, yet the upsurge in migration from the Mediterranean's southern shores into Europe in recent years has given rise to a new array of policing, monitoring and humanitarian missions in and around the Mediterranean Basin. Stretching far into Europe's and Africa's hinterlands,  an ‘industry’ of smugglers, traffickers and border guards has grown up around circumventing or protecting the barriers and border regimes that now exist on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea. This article reviews recent works charting the diverse and far-reaching phenomenon of migration over the past decade, and the implications of the Mediterranean's ‘borderlands’ for a European policy on migration that is still seeking coherence.; (AN 42850301)
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12.

The paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey: Islam, illiberal democracy and republicanism by Göl, Ayla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p957-966, 10p; Abstract: When the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi—AKP) first came to power in 2002, Turkey was described as a shining example of ‘the only Muslim democracy’ in the Middle East. The AKP has remained in power since then. While some hailed it as the so-called ‘Turkish model’, many have been rather sceptical about an ideological ‘hidden agenda’ of the AKP leadership to Islamize Turkish politics. Nevertheless, a stable Turkey under the pro-Islamic AKP rule was perceived as essential to improving relations between the West and the Muslim world. Within the last two decades, under Erdoğan's leadership it has become clear that a western model of ‘liberal democracy’ will probably not be the final destination of Turkey's path, but just one of many possible exits. What went wrong under the AKP governance, causing a promising ‘Turkish model’ to turn into authoritarian rule with the rise of illiberal democracy? While the three books under review have different emphases and address different questions, all of them offer timely insights into understanding this pressing question in both Turkish and Middle Eastern politics. They all seem to broadly agree that Turkey under AKP rule has undergone a metamorphosis in three stages: the ‘economic miracle’, combined with pseudo-democratization (2002–7); the phase of ‘regime change’ (2007–11) and, finally, the rise of authoritarianism and Islamo-nationalism (2011–15). Based on these insights, it is possible to argue that this metamorphosis has led to the paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey, which I will attempt to highlight and explore in this review article. I identify three paradoxes: the persistency of Islam, combined with nationalism (Islamo-nationalism), in state-society relations; the impacts of Turkey–EU relations and reforms on the democratization process; and the future of republicanism in Turkey. I conclude by arguing that the rise of Erdoğan's authoritarianism combined with illiberal democracy at home will have serious implications for Turkish foreign policy.; (AN 42850294)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850294&site=ehost-live

13.

The globalization of international society by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p967-968, 2p; (AN 42850290)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850290&site=ehost-live

14.

Foucault and the modern international: silences and legacies for the study of world politics by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p968-969, 2p; (AN 42850328)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850328&site=ehost-live

15.

How statesmen think: the psychology of international politics by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p969-970, 2p; (AN 42850318)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850318&site=ehost-live

16.

Decolonization: a short history by Murray, Christopher. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p970-972, 3p; (AN 42850292)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850292&site=ehost-live

17.

The Armenians in modern Turkey: post-genocide society, politics and history by Cheterian, Vicken. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p972-973, 2p; (AN 42850306)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850306&site=ehost-live

18.

Naked diplomacy: power and statecraft in the digital age and The future of #diplomacy* by Spence, Jack. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p973-975, 3p; (AN 42850330)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850330&site=ehost-live

19.

Crisis and institutional change in regional integration by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p975-976, 2p; (AN 42850293)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850293&site=ehost-live

20.

Deliberation across deeply divided societies: transformative moments by Kaplanova, Patricia. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p976-977, 2p; (AN 42850313)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850313&site=ehost-live

21.

Intelligence security in the European Union: building a strategic intelligence community by Plater-Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p977-978, 2p; (AN 42850296)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850296&site=ehost-live

22.

Quality peace: peacebuilding, victory, and world order by Jester, Natalie. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p978-979, 2p; (AN 42850298)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850298&site=ehost-live

23.

Gaining currency: the rise of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p979-981, 3p; (AN 42850308)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850308&site=ehost-live

24.

The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy by Prontera, Andrea. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p981-982, 2p; (AN 42850323)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850323&site=ehost-live

25.

Burn out: the endgame for fossil fuels* by Aczel, Miriam R.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p982-983, 2p; (AN 42850314)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850314&site=ehost-live

26.

Oil booms and business busts: why resource wealth hurts entrepreneurs in the developing world by Wanvik, Tarje I.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p984-985, 2p; (AN 42850304)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850304&site=ehost-live

27.

The great derangement: climate change and the unthinkable by Kedia, Shailly. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p985-986, 2p; (AN 42850307)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850307&site=ehost-live

28.

The politics of crisis in Europe* by Toje, Asle. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p986-988, 3p; (AN 42850289)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850289&site=ehost-live

29.

A history of the Iraq crisis: France, the United States, and Iraq, 1991–2003 by Hardy, Roger. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p988-989, 2p; (AN 42850315)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850315&site=ehost-live

30.

Iran's nuclear program and international law: from confrontation to accord* by Bentley, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p989-990, 2p; (AN 42850316)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850316&site=ehost-live

31.

Islamic politics, Muslim states, and counterterrorism tensions by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p991-992, 2p; (AN 42850312)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850312&site=ehost-live

32.

Ivory: power and poaching in Africa by Lawson, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p992-994, 3p; (AN 42850317)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850317&site=ehost-live

33.

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram by Wilén, Nina. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p994-995, 2p; (AN 42850286)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850286&site=ehost-live

34.

Islam and democracy in Indonesia: tolerance without liberalism by Brown, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p995-996, 2p; (AN 42850303)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850303&site=ehost-live

35.

Pakistan: courting the abyss by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p997-998, 2p; (AN 42850299)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850299&site=ehost-live

36.

Choices: inside the making of India's foreign policy by Kumar, Pavan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p998-999, 2p; (AN 42850291)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850291&site=ehost-live

37.

Hong Kong in the shadow of China: living with the leviathan* by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p999-1000, 2p; (AN 42850287)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850287&site=ehost-live

38.

Contributors International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42850327)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850327&site=ehost-live

39.

Abstracts International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 pvii-xiii, 7p; (AN 42850329)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850329&site=ehost-live

40.

Cambodia votes: democracy, authority and international support for elections 1993–2013 by Copeland, Matthew P.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1000-1002, 3p; (AN 42850321)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850321&site=ehost-live

41.

The president's book of secrets: the untold story of intelligence briefings to America's presidents from Kennedy to Obama* by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1002-1003, 2p; (AN 42850320)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850320&site=ehost-live

42.

Enemies known and unknown: targeted killings in America's transnational wars by Archambault, Emil. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1003-1004, 2p; (AN 42850288)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850288&site=ehost-live

43.

The Marshall Plan and the shaping of American strategy by Farese, Giovanni. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1004-1006, 3p; (AN 42850295)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850295&site=ehost-live

44.

Afterimages: photography and U.S. foreign policy by Ryan, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1006-1007, 2p; (AN 42850322)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850322&site=ehost-live

45.

Euforia e fracasso do Brasil Grande: política externa e multinacionais brasileiras da era Lula [Euphoria and failure of Grand Brazil: foreign policy and Brazilian multinationals in the Lula era] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1007-1009, 3p; (AN 42850324)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850324&site=ehost-live

46.

The Salvador option: the United States in El Salvador, 1977–1992 by Chrimes, Philip. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1009-1010, 2p; (AN 42850300)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850300&site=ehost-live

47.

Books reviewed July 2017 International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1011-1011, 1p; (AN 42850326)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850326&site=ehost-live

 

10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 30, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Intelligence Services and Special Operations Forces: Why Relationships Differ by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p647-686, 40p; (AN 43120996)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43120996&site=ehost-live

2.

Intelligence Oversight and the Security of the State by Wegge, Njord. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p687-700, 14p; (AN 43120995)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43120995&site=ehost-live

3.

Bosses and Gatekeepers: A Network Analysis of South America’s Intelligence Systems by Cepik, Marco. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p701-722, 22p; (AN 43120998)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43120998&site=ehost-live

4.

Combatting Terrorism Through Fusion Centers: Useful Lessons From Other Experiences? by de Castro Garcia, Andres; Matei, Florina Cristiana; Bruneau, Thomas C.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p723-742, 20p; (AN 43120997)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43120997&site=ehost-live

5.

Communicating Cyber Intelligence to Non-Technical Customers by Nussbaum, Brian H.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p743-764, 22p; (AN 43120999)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43120999&site=ehost-live

6.

“A Three-Story Building”: A Critical Analysis of Israeli Early Warning Discourse by Hershkovitz, Shay. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p765-784, 20p; (AN 43121000)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121000&site=ehost-live

7.

Putting a Little More “Time” into Strategic Intelligence Analysis by Landon-Murray, Michael. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p785-809, 25p; (AN 43121001)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121001&site=ehost-live

8.

The Basis of Putin’s Eurasianism by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p810-817, 8p; (AN 43121002)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121002&site=ehost-live

9.

Prime Ministerial Secrets by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p818-827, 10p; (AN 43121005)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121005&site=ehost-live

10.

The Past is Prologue by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p827-830, 4p; (AN 43121003)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121003&site=ehost-live

11.

The Real Atomic Bomb Spies by Graves, Melissa. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p830-832, 3p; (AN 43121004)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121004&site=ehost-live

12.

The Taliban’s Online Emirate by Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p833-837, 5p; (AN 43121006)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121006&site=ehost-live

13.

Reasserting the Need for Expertise by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p838-843, 6p; (AN 43121010)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121010&site=ehost-live

14.

Nasser’s Gift to Israel by Goldman, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p843-845, 3p; (AN 43121007)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121007&site=ehost-live

15.

The Ultimate Intelligence Pathology by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p846-851, 6p; (AN 43121009)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121009&site=ehost-live

16.

Index for Volume 30 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 4 p852-859, 8p; (AN 43121008)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43121008&site=ehost-live

 

11

International Negotiation
Volume 22, no. 3, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: Mediation and Negotiation in the Global South by Garcia, Denise. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p377-379, 3p; Abstract: The practice of international mediation is widely recognized as essential for international peace and security, and its advantages have been extensively acknowledged. It is also an integral component of international negotiation and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Nevertheless, most of the governmental and non-governmental actors involved in international mediation processes come from predominantly Northern countries. Very few states and civil society institutions from the Global South are engaged in international mediation initiatives or have invested in improving their national mediation capacities. Looking into the future, the involvement of the South in these efforts is needed more than ever. World leaders, from the North and the Global South need to revitalize principled commitments and allow great negotiators to come to the fore to reverse deadlocked and perilous situations in the search for peace and prosperity.; (AN 43455188)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43455188&site=ehost-live

2.

Explaining Global Norms: The Case of Negotiations on Restraining Conventional Arms by Garcia, Denise. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p380-401, 22p; Abstract: International norms are central to world politics and they set boundaries for what is deemed commonly accepted behavior. The literature has not effectively explained the rise of new norms through negotiation and how actors from the Global South have played active roles, especially in the complex areas of developing security norms. This article argues that norm-making is not a unidirectional movement or phenomenon, but rather a highly circuitous process. The circuitous norm building model accounts for an increasing connectedness among domestic and regional/international levels in norm building in Global South and North countries.; (AN 43455191)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43455191&site=ehost-live

3.

International Mediation in Africa: Experiences and Challenges by Gounden, Vasu. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p402-430, 29p; Abstract: Although informal and traditionally driven practices of mediation have existed for many generations, institutionalized and African-driven mediation became more important following the end of the Cold War. Mediation initiatives undertaken over the past 25 years, partly as a consequence of the increase in intra-state conflicts on the continent, have resulted in the generation of a deep body of knowledge and the evolution of a community of practitioners. This article examines two of the first post-1990 African-driven mediation processes – the Arusha Peace Process for Burundi and the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (icd) for the Democratic Republic of the Congo (drc) – to highlight key lessons that emerged, including the choice of mediator, who to include in the mediation, the impact of regional and international dynamics on the mediation, the importance and challenges of addressing the root causes of the conflict in a mediation process, and the role of non-state actors and Track iidiplomacy.; (AN 43455190)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43455190&site=ehost-live

4.

Mediation as Politics: How Nations Leverage Peace Engagements? by Beriker, Nimet. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p431-450, 20p; Abstract: This study proposes a conceptual model that depicts middle power mediation as a foreign policy strategy in the context of asymmetric alliance dynamics. It expands on Touval’s (2003) mediation-as-foreign policy perspective and argues that once mediation is conceived of as a viable political option in the conduct of foreign policy, engaging in mediation activity enables middle powers to create an extra space of political power not otherwise available. The article introduces an analytical model that explains the dynamics of mediation-as-foreign policy approach and the mechanisms that translate mediation engagement into political leverage. The analysis focuses on aspects of Turkish mediation efforts between 2002 and 2009 in the context of Turkish-us/eurelations.; (AN 43455192)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43455192&site=ehost-live

5.

What Can South-South Development Cooperation Do for International Peace? Brazil’s Role in Haiti and Guinea-Bissau by Abdenur, Adriana Erthal. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p451-472, 22p; Abstract: Until it began waning due to economic crisis and political turmoil on the domestic front, in Brazil’s rapidly expanding South-South development, cooperation often has been promoted by government officials as contributing to stability and prosperity in partner states. It is unclear, however, how this development cooperation intersects with the country’s involvement in unpeace operations. This article examines the role of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation across two contexts. In Haiti, Brazil has led the military component of the minustah, whereas in Guinea-Bissau, it has helped to spearhead peacebuilding efforts by the international community. In both cases, Brazil has tried to substantiate its critique of the un’s securitization by providing technical cooperation across a variety of sectors. The analysis shows that this cooperation is too fragmented, subject to interruptions, and disconnected from un-led efforts to make a considerable contribution to a sustainable peace. However, better internal coordination and stronger ties to uninitiatives could boost the contribution of Brazil’s Brazilian South-South development cooperation to a lasting peace.; (AN 43455194)
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6.

The Increasing Power of the European Parliament: Negotiating the eu-India Free Trade Agreement by Frennhoff Larsén, Magdalena. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p473-498, 26p; Abstract: Since the Lisbon Treaty increased the legal role of the European Parliament (ep) in eutrade policy, there has been a debate about the extent to which these legal competencies have translated into actual influence over the content and outcome of eutrade negotiations. Using the trade negotiations between the euand India as a case study, this article argues that the impact of the ephas indeed been significant. Through two-level game analysis, which extends its domestic focus to include the epas a domestic constituent, it demonstrates how the ephas affected the euwin-set in ways that have both hindered and facilitated agreement at the international level between the euand India. It also shows how the ephas affected the negotiating dynamics and how the eunegotiators have had their preferences somewhat compromised by the epin their attempt at reaching an agreement with India.; (AN 43455193)
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7.

Just Say No: Explaining the Lack of International Mediation in Kashmir by Biswas, Bidisha. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p499-520, 22p; Abstract: The dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is one of the world’s most protracted and potentially dangerous conflicts. While the international community has strong interest in limiting violent conflagration between the two states, third party action aimed at amelioration has been very limited. This contrasts with overall global mediation efforts, which have increased in the post-Cold War period. Using archival research, this study explores the reasons for the Government of India’s implacable opposition to any external intervention in the conflict. We argue that both strategic and ideational motivations have influenced its decisions. In particular, India’s strict adherence to the principle of strategic autonomy precludes the possibility of accepting external mediation. By exploring how and why strategic and ideational motivations intersect to become a formidable barrier to third party intervention, this article contributes to our understanding of why certain countries develop resistance to mediation.; (AN 43455195)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43455195&site=ehost-live

8.

The Politics of Treaty Signature: The Role of Diplomats and Ties that Bind by Elsig, Manfred; Elsig, Manfred. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p521-543, 23p; Abstract: The literature on international cooperation through legal commitments focuses chiefly on treaty ratification. What has received much less attention is that before states ratify treaties, they commit to treaties through the act of signature. This article addresses this research gap by investigating how a state’s decision to sign a treaty is affected by its diplomatic representation during treaty negotiations. Conceptualizing signature as a commitment step, we argue that participation in treaty negotiations translates into a “ties-that-bind” effect creating incentives for diplomats to support the treaty text leading to treaty signature. Our empirical analysis uses a new data set on signature and tests the argument for 52 multilateral treaties concluded between 1990 and 2005. Results confirm that participation in treaty making matters for signature but not necessarily for ratification.; (AN 43455197)
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9.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p545-545, 1p; (AN 43455196)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41781838&site=ehost-live

3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 24, no. 4, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

Building Relationships Across the Boundaries: The Peacebuilding Role of Civil Society in the Korean Peninsula by Kim, Dong Jin. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p515-537, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe expectations for the role of civil society are growing due to an abysmal record of high-level political leadership in reaching an agreement and a sustainable peace process. How much impact can civil society have and what roles can it take in the peace process? This case study of South Korean civil society shows how the civil society was able to bridge the horizontal and vertical boundaries of the Korean conflict with the support of a global civil society, and created a hospitable public atmosphere for the peace process in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the space for the civil society to make a contribution in the Korean peace process required the interdependency of the roles of high-level and civil-society leadership in the interplay between the international and domestic political environments. The peacebuilding role of South Korean civil society demonstrates that the horizontal capacity of civil society alone cannot guarantee a breakthrough and sustainability in a peace process, but if it is coordinated with the vertical capacity, civil-society peacebuilding can be a useful platform for sustainable peacebuilding.; (AN 42874840)
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2.

Conflict, Peacekeeping, and Humanitarian Security: Understanding Violent Attacks Against Aid Workers by Hoelscher, Kristian; Miklian, Jason; Nygård, Håvard Mokleiv. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p538-565, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat factors explain attacks on humanitarian aid workers? Most research has tended to describe trends rather than analyse the underlying reasons behind attacks. To move this agenda forward, we present to our knowledge the first peer-reviewed cross-national time-series study that identifies factors related to violent attacks on humanitarian aid workers. Our theoretical framework explores two sets of potential explanatory factors: dynamics of conflicts; and the politicization and militarization of humanitarian operations. Using a global sample at the country level from 1997 to 2014, our results suggest that: (i) the presence and severity of armed conflicts are related to increased attacks on aid workers; (ii) aid workers do not appear to face greater risks even where civilians are targeted; (iii) the presence of an international military force does not appear to add to nor decrease risks to aid workers; and (iv) the effects of peacekeeping operations upon humanitarian security are varied. We discuss this in light of the ongoing challenges facing humanitarian organizations to provide security in fragile and conflict-affected areas.; (AN 42874841)
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3.

The ‘Politics of Protection’: Assessing the African Union’s Contributions to Reducing Violence Against Civilians by Conley, Bridget. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p566-589, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes the African Union (AU) have an anti-atrocities strategy, and if so, how would one recognize it and assess its impact? This paper proposes two manners of responding to these questions. In this first instance, we can analyse whether the AU has implemented an anti-atrocities agenda that resembles efforts elsewhere, notably at the United Nations. Another approach would be to examine what distinct strategies, strengths, and capacities that the AU brings to the work of reducing threats of mass violence against civilians. This second approach reveals how the AU has innovated a politics of protection. Assessing the AU as both implementer and innovator of protection suggests a more complex picture of the organization’s strengths and weaknesses than assessing either role alone, and reveals that overemphasizing the importation of an agenda developed elsewhere may ultimately undermine the organization’s core capacities.; (AN 42874842)
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4.

Partnering to Make Peace: The Effectiveness of Joint African and Non-African Mediation Efforts by Duursma, Allard. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p590-615, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article systematically examines the varying effectiveness of African and non-African third parties in mediating civil wars in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, supplemented with unique data on mediation efforts, which together cover all mediation efforts in civil wars in Africa between 1960 and 2012, this article presents quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Most effective, however, are mixed mediation efforts in which there is coordination between African and non-African third parties, but in which African third parties take the lead. The phrase, ‘African solutions to African challenges’ should thus be understood as a division of labour and responsibilities, rather than an excuse for non-African third parties to ignore Africa’s problems or African third parties acting on their own. Indeed, whilst African third parties should take the lead in mediation processes in African civil wars, non-African third parties should support these processes by lending additional strength. Through supplementing each other’s comparative advantages, African and non-African third parties can more effectively resolve civil wars in Africa.; (AN 42874843)
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5.

Towards a common doctrine for African Standby Force-led peace operations by Fitz-Gerald, Ann. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p616-638, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article considers the military doctrine currently available to the African Standby Force (ASF) for peace operations (PO) on the African continent. In the absence of an updated and relevant doctrine for PO, risks are posed to the harmonization and coordination of multinational missions, as well as to the successful achievement of mission objectives. Despite laudable efforts by both the United Nations (UN) and bilateral donor nations to support the preparatory and continuation training of ASF troops, differences in the national and multinational experiences of this work and the differences in the legal basis of this doctrine do not provide an optimal ‘stop gap’ measure. The pressing new requirement for African peace missions to deter terrorist and insurgent anti-peace factions exposes the limitations of UN doctrine, which preserves traditional peacekeeping principles of consent, impartiality and minimum use of force. UN peace enforcement mandates, and guidance derived from NATO’s non-African experiences do not provide adequate guidance for ASF troops preparing to enter these operating environments. A cursory study of the impact of the absence of common doctrine supporting the multinational African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) indicates that different doctrinal approaches impact negatively on AMISOM’s ability to achieve its objectives.; (AN 42874845)
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6.

Defending Constitutional Rule as a Peacemaking Enterprise: The Case of the AU’s Ban of Unconstitutional Changes of Government by Dersso, Solomon Ayele. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p639-660, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe African Union (AU) norm relating to unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) distinguishes the African peace and security order from other regional and global peace and security orders. This norm assigns the regional organization an intrusive role unparalleled by other international organizations as far as the constitutional and democratic order of member states is concerned. The norm bans UCG and also provides for enforcement measures that received regional constitutional status in the founding treaty establishing the AU. Despite its emergence accompanying the democratization process that countries on the continent ventured into in the 1990s, seen in the light of Africa’s unhappy experience with illegal change or seizure of government, this norm cannot be dissociated from the continent’s concern about peace and security. Indeed, the norm’s defence of constitutional and democratic rule from unconstitutional changes has evolved and been utilized to operate as a means of promoting or securing stability and peace. Simultaneously, while the relatively consistent practice of enforcement of the norm that the AU developed over the years has served the objective of maintaining peace and security in Africa by playing key role in the decline of incidents of UCG, various challenges relating to its efficacy have been observed.; (AN 42874844)
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7.

The Norms and Structures for African Peace Efforts: The African Peace and Security Architecture by Berhe, Mulugeta Gebrehiwot. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p661-685, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is a set of norms and structures developed and designed to enable Africa with its peace and security affairs. It is an important instrument that enabled Africa gain significant success in its efforts to promote stability in Africa. The APSA was designed in the early 2000s and Africa needs to fully implement its norms and fully utilize its instruments. There is also a need to address gaps and redundancies so that it fits to the current context of new internal and global challenges.; (AN 42874846)
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8.

Managing Security in the Face of Possible Mass Atrocity Crimes: Can It Be Done? by Mellado Dominguez, Alvaro. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p686-691, 6p; (AN 42874848)
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9.

The Changing Character of International Interventions in the Early Twenty-First Century by Chen, Kai. International Peacekeeping, August 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p691-694, 4p; (AN 42874847)
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10.

The known knowns and known unknowns of peacekeeping data by Clayton, G.; Kathman, J.; Beardsley, K.; Gizelis, T.-I; Olsson, L.; Bove, V.; Ruggeri, A.; Zwetsloot, R.; van der Lijn, J.; Smit, T.; Hultman, L.; Dorussen, H.; Ruggeri, A.; Diehl, P.F.; Bosco, L.; Goodness, C.. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-62, 62p; (AN 40915662)
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11.

Muddling on through? Cosmopolitan peacekeeping and the protection of civilians by Curran, David. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p63-85, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses direct forms of the ‘protection of civilians’ (PoC) in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, and how this links to aspirations outlined by cosmopolitan scholarship at the turn of the twentieth century. Its main contention is that cosmopolitan conceptions of peacekeeping, which advocate more active forms of civilian protection, have faced significant challenges in the UN peacekeeping system. These challenges (internal and external) are a result of the state-based nature of the UN, and its peacekeeping practice. Therefore, the UN’s flexibility to adopt ethical practices associated with PoC can only be contained within confined boundaries. The article takes as its starting point the aspirations of cosmopolitan scholarship before outlining policy development in UN peacekeeping concerning PoC. It then explores internal and external challenges faced in operationalizing PoC in UN peacekeeping practice before arguing that the UN may be at a stage where it is ‘muddling through’ in terms of PoC. The article contributes to debates about the role of peacekeeping in global politics, through seeking to understand the possible limits of cosmopolitanism within peacekeeping practice. Moreover, it offers a contemporary understanding of where the UN has developed PoC in its deployments and what challenges remain.; (AN 40915663)
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12.

Cui prodest? Italy’s questionable involvement in multilateral military operations amid ethical concerns and national interest by Carati, Andrea; Locatelli, Andrea. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p86-107, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, Italy has taken part in several multilateral military operations. Many, if not all of them, have implied significant political and human costs for the country. Indeed, the very same contribution to multinational missions in terms of troops deployed bears witness of the importance the country attaches to multilateral missions. In particular, Italy displayed considerable commitment to R2P-inspired interventions. The aim of the paper is then to investigate on the deep causes that drive such an apparently value-oriented foreign policy course. In doing so, it firstly analyses the Italian contribution to multilateral missions. Secondly, the paper discusses which factors can explain such behaviour: international norms, economic and/or security interests, and followership. The paper presents a preliminary test of the drivers of the Italian engagement in multilateral military operations. In this view, it investigates empirically the public debate on Italian participation to relevant R2P-like operations like Kosovo and Libya.; (AN 40915664)
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13.

All necessary means to what ends? the unintended consequences of the ‘robust turn’ in UN peace operations by Hunt, Charles T.. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p108-131, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA ‘robust turn’ in UN peace operations has ushered in a new generation of missions that are epitomized by increased authorization and willingness to use force towards the protection of vulnerable civilians and the implementation of stabilization strategies. This forceful transformation has important implications for not only particular components of the peace support effort but the overall endeavour. However, the potential unintended consequences remain underexplored and require further attention. This article examines the impacts of this so-called ‘robust turn’ in UN peace operations. The first section maps trends in modern peace operations that comprise the ‘robust turn’. It proceeds to explore a range of repercussions precipitated by these trends with particular focus on unintended consequences. The article concludes by identifying the associated implications for specific missions as well as the peacekeeping endeavour as a whole. It argues that the unintended consequences of the robust turn present significant principled and practical challenges for mission architects and managers, as well as their political masters, in achieving unity of effort in UN peace operations. It further argues that this could have ramifications for the future reputation, substance and viability of UN peacekeeping.; (AN 40915665)
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14.

The gender mainstreaming gap: Security Council resolution 1325 and UN peacekeeping mandates by Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p132-158, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn response to women’s frequent marginalization in conflict settings, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2000. It called for including a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations and for enhancing women’s participation in all aspects of post-conflict reconstruction. This article contributes to the empirical literature on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, examining the extent of gender mainstreaming in UN peacekeeping mandates. Situated in a theoretical framework of gradual norm cascades, it hypothesizes that UNSCR 1325 has increased gender content in mandates, but selectively so. Statistical analyses of an original dataset covering all 71 UN peacekeeping operations from 1948 until 2014 reveal that gender-mainstreamed mandates are more likely in conflicts with high levels of sexual violence. In designing gendered peacekeeping mandates, actors thus appear to be responsive to cues about the salience of a very visible, albeit narrow, gender issue emanating from the respective conflict rather than being guided by the universalist norms of women’s participation entrenched in UNSCR 1325.; (AN 40915666)
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15.

Local perceptions of the legitimacy of peace operations by the UN, regional organizations and individual states – a case study of the Mali conflict by Sabrow, Sophia. International Peacekeeping, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p159-186, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper addresses two issues that have only been marginally discussed in the literature about peace operations: First, it investigates the legitimacy of peace operations from the perspective of populations of states that receive them. Secondly, it assesses how host populations perceive different types of peace interventions; by the UN, by a regional organization and by an individual state. A conceptual framework of the local legitimacy of peace operations is applied to an analysis of the perceptions of the French, ECOWAS and UN interventions in Mali in 2013–14. Local perception was measured by an analysis of Malian newspaper articles and interviews with (mainly southern) civil society actors. The results suggest that local actors negotiate between pragmatic and ideological conceptions of legitimacy. While French forces are pragmatically valued for their military achievements, they receive little ideological legitimacy. The regional force has high ideological legitimacy but disappoints in its performance on the ground. The UN force scores low in ideological legitimacy and is ambiguous in terms of pragmatic legitimacy.; (AN 40915667)
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14

International Relations
Volume 31, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

International relations and intellectual history by Bain, William; Nardin, Terry. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p213-226, 14p; Abstract: The history of international thought has traditionally focused on a limited number of canonical texts. Such an approach now seems both naive and parochial. International Relations scholars often read their own ideas into these texts instead of getting ideas from them – ideas that if properly understood have the potential to undermine theirs. By ignoring non-canonical texts, we overlook resources that are not only necessary to establish the historical contexts of canonical writings but that can also help theorists of International Relations to understand their subject better. Judgements of what is and is not canonical are in any case themselves context-bound and contestable. Intellectual history can help us understand how the International Relations canon was constructed and for what purposes. It can also counter the abstractions of theory by reminding us not only that theories are abstractions from the activities of people living in particular times and places but also that our own theories are embedded in historicity. In these and other ways, paying attention to intellectual history expands the repertoire of ideas on which International Relations theorists can draw and against which they can measure their conclusions. The articles in this issue illustrate these points in relation to a wide range of texts and contexts. They suggest that whether one approaches international relations from the angle of description, explanation, policy or ethics, knowing how past thinkers have understood the subject can lead to better informed and more robust scholarship.; (AN 43192131)
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2.

Political Thought, International Relations theory and International Political Theory: an interpretation by Brown, Chris. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p227-240, 14p; Abstract: The relationship between political theory, including the history of political thought, and International Relations theory, including the history of international thought, has been, and to some extent remains, complex and troubled. On both sides of the Atlantic, the mid-twentieth century founders of International Relations as an academic discipline drew extensively on the canon of political thought, but approached the subject in an uncritical way, while political philosophers largely disdained the international as a focus. This changed in the 1970s and 1980s, with the emergence of the ‘justice industry’ based on critiques of Rawls’ A Theory of Justiceand a consequent recovering of the past history of cosmopolitan and communitarian thought. A new discourse emerged in this period – International Political Theory – bridging the gap between political thought and international relations and stimulating a far more creative and scholarly approach to the history of international thought. However, in a social science environment dominated by the methods of economics, that is, formal theory and quantification, the new discourse of International Political Theory occupies a niche rather than existing at the centre of the discipline.; (AN 43192133)
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3.

The history of international thought and International Relations theory: from context to interpretation by Hall, Ian. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p241-260, 20p; Abstract: Over the past two decades, historians of international thought have markedly improved our understanding of the disciplinary history of International Relations (IR) and its wider intellectual history. During that period, ‘contextualism’ has become a leading approach in the field, as it has been for half a century in the history of political thought. This article argues that while the application of contextualism in IR has improved our understanding of its disciplinary history, its assumptions about the proper relationship between historians and theorists threaten to marginalise the history of international thought within IR. It argues that unless the inherent weaknesses in contextualism are recognised, the progress made in the field will go unrecognised by a discipline that sees little reason to engage with its history. It suggests that historians of international thought adopt an extensively modified version of contextualism that would allow them to rebuild bridges back into IR, especially IR theory.; (AN 43192134)
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4.

‘The battle is all there is’: philosophy and history in International Relations theory by Devetak, Richard. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p261-281, 21p; Abstract: There is an expectation today that International Relations (IR) theory ought to engage with philosophy as a meta-knowledge capable of grounding and legitimizing knowledge claims in the discipline. Two assumptions seem to lie behind this expectation: first, that only philosophy can supply the necessary meta-theoretical grounding needed; second, that theory is inherently a philosophical register of knowledge. This article treats these assumptions with scepticism. While not denying philosophy’s contribution to IR theory, the article makes the case for contextual intellectual history as an alternative mode of political and international theory. It seeks to shed light on the ‘philosophization of IR’ by depicting the broad contours of the historical and continuing rivalry between philosophy and history in the humanities and social sciences and, by reference to Machiavelli and Renaissance humanism, reminding the discipline of IR of the value of studying politics and international relations in a historical mode.; (AN 43192129)
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5.

International relations and the critical history of International Law by Pitts, Jennifer. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p282-298, 17p; Abstract: Just as the contemporary global structure is a product of nineteenth-century economic and political developments, namely, industrial capitalism and global empires dominated by European metropoles, a misleading conception of the international system as composed of formally equal sovereign states is a product of the same period, as Vattel’s conception of states as equal moral persons was taken up and transformed in the early nineteenth century, especially in imperial Britain. This model continues to shape interpretations of global politics in International Relations (IR), despite the persistence of the imperial legacy in the form of a stratified globe. Historical work informed by postcolonial studies and recent scholarship in International Law can give IR greater analytical and critical purchase on the current global order.; (AN 43192136)
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6.

‘A wrong done to mankind’: colonial perspectives on the notion of universal crime by Graf, Sinja. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p299-321, 23p; Abstract: Current debates on ‘crimes against humanity’ address its history and its potentially neo-imperial effects in international relations. In reference to these issues, this essay abstracts the idea of universal crime from the contemporary concept of ‘crimes against humanity’ and analyzes its mobilizations in early-modern perspectives on the legitimacy of European colonialism. First theorizing the easy union between notions of universal crime and arguments about European imperialism, I then draw on arguments by Vitoria, Gentili, and Grotius. I find that they rely on the idea of an offense injuring all mankind to negotiate colonial relationships between European powers and peoples abroad as well as between European powers vis-à-vis one another, both within Europe and in non-European spaces. The essay concludes by offering three venues for inquiry into the concepts of universal crime and crimes against humanity, namely their political productivity, their historical circulation, and their contemporary neo-imperial character.; (AN 43192130)
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7.

American diplomatic history and international thought: a constitutional perspective by Hendrickson, David C. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p322-340, 19p; Abstract: This essay offers a constitutional perspective on the American encounter with the problem of international order. Its point of departure is the American Founding, a subject often invisible in both the history of international thought and contemporary International Relations theory. Although usually considered as an incident within the domestic politics of the United States, the Founding displays many key ideas that have subsequently played a vital role in both international political thought and IR theory. The purpose of this essay is to explore these ideas and to take account of their passage through time, up to and including the present day. Those ideas shine a light not only on how we organize our scholarly enterprises but also on the contemporary direction of US foreign policy and the larger question of world order.; (AN 43192128)
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8.

International intellectual history and International Relations: contexts, canons and mediocrities by Keene, Edward. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p341-356, 16p; Abstract: This article reviews contextualist methods in intellectual history and discusses some of the specific challenges involved in their application to the study of International Relations (IR) and hence international intellectual history. While the broad thrust of these developments has been highly positive, the article argues that a distinction between classic and lesser works is a crucial part of the apparatus of the contextualist approach, which poses a problem in IR, where the idea of an established canon of great works has historically been less well developed than in the study of Political Theory or Law. As a result, the move towards contextualist methods of interpretation can force authors to restrict their focus onto a newly conceived, and somewhat narrow, canon, with a strongly political and legal flavour. The eclectic range of earlier, albeit less methodologically sophisticated, histories offer considerable resources for defining the scope of new empirical enquiries in international intellectual history, and the article concentrates on early modern journalism as an example of this opportunity.; (AN 43192132)
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9.

Kant’s republican theory of justice and international relations by Nardin, Terry. International Relations, September 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p357-372, 16p; Abstract: Kant’s primary concern in writing on international relations is how to achieve ‘justice’ (Recht) between states. This means that instead of reading Kant as a theorist of peace or world government, as IR theorists have usually done, he is better read as a theorist international justice. His view of justice, which identifies it with a legal order that respects freedom as independence or nondomination, is broadly republican. But he equivocates on the possibility of justice at the international level, and this narrows what is usually seen as a wide gap between Kant’s thought and political realism. The paradox his uncertainty reveals is that it is wrong for states to remain in a lawless condition yet impossible for them to escape it so long as they remain independent. An international order cannot generate genuine law because there are no institutions to make, interpret, or enforce it. This means that states are entitled to determine their own foreign affairs. The gap between sovereignty and justice cannot be closed so long as these ideas are defined as they are within the state. The problem is not that a full, secure, and nonvoluntary system of justice that preserves the sovereignty of states is contingently unlikely. It is conceptually impossible. This conclusion poses a challenge to current theories of global justice.; (AN 43192135)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 42, no. 1, Summer 2017

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p3-6, 4p; (AN 42893702)
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2.

In Plain Sight: The Neglected Linkage between Brideprice and Violent Conflict by Hudson, Valerie M.; Matfess, Hilary. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p7-40, 34p; Abstract: Approximately seventy-five percent of the world's population lives in countries where asset exchange upon marriage is obligatory. Rising brideprice—money or gifts provided to a woman's family by the groom and his family as part of marriage arrangements—is a common if overlooked catalyst of violent conflict. In patrilineal (and some matrilineal) societies where brideprice is practiced, a man's social status is directly connected to his marital status. Brideprice acts as a flat tax that is prone to sudden and swift increases. As a result, rising brideprice can create serious marriage market distortions that prevent young men, especially those who are poor or otherwise marginalized, from marrying. This phenomenon is especially evident in polygamous societies, where wealthy men can afford more than one bride. These distortions incentivize extra-legal asset accumulation, whether through ad hoc raiding or organized violence. In such situations, rebel and terror groups may offer to pay brideprice—or even provide brides—to recruit new members. Descriptive case studies of Boko Haram in Nigeria and various armed groups in South Sudan demonstrate these linkages, while an examination of Saudi Arabia's cap on brideprice and its efforts to arrange low-cost mass weddings illustrates the ways in which governments can intervene in marriage markets to help prevent brideprice-related instability. The trajectory of brideprice is an important but neglected early indicator of societal instability and violent conflict, underscoring that the situation and security of women tangibly affect national security.; (AN 42893699)
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3.

Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran: What Americans Really Think about Using Nuclear Weapons and Killing Noncombatants by Sagan, Scott D.; Valentino, Benjamin A.. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p41-79, 39p; Abstract: Numerous polls demonstrate that U.S. public approval of President Harry Truman's decision to drop the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki has declined significantly since 1945. Many scholars and political figures argue that this decline constitutes compelling evidence of the emergence of a “nuclear taboo” or that the principle of noncombatant immunity has become a deeply held norm. An original survey experiment, recreating the situation that the United States faced in 1945 using a hypothetical U.S. war with Iran today, provides little support for the nuclear taboo thesis. In addition, it suggests that the U.S. public's support for the principle of noncombatant immunity is shallow and easily overcome by the pressures of war. When considering the use of nuclear weapons, the majority of Americans prioritize protecting U.S. troops and achieving American war aims, even when doing so would result in the deliberate killing of millions of foreign noncombatants. A number of individual-level traits—Republican Party identification, older age, and approval of the death penalty for convicted murderers—significantly increase support for using nuclear weapons against Iran. Women are no less willing (and, in some scenarios, more willing) than men to support nuclear weapons use. These findings highlight the limited extent to which the U.S. public has accepted the principles of just war doctrine and suggest that public opinion is unlikely to be a serious constraint on any president contemplating the use of nuclear weapons in the crucible of war.; (AN 42893696)
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4.

The “Hearts and Minds” Fallacy: Violence, Coercion, and Success in Counterinsurgency Warfare by Hazelton, Jacqueline L.. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p80-113, 34p; Abstract: Debates over how governments can defeat insurgencies ebb and flow with international events, becoming particularly contentious when the United States encounters problems in its efforts to support a counterinsurgent government. Often the United States confronts these problems as a zero-sum game in which the government and the insurgents compete for popular support and cooperation. The U.S. prescription for success has had two main elements: to support liberalizing, democratizing reforms to reduce popular grievances; and to pursue a military strategy that carefully targets insurgents while avoiding harming civilians. An analysis of contemporaneous documents and interviews with participants in three cases held up as models of the governance approach—Malaya, Dhofar, and El Salvador—shows that counterinsurgency success is the result of a violent process of state building in which elites contest for power, popular interests matter little, and the government benefits from uses of force against civilians.; (AN 42893695)
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5.

Why U.S. Efforts to Promote the Rule of Law in Afghanistan Failed by Swenson, Geoffrey. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p114-151, 38p; Abstract: Promoting the rule of law in Afghanistan has been a major U.S. foreign policy objective since the collapse of the Taliban regime in late 2001. Policymakers invested heavily in building a modern democratic state bound by the rule of law as a means to consolidate a liberal post-conflict order. Eventually, justice-sector support also became a cornerstone of counterinsurgency efforts against the reconstituted Taliban. Yet a systematic analysis of the major U.S.-backed initiatives from 2004 to 2014 finds that assistance was consistently based on dubious assumptions and questionable strategic choices. These programs failed to advance the rule of law even as spending increased dramatically during President Barack Obama's administration. Aid helped enable rent seeking and a culture of impunity among Afghan state officials. Despite widespread claims to the contrary, rule-of-law initiatives did not bolster counterinsurgency efforts. The U.S. experience in Afghanistan highlights that effective rule-of-law aid cannot be merely technocratic. To have a reasonable prospect of success, rule-of-law promotion efforts must engage with the local foundations of legitimate legal order, which are often rooted in nonstate authority, and enjoy the support of credible domestic partners, including high-level state officials.; (AN 42893697)
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6.

What the Iran-Iraq War Tells Us about the Future of the Iran Nuclear Deal by Tabatabai, Ariane M.; Samuel, Annie Tracy. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p152-185, 34p; Abstract: The 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War stands as the pivotal event for Iran's national security strategy, especially as it pertains to the country's controversial nuclear program. The “imposed war,” as it is known to Iranians, caused Iran to view itself as isolated and on the defensive, striving for self-reliance and survival in what it continues to perceive as an unjust international order. The war has shaped both Iran's strategic outlook generally and its nuclear policies specifically. It was a decisive factor in determining the nature and scope of Iran's nuclear activities, as well as in Iran's approach to the international negotiations surrounding those activities, which in 2015 produced the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Both during those talks and after the implementation of the deal began, Iranian decisionmakers regularly invoked the history and lessons of the war to construe their decisionmaking process and define their bottom lines. Yet the war and its implications for Iran's strategic culture and nuclear thinking remain understudied and misunderstood. If the implementation of the deal and a longer-term resolution of the conflict over Iran's nuclear program are to succeed, the history of the Iran-Iraq War and the vital lessons that Iran has drawn from it must be appreciated.; (AN 42893698)
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7.

NATO Enlargement—Was There a Promise? by Kramer, Mark; Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p186-192, 7p; (AN 42893701)
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8.

The Limits of Damage Limitation by Green, Brendan Rittenhouse; Long, Austin; Kroenig, Matthew; Glaser, Charles L.; Fetter, Steve. International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p193-207, 15p; (AN 42893700)
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9.

Reviewers for Volume 41 International Security, Summer 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 1 p208-210, 3p; (AN 42893703)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 52, no. 3, July 2017

Record Results
1. Diversity Management in World Politics. Reformist China and the Future of the (Liberal) Order by Caffarena, Anna. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: AbstractGiven the widely shared belief that, following a long period of crisis, the American-led liberal world order is now in transition, the question arises: what comes next? Considering China’s ‘parallel order-shaping’ project with respect to the liberal order as a harbinger of a ‘multi-order world’, it is reasonable to expect a concert-like mode of ordering, which will draw on a new common language to reach consensus among proactive stakeholders at the global level. Those interested in maintaining the liberal character of this arrangement, such as the EU, should therefore steadily engage in the process leading to its establishment in order to gain and retain full membership while enhancing their discursive power.; (AN 42987715)
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2. The Age of Anxiety: The Crisis of Liberal Democracy in a Post-Hegemonic Global Order by Öniş, Ziya. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p18-35, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe crisis of liberal democracy is closely associated with major global shifts, which have been accelerated by the global financial crisis of 2008, with its dislocating effects in the established democracies of the global centre. Relative stagnation and rising problems of inequality and unemployment, coupled with additional shocks in the form of mass migration and terrorist attacks have generated fertile grounds for the rise of right-wing radical populist sentiments, which have been turned into electoral advantage by charismatic leaders. The crisis of liberal democracy is also a global phenomenon in the sense that liberal democracy has been severely challenged by the rise of strategic models of capitalism, notably its authoritarian version represented by the growing power and influence of the China-Russia coalition. Indeed, the success of the latter has served as a kind of reference for many authoritarian or hybrid regimes in a changing global context, at a time when the key Western powers appear to be losing their previous economic and moral appeal.; (AN 42987716)
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3. State and Non-State Alliances in the Middle East by Kausch, Kristina. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p36-47, 12p; Abstract: AbstractProxy relationships between non-state challengers and their external state patrons in the Middle East are a factor that can weaken regional stability as non-state proxies become both a tool and a decisive factor in shaping inter-state competition between regional powers. As a result, non-state actors with regional influence must increasingly be factored into policy decisions in military, diplomatic and legal terms.; (AN 42987718)
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4. Ties that Bind: Dynamics of Group Radicalisation in Italy’s Jihadists Headed for Syria and Iraq by Marone, Francesco. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p48-63, 16p; Abstract: AbstractIn recent years, thousands of radical citizens and residents from Europe have joined the so-called ‘Islamic State’ (IS) in Syria and Iraq. Unlike other European countries, Italy has traditionally been characterised by the prevalence of individual pathways of radicalisation over group mechanisms. Nevertheless, recent cases show interesting indications of the increasing role of small groups based on pre-existing personal relationships (family and friendship ties). This kind of bond can be particularly salient for IS, a jihadist “proto-state”, which needs not only ‘foreign fighters’ but also new ‘citizens’ of different sexes and ages, including entire families.; (AN 42987717)
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5. Assessing the High Representative’s Role in Egypt during the Arab Spring by Amadio Viceré, Maria Giulia; Fabbrini, Sergio. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p64-82, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2009 Lisbon Treaty institutionalised an intergovernmental constitution for managing policies traditionally a matter of national sovereignty, such as foreign and defence policies. However, important innovations were introduced in the foreign policymaking structure to limit its intergovernmental logic, in particular, with regard to the role of the High Representative (HR). It was generally assumed that those innovations would have made development of a coherent EU foreign policy possible. Yet, in one of the most significant tests for the EU’s foreign and defence policies in the post-Lisbon era, namely the Egyptian crisis (2011-14), those reforms did not work as expected. Notwithstanding the innovations, the HR’s role was diminished by the European Council’s strict control over foreign policy toward Egypt. The lack of clear policy guidelines towards the issue of democratisation in the Arab world in the 2003 European Security Strategy, although partially mitigated by the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Barcelona Process/Union for the Mediterranean, made it even more difficult for the HR to bring a European perspective into the largely intergovernmental setting.; (AN 42987719)
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6. Migration and the EU Global Strategy: Narratives and Dilemmas by Ceccorulli, Michela; Lucarelli, Sonia. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p83-102, 20p; Abstract: AbstractMigration did not figure in the European Security Strategy of 2003. Never mentioned as a threat, it was not even mentioned as a risk. Thirteen years later, migration is widely cited in the new European Union Global Strategy. Much richer than the previous security document and global in aspiration, the Global Strategy treats migration as a challenge and an opportunity, recognising the key role it plays in a rapidly changing security landscape. However, this multi-faceted perspective on migration uncovers starkly different political and normative claims, all of which are legitimate in principle. The different narratives on migration present in the new strategic document attest to the Union’s comprehensive approach to the issue but also to critical and possibly competing normative dilemmas.; (AN 42987720)
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7. The European Union Global Strategy: What Kind of Foreign Policy Identity? by Pishchikova, Kateryna; Piras, Elisa. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p103-120, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSome dismiss the recent EU Global Strategy as a “triumph of hope over experience”, an impracticable and therefore ultimately irrelevant statement; others are enthusiastic about what they see as perseverance and renewed ambition in the face of the present crisis. Although the 2016 Strategy appears more modest than its 2003 predecessor in operational terms, the range of deliberations that fed into it and the quality of the document itself demonstrate a greater maturity of reflection on foreign policy. A critical reading of the document shows that concepts such as normative power and differentiated inclusion of neighbours in the EU’s system of governance have all but disappeared. The emerging EU identity appears to be debilitated by the centrifugal processes of internal contestation and a drastically downsized claim for external power projection. An alternative plan for action will have to deal with the Union’s vulnerabilities and carve out a role that is distinct, yet in line with this new self-understanding.; (AN 42987721)
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8. Preparing NATO for the Future – Operating in an Increasingly Contested Environment by Simón, Luis. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p121-135, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe global proliferation of precision-strike systems may be challenging the foundations of Western military-technological supremacy. Relatedly, the development of so-called Anti-Access and Area Denial (A2/AD) capabilities across the globe threatens to complicate Western freedom of military movement and access, and could give way to a more contested military-strategic environment. The twin challenges of precision-strike proliferation and A2/AD strongly impact NATO’s agenda, which revolves around strengthening deterrence and defence in Eastern Europe, and addressing the different threats emanating from the so-called Southern European neighbourhood. In order to address or mitigate such challenges, the Alliance needs to produce operational concepts and capabilities able to deliver deterrence and expeditionary warfare in a maturing precision-strike environment, one characterised by the emergence of A2/AD capabilities.; (AN 42987722)
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9. US Strategy and the Origins of American Alliances in Asia by Spatafora, Giuseppe. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p136-137, 2p; (AN 42987724)
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10. China and Energy Security: The Challenges Ahead by Menegazzi, Silvia. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p138-139, 2p; (AN 42987723)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42987723&site=ehost-live
11. Recent Publications by Finarelli Baldassarre, Giovanni; Bianchi, Margherita; Palmieri, Federico; Cameron, Fraser; Muti, Karolina. International Spectator, July 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p140-146, 7p; (AN 42987725)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42987725&site=ehost-live

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