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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Free Citizens’ Party – from Brussels to Prague? by Kaniok, Petr. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p433-449, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough the objectives of hard Eurosceptic parties are focused on the European Union (EU), a presence in the European Parliament (EP) is not their final goal. In order to fulfil their main objective – disbanding of the EU – they need to be relevant at the national level as well. Thus, being represented at the EU level can be used by them as a springboard to the domestic scene. This article analyses how such a process may occur. As its main finding, it claims that success in the EP elections can be Pyrrhic victory for hard Eurosceptics, since it reinforces their niche status.; (AN 43412387)
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2.

Legislative performance of the Russian State Duma: the role of parliament in an authoritarian regime by Krol, Gerrit. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p450-471, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAuthoritarian governments remain in power much longer when they distribute benefits to their supporters in an institutionalised way. Permitting parliament to fulfil a legislative function is an important strategy for autocrats to obtain long-lasting support from their allies. Political parties play an important role in this process – while having strong influence on the behaviour of MPs, empirical evidence from the Russian State Duma suggests that loyalty is rewarded with support for the legislative proposals of individual members. Amendments to government bills are high in quantity and often substantially significant. Legislative performance is, however, mostly limited to the United Russia party.; (AN 43412388)
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3.

Europarty Eastern enlargement: an empirical analysis of Europarty influence on Central and Eastern European parties and party systems by von dem Berge, Benjamin. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p472-495, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the influence of the two major “Europarties” – the European People’s Party and Party of European Socialists – on their Hungarian, Romanian, and Slovak partner parties from 1989 to 2012. Two research questions are examined: (1) In which way do Europarties influence their Central and Eastern European (CEE) partners?; and (2) What is the precise result of Europarty influence? These questions are answered by drawing on qualitative content analysis of 38 semi-structured interviews. The main finding is that due to strong Europarty influence, the CEE parties became more similar to the established West European parties regarding their strategic behaviour, programme, and intra-party democracy.; (AN 43412390)
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4.

Political foundations of bad governance in post-Soviet Eurasia: towards a research agenda by Gel’man, Vladimir. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p496-516, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy are some countries governed much more poorly than one might expect judging by their degree of socio-economic development? In particular, why are most countries of post-Soviet Eurasia, according to numerous international evaluations of quality of state governance, similar to underdeveloped Third World countries and lagging behind their post-Communist counterparts in Eastern Europe? This article presents some arguments regarding the factors and mechanisms of emergence and maintenance of bad governance in post-Soviet Eurasia, discusses various explanations for this phenomenon, considers potential pathways for overcoming the trap of bad governance and outlines possible directions for further research of this phenomenon.; (AN 43412389)
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5.

The litmus test of pride: analysing the emergence of the Belgrade “Ghost” pride in the context of EU accession by Slootmaeckers, Koen. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p517-535, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe transformation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights into a “standard for civilisation” has not been without consequences. With LGBT Pride parades becoming a symbol for Europeanness in the European Union (EU) accession process, this article asks how the litmus test character of Belgrade Pride has transformed LGBT politics in Serbia. Empirically, the analysis provides an in-depth analysis of how Serbia’s EU accession process has shaped the politics of Belgrade Pride between 2001 and 2015 and vice versa. It is argued that the international symbolic usage of Pride is no innocent practice as it has foreclosed its local politicality. Indeed, whilst Belgrade Pride became politicised as a litmus test in the EU accession process, domestically it developed into an apolitical ritualised event devoid of LGBT politics.; (AN 43412391)
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6.

Shifts in Eastern Europeans’ support for income redistribution 1992–2009 by Finley, Katelyn. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p536-558, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines how Eastern Europeans’ support for income redistribution has changed from 1992–2009. Contrary to expectations that Eastern Europeans would become more tolerant of inequality and less supportive of redistribution as market structures consolidated, support for redistribution has increased considerably. Support particularly increased during the 1990s as Eastern Europeans became more sceptical of the market’s fairness. Although support for redistribution decreased slightly in the 2000s, support in 2009 remained considerably higher than the 1992 levels. Support decreased during the 2000s because of a strengthening the effect of self-interest on attitudes as well as some regained support for the market’s fairness. The pattern of change in citizens’ attitudes suggests that support for redistribution shifts most during times of economic crisis and fluctuates to small degrees during periods of relative stability.; (AN 43412394)
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7.

National minorities in Putin’s Russia: diversity and assimilation by Gulina, Olga R.. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p559-560, 2p; (AN 43412392)
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8.

Post-communist mafia state: the case of Hungary by Krylova, Yulia. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p561-562, 2p; (AN 43412393)
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9.

Czech democracy in the eyes of Czech political scientists by Roberts, Andrew. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p562-572, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper surveys six recent Czech language books on the state of Czech democracy. The books are largely critical and identify four major problems: ineffectiveness, corruption, apolitical politics, and economic stagnation. The authors variously attribute these problems to institutions, culture, and public policy and accordingly recommend changes in these areas. While most of these claims ring true, lacking is both a consideration of positive qualities and empirical proof of the extent of these problems or the efficacy of the solutions.; (AN 43412395)
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10.

Trouble on the far right. Contemporary right-wing strategies and practices in Europe by Giurcanu, Magda. East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p572-573, 2p; (AN 43412399)
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11.

Editorial Board Page East European Politics, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43412397)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 4, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

Towards a Substantial EU-Japan Partnership by de Prado, César. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p435-454, 20p; Abstract: The EU and Japan have spent decades normalizing trade links and attempting broader cooperation. In July 2017, political leaders agreed in principle to an economic partnership agreement (EPA) and to a strategic partnership agreement (SPA) hoping to enhance collaboration on economic, political, security and other issues, all buttressed by fundamental values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The agreements will likely be finalized and ratified this decade, so a more substantial partnership between the EU and Japan may unroll in economic and security fields as both sides adjust and converge their economic models and security paradigms. Yet, a comprehensive partnership based on shared values would take much more time to develop and galvanize the peoples of both sides.; (AN 44288480)
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2.

The EU as an Actor in Southeast Asia in the Context of the South China Sea Arbitration by Maier-Knapp, Naila. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p455-472, 18p; Abstract: The ruling on 12 July 2016 by the Arbitral Tribunal in the case of the South China Sea dispute between the Philippines and China has had positive impact on the credibility of the Philippines and other Southeast Asian claimant countries. This improved positioning for Southeast Asia vis-à-vis China has however mainly seen the promotion of bilateral country relationships with China and displayed limited utility for the Southeast Asian region as a whole. Despite contemporary unpalatability of multilateralism as a viable means for dispute resolution to the claimant countries, there is an inherent multilateral opportunity to the rise of Sino-Southeast Asian bilateralisms post-ruling, especially favourable for regional, inter-regional, and global for a in which Southeast Asian countries and China interact with international partners. Primary aim of this article is to illustrate this indirect opportunity for multilateralism with focus on the extent to which there has been and is enhanced space for the European Union (EU) and its Member States as international partners to express their commitment to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific in the specific context of the South China Sea arbitration.; (AN 44288484)
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3.

Forced Displacement and EU External Action: Exogenous Shocks, Policy Frames and Institutional Dynamics by Cortinovis, Roberto. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p473-491, 19p; Abstract: The unfolding of Europe’s ‘refugee crisis’ from 2015 onward has put the external dimension of asylum policy at the top of the European Union’s (EU) agenda. This article analyses policy change in this expanding area of EU external action, focusing on the role played by exogenous factors and EU institutional dynamics. It argues that, in line with global debates and initiatives to expand the scope of durable solutions for refugees, EU institutions have endeavoured to place development at the centre of the EU approach to forced displacement. As shown by the cases of cooperation with Turkey and African countries, however, concerns over increasing migrant and refugee movements in many Member States have led to the simultaneous deployment of a policy agenda centred on containment, in which development aid is framed as a tool to pursue migration control objectives. This article concludes that the uneasy relation that exists between these two policy agendas calls into question the overall coherence of EU external action in the field of asylum and refugee protection.; (AN 44288483)
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4.

The European Parliament and the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: Between Interests and Values by Charfi, Mohamed. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p493-511, 19p; Abstract: Several analyses exist on the relations between the European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. However, the role played by the European Parliament (EP) in these relations remains little explored. This study helps to fill this gap through an analysis of the main instruments used by the parliamentarians and the actors involved during 2004–2016. We argue that, despite the fact that EU foreign policy continues to be fundamentally the prerogative of EU Member States, the EP has instituted various instruments that influence it. The analysis shows a real interest on the part of the EP in the GCC countries, particularly after 2010, although this has not significantly contributed to the promotion of EUGCC relations. The EP’s discourse has been dominated by issues of human rights and security, with a marginal place reserved for the promotion of trade relations and the conclusion of free trade agreement (FTA). We conclude that in order to promote the relations between the two sides, the EP could adopt a more realistic approach based on common interests and challenges. For the GCC countries, a more active parliamentary diplomacy would be beneficial in order to assert their positions and to have a more balanced relationship with the EP.; (AN 44288486)
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5.

Shaping a ‘Hybrid’ CFSP to Face ‘Hybrid’ Security Challenges by Moskalenko, Oleksandr; Streltsov, Volodymyr. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p513-532, 20p; Abstract: Despite the formal abolition of the ‘pillars’, in practice they have been preserved by special rules for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The current academic discourse about the CFSP reflects the dichotomy of supranational and intergovernmental EU components. The Russian ‘hybrid war’ as well as the concept of a ‘comprehensive approach’ for crisis management stressed the inter-dependence of different EU policies as well as the common responsibility of the EU institutions with no place for the existing division of the EU foreign policies. The article argues that the further development of supranational practices within the CFSP is a rational response to current ‘hybrid’1 challenges. This argument is supported by the post-Lisbon CFSP institutional dynamics, which reveal the need for synergy in this policy area and simultaneously offers a number of practical steps towards re-shaping its institutional architecture.; (AN 44288485)
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6.

Mediation Through Recontextualization: The European Union and The Dialogue Between Kosovo and Serbia by Gashi, Krenar; Musliu, Vjosa; Orbie, Jan. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p533-550, 18p; Abstract: The EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina has been hailed as a major achievement for the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy as well as for the ‘European future’ of Kosovo and Serbia, since it started in 2011. Looking at EU discourse – speeches, statements and press releases – this article problematizes the logic of the dialogue, its aims in the process and its outcomes. Using the framework of ‘recontextualization’, developed by Van Leeuwen and Wodak, we explore how the EU is substituting elements of the dialogue and adding elements that are not intrinsic to the process, which then create ambiguities which we problematize. We argue that ambiguities are not limited merely to the outputs of the dialogue, such as agreements, but they also obscure the very meaning of the dialogue for the EU, for Kosovo and Serbia, as well as for EU’s relations with both countries.; (AN 44288487)
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7.

The EU and Jordan: Aligning Discourse and Practice on Democracy Promotion? by Jonasson, Ann-Kristin; Mezagopian, Madeleine. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p551-570, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses whether there has been an alignment between discourse and practice on democracy promotion in the EU’s approach to Jordan since the 2011 Arab uprisings. The analysis shows that what has often been described as a gap between the EU’s discourse and practice on democracy promotion seems to have narrowed, if not closed altogether, in Jordan. The normative discourse has become less high-flown in line with the new Global Strategy and the ENP Review, which both focus less on ‘common’ values and more on interests and what values the EU wishes to promote. Funding has become more targeted on more specific policy objectives related to democratic reform. The consequences of this seemingly new approach remain to be seen.; (AN 44288488)
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8.

The Political Question Doctrine as Applied to Common Foreign and Security Policy by Lonardo, Luigi. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p571-587, 17p; Abstract: Recent case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has increased the uncertainty with regard to its jurisdiction on provisions and acts of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU). While Article 24 TEU seems to exclude judicial control over CFSP acts which are not restrictive measures, the court has recently proved itself willing to adjudicate on them. This article proposes the introduction of a Political Question Doctrine, for the Court to clearly identify on what acts it does not have jurisdiction. After explaining the reasons for the introduction of the doctrine, the article proposes a threefold test, derived from the general principles of EU law and from US scholarship and jurisprudence, where the Political Question Doctrine has been object of much analysis and debate.; (AN 44288490)
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9.

Article Index European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 4 p589-592, 4p; (AN 44288489)
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3

European Security
Volume 26, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

“Here is your mission, now own it!” The rhetoric and practice of local ownership in EU interventions by Ejdus, Filip. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p461-484, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOne of the core principles of EU interventions under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been local ownership. While the EU takes pride in fully respecting this principle, the existing research suggests that the implementation has been far from smooth. However, we still know very little how this principle is conceptualised and operationalised, let alone why its implementation has been so difficult. Drawing on document analysis and 27 in-depth interviews, the article makes 3 arguments. First, ownership is increasingly construed in the EU policy rhetoric as a middle ground between imposition and restraint. Second, in practice, ownership is operationalised as an externally driven, top-down endeavour, resulting in the low degree of local participation. Third, in addition to the obstacles normally faced by other peace-builders, the EU’s efforts to implement ownership are constrained by the politics and policy-making of CSDP. The arguments are illustrated in a case study of the European Union Mission on Regional Maritime Capacity Building in the Horn of Africa (EUCAP Nestor).; (AN 43612573)
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2.

The effectiveness of interregional security cooperation: evaluating the joint engagement of the EU and the AU in response to the 2013 crisis in the Central African Republic by Plank, Friedrich. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p485-506, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfrican Union (AU)–European Union (EU) interregional security cooperation has not so far been analysed systematically with regard to its effectiveness despite the substantial support of African capacity building by the EU and joint peacekeeping of the partners. Assessing AU–EU cooperation in the Central African Republic (CAR), this paper examines to what extent and under which conditions EU–AU efforts are effective. Concerning the dependent variable, the presented conceptualisation of effectiveness includes both internal (goal attainment) and external (problem-solving) perspectives. The independent variable draws on two strands of literature that barely speak to each other: interregionalism and inter-organisationalism. It focuses on the conditions of effectiveness which include both internal (RO-specific) and interregional factors. The findings suggest that AU–EU engagement in the CAR was effective in the medium term. Strong incentives of the partners, the French leading role and the convergence of the partners are identified as factors conducive to a medium to high effectiveness of the engagement.; (AN 43612574)
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3.

Assessing the European Union’s strategic capacity: the case of EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia by Johansen, Anne Ingemann. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p507-526, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that the European Union’s capacity to use an operational instrument for the purpose of an articulated objective constitutes an important, but conceptually neglected and empirically underexplored, element of its actorness. In order to fill this gap, the article introduces the concept of strategic capacityand develops an analytical framework for systematic empirical assessments thereof. Drawing on 22 qualitative expert interviews, the framework is applied to the EU’s maritime operation against human smugglers in the Central Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia). The article finds that the EU so far has displayed a fairly low degree of strategic capacity in its fight against human smugglers. The article argues that this fairly low degree of strategic capacity is not to be ascribed to an institutional apparatus that is unfit for strategic action, but a decision on the part of political decision-makers to give weight to symbolic, as opposed to strategic, action. As a result, the operation has contributed little to the formal objective of disrupting and dismantling human smuggling networks in the Central Mediterranean. In some areas, it has even had an adverse effect on this objective.; (AN 43612575)
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4.

State–defence industry relations in the European context: French and UK interactions with the European Defence Agency by Calcara, Antonio. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p527-551, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile many have noted that EU member states have different preferences over the prospect of an integrated EU defence, analyses that specifically explore state–industry relations in the definition of EU defence-industrial issues, and in the evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy in general, are lacking. This is surprising, given that different configurations of government–industry relations have represented a persistent impediment to European defence-industrial cross-border collaboration. This article investigates how state–defence industry relations impact on member states’ preferences towards the EU defence-industrial framework. Based on the case studies of the interaction of France and the UK with the European Defence Agency, this analysis focuses on the difference between public and private defence firms’ governance settings as the crucial explanatory variable accounting for diverging member states’ preferences in this domain.; (AN 43612576)
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5.

One measure cannot trump it all: lessons from NATO’s early burden-sharing debates by Kunertova, Dominika. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p552-574, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper calls for a qualitative turn in discussing NATO burden-sharing. The paper takes issue with the numerical burden-sharing narrative in NATO and identifies its two main problems. Despite being simple, the 2% defence spending pledge lacks other basic attributes of any contributory system: fairness and effectiveness. Drawing from concepts of distributive justice, the paper analyses NATO’s first burden-sharing debates and demonstrates that due to their qualitatively different capabilities, the allies agreed on an egalitarian ability-to-pay distributive justice. Furthermore, it shows that the allies refrained from implementing fairness in terms of a one-size-fits-all formula, since this simple numerical approach could not produce fair and effective burden-sharing at the same time. Rather, they developed a dynamic framework for optimal sharing. These formative burden-sharing debates provide valuable lessons learned for the current build-up of NATO’s posture: less focused on formal sharing, more concerned with strategic outputs.; (AN 43612577)
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6.

The formulation of EU foreign policy: socialization, negotiations and the disaggregation of the state by Pannier, Alice. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p575-576, 2p; (AN 43612578)
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7.

Security, democracy and development in the Southern Caucasus and the Black Sea region by Bayramov, Agha; Nolan, Dermot. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p576-578, 3p; (AN 43612580)
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8.

How NATO adapts: strategy and organization in the Atlantic alliance since 1950 by Lamoreaux, Jeremy W.. European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p578-579, 2p; (AN 43612579)
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9.

Editorial Board European Security, October 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43612581)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Erratum Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 42021993)
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2.

Resilience and environmental security: towards joint application in peacebuilding by Schilling, Janpeter; Nash, Sarah Louise; Ide, Tobias; Scheffran, Jürgen; Froese, Rebecca; von Prondzinski, Pina. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p107-127, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTResilience is a widely used concept among development, environmental, security and peacebuilding organizations. However, resilience has rarely been applied in conjunction with the potentially complementary concept of environmental security. Therefore, this paper explores how the concepts of resilience and environmental security can be jointly applied by non-governmental organizations working to implement peacebuilding projects in developing countries. We first review definitions of the concepts and explore their strengths and pitfalls. Second, we develop a conceptual framework for a joint application whereby environmental security sharpens the scope of resilience, while resilience allows for taking issues into account that a traditional environmental security perspective might miss. Finally, we apply the conceptual framework to a case study from Palestine.; (AN 42021989)
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3.

Assessing regional cooperation: ASEAN states, migrant worker rights and norm socialization in Southeast Asia by Auethavornpipat, Ruji. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p129-143, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states’ engagement with migrant worker rights focus on the experience of such workers from gender, labour and security perspectives. As such, these studies are yet to consider the broader impact of migrant worker rights on the process and nature of cooperation between ASEAN members. This article addresses this gap by framing migrant worker rights within the broader human rights socialization ongoing within Southeast Asia, driven by both members of ASEAN and external stakeholders. It argues that, contrary to many existing accounts of norms as creating shared commitments, migrant worker rights have led to considerable contestation, often driven by diverging national approaches to the issue. This article examines the impact of migrant worker rights norms on Thailand, the largest labour-recipient state in ASEAN. It asserts that Thailand’s diverging experience is caused by the lack of norm precision, resulting in the applicatory contestation of such norms.; (AN 42021987)
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4.

Expanding the peacekeeping agenda. The protection of cultural heritage in war-torn societies by Foradori, Paolo; Rosa, Paolo. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to explain the emergence and assess the politico-military significance of ‘cultural peacekeeping’ (CPK) as a new task for international peace operations. The aim is to provide a conceptual appraisal of CPK and an initial insight into its objectives, opportunities and challenges. The analysis supports the inclusion of a cultural component in the mandates of peacekeeping interventions, even if we must be wary of the inherent difficulties and risk of unintended consequences. These are not to be underestimated, at the risk not only of failing to achieve the mission’s objectives but also of further deteriorating security on the ground and beyond. It follows that CPK should not be mistaken, nor presented to the public, as a minor, light, and inexpensive operation. Quite to the contrary, it is an extremely complex and politically very sensitive politico-military major exercise that needs careful planning and adequate capabilities. Misunderstanding or mismanaging CPK can severely backfire. It is a ‘double-edged weapon’ that must be handled cautiously to avoid the risk of the enemy manipulating it to its own advantage.; (AN 42021988)
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5.

Securitizing charity: the case of Palestinian zakat committees by Milton-Edwards, Beverley. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p161-177, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, the argument is offered that securitization of the Palestinian zakat committees became a weapon in the counter-terror arsenal of Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) as each sought to exert hegemony over what became framed as a ‘common enemy.’ The article extends the debate as it relates to the increasingly hostile response by state actors and the international community to the work of non- and semi-governmental Muslim charitable actors evidenced by proscription regimes, financial investigation, and prosecutions. Focusing on the example of Israel and the PA, it is contended that the securitization of Palestinian zakat committees was part of a wider policy to inhibit Palestinian autonomy and portray Islamic faith agency as terroristic. Both Israel and the PA, as governing powers, have engaged in attempts to undermine Palestinian zakat committees and their contribution to welfare and humanitarian support in the complex and enduring environment of conflict.; (AN 42021992)
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6.

On (the lack of) Latin American supranationalism by Sanchez, Wilder Alejandro. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p179-187, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis commentary discusses the state of supranationalism in Latin America. We will enumerate the numerous regional organizations in the Western Hemisphere, and also discuss their successes and failures at regional integration. While integration has had some successes, supranationalism has yet to flourish among Latin American states and it will probably not for the immediate future. Empirical evidence suggests that, while inter-state warfare is scarce in the region, there are still too many inter-state tensions, including ongoing border disputes, as well as occasional incidents, which prevent supranationalism from taking hold. This explains the lack of a North Atlantic Treaty Organization-esque type South American bloc. Nevertheless, small-scale integration projects have been successful, like visa waivers systems, educational programs or defense-cooperation projects. Ultimately, in a changing global geopolitical system, the distrust for supranationalism remains the same in Latin America.; (AN 42021990)
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7.

The changing role of the Gulf in the international political economy by Legrenzi, Matteo; Lawson, Fred H.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p189-199, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the past half-decade, the role of the Gulf in the international political economy has changed dramatically. The region’s position as a supplier of world hydrocarbons has slipped, even as local consumption of oil and gas continues to expand. Gulf investments have shifted from the industrialized countries to the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi Arabia no longer exercises disproportionate influence in the Group of 20. Finally, relations with the People’s Republic of China and India have become truly interdependent, which gives the Gulf the capacity to exercise leverage over these two rising powers, despite its diminished position in global affairs.; (AN 42021991)
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8.

The improbable war: China, the United States and the logic of great power conflict by dos Santos, Wagner M.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p201-202, 2p; (AN 42021995)
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9.

Grains by Kent, George. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p202-205, 4p; (AN 42021994)
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10.

Political philosophy and political action: imperatives of resistance by Pinckney, Jonathan. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p205-208, 4p; (AN 42021996)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 4, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Toward Sustainable Peace: A New Research Agenda for Post-Conflict Natural Resource Management by Krampe, Florian. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p1-8, 8p; Abstract: This forum reflects upon the current state of research on post-conflict natural resource management. It identifies two dominant perspectives on environmental peacebuilding in the literature: one focused on environmental cooperation, the other on resource risk. Both perspectives share a concern for the sustainable management of natural resources in post-conflict settings and prescribe environmental cooperation at large as a means to foster peace and stability. Yet both perspectives also feature notable differences: The cooperation perspective is driven by a faith in the potential of environmental cooperation to contribute to long-term peace through spillover effects. The resource risk perspective, however, recognizes that resource-induced instability may arise after intrastate conflict; stressing the need to mitigate instability by implementing environmental cooperation initiatives. Despite the significant contributions of both perspectives, neither has provided any cohesive theoretical understanding of environmental peacebuilding. This article suggests a timely revision of the research agenda to address this gap.; (AN 43913950)
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2.

Macropolitics of Micronesia: Toward a Critical Theory of Regional Environmental Governance by Gruby, Rebecca L.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p9-27, 19p; Abstract: This article examines regional environmental governance (REG) through the lens of human geography theory on scale. Drawing on a case study of the Micronesia Challenge, a regional conservation commitment among five Pacific islands, I advance a critical theory of REG as a scaling process and tool of politics through which regions are (re)made and mobilized in support of diverse agendas. Results highlight understudied dimensions of REG, including: motivations for scaling environmental governance to regions; the co-production of regional and global environmental governance; the mutable expression of regionality within REG; and the ways in which REG is leveraged for resource mobilization, global visibility and influence, and conservation. The potential for REG to empower subaltern groups while advancing conservation is promising, and an important area for future research. The overall contribution of this article is a more complex, politicized understanding of REG that complicates a scholarly search for its inherent characteristics.; (AN 43913945)
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3.

Leaders and Laggards: Climate Policy Ambition in Developed States by Tobin, Paul. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p28-47, 20p; Abstract: In 1992 the United Nations identified twenty-four “Annex II” states as being “developed” and holding the greatest responsibility for reducing emissions. Since then, the ambitions of these states toward mitigating climate change have varied significantly. This article is the first to employ fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to analyze climate policy variation among the Annex II developed states. The presence of a left-wing government is shown to be sufficient for ambitious climate policy, as is having high GDP per capita in conjunction with close links to the EU and few political constraints. The analysis highlights Austria’s surprisingly unambitious climate policy, which is explained, following elite interviews, by the state’s unique social partnership governance model and unusual fuel tourism industry. Overall, fsQCA proves a useful method for examining variables in combination and for case study selection, although limited by the number of variables it can assess.; (AN 43913949)
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4.

Business Conflict and Risk Regulation: Understanding the Influence of the Pesticide Industry by Jansen, Kees. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p48-66, 19p; Abstract: Despite the criticism, frequent in the literature, of business influence on the formulation of pesticide risk regulation, there has been remarkably little systematic study of this practice. This article discusses Costa Rica pesticide producers’ business influence on global and national efforts to improve risk regulation. Generic pesticide producers, selling off-patent chemicals, contest the views of traditional, research-based pesticide companies, which demand stricter application of global regulatory guidelines. These business sectors use different forms of power (as identified in neo-Gramscian theory) for bending regulation to their advantage. The argument developed here builds on neo-pluralist business conflict theory for explaining shifts in environmental governance. It challenges a recently made argument that business conflict increases the state’s ability to issue more restrictive environmental regulation. Instead, to truly understand the outcomes of business conflict–environmental governance interactions and the implementation of global environmental standards, researchers should analyze the structural heterogeneity within states.; (AN 43913946)
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5.

The Media and the Major Emitters: Media Coverage of International Climate Change Policy by Pandey, Chandra Lal; Kurian, Priya A.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p67-87, 21p; Abstract: News media outlets are crucial for the dissemination of information on climate change issues, but the nature of the coverage varies across the world, depending on local geopolitical and economic contexts. Despite extensive scholarship on media and climate change, less attention has been paid to comparing how climate change is reported by news media in developed and developing countries. This article undertakes a cross-national study of how elite newspapers in four major greenhouse gas emitting countries—the United States, the United Kingdom, China and India—frame coverage of climate change negotiations. We show that framing is similar by these newspapers in developing countries, but there are clear differences in framing in the developed world, and between the developed and developing countries. While an overwhelming majority of these news stories and the frames they deploy are pegged to the stance of domestic institutions in the developing countries, news frames from developed countries are more varied.; (AN 43913953)
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6.

Process Tracing in the Study of Environmental Politics by Vanhala, Lisa. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p88-105, 18p; Abstract: This article surveys the use of process tracing as a method in research on global and comparative environmental politics. It reveals that scholars have been reluctant to explicitly embrace the method, even though a great deal of environmental politics research relies on process tracing and studies causal mechanisms. I argue that the growing number of critiques that the subfield is overly descriptive and insufficiently focused on explanation is one consequence of the reluctance to explicitly embrace process tracing. Drawing on recent debates on causal mechanisms within the philosophy of social science and a growing literature on how to trace processes, this article outlines best practices in the application of the method in the study of environmental politics. I consider some ways in which the use of process tracing in the study of environmental politics may be different from its use in other areas of comparative politics and international relations.; (AN 43913948)
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7.

The Power of Social Networks: How the UNFCCC Secretariat Creates Momentum for Climate Education by Kolleck, Nina; Well, Mareike; Sperzel, Severin; Jörgens, Helge. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p106-126, 21p; Abstract: Despite the relevance of education-specific negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the influential role of the secretariat therein, research in this area is still scarce. We contribute to closing this research gap by exploring how the UNFCCC secretariat becomes involved in and has latent influence on the education-specific debates surrounding global climate conferences and the related information exchange on Twitter. Our analysis extends previous findings by combining theories and methods in novel ways. Specifically, we apply social-network theory and derive data from participant observations and Twitter, which enables us to analyze the role and influence of the UNFCCC treaty secretariat within education-specific negotiations. We find that the secretariat increases its influence by strategically establishing links to actors beyond the negotiating parties and show that it occupies a central and influential position within the education-specific communication networks in UNFCCC negotiations.; (AN 43913944)
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8.

Tracing Failure of Coral Reef Protection in Nonstate Market-Driven Governance by Bloomfield, Michael J.; Schleifer, Philip. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p127-146, 20p; Abstract: Institutional failure remains an important blind spot in the private governance literature. In this article we argue that a focus on scope conditions alone cannot explain why some programs thrive while others cease to exist. Studying the now-defunct Marine Aquarium Council—a certification program for coral reef protection—we adopt an institutional-process approach to fill this gap. Our main points can be summarized in a two-step argument: First, we argue that the scope conditions of private governance are partly endogenous to these processes. Through making strategic decisions, private governance programs have a certain level of control over their environment, and thus over the scope conditions under which they operate. Second, initial choices often unfold path dependencies over time. By tracing the evolution of the Marine Aquarium Council, we illustrate the program’s “mission creep” and the “vicious cycle” of self-reinforcing activity that culminated in its failure.; (AN 43913954)
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9.

The Contradictions of the Neoliberal Global Agri-Food System by Bonanno, Alessandro. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p147-152, 6p; (AN 43913947)
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10.

Consensus and Global Environment Governance: Deliberative Democracy in Nature’s Regime by Mendenhall, Elizabeth. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p153-155, 3p; (AN 43913952)
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11.

Democracy in the Woods: Environmental Conservation and Social Justice in India, Tanzania, and Mexico by Marion Suiseeya, Kimberly R.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p155-157, 3p; (AN 43913943)
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12.

Giving Aid Effectively: The Politics of Environmental Performance and Selectivity at Multilateral Development Banks by Rosenberg, Jonathan. Global Environmental Politics, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p157-159, 3p; (AN 43913951)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 23, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Developing a Grand Strategy for Peace and Human Security: Guidelines from Research, Theory, and Experience by Johansen, Robert C.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p525-536, 12p; (AN 43801373)
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2.

The Responsibility to Protect and Institutional Change by Williams, Abiodun. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p537-544, 8p; (AN 43801367)
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3.

The Promotion of LGBT Rights as International Human Rights Norms: Explaining Brazil's Diplomatic Leadership by Nogueira, Maria Beatriz Bonna. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p545-563, 19p; Abstract: One of the greatest contemporary challenges in human rights norm making is defining the protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression as an international standard. In an unusually polarized structure, the approval of a few resolutions on the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, transsexual, and transgender persons has engendered intense negotiation within international organizations, which has been largely promoted by Brazil. By expanding the analytical parameters of the literature on norm entrepreneurship to the study of foreign policy, the article analyzes Brazil's international leadership on LGBT rights, explaining the origins, motivations, and results of the country's proactive stance on the issue.; (AN 43801369)
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4.

International Organization Autonomy and Issue Emergence: The World Bank's Roma Inclusion Agenda by Ram, Melanie H.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p565-582, 18p; Abstract: How do international organizations (IOs) decide to address new issues? Most IO literature focuses on why states delegate to IOs and if, when, and how IOs are able to act autonomously. Less attention is paid to how IOs may use their autonomy to bring attention to new issues. This article theorizes about IO issue emergence using a qualitative case study of the advent of the World Bank's Roma inclusion agenda. By examining a case of issue emergence that appears to diverge from state demands, we can better understand how IOs exercise their autonomy and consequently shape global policy agendas.; (AN 43801370)
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5.

Global Health Governance in International Society by Youde, Jeremy. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p583-600, 18p; Abstract: Over the course of a single generation, the international community has undergone a radical shift in its views on its collective obligation to address health in low- and middle-income countries. This shift toward accepting the need to respond to global health concerns is rhetorical, behavioral, and financial—and has been maintained even in light of the incredible economic issues and austerity policies that have faced high-income states since 2008. What explains this shift in the international community's sense of obligation and the necessity of actuating an effective response? This article argues that the role and prominence of global health governance within international society reflects its emergence as a secondary institution within international society.; (AN 43801368)
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6.

Collusion in International Organizations: How States Benefit from the Authority of Secretariats by Dijkstra, Hylke. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p601-618, 18p; Abstract: In the theoretical literature on the authority of international secretariats, academics often dichotomize between states and secretariats. Even when they account for the fact that states are often divided, they normally adopt a two-step approach: states first resolve their own differences before they entertain relations with secretariats. This article provides an alternative perspective. It argues that individual or groups of states may collude with like-minded secretariats to achieve outcomes at the expense of other states. Working informally together is beneficial. States can benefit from the rational-legal, delegated, moral, and expert authority of secretariats. States and secretariats can also exchange resources. The article illustrates this perspective through two case studies: the NATO intervention in Libya in 2011 and the European Union's military operation in Chad in 2008.; (AN 43801372)
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7.

Volume 23 Index Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, October 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 4 p621-622, 2p; (AN 43801371)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 13, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bicchi, Federica; Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; (AN 44263242)
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2.

Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations by Duquet, Sanderijn. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p21-40, 20p; Abstract: When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the euin third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eulaw in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eumember state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.; (AN 44263243)
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3.

Does the Flag Still Follow Trade? Agency, Politicization and External Opportunity Structures in the Post-Lisbon System of euDiplomacy by Smith, Michael H.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p41-56, 16p; Abstract: This article focuses on the past and present of the European Union’s system of diplomacy, and asks whether the changes initiated by the Lisbon Treaty have really transformed that system. The Lisbon Treaty promised to transform the situation in which ‘the flag followed trade’ and give a primary role to the diplomacy of politics and security. Using arguments based on the location of agency, the politicization of economic diplomacy and the logic of external opportunity structures, the article argues that the transformation has not taken place, and that euexternal action remains essentially a hybrid construct in which economic diplomacy plays a central role. Such a situation has important implications for eudiplomacy in third countries and for the character of the eu’s diplomatic representation, especially when it comes to the demand expressed in the eu’s 2016 Global Strategy for ‘joined up’ or closely coordinated external action.; (AN 44263244)
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4.

Neither Fish nor Fowl. How euDelegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington by Maurer, Heidi; Maurer, Heidi. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p57-74, 18p; Abstract: This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid euforeign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eudelegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eudelegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably euambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in euforeign policy-making.; (AN 44263245)
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5.

euExternal Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of euDiplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine by Baltag, Dorina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p75-96, 22p; Abstract: The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eudelegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eudiplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the euand cooperating with eumember states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eudelegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eudiplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the euin these countries.; (AN 44263247)
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6.

Coordination between the euMember States’ Embassies and the euDelegation in Turkey: A Case of European Diplomatic Representation by Terzi, Özlem. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses how the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty have influenced the performance of the euDelegation in Ankara and the relationship between the euDelegation, member states’ embassies and Turkish government during times of crisis. Based on numerous interviews, the article analyses how European diplomacy conducted by the euDelegation and eumember states’ embassies functions in three categorically different situations: 1) a political crisis in the host country; 2) an international crisis involving a neighbouring region to the host country; and 3) negotiations between the host government and the euon an issue important for eumember states, against the background of a stalled accession process. Based on an investigation of the relationship of the euDelegation, eumember states’ embassies and Turkey in those three distinct contexts, the article sheds light on the opportunities and constraints of the new way of European diplomatic representation.; (AN 44263246)
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7.

The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations? by Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p117-135, 19p; Abstract: This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eudelegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eumember states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eudelegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.; (AN 44263248)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 33, no. 1, January 2018

Record Results
1. Intelligence and the management of national security: the post 9/11 evolution of an Australian National Security Community by Jones, David Martin. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: AbstractSince 2001 expenditure on the security services has increased exponentially in Western democracies and particularly amongst the Five Eyes community of the UK, the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. This has occurred in conjunction with the expansion of counter-terror laws. Yet somewhat problematically the phenomenon of Islamist inspired violence became more threatening to the internal security of western democracies in the first decade of the twenty-first century. This study examines the Western managerial approach to security using Australia as a case study. It argues that the growth of Australian security agencies since 2001 and their evolution into a National Security Community after 2008 has neglected basic maxims of political and constitutional prudence and eschews the modern state’s own contractual self -understanding of sovereignty and political obligation.; (AN 43981041)
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2. Intelligence expertise in the age of information sharing: public–private ‘collection’ and its challenges to democratic control and accountability by Petersen, Karen Lund; Tjalve, Vibeke Schou. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p21-35, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe emergence of a more elusive and uncertain threat environment has transformed the nature of intelligence, increasing its reliance on civil society partners. Once the work of an insular and carefully select few, intelligence production is now a networked, partially open and extensively public–private enterprise. Most poignantly, new practices of public–private ‘collection’ face Western intelligence services with novel questions about control and accountability – questions to which the services have responded with hopes that by standardizing ‘methodologies’, central command may be retained. Suggesting a more complex picture, this article argues that ‘managing uncertainty’ imply forms of interpretation and choices which cannot be pre-empted by rule-regulation: more than Weber’s ideal of the procedural and rule-bound, it may be his (once central, yet largely marginalized) emphasis on institutional and individual capacities for critical ‘judgment’ that is of relevance today.; (AN 43981043)
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3. The perils of multinational intelligence coalitions: Britain, America and the origins of Pakistan’s ISI by Sirrs, Owen L.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p36-47, 12p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines how Great Britain helped create Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI) with two goals: (1) establishing a Pakistani branch of a Commonwealth intelligence network; (2) ensuring information security within that network. Ultimately, this endeavor failed because of perceived deficiencies in Pakistan’s security institutions and Britain’s inability to address Pakistan’s security needs. By the mid-1950s ISI forged close ties with the United States which offered more and with fewer political strings attached. This article offers new insights on intelligence alliance formation during the cold war. It also provides a useful case study in the weaknesses of multilateral intelligence coalitions.; (AN 43981042)
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4. British signals intelligence and the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland by Larsen, Daniel. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p48-66, 19p; Abstract: AbstractHistorians for decades have placed Room 40, the First World War British naval signals intelligence organization, at the centre of narratives about the British anticipation of and response to the Easter Rising in Ireland in 1916. A series of crucial decrypts of telegrams between the German embassy in Washington and Berlin, it has been believed, provided significant advance intelligence about the Rising before it took place. This article upends previous accounts by demonstrating that Room 40 possessed far less advance knowledge about the Rising than has been believed, with most of the supposedly key decrypts not being generated until months after the Rising had taken place.; (AN 43981044)
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5. Cold War counter-terrorism: the evolution of international counter-terrorism in the RCMP Security Service, 1972–1984 by Hewitt, Steve. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p67-83, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis piece provides a detailed case study of the evolution of counter-terrorism within a specific domestic security agency of a liberal-democratic state in the context of the Cold War. It does so by examining the creation of a counter-terrorism unit within Canada’s Royal Canadian Mounted Police Security Service and how it responded to international terrorism. This occurred in between major terrorist attacks in Canada in 1970 and 1985 and included a growing focus on counter-terrorism even as counter-subversion remained a top priority within a still dominant Cold War domestic security framework. Ultimately, the article, based on thousands of pages of previously secret documents, argues that the Security Service could conceive of in a broader strategic sense the threat of terrorism but found it more challenging, for a variety of reasons, including the dominance of the Cold War and the difficulties around infiltrating ethnic communities, to collect intelligence.; (AN 43981045)
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6. The operational code approach to profiling political leaders: understanding Vladimir Putin by Dyson, Stephen Benedict; Parent, Matthew J.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p84-100, 17p; Abstract: AbstractContent analytics applied to open source material can assist in understanding, predicting, and influencing the behavior of foreign political leaders. We provide evidence to this effect by profiling Russian President Vladimir Putin, who remains a source of consternation to the academic, intelligence, and policy communities. We apply the operational code scheme to a corpus of over one million words spoken by Putin across his time in office, and use the results to adjudicate between the competing portraits of him in the extant literature. We find Putin to hold broadly mainstream beliefs about international politics, albeit qualified by hyper-aggressiveness toward terrorism and a startling preoccupation with political control. His approach is that of an opportunist rather than a strategist. These data represent a stream of information that must be combined with other sources and integrated, through policy judgment, into a comprehensive approach to a foreign political leader.; (AN 43981046)
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7. If I only had a brain: Yip Harburg, J. Edgar Hoover, and the failures of FBI intelligence work by MacDonnell, Francis. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p101-115, 15p; Abstract: AbstractE. Y. Harburg, the lyricist behind The Wizard of Oz, remains one of the most important songwriters blacklisted during the Cold War. His removal from Hollywood features in the 1950s denied moviegoers a distinct American voice whose lyrics mixed humor and entertainment to champion liberal causes. From 1944–1972, Director J. Edgar Hoover and the Bureau’s major field offices investigated Harburg. His declassified FBI file shows institutionalized incompetence in the way the Bureau went about writing reports, evaluating evidence, making conclusions, and conducting counter-intelligence work. Harburg’s story illuminates the battle between the left and right to shape popular culture during the Cold War. Hoover and Harburg held opposing views on politics, religion, economics, and race. Yet both men shared a fervent faith in popular culture’s capacity to transform America. Together they vied to remake the nation according to their own distinct visions – Hoover’s fear of declension stood in contrast to Harburg’s hope for radical progress.; (AN 43981048)
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8. The World Federation of Scientific Workers, a case study of a Soviet Front Organisation: 1946–1964 by Styles, William. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p116-129, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the topic of the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) during its period of greatest activity, between 1946 and 1964. The WFSW was the only Soviet Front Organisation to be both founded in, and run from, the UK; and was a subject of intense interest for British intelligence during the early years of the Cold War. In particular, this article seeks to demonstrate how the Federation’s fortunes reflected those of the broader international ‘Peace’ movement, whilst simultaneously examining the reasons behind Whitehall’s interest in the group, and how this changed over time.; (AN 43981047)
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9. Professionalizing clandestine military intelligence in Northern Ireland: creating the Special Reconnaissance Unit by Charters, David A.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p130-138, 9p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explains the origins of the British Army’s covert counter-insurgency intelligence efforts in Northern Ireland, and shows how the army professionalized its approach to clandestine intelligence collection there. It traces the pre-1969 precedents for covert collection. It also shows that the early ad hoc efforts proved insufficient and problematic; some collection operations were exposed and compromised. Thus, the army decided to ‘professionalize’ the clandestine collection of intelligence, and created a special body–the Special Reconnaissance Unit–to handle the task. This laid the foundations for later intelligence successes and for current army intelligence doctrine.; (AN 43981049)
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10. How I came to write The Hut Six Story by Welchman, Gordon. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p139-144, 6p; Abstract: AbstractGordon Welchman was a Cambridge mathematician and one of the key figures working at Bletchley Park (BP) during World War Two. In 1974, he decided to write his own memoir following the publication of other books on the subject. His book ‘The Hut Six Story’ was published in both the US and UK in early 1982 and was the first to include technical details about the BP operation. Pressure on his publishers from the NSA and GCHQ ultimately resulted in the book being withdrawn from their lists. On 14 May 1982, he wrote this previously unpublished paper, explaining his motives.; (AN 43981050)
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11. Unhinged: drone assassination – American suicide by Steele, Robert David. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p145-150, 6p; (AN 43981052)
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12. The CIA and enhanced interrogation techniques in the war on terror by Harries, Emma. Intelligence & National Security, January 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p151-156, 6p; (AN 43981051)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 93, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Contentious borders in the Middle East and North Africa: context and concepts by Del Sarto, Raffaella A.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p767-787, 21p; Abstract: The recent upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have exerted pressure on the regional state system and its borders. Exploring the altered nature and function of borders in a comprehensive and theory-informed manner, together with their domestic, regional and international implications, is long overdue. As a starting point to this endeavour, this article provides the historical context to the problem of contested borders in the MENA region since the formation of the modern state system in the region until today. While problematizing a number of key concepts, the article proposes to analyse the currently contentious nature of many MENA borders by considering the often deeply conflicting configuration of state authority, legitimacy and territoriality over time; the Arab uprisings mark the most recent of a series of critical junctures. Developments at the international, regional and domestic levels are considered while attention is paid to their intersection. The article concludes by raising the question of whether prevailing conceptualisations of the state and its borders are adequate for a real understanding of past and present developments in the region, suggesting that alternative or additional approaches may be helpful.; (AN 42850302)
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2.

States and sovereignty in the Middle East: myths and realities by Fawcett, Louise. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p789-807, 19p; Abstract: To many observers the Middle East state system since the Arab uprisings stands at a critical juncture, displaying contradictory patterns of fragility and durability. The uprisings, which started late in 2010, were revolutionary in their initial impact, but beyond Tunisia, it is the counter-revolutionary movement which has proved more durable. However, the region has witnessed regime changes alongside intense levels of popular mobilization, violence and transnational activism. The results have been highly destabilizing, resulting in challenges, not only to regimes, but to the very sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. This, in turn, has contributed to a shifting regional power balance and repeated episodes of external intervention. Some commentators have argued that the whole regional system, always fragile and contested, is finally undergoing radical transformation; others point to its resilience. This article evaluates the latest wave of instability and its consequences for Middle Eastern states, their sovereignty and regional order, introducing themes and discussions taken up in other articles in this special issue. It argues that despite recent upheavals (and multiple predictions to the contrary), the Middle East system of states and borders will likely remain intact—at least in the medium term. This does not mean that states are necessarily ‘strong’ in a Weberian sense or that sovereignty at different levels is uncontested, but that continuity—state survival and border preservation—is likely to prevail over major change.; (AN 42850305)
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3.

The changing borders and borderlands of Syria in a time of conflict by Vignal, Leïla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p809-827, 19p; Abstract: This article aims at a better understanding of the changing nature of borders in warring Syria. Contrary to much media commentary, the Syrian uprising and the subsequent conflict have not been about territorial claims. In 2011, the borders of Syria were de facto pacified and, with the important exception of the border with Israel, were accepted as the legitimate boundaries of the Syrian state. This, however, does not contradict the fact that the unfolding of the Syrian uprising has had deep transformative effects on the borders of the country. Their nature, functions and management have significantly evolved since the uprising first broke out. In 2017, these borders no longer delineate a coherent territory under the control of a unique and somehow cohesive actor: the state. The ongoing territorial and political fragmentation of the country into territories controlled by different armed parties has given rise to multiple forms of control over the Syrian border that reflect the outcome of the armed confrontation. This article analyses the transformations of the borders from the outer boundaries of a state that exercises its sovereignty over its territory and delivers state functions and public goods to its citizens to a spatial envelope in which competing internal legitimacies operate. It also explores the new dynamics of the borders in relation with Syria's neighbours and the international order.; (AN 42850310)
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4.

Turkey's post-2011 approach to its Syrian border and its implications for domestic politics by Okyay, Asli S.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p829-846, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the implications of the post-2011 conflict in Syria for the relationship between Turkey's shifting border politics and its domestic politics, focusing on the period until mid-2015. The analysis demonstrates that two factors explain the shifts in Turkey's border management modalities in this period. These factors were: first, Turkey's aspiration to enhance its regional influence through a power reconfiguration in post-conflict Syria, in which the Assad regime would be replaced by a predominantly Islamist power elite; second, its concern about its territorial integrity and centralized nation-state model, which it tried to safeguard by impeding the emergence of a Kurdish state, or governance structure with increased autonomous powers and expanded territorial control. Power reconfigurations over the course of the conflict and newly arising threats emanating from the neighbouring civil war also had significant implications for Turkey's border management patterns. Embedded within a highly interconnected region that has also been increasingly structured in ethno-sectarian terms, instrumentally shifting border politics gave rise to a high degree of contestation in the domestic sphere, and contributed to the reinforcement of ethnic and sectarian identity boundaries permeating society and politics in Turkey. The case of Turkey is significant in understanding the overall impact of the post-2011 political transition processes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) on border politics, on the degree of interdependence between domestic and international politics, on the links between state borders and identity boundaries, and on state-society relations.; (AN 42850309)
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5.

Contesting borders? The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan's de facto state by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p847-863, 17p; Abstract: The Kurds are the largest territorially concentrated ethnic group in the world without its own nation state. However, the Iraqi Kurdish population has been striving to establish its own political order for more than two decades and, in northern Iraq, a markedly developed de facto state has emerged. Iraqi Kurdistan has established a considerable degree of autonomy and domestic sovereignty, which is particularly impressive considering the current state of its parent state Iraq. This success is puzzling, when considered alongside the most prominent theory of state formation, which argues that it is war that makes states. War does not explain the Kurdish state-making process. Rather, it has been a major setback for the Iraqi Kurds after 1991. This suggests an alternative theory of state formation, which argues that social coalitions of key elites can account for successful state-building. This article argues that the social coalition of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which sustained state-building in northern Iraq, emerged and stabilized because of external incentives. Demonstrating unity in front of the international community, and particularly in front of Iraqi Kurdistan's main sponsors, the US and Turkey, has resulted in large flows of revenue for the two parties. The case of Iraqi Kurdistan, therefore, allows for conclusions both on the potential and on the limitations of externally-promoted state-building coalitions. These insights are also relevant for debates on international state-building.; (AN 42850311)
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6.

Border management in an era of ‘statebuilding lite’: security assistance and Lebanon's hybrid sovereignty by Tholens, Simone. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p865-882, 18p; Abstract: International border management strategies have become the favoured practice to counter global threats, notably terrorism, migration flows and ‘weak states’. This article shows how border security assistance is translated and has political consequences in contexts where sovereignty is contested. It first offers a new conceptualization of contemporary security assistance as a form of ‘statebuilding lite’. These practices are void of comprehensive strategies for broader security governance, and are decentralized, pragmatic and ad hoc. The modus operandi is one whereby each donor develops its own niche, and directly supports specific agencies in the target state. Secondly, the article demonstrates how these tendencies play out in the one of the most important contemporary cases. Assistance to Lebanon since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war is particularly revealing, since Lebanon has received large numbers of Syrian refugees crossing its borders; witnessed rekindling of sectarian violence; and harbours Hezbollah, whose military operations in support of the Assad regime in Damascus draws Lebanon directly into the Syrian conflict. The ensuing situation, where vast amounts of security assistance reach Lebanon's many security agencies in complex ways, can best be described as a security assistance ‘bonanza’. In a micro-study of how the Lebanese Army, police, intelligence and customs agencies have engaged with an EU border management project, the article analyses how discourses of ‘integration’ have encountered the hybrid Lebanese context. It asserts that in the absence of a domestic political strategy, the state reverts back to basic modes of security-driven governance, aided by the readily available security assistance by actors with primarily strategic priorities. Drawing on the case of Lebanon allows us to fundamentally re-think how contemporary security assistance is practiced, and permits conceptualizations of global–local security linkages in a post-national world.; (AN 42850331)
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7.

Approaching borders and frontiers in North Africa by Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p883-896, 14p; Abstract: Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.; (AN 42850325)
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8.

The practice and culture of smuggling in the borderland of Egypt and Libya by Hüsken, Thomas. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p897-915, 19p; Abstract: This article looks at smuggling among the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin in the borderland of Egypt and Libya. Smuggling is understood as a transgressive economic practice that is embedded in the wider social, political and cultural connectivity of the Awlad ‘Ali. This connectivity transgresses state borders, collides with conceptions of state sovereignty, territory and citizenship. In addition, it has a greater historical depth than the respective post-colonial states, and is in many respects more vital than these. During the regimes of Gaddafi and Mubarak the economic productivity and political stability in the borderland was based on the shared sovereignty between politicians and cross border traders of the Awlad ‘Ali and the Egyptian and Libyan state. During and after the Arab spring and particularly in the subsequent civil war in Libya local non state sovereignties that operate across borders have gained significant empowerment and relevance. The article argues that shared sovereignty between state and non-state formations, between centres and peripheries, and between the national and the local level, is a central feature of the real practice of African governance and borderland economies.; (AN 42850319)
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9.

Borders and sovereignty in Islamist and jihadist thought: past and present by Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p917-935, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how Islamists and jihadists have framed issues pertaining to sovereignty, borders, as well as political and religious identity, over the last century. At a time when the territorial delimitations of several Arab countries seem more fickle than ever, it is necessary to address how Islamists and jihadists view the historical and contemporary aspects of borders and sovereignty. The Islamists, on the one hand—whose aim is creating a caliphate—have had to deal with unexpected realities, turning inevitably to some extent of reform of their original revolutionary ambition. The jihadists, on the other hand, while remaining committed to an armed struggle to unify Muslims worldwide, do not advocate for any action other than global insurrection. By focusing on the writings and discourses of major Islamist and jihadist leaders, it thus appears that the study of borders and sovereignty is indispensable to understanding the similarities and differences between the two ideologies. In addition, the study of borders and sovereignty allows for predicting developments in the region that largely pertain to the desire to achieve (jihadists) or amend (modern Islamists) the original revisionist design. It appears that borders, territory and sovereignty prove to be significant constraints for both Islamists and jihadists. Evidently, both Islamists and jihadists have reacted in diverging ways to the political and cultural realities that stand against their founding ideology—with certain Islamist movements having thus nationalized their doctrine, while jihadists still remain eager to achieve their original ambition.; (AN 42850297)
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10.

States, boundaries and sovereignty in the Middle East: unsteady but unchanging by Zartman, I. William. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p937-948, 12p; Abstract: States in the Middle East are real states, not yet Weberian and Westphalian, hard rather than strong states in most cases, with few cases of collapse after the Arab Spring. This article develops this idea, by discussing how their aspiring sovereignty over territory with established, if permeable, boundaries is likely to pursue its efforts at consolidation; only the Kurds and the Palestinians militate for a new sovereign entity of their own, with little success after decades of efforts and sympathy. Boundaries are remarkably stable, even often demarcated; challenges arise withinthe states for control, rather than between states, and at most decentralization in a few states may bring greater self-rule to ethnic groups. The challenge of regional order is not the creation of new boundaries, but the division of the region into a Shi'a Fatal Crescent against a Sunni north and south, both riven by state identity.; (AN 42850285)
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11.

The Mediterranean and its migrants: porous policy for a porous border by Spencer, Claire. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p949-956, 8p; Abstract: The Mediterranean Sea has traditionally been seen as a transit route rather than a border zone, yet the upsurge in migration from the Mediterranean's southern shores into Europe in recent years has given rise to a new array of policing, monitoring and humanitarian missions in and around the Mediterranean Basin. Stretching far into Europe's and Africa's hinterlands,  an ‘industry’ of smugglers, traffickers and border guards has grown up around circumventing or protecting the barriers and border regimes that now exist on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea. This article reviews recent works charting the diverse and far-reaching phenomenon of migration over the past decade, and the implications of the Mediterranean's ‘borderlands’ for a European policy on migration that is still seeking coherence.; (AN 42850301)
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12.

The paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey: Islam, illiberal democracy and republicanism by Göl, Ayla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p957-966, 10p; Abstract: When the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi—AKP) first came to power in 2002, Turkey was described as a shining example of ‘the only Muslim democracy’ in the Middle East. The AKP has remained in power since then. While some hailed it as the so-called ‘Turkish model’, many have been rather sceptical about an ideological ‘hidden agenda’ of the AKP leadership to Islamize Turkish politics. Nevertheless, a stable Turkey under the pro-Islamic AKP rule was perceived as essential to improving relations between the West and the Muslim world. Within the last two decades, under Erdoğan's leadership it has become clear that a western model of ‘liberal democracy’ will probably not be the final destination of Turkey's path, but just one of many possible exits. What went wrong under the AKP governance, causing a promising ‘Turkish model’ to turn into authoritarian rule with the rise of illiberal democracy? While the three books under review have different emphases and address different questions, all of them offer timely insights into understanding this pressing question in both Turkish and Middle Eastern politics. They all seem to broadly agree that Turkey under AKP rule has undergone a metamorphosis in three stages: the ‘economic miracle’, combined with pseudo-democratization (2002–7); the phase of ‘regime change’ (2007–11) and, finally, the rise of authoritarianism and Islamo-nationalism (2011–15). Based on these insights, it is possible to argue that this metamorphosis has led to the paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey, which I will attempt to highlight and explore in this review article. I identify three paradoxes: the persistency of Islam, combined with nationalism (Islamo-nationalism), in state-society relations; the impacts of Turkey–EU relations and reforms on the democratization process; and the future of republicanism in Turkey. I conclude by arguing that the rise of Erdoğan's authoritarianism combined with illiberal democracy at home will have serious implications for Turkish foreign policy.; (AN 42850294)
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13.

The globalization of international society by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p967-968, 2p; (AN 42850290)
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14.

Foucault and the modern international: silences and legacies for the study of world politics by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p968-969, 2p; (AN 42850328)
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15.

How statesmen think: the psychology of international politics by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p969-970, 2p; (AN 42850318)
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16.

Decolonization: a short history by Murray, Christopher. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p970-972, 3p; (AN 42850292)
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17.

The Armenians in modern Turkey: post-genocide society, politics and history by Cheterian, Vicken. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p972-973, 2p; (AN 42850306)
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18.

Naked diplomacy: power and statecraft in the digital age and The future of #diplomacy* by Spence, Jack. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p973-975, 3p; (AN 42850330)
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19.

Crisis and institutional change in regional integration by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p975-976, 2p; (AN 42850293)
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20.

Deliberation across deeply divided societies: transformative moments by Kaplanova, Patricia. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p976-977, 2p; (AN 42850313)
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21.

Intelligence security in the European Union: building a strategic intelligence community by Plater-Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p977-978, 2p; (AN 42850296)
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22.

Quality peace: peacebuilding, victory, and world order by Jester, Natalie. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p978-979, 2p; (AN 42850298)
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23.

Gaining currency: the rise of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p979-981, 3p; (AN 42850308)
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24.

The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy by Prontera, Andrea. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p981-982, 2p; (AN 42850323)
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25.

Burn out: the endgame for fossil fuels* by Aczel, Miriam R.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p982-983, 2p; (AN 42850314)
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26.

Oil booms and business busts: why resource wealth hurts entrepreneurs in the developing world by Wanvik, Tarje I.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p984-985, 2p; (AN 42850304)
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27.

The great derangement: climate change and the unthinkable by Kedia, Shailly. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p985-986, 2p; (AN 42850307)
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28.

The politics of crisis in Europe* by Toje, Asle. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p986-988, 3p; (AN 42850289)
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29.

A history of the Iraq crisis: France, the United States, and Iraq, 1991–2003 by Hardy, Roger. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p988-989, 2p; (AN 42850315)
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30.

Iran's nuclear program and international law: from confrontation to accord* by Bentley, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p989-990, 2p; (AN 42850316)
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31.

Islamic politics, Muslim states, and counterterrorism tensions by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p991-992, 2p; (AN 42850312)
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32.

Ivory: power and poaching in Africa by Lawson, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p992-994, 3p; (AN 42850317)
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33.

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram by Wilén, Nina. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p994-995, 2p; (AN 42850286)
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34.

Islam and democracy in Indonesia: tolerance without liberalism by Brown, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p995-996, 2p; (AN 42850303)
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35.

Pakistan: courting the abyss by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p997-998, 2p; (AN 42850299)
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36.

Choices: inside the making of India's foreign policy by Kumar, Pavan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p998-999, 2p; (AN 42850291)
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37.

Hong Kong in the shadow of China: living with the leviathan* by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p999-1000, 2p; (AN 42850287)
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38.

Contributors International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42850327)
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39.

Abstracts International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 pvii-xiii, 7p; (AN 42850329)
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40.

Cambodia votes: democracy, authority and international support for elections 1993–2013 by Copeland, Matthew P.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1000-1002, 3p; (AN 42850321)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850321&site=ehost-live

41.

The president's book of secrets: the untold story of intelligence briefings to America's presidents from Kennedy to Obama* by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1002-1003, 2p; (AN 42850320)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42850320&site=ehost-live

42.

Enemies known and unknown: targeted killings in America's transnational wars by Archambault, Emil. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1003-1004, 2p; (AN 42850288)
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43.

The Marshall Plan and the shaping of American strategy by Farese, Giovanni. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1004-1006, 3p; (AN 42850295)
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44.

Afterimages: photography and U.S. foreign policy by Ryan, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1006-1007, 2p; (AN 42850322)
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45.

Euforia e fracasso do Brasil Grande: política externa e multinacionais brasileiras da era Lula [Euphoria and failure of Grand Brazil: foreign policy and Brazilian multinationals in the Lula era] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1007-1009, 3p; (AN 42850324)
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46.

The Salvador option: the United States in El Salvador, 1977–1992 by Chrimes, Philip. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1009-1010, 2p; (AN 42850300)
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47.

Books reviewed July 2017 International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1011-1011, 1p; (AN 42850326)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 31, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Intelligence and the Intelligentsia: Exploitation of U.S. Think Tanks by Foreign Powers by Tromblay, Darren E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; (AN 44220861)
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2.

U.S. Strategic Warning Intelligence: Situation and Prospects by Gentry, John A.; Gordon, Joseph S.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p19-53, 35p; (AN 44220863)
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3.

The Security Apparatus and the British Left, 1950s–2000s (Part I) by Bonino, Stefano. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p54-84, 31p; (AN 44220862)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220862&site=ehost-live

4.

Intelligence and Balkan Instability: Repeating the Past or Moving in a New Direction? by Nomikos, John M.; Symeonides, A. Th.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p85-101, 17p; (AN 44220865)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220865&site=ehost-live

5.

Scolding Intelligence: The PFIAB Report on the Soviet War Scare by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p102-115, 14p; (AN 44220864)
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6.

A Psycho-Social Motivational Theory of Mass Leaking by Thompson, Terence J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p116-125, 10p; (AN 44220866)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220866&site=ehost-live

7.

Tech Stars on the Wall: The Human Cost of Intelligence Technology by Dujmovic, Nicholas. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p126-138, 13p; (AN 44220870)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220870&site=ehost-live

8.

Fragile Friendships: Partnerships Between the Academy and Intelligence by Crosston, Matthew D.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p139-158, 20p; (AN 44220868)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220868&site=ehost-live

9.

Centralizing India’s Intelligence: The National Intelligence Grid’s Purpose, Status, and Problems by Shaffer, Ryan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p159-168, 10p; (AN 44220869)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220869&site=ehost-live

10.

Intelligence in the First Muslim State: 610–632 AD by Suwaed, Muhammad Youssef; Kahana, Ephraim. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p169-184, 16p; (AN 44220867)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44220867&site=ehost-live

11.

The Swiss Sojourn of Allen Dulles by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p185-189, 5p; (AN 44220872)
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12.

An Amateur’s Guide to Denial and Deception by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p190-193, 4p; (AN 44220874)
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13.

The Unknown Tyrant of Tirana by Smith, Michael Douglas. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p194-197, 4p; (AN 44220873)
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14.

Tactics from Stalin’s Playbook by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p198-200, 3p; (AN 44220871)
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15.

Unconventional Warfare in Post-War Germany by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p201-205, 5p; (AN 44220876)
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16.

Knaves or Fools? by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p205-211, 7p; (AN 44220877)
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17.

Big Bangs and Debonair Guerrillas by Schwab, Stephen Irving Max. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p212-215, 4p; (AN 44220875)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 22, no. 3, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: Mediation and Negotiation in the Global South by Garcia, Denise. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p377-379, 3p; Abstract: The practice of international mediation is widely recognized as essential for international peace and security, and its advantages have been extensively acknowledged. It is also an integral component of international negotiation and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Nevertheless, most of the governmental and non-governmental actors involved in international mediation processes come from predominantly Northern countries. Very few states and civil society institutions from the Global South are engaged in international mediation initiatives or have invested in improving their national mediation capacities. Looking into the future, the involvement of the South in these efforts is needed more than ever. World leaders, from the North and the Global South need to revitalize principled commitments and allow great negotiators to come to the fore to reverse deadlocked and perilous situations in the search for peace and prosperity.; (AN 43455188)
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2.

Explaining Global Norms: The Case of Negotiations on Restraining Conventional Arms by Garcia, Denise. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p380-401, 22p; Abstract: International norms are central to world politics and they set boundaries for what is deemed commonly accepted behavior. The literature has not effectively explained the rise of new norms through negotiation and how actors from the Global South have played active roles, especially in the complex areas of developing security norms. This article argues that norm-making is not a unidirectional movement or phenomenon, but rather a highly circuitous process. The circuitous norm building model accounts for an increasing connectedness among domestic and regional/international levels in norm building in Global South and North countries.; (AN 43455191)
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3.

International Mediation in Africa: Experiences and Challenges by Gounden, Vasu. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p402-430, 29p; Abstract: Although informal and traditionally driven practices of mediation have existed for many generations, institutionalized and African-driven mediation became more important following the end of the Cold War. Mediation initiatives undertaken over the past 25 years, partly as a consequence of the increase in intra-state conflicts on the continent, have resulted in the generation of a deep body of knowledge and the evolution of a community of practitioners. This article examines two of the first post-1990 African-driven mediation processes – the Arusha Peace Process for Burundi and the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (icd) for the Democratic Republic of the Congo (drc) – to highlight key lessons that emerged, including the choice of mediator, who to include in the mediation, the impact of regional and international dynamics on the mediation, the importance and challenges of addressing the root causes of the conflict in a mediation process, and the role of non-state actors and Track iidiplomacy.; (AN 43455190)
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4.

Mediation as Politics: How Nations Leverage Peace Engagements? by Beriker, Nimet. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p431-450, 20p; Abstract: This study proposes a conceptual model that depicts middle power mediation as a foreign policy strategy in the context of asymmetric alliance dynamics. It expands on Touval’s (2003) mediation-as-foreign policy perspective and argues that once mediation is conceived of as a viable political option in the conduct of foreign policy, engaging in mediation activity enables middle powers to create an extra space of political power not otherwise available. The article introduces an analytical model that explains the dynamics of mediation-as-foreign policy approach and the mechanisms that translate mediation engagement into political leverage. The analysis focuses on aspects of Turkish mediation efforts between 2002 and 2009 in the context of Turkish-us/eurelations.; (AN 43455192)
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5.

What Can South-South Development Cooperation Do for International Peace? Brazil’s Role in Haiti and Guinea-Bissau by Abdenur, Adriana Erthal. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p451-472, 22p; Abstract: Until it began waning due to economic crisis and political turmoil on the domestic front, in Brazil’s rapidly expanding South-South development, cooperation often has been promoted by government officials as contributing to stability and prosperity in partner states. It is unclear, however, how this development cooperation intersects with the country’s involvement in unpeace operations. This article examines the role of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation across two contexts. In Haiti, Brazil has led the military component of the minustah, whereas in Guinea-Bissau, it has helped to spearhead peacebuilding efforts by the international community. In both cases, Brazil has tried to substantiate its critique of the un’s securitization by providing technical cooperation across a variety of sectors. The analysis shows that this cooperation is too fragmented, subject to interruptions, and disconnected from un-led efforts to make a considerable contribution to a sustainable peace. However, better internal coordination and stronger ties to uninitiatives could boost the contribution of Brazil’s Brazilian South-South development cooperation to a lasting peace.; (AN 43455194)
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6.

The Increasing Power of the European Parliament: Negotiating the eu-India Free Trade Agreement by Frennhoff Larsén, Magdalena. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p473-498, 26p; Abstract: Since the Lisbon Treaty increased the legal role of the European Parliament (ep) in eutrade policy, there has been a debate about the extent to which these legal competencies have translated into actual influence over the content and outcome of eutrade negotiations. Using the trade negotiations between the euand India as a case study, this article argues that the impact of the ephas indeed been significant. Through two-level game analysis, which extends its domestic focus to include the epas a domestic constituent, it demonstrates how the ephas affected the euwin-set in ways that have both hindered and facilitated agreement at the international level between the euand India. It also shows how the ephas affected the negotiating dynamics and how the eunegotiators have had their preferences somewhat compromised by the epin their attempt at reaching an agreement with India.; (AN 43455193)
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7.

Just Say No: Explaining the Lack of International Mediation in Kashmir by Biswas, Bidisha. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p499-520, 22p; Abstract: The dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is one of the world’s most protracted and potentially dangerous conflicts. While the international community has strong interest in limiting violent conflagration between the two states, third party action aimed at amelioration has been very limited. This contrasts with overall global mediation efforts, which have increased in the post-Cold War period. Using archival research, this study explores the reasons for the Government of India’s implacable opposition to any external intervention in the conflict. We argue that both strategic and ideational motivations have influenced its decisions. In particular, India’s strict adherence to the principle of strategic autonomy precludes the possibility of accepting external mediation. By exploring how and why strategic and ideational motivations intersect to become a formidable barrier to third party intervention, this article contributes to our understanding of why certain countries develop resistance to mediation.; (AN 43455195)
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8.

The Politics of Treaty Signature: The Role of Diplomats and Ties that Bind by Elsig, Manfred; Elsig, Manfred. International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p521-543, 23p; Abstract: The literature on international cooperation through legal commitments focuses chiefly on treaty ratification. What has received much less attention is that before states ratify treaties, they commit to treaties through the act of signature. This article addresses this research gap by investigating how a state’s decision to sign a treaty is affected by its diplomatic representation during treaty negotiations. Conceptualizing signature as a commitment step, we argue that participation in treaty negotiations translates into a “ties-that-bind” effect creating incentives for diplomats to support the treaty text leading to treaty signature. Our empirical analysis uses a new data set on signature and tests the argument for 52 multilateral treaties concluded between 1990 and 2005. Results confirm that participation in treaty making matters for signature but not necessarily for ratification.; (AN 43455197)
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9.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, October 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p545-545, 1p; (AN 43455196)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
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3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 25, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Ending Mass Atrocities: An Empirical Reinterpretation of ‘Successful’ International Military Intervention in East Timor by Smith, Claire Q.; Jarvis, Tom. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p1-27, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe paper challenges the theoretical and empirical orthodoxy surrounding the debate on international military intervention and mass atrocity endings, via an evidence-based analysis of the situation in East Timor in 1999. By combining existing but under-explored data on mass atrocities with eye-witness accounts, new key informant interviews, and a detailed review of secondary sources, we demonstrate that the wave of militia-perpetrated violence in September 1999 was extinguished prior to the arrival of international military forces. We demonstrate the unique effect of national political factors, when combined with the pressures of international diplomacy, which combined to end mass atrocities in this particular case. We find that the Indonesian regime was not a uniformly recalcitrant regime opposed to ending the atrocities, and demonstrate how factors operating across the national and sub-national levels combined to force the Indonesian leadership to bring the militia perpetrators of this brutal episode of violence under control. Through our new empirical analysis, and the alternative explanation we present to explain endings of mass atrocities in this case, we challenge the tendency to focus on international military intervention as the means by which mass atrocities come to an end.; (AN 44383452)
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2.

Multiple Peacekeeping Missions: Analysing Interdependence by Diehl, Paul F.; Druckman, Daniel. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p28-51, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPeace operations now conduct a wide range of different missions, but much of the scholarship has focused only on one mission at a time, and most often this is the task of monitoring cease-fires. This article draws attention to the phenomena of multiple missions within peace operations, and discusses some of the hurdles to understanding how such missions influence one another. We begin by providing a descriptive analysis of 11 different peace missions carried out by UN operations over the 1948–2015 period. Following a review of multiple-mission studies to date, we call attention to several problems with approaches taken for understanding peacekeeping outcomes. We then elucidate seven considerations or challenges in understanding how missions interact with one another and influence each other’s success, providing guidelines for how to analyse them.; (AN 44383451)
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3.

Invitations to Intervene and the Legitimacy of EU and NATO Civilian and Military Operations by Wolff, Andrew T.. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p52-78, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the connection between invitations to intervene and the creation of legitimacy for European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) operations. By tracking the incidence and source of pleas for an intervention, this study finds that invitations are associated with most EU and NATO interventions, and identifies three different types of invitations – true, collaborative, and rigged – which denote greater or lesser degrees of demand for Western security services. This variability in demand for Western security services signalled by the three types of invitations impacts the level of legitimacy associated with an EU or NATO operation: true invitations confer the greatest amount of legitimacy, collaborative invitations generate weaker legitimacy, and rigged invitations create low levels of legitimacy. Moreover, both organizations have, at times, coerced external political actors into offering an invitation to intervene in order to manufacture stronger legitimacy for their interventionist designs. Ultimately, because invitations play such a large role in prompting EU and NATO interventions, international relations scholars and political leaders should carefully consider their quality and influence on the decision-making process when determining the initial legitimacy for an interventionist operation.; (AN 44383454)
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4.

Policy Entrepreneurship by International Bureaucracies: The Evolution of Public Information in UN Peacekeeping by Oksamytna, Kseniya. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p79-104, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe UN Secretariat’s role in the expansion of peacekeeping after the cold war is debated. Different theoretical accounts offer competing interpretations: principal–agent models and sociological institutionalism tend to emphasize the Secretariat’s risk-averse behaviour; organizational learning scholarship and international political sociology find evidence of the Secretariat’s activism; constructivism analyses instances of both. I argue that the UN Secretariat can be both enthusiastic and cautious about new tasks depending on the circumstances and the issue area. For example, UN officials have been the driving force behind the development of public information campaigns by peacekeeping missions aimed at the local population. During the cold war, it was not regarded as necessary for UN missions to communicate with the public in the area of operation: their interlocutors were parties to the conflict and the diplomatic community. With the deployment of the first multidimensional missions in the late 1980s and the early 1990s, UN staff realized the need to explain the organization’s role to the local population and provide information about UN-supported elections. In promoting this innovation, they played the role of policy entrepreneurs. The institutionalization of this innovation, however, was not an automatic process and required continuous advocacy by UN information staff.; (AN 44383453)
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5.

Transnational State-Building in Lebanon and Bosnia-Herzegovina: Strengthening or Shattering the Peace? by Légaré, Kathia. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p105-127, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen civil wars end, political institutions are the main topics of conflict. The implementation of peace settlements often stall, and foreign sponsored initiatives might be put in place to build the state as to strengthen peace. This article aims to explain their impact. It proposes that post-conflict reconstruction follows a cycle, which alternates between phases of status quo, debate, and crisis. It argues this process is powered by the struggles between coalitions of political forces, including foreign parties, promoting their own understanding of the peace deal. It compares two cases of deeply divided societies located in a complex geopolitical environment: Lebanon and Bosnia-and-Herzegovina. The analysis focuses on the interrelations between foreign and domestic parties and their evolution by tracing the formation and collapse of transnational coalitions. It shows the major role these coalitions played in breaking the political deadlock and starting constitutional negotiations, but also in triggering a political crisis. The similarities between these otherwise unique cases highlight the limits set on foreign interventions, and explains how actors of the two environments interact. It concludes that if state-building initiatives under external influence can make significant gains, they leave the states highly vulnerable to political instability.; (AN 44383455)
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6.

The United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire: How a Certified Election Still Turned Violent by Bekoe, Dorina A.. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p128-153, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the certification of Côte d’Ivoire’s 2010 presidential elections by the United Nations Operations in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), they resulted in the most violent of Sub-Saharan Africa, in the two decades since the transition to a democratic dispensation. UNOCI and Ivorian authorities embarked on a certification process in order to infuse credibility into a system and institutions divided along religious, regional, and cultural fault lines. Instead, the four months of fighting between the two main political parties nearly plunged the country back into civil war. This paper examines why certification could not provide a credible process; it considers the roles and leverage of the broader international community, to conclude that UNOCI did not have the relevant tools or capacity at its disposal, nor were there adequate incentives to resolve the factors threatening the peacefulness of elections. By prioritizing the holding of elections, without ensuring sufficient levels of peace, security, and inclusivity in Côte d’Ivoire, certification not only failed, but enabled the flourishing of an environment inimical to free, transparent, and credible elections.; (AN 44383456)
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7.

The Sins of the Fathers? From League of Nations Mandates to United Nations Peacekeeping by MacQueen, Norrie. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p154-159, 6p; (AN 44383457)
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8.

Culture and Legitimacy in Peacebuilding Settings by Maschietto, Roberta Holanda. International Peacekeeping, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p159-166, 8p; (AN 44383458)
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14

International Relations
Volume 31, no. 4, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

Crises and international cooperation: an Arctic case study by Byers, Michael. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p375-402, 28p; Abstract: This article contributes the insight that during an international crisis, a pre-existing state of complex interdependence can help to preserve cooperation. It derives the insight from a case study on the International Relations of the Arctic before and after the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea. The case study is examined through the lens of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye’s concept of ‘complex interdependence’, as developed in their 1977 book Power and Interdependence– a concept which provides the analytical breadth necessary for a multifactorial situation of regional cooperation and conflict. It finds that Arctic international relations had achieved a state of complex interdependence by 2014, and that some important elements of interdependence then disappeared after the annexation of Crimea. But while most military and economic cooperation between Russia and Western states was suspended, many aspects of regional cooperation continued, including on search and rescue, fisheries, continental shelves, navigation and in the Arctic Council. The question is, why has Arctic cooperation continued in some issue areas while breaking down in others? Why have Russian–Western relations in that region been insulated, to some degree, from developments elsewhere? The concept of complex interdependence provides some answers.; (AN 44254295)
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2.

Subvert the dominant paradigm: a critical analysis of rationalism’s status as a paradigm of International Relations by Rathbun, Brian Christopher. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p403-425, 23p; Abstract: It is frequently maintained that rationalism is something other than an ‘ism’ of International Relations. Inspired by critical theory but using quantitative survey data, this article takes issue with that notion, arguing that rationalist work – with its emphasis on interests, institutions, and information – has a distinct logic of individualistic utilitarianism. It therefore exhibits all of the subjective biases of other ‘isms’, defining both the answers and the very questions that are asked. Using data from the 2011 TRIP survey, I show that those substantive commitments reveal themselves in the economic ideology of those who make rationalist assumptions in their work. Parallel to a view of international relations in which egoistic units seek material gains, rationalists identify as economic libertarians at a much higher rate than non-rationalists. All of this suggests that rationalists have an unacknowledged and unconscious bias in their scholarship that threatens the positivistic epistemology to which most claim to be committed.; (AN 44254291)
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3.

Leveraging the idea of ‘Humanitarian War’ by Banta, Benjamin R. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p426-446, 21p; Abstract: In attempting to bring the frame of war more directly into the discussion over humanitarian intervention in the early 1990s, Adam Roberts quipped that ‘“humanitarian war” is an oxymoron that may yet become a reality’. No longer was humanitarianism only meant to restrain the means of warfare, but the violent and political logic of war was now supposed to serve the caring and universal dictates of humanitarianism. This essay takes the chance to theorize the idea of humanitarian war further to help improve our understanding of the reality that has become of it, where not only humanitarian interventions or coercive enactments of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ feature humanitarian casus belli, but even more geopolitically motivated wars often do as well. It notes how scholarship on such phenomena often rests on overly restrictive and sometimes only implicit notions of how a humanitarian justification can and does influence the practice of war. It then offers a deeper and more plausible theorization of humanitarian war, laying out a range of possible forms and a central tendency that ties them together. This essay closes by discussing some of the benefits of grounding future analyses of humanitarian war in the theorization on offer.; (AN 44254290)
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4.

Fully integrated content analysis in International Relations by Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p447-465, 19p; Abstract: Content analysis has once again come to the forefront of discussions regarding methods in International Relations (IR). The first wave of content analysis in IR lasted from the 1940s to the 1960s and was marked by a commitment to quantitative and manual analyses. The second wave of content analysis appeared at the start of the third millennium and continues to pervade the discipline. As with the first wave, it proceeds in a predominantly quantitative manner but emphasizes computer-assisted analysis rather than manual analysis. Critics and advocates of the method alike have, highlighted numerous shortcomings with these approaches. In order to address these limitations, the present investigation argues for a fully integrated content analysis that has the potential to ameliorate the identified weaknesses that have hitherto plagued the method. It accomplishes this task by combining all facets of the method: quantitative, qualitative, manual, and computer-assisted content analyses within a single research project.; (AN 44254289)
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5.

Writing the world into counter-hegemony: identity, power, and ‘foreign policy’ in ethnic movements by Balci, Ali. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p466-483, 18p; Abstract: This article is an attempt to develop a theoretical framework about how to study dissident ethnic movements’ foreign policies. Is it possible to speak about foreign policies of ethnic dissident movements, especially when it is considered that they have no characteristics of modern sovereignty such as territory and recognition? For example, do the Berbers in Morocco, the Catalans in Spain, the Balochs in Iran, and the Kurds in Turkey have a foreign policy? If they do, how do we study their policies toward the outside world? Specifically, focusing on the case of the Kurds in Turkey, this article attempts to provide a theoretical framework for how to study dissident ethnic movements’ foreign policy performances. By looking at the effect of the end of the Cold War on the Kurdish nationalists’ imagination of the United States, this article interrogates how the change in their imagination played a role in the construction and reconstruction of the post-1980 Kurdish identity in Turkey. It also draws on the work of poststructural and postcolonial Ernesto Laclau, David Campell, and Edward W. Said in order to develop the theoretical framework.; (AN 44254293)
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6.

Rhetorical entrapment and the politics of alliance cooperation: explaining divergent outcomes in Japan and South Korea during the Iraq War by Park, Seo-Hyun. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p484-510, 27p; Abstract: This article is about rhetorical framing and its effects on foreign policy outcomes – specifically in intra-alliance relations. It argues that leaders’ attempts to change the framing of existing security concepts alter the context – and cost – of alliance cooperation. In particular, I highlight the mechanism of rhetorical entrapment as the causal link between initial rhetorical action and the changed context of alliance cooperation. While previous studies of rhetorical entrapment have focused on individual-level reputational costs – such as moral shaming or political backlash when hypocrisy is exposed – I focus on the socially constructed nature of political rhetoric and the consequences of language use. That is, I explore why leaders are compelled to choose certain security rhetoric in the first place and how social resonance and audience receptivity can present unintended political constraints and hidden costs. In this way, the findings from this article contribute to two separate bodies of work in the field of International Relations that have yet to be examined closely in tandem: the role of foreign policy rhetoric employed by leaders as part of their political legitimation strategies, and the domestic politics of alliance cooperation. Through comparative case studies of Japan and South Korea prior to and during the early stages of the Iraq War, I demonstrate the role of rhetorical entrapment in explaining the politics of alliance cooperation.; (AN 44254292)
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7.

Three perspectives on just war by Johnson, James Turner. International Relations, December 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 4 p511-522, 12p; Abstract: This essay critically examines three recent books on just war by noted scholars in different fields of study related to International Relations. Not only are their perspectives different, but each understands the idea of just war somewhat differently, and each draws the meaning of this idea out differently for thinking about international relations. Rengger and Biggar, in distinctive ways, draw on history to develop their thinking, while Fabre offers a philosophical ‘cosmopolitan’ approach centered on the meaning of the ideal of justice. Together these books span the breadth of contemporary discourse on just war and international relations, and while each has its own particular value for reading and reflection, much can be said for reading all three of these distinctive contributions to this ongoing discourse.; (AN 44254294)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 42, no. 2, Fall 2017

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p3-6, 4p; (AN 43694229)
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2.

The Extremist's Advantage in Civil Wars by Walter, Barbara F.. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p7-39, 33p; Abstract: The number of radical Islamist groups fighting in civil wars in Muslim countries has steadily grown over the last twenty years, with such groups outlasting and outperforming more moderate groups. By 2016, Salafi jihadist groups accounted for most of the militant groups in Syria and half of such groups in Somalia. In Iraq, a third of all militant groups were composed of Salafi jihadists. Many analysts argue that the rise of these groups reflects an increase in radical beliefs in Muslim societies. Under certain conditions, however, rebel leaders have strong incentives to embrace an extreme ideology even if they do not believe the ideas that underlie it. When competition is high, information is poor, and institutional constraints are weak, an extremist ideology can help rebel leaders overcome difficult collective-action, principal-agent, and commitment problems. All three of these conditions have been present in the post-2003 civil wars in the Middle East and Africa, and all help explain the emergence and growth of radical groups such as the Islamic State and al-Qaida.; (AN 43694231)
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3.

Why Nuclear Energy Programs Rarely Lead to Proliferation by Miller, Nicholas L.. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p40-77, 38p; Abstract: The conventional wisdom suggests that states with nuclear energy programs are more likely to seek or acquire nuclear weapons. Yet there is a dearth of systematic empirical work that directly assesses this proposition. A systematic analysis of the historical evidence suggests that the link between nuclear energy programs and proliferation is overstated. Although such programs increase the technical capacity of a state to build nuclear weapons, they have important countervailing political effects that limit the odds of proliferation. Specifically, nuclear energy programs increase the likelihood that parallel nuclear weapons programs will be detected and face counterproliferation pressures; they also increase the costliness of nonproliferation sanctions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, states with nuclear energy programs historically have not been significantly more likely to seek or acquire nuclear weapons. A combination of qualitative and quantitative evidence supports the plausibility of the countervailing political effects of nuclear energy programs.; (AN 43694232)
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4.

The Emerging Military Balance in East Asia: How China's Neighbors Can Check Chinese Naval Expansion by Beckley, Michael. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p78-119, 42p; Abstract: Many analysts argue that China will soon dominate East Asia militarily. In reality, China is far from achieving this goal and will remain so for the foreseeable future. China's maritime neighbors have developed antiaccess/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities that can deny China sea and air control throughout most of its near seas, and China cannot afford the power-projection capabilities it would need to overcome these A2/AD forces. This regional balance of power enables the United States to preserve the territorial status quo in East Asia at moderate cost and risk to U.S. military forces.; (AN 43694234)
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5.

Rousing a Response: When the United States Changes Policy toward Mass Killing by Rothschild, Amanda J.. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p120-154, 35p; Abstract: When do U.S. presidents change policy to respond with increased intensity to mass killings of civilians in other countries? The twentieth century witnessed a series of state-sponsored mass killings in a variety of regions around the world. Conventional arguments suggest that although the United States has the capability of responding to such atrocities, it often fails to do so because of a lack of political will for action. Historical evidence suggests, however, that although the modal response of the United States is inaction, at times U.S. presidents reverse course to respond more forcefully to mass killings. Three factors explain when and why these policy shifts happen: the level at which dissent occurs within the U.S. government, the degree of congressional pressure for policy change, and the extent to which the case of mass killing poses a political liability for the president. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's creation of the War Refugee Board in 1944 during the Holocaust supports this theory.; (AN 43694233)
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6.

On Systemic Paradigms and Domestic Politics: A Critique of the Newest Realism by Narizny, Kevin. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p155-190, 36p; Abstract: Both Gideon Rose's neoclassical realism and Andrew Moravcsik's liberalism attempt to solve the problem of how to incorporate domestic factors into international relations theory. They do so in very different ways, however. Liberalism is a “bottom-up” perspective that accords analytic priority to societal preferences; neoclassical realism is a “top-down” perspective that accords analytic priority to systemic pressures and treats domestic factors as intervening variables. These two approaches are not equivalent, and the choice between them has high stakes. Although it has gained rapidly in popularity, neoclassical realism is fundamentally flawed. Its intellectual justification is weak; it is logically incoherent; and it induces the commission of methodological errors. Realism can incorporate certain domestic factors without losing its theoretical integrity, but it does not need and should not use neoclassical realism to do so.; (AN 43694235)
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7.

Friends, Foes, and Foreign-Imposed Regime Change by Poznansky, Michael; Downes, Alexander B.; O'Rourke, Lindsey A.. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p191-195, 5p; (AN 43694236)
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8.

Is Deterrence Possible in Cyberspace? by Harknett, Richard J.; Nye, Joseph S.. International Security, Fall 2017, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 2 p196-199, 4p; (AN 43694230)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 52, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Global Macroeconomic Imbalances after the Crisis: From the Great Moderation to Secular Stagnation by Vermeiren, Mattias. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: AbstractAfter the global financial crisis, economists have been downbeat about the growth prospects of the capitalist world economy, leading many to argue that we have re-entered a period of “secular stagnation”. The phenomenon of secular stagnation is intrinsically connected to the evolution of global macroeconomic imbalances. During the pre-crisis era of the “Great Moderation”, the widening of global and European trade imbalances temporarily alleviated the problem of secular stagnation by forging a symbiotic yet unsustainable relationship between debt-financed consumption-led growth models in deficit countries and export-led growth models in surplus countries. The re-surfacing of secular stagnation and the asymmetric adjustment of these imbalances after the crisis can both be traced back to the domestic political constraints experienced by many advanced market economies in trying to revive their pre-crisis growth models.; (AN 44250912)
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2.

States versus Corporations: Rethinking the Power of Business in International Politics by Babic, Milan; Fichtner, Jan; Heemskerk, Eelke M.. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p20-43, 24p; Abstract: AbstractOver 25 years ago, Susan Strange urged IR scholars to include multinational corporations in their analysis. Within IR and IPE discussions, this was either mostly ignored or reflected in an empirically and methodologically unsatisfactory way. We reiterate Strange’s call by sketching a fine-grained theoretical and empirical approach that includes both states and corporations as juxtaposed actors that interact in transnational networks inherent to the contemporary international political economy. This realistic, juxtaposed, actor- and relations-centred perspective on state and corporate power in the global system is empirically illustrated by the example of the transnationalisation of state ownership.; (AN 44250913)
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3.

The EU-Turkey Deal One Year On: A Delicate Balancing Act by Batalla Adam, Laura. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p44-58, 15p; Abstract: Abstract Now in its sixth year, the war in Syria has triggered the largest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time. For most refugees and migrants, Turkey is the main transit country to reach Europe, where Syrian refugees hope for a better future. However, this journey has been hampered as several European countries closed their borders following the arrival of an unprecedented number of migrants and asylum seekers in 2015. In response, a deal was struck with Turkey to stem the migrant flow to Europe in exchange for some concessions. By outsourcing the management of migration flows to Turkey, the EU is failing to take its fair share of responsibility for refugee protection. Furthermore, as a result of the political situation in Turkey and the unmet promises under the deal, relations between Turkey and the EU have touched their lowest point since the start of accession negotiations in 2005. While survival of the deal is of critical importance as the EU needs Turkey’s assistance in curbing migration flows and Turkey is keen on revitalising its accession negotiations, the deal has exposed serious flaws that need to be addressed and must not be replicated with other countries.; (AN 44250916)
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4.

Containing the Refugee Crisis: How the EU Turned the Balkans and Turkey into an EU Borderland by Zaragoza-Cristiani, Jonathan. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p59-75, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe events that took place during the 2015-16 refugee crisis in the southeastern EU region boosted unprecedented bordering processes. Borders were reinforced and extended and a costly and difficult deal with Turkey was undertaken; the western Balkans were turned into a vast buffer zone made up of multiple buffer states with fences of all types and sizes; while Greece was ring-fenced and to this day struggles to manage thousands of refugees stranded in camps all over its territory. By seeking to contain the refugee flows, the EU turned its southeastern region into a fortified EU borderland.; (AN 44250917)
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5.

Italy’s Migration Policies Combating Irregular Immigration: from the Early Days to the Present Times by Abbondanza, Gabriele. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p76-92, 17p; Abstract: AbstractItalian migration policies combating irregular immigration from the early 20thcentury to the present times have been increasingly debated and controversial. Four phases are detectable: the absence of a legal framework while Italy was still an emigration country, the first regulations of the 1980s, policies influenced by both the European integration process and the increase in immigration until 2002 and, lastly, the country’s controversial approaches since 2004. What is noticeable is a dichotomy in Italy’s migration policies, with generally consistent internal measures and often contrasting external ones.; (AN 44250914)
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6.

A New Regional Cold War in the Middle East and North Africa: Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited by Hanau Santini, Ruth. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p93-111, 19p; Abstract: AbstractSince the 2003 Iraq war, the Middle East and North Africa has entered into a New Regional Cold War, characterised by two competing logics: on the one hand, the politicisation of sectarianism opposing a Saudi-led Sunni bloc against an Iran-led Shia bloc and, on the other, an intra-Sunni cleavage around the mobilisation of political Islam, embodied by the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters vs its opponents. Blending Buzan and Weaver’s regional security complex theory with Donnelly’s notion of ‘heterarchy’ and applying it to the cold wars the region has experienced, the similarities and differences between the Arab Cold War of the 1950s/60s and the New Regional Cold War reveal the increasing number of heterarchic features within the regional security complex: multiple and heterogeneous power centres, different power rankings, a more visible and relevant role of non-state and transnational actors, and the fragmentation of regional norms.; (AN 44250915)
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7.

Sudan and the Unbearable Lightness of Islamism: From Revolution to Rentier Authoritarianism by Musso, Giorgio. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p112-128, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe regime ruling Sudan since 1989 represents a pioneering experiment in the field of Islamist politics, being the first case in which a movement affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood managed to conquer power and hold on to it for a considerable time. During the late 1990s, internal and external pressures threatened the survival of the regime, leading the ruling class to abandon its ambition to represent a model of revolutionary Islamic governance. Oil exports provided a catalyst for this pragmatic shift, intensifying patronage-based relations at the expense of ideological affiliation. Seen from a political economy perspective, the Sudanese experience proves the flexibility of Islamism as an ideology, but also its failure as a political practice to constitute a real alternative to the authoritarian dynamics that are widespread in the MENA region.; (AN 44250919)
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8.

Egypt versus Ethiopia: The Conflict over the Nile Metastasizes by Lawson, Fred H.. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p129-144, 16p; Abstract: AbstractEgypt and Ethiopia continue to oppose one another over the allocation of the waters of the Nile River basin, despite a succession of provisional multilateral agreements. Officials in Cairo insist that Egypt be guaranteed its “historic rights” to two-thirds of the river’s flow, while their counterparts in Addis Ababa demand an “equitable” distribution of water among all of the riparian countries. More important, Sudan’s shift in alignment from Egypt to Ethiopia has injected new tension into the dispute, and the sustained involvement of South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea heightens the likelihood that periodic crises will escalate into armed confrontations. Consequently, existing studies that offer sanguine assessments of the potential for a compromise settlement fail to address the key dynamics that drive the conflict.; (AN 44250918)
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9.

Sino-European Cooperation on Renewable Energy Development by Zhou, Yunheng; Song, Weiqing. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p145-156, 12p; Abstract: AbstractDespite considerable differences in their level of social and economic development, China and Europe both face the challenges of energy insecurity and environmental degradation. Given their shared sustainable development objectives and the complementarity of their comparative advantages, the two have great potential for cooperation, which should provide both the motivation and capabilities to cooperate in relevant areas. However, there are a number of barriers and impediments at both the macro- and micro-levels. China and Europe should focus their joint efforts on several key areas of feasible renewable energy sector cooperation, including strengthening institutional links, facilitating bilateral investment and coordinating positions and actions in multilateral settings. Concrete cooperation in the renewable energy sector can cement the China-EU strategic partnership, thereby bringing benefits to both sides and beyond.; (AN 44250920)
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10.

The Thucydides Trap and the Future of US-China Relations by Bardia, Lorenzo. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p157-158, 2p; (AN 44250923)
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11.

The Military and Their Decisive Role during the Arab Spring by De Angelis, Ludovico. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p159-160, 2p; (AN 44250921)
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12.

A Philosophical Eye on World Politics by Lucarelli, Sonia. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p161-162, 2p; (AN 44250922)
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13.

Recent Publications by Palmieri, Federico; Vai, Lorenzo; Venturi, Bernardo. International Spectator, October 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p163-165, 3p; (AN 44250924)
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