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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Eastern Partnership: bringing “the political” back in by Korosteleva, Elena. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p321-337, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article rethinks the Eastern Partnership agenda using Edkins’ framework of “the political”. Part of the problem, it argues, is the EU’s failure to imagine a new social order, which would give a relational value to the Other, and not by way of disciplining it to the EU standards, but rather, by way of aligning differences to a shared “normal”. The article problematises power relations as a process of “othering” in order to re-conceptualise them via key notions of differentiation, and normalisation. It argues for bringing “the political” back in, for debating and legitimising contesting social orders.; (AN 42856434)
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2.

Bringing “the political” back into European security: challenges to the EU’s ordering of the Eastern Partnership by Simão, Licínia. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p338-354, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Eastern Partnership is one of the tools of the European Union (EU) contributing to the reordering of European security. This article addresses the formative processes of the current European security order, focusing on the forms of capital being mobilised by the EU and Russia in the field of European security. Using post-structuralist perspectives in international politics, it argues that the EU’s promotion of depoliticised forms of politics aims at maintaining a hegemonic and hierarchical order, rather than partnerships and emancipatory forms of security. This is problematic, due to the subjectivities it creates and the lack of objective security provision.; (AN 42856432)
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3.

How “the political” can make the European external action service more effective in the eastern region by Kostanyan, Hrant. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p355-370, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFollowing the enactment of the Lisbon Treaty, the European External Action Service (EEAS) became a key player in the EU’s foreign policy. This article assesses and explains variations in the EEAS’ approach to the Eastern Partnership (EaP) region. It contends that EU Member States (MS) limit the discretion of the EEAS more in a bilateral than in a multilateral framework, thus accounting for varying degrees of political sensitivity. By restricting EEAS discretion to the level of bureaucratised politics especially in sensitive policy areas, MS miss the opportunity to bring “the political” back in and to make EEAS policy leadership more tangible.; (AN 42856433)
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4.

Exploring the European Union’s rationalities of governing: the case of cross-border mobility in the eastern partnership by Merheim-Eyre, Igor. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p371-387, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the case of cross-border mobility between the European Union (EU) and the states of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The issue of managing mobility exposes a wider series of continuities and disconnects in the EU’s attempts at extending its rationalities of governing into the neighbourhood. Using the case studies of Visa Liberalisation Actions Plans and the Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM), this article argues that while the EU’s rationalities of governing remain largely disciplinary, the study of practices reveals emergent rationalities of ‘governing at a distance’, which increasingly draw on the interplay of both the EU interests and partners’ needs.; (AN 42856438)
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5.

Differentiation through bargaining power in EU–Azerbaijan relations: Baku as a tough negotiator by van Gils, Eske. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p388-405, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing the case of democracy and human rights promotion, this article examines the concept of “differentiation” in relations between Azerbaijan and the European Union (EU). Post-independence, Azerbaijan increasingly positions itself as a strong and influential actor, demanding more discretion from the EU, based on equal input and interest representation. This article argues that the EU approach remains too unilateral, causing the Azerbaijani government to resist and gain influence through different routes, including lobbying activities. The article concludes that EU policy-making mechanisms could become more differentiated to reflect the political reality of changing power dynamics between the EU and Azerbaijan.; (AN 42856436)
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6.

Europe and the political: from axiological monism to pluralistic dialogism by Sakwa, Richard. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p406-425, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACT“The political” represents a moment in which actors recognise autonomy and equality as constitutive values in the agonistic search for appropriate open-ended political outcomes. The tutelary, pedagogical and disciplinary practices of the depoliticised European Union (EU) undermine the foundations of equality in diplomatic and political engagement between continental actors. The relationship becomes axiological, where issues are deemed to have been resolved through some sort of anterior pre-political arrangement. This is a type of ahistorical political monism that ultimately claims to speak for all of Europe. The return of “the political” allows a more generous and pluralistic politics to emerge based on genuine dialogical foundations in which self and other engage as equals and are mutually transformed by that engagement.; (AN 42856435)
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7.

All the Kremlin’s men: inside the court of Vladimir Putin by Krylova, Yulia. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p426-427, 2p; (AN 42856437)
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8.

Poland and EU enlargement: foreign policy in transformation by Pearce, Susan C.. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p427-428, 2p; (AN 42856440)
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9.

American-Soviet cultural diplomacy. The Bolshoi ballet’s American premiere by Zavatti, Francesco. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p428-430, 3p; (AN 42856441)
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10.

Negotiations in the Council of Ministers: ‘and all must have prizes’ by Giandomenico, Jessica. East European Politics, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p430-431, 2p; (AN 42856439)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Accession of Iceland to the European Union: A Failure Beyond Repair? by Kobza, Piotr. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p129-145, 17p; Abstract: The EU membership negotiations of Iceland (2009–2013), suspended sine die by Reykjavik after the parliamentary elections to the Althingi in the spring of 2013, were commonly assessed as unsuccessful mainly due to specificities of Iceland as a Nordic country, wary of the European integration and whose economic interests were hardly in line with relevant EU legislation. The present article tries to balance the picture insofar as it concentrates on the conduct of the accession process of Iceland to the EU seen from the ‘Brussels’ side, and tries to answer if the process was conducted by the EU with enough leadership and energy. It also gives some recommendations as to a possibility to relaunch the process.; (AN 41858524)
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2.

High Stakes of the Small EU Partnership Instrument on the Eve of the 2017 Mid-Term Review by Melissen, Jan; Zweers, Wouter. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p147-158, 12p; Abstract: The European Union (EU)’s so-called Partnership Instrument (PI) captures the changing psychology of EU relations with rising powers, and has been designed to give more room for manoeuvre for EU external action. Two years of practice leading up to the 2017 Mid-Term Review have shown that the PI is instrument-driven rather than objective-driven, and that its strategic potential is undermined by lengthy committee-based procedures and sector-based programming. In an arena of vested interests, the PI’s significance is tied up with what EU stakeholders want to make of the European External Action Service (EEAS). National foreign ministries struggle to connect national objectives with EU interests, apart from the wider debate not addressed here as to where European interests come from when they are not based on national objectives. This article argues that national foreign ministries should consider the potentially positive effect on EU external action of this relatively small initiative, notably as the instrument to connect one European entity to other global powerhouses. EU Member States have so far been unable to link fully with the PI, and – like the EEAS and the European Parliament – they have too little clout to exert influence on the European Commission. The EU Global Strategy offers a window of opportunity for making the PI more political, expedient and flexible.; (AN 41858525)
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3.

The EU and the Negotiation of Global Development Norms: The Case of Aid Effectiveness by Lightfoot, Simon; Kim, Soyeun. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p159-175, 17p; Abstract: The EU is a major donor of development aid, so it can be argued to have a major role in shaping global development norms. By examining the EU normative leadership role in the Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness using four leadership categories we argue that the EU could be seen to be playing a more subtle leadership role than in previous aid summits, reflecting some issues regarding the ability of the EU to construct and support unified agendas in this field, but also showing some evidence of having learnt from other international summits, such as the Copenhagen climate change summit, and adapting its position towards the emerging donors accordingly. This case study both inform our understanding of the EU’s global leadership in development aid but also adds to the growing literature on the EU’s relations with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development – Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) and the relationship between the DAC and the so-called Non-DAC donors.; (AN 41858527)
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4.

Expectation Management? Contrasting the EU’s 2030 Agenda Discourse with Its Performance in Evaluating Policy Coherence for Development by Keijzer, Niels. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p177-195, 19p; Abstract: The United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development starts from the premise that global development depends equally on domestic policy action as on international cooperation. The EU strongly pushed for such a ‘universal’ agenda and called for reviewing the alignment of existing policies to the new agenda in reference to its legal commitment to promoting Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). This article analyses key trends in development evaluation since the 1980s, operationalizes the concept of PCD for evaluation purposes, and assesses the EU’s evaluation performance. The findings show a discrepancy between the Union’s ambitious 2030 Agenda position and its sub-optimal performance in evaluating PCD. Instrumental use of PCD in international negotiations to push for burden-sharing in development cooperation, an evaluation function focused on defending spending, diverging Member State support, as well as sheer methodological challenges explain this discontinuity that affects the EU’s credibility as a norm maker.; (AN 41858526)
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5.

Towards an Exclusive Competence of the EU to Conclude Climate Agreements? by Russo, Eleonora. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p197-212, 16p; Abstract: Up to now, the international climate change agreements have been negotiated and concluded jointly by the Union and its Member States, id est as mixed agreements. This situation is considered as a reason for the difficulties of the EU to play a leading role at the international level. However, since the conclusion of the first international climate agreements in the 1990s, the modifications of the EU Treaties, the evolutions of the Court of Justice case law and the development of the European internal climate policy modified the legal framework of the EU climate action. In light of these changes, this article examines, from a legal perspective, the possibility for the EU to negotiate and conclude alone future climate agreements. The analysis is divided in two parts. The first one examines the notion of mixed agreements and the conditions for mixity to be compulsory or discretionary, and verifies that climate agreements belong to the second category. The second part tries to demonstrate that the EU could claim today an exclusive competence in the field, excluding therefore the use of mixed agreements.; (AN 41858528)
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6.

From Single Voice to Coordinated Polyphony EU Energy Policy and the External Dimension by Richert, Jörn. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p213-232, 20p; Abstract: EU energy policy has often been criticized for disregarding external developments and for not speaking with a single voice in international affairs. Based on a broadly constructivist perspective, this article argues that such criticism is unwarranted. By analysing discursive and institutional changes in internal and external EU energy policy between 2000 and 2016, the article makes three major points. First, external developments were major drivers of the EU’s internal policymaking. Second, EU external energy policy has changed substantially over time and has made important steps towards the creation of a ‘single voice’. Third, such ‘single voice’ should not be taken as the only relevant attribute of EU external energy policy. Drawing on complexity theory and the EU external governance literature, the article argues that Europe should begin to regard its ‘polyphony’ as an asset rather than a burden – it should strive for many voices carrying coordinated messages.; (AN 41858529)
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7.

The Value and the Limitations of Comprehensive Multilateralism: An EU Perspective on the Asia-Europe Meeting by Christiansen, Thomas; Tsui, Shelly. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p233-252, 20p; Abstract: This article examines the attitudes of the European Union on the development of Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). It looks first at the trajectory of EU positions on ASEM, before specific sections explore the EU perspective on the style and format of ASEM, on the substantive issues under discussion, and on the wider geo-political relevance of the institution. In order to provide a critical assessment of the EU’s position, the article also discusses some of the key alternative relationships the EU has with the Asia-Pacific region, be it multilaterally or bilaterally. By way of conclusion, the article argues that despite the limitations of ASEM, the process still retains an added value in the context of the wider diplomacy between the EU and its Asian partners.; (AN 41858530)
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8.

The Causes of the EU’s Ineffectual Contribution to Resolution of the Abkhazian and South Ossetian Conflicts by Harpaz, Guy. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p253-270, 18p; Abstract: This article contributes to the literature on the EU’s conflict resolution efforts in general, and in the context of Georgia, in particular. First, it identifies a dissonance between the EU’s strong interest in the resolution of the Conflicts, its firm commitment to such resolution and its long-standing, engagement with a view to promoting such resolution, and its actual, ineffectual contribution to achieving that goal. Second, it analyses various factors which contribute to this ineffectiveness.; (AN 41858531)
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9.

Book Review: Lobbying in EU Foreign Policy-Making: The Case of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by, Benedetta Voltolini. (Abingdon/Oxon; New York: Routledge/UACES Contemporary European Studies. 2016) by Shapovalova, Natalia. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p271-273, 3p; (AN 41858532)
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3

European Security
Volume 26, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

How can European states respond to Russian information warfare? An analytical framework by Hellman, Maria; Wagnsson, Charlotte. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p153-170, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow can European democratic states respond to Russian information warfare? This article aims to enable and spur systematic research of how democracies can respond to the spread of distorted information as part of information warfare. The article proposes four ideal-type models representing different strategies that democratic governments can employ; blocking, confronting, naturalising and ignoring. Each strategy is illustrated by ways of empirical examples of strategies applied by European states in view of what is regarded as an unwelcome Russian strategic narrative that is spread as part of information warfare. We problematise each strategy and explore reasons for why states choose one strategy over another. We then explore how different strategies might contribute to destabilise or stabilise the security environment and how they resonate with democratic values. Finally, we contribute to theorising on strategic narratives by highlighting that the choice of strategy will influence states in their formation of strategic narratives. We thus further theorising on strategic narratives by highlighting the link between strategies and narratives, thus identifying one central dynamic in how narratives are formed.; (AN 41904045)
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2.

Russian military strategies in the Arctic: change or continuity? by Sergunin, Alexander; Konyshev, Valery. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p171-189, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper examines the nature of Moscow’s military strategies in the Arctic. It is argued that the roles of military power have radically changed since the Cold War era. According to Russian strategic thinking, instead of being a coercive instrument in a global confrontation between two superpowers and capitalist and socialist systems, now military power has new functions, such as to ascertain Russia's sovereignty over its (not their) exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region, protect Moscow’s economic interests in the North, prevent illegal migration and potential terrorist attacks against critical industrial and infrastructural objects, fulfil some dual-use functions (such as search and rescue operations, monitoring air and maritime spaces, providing navigation safety, mitigating natural and man-made catastrophes), help academic community in developing Arctic research, and carry some symbolic functions. These new roles, however, do not preclude military power from fulfilling its traditional functions, such as territorial defence, power projection, deterrence, and containment. Russia’s military modernisation programmes are described. The authors arrive at a conclusion that these programmes do not provoke an arms race or undermine the regional cooperation. To prevent negative security trends, a system of arms control and confidence- and security-building measures should be developed in the region.; (AN 41904046)
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3.

Perceptions of CSDP effectiveness in Ukraine: a host state perspective by Zarembo, Kateryna. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p190-206, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article makes a contribution to the little explored issue of evaluating the effectiveness of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Drawing on the interviews with local beneficiaries of two missions in Ukraine, one CSDP proper (European Union Advisory Mission) and the other a “hybrid” mission (EU Border Assistance Mission), the article analyses which factors shape the local beneficiaries’ perception of a mission being effective or non-effective. It shows the reputational approach deriving from the organisational theory can offer a fruitful theoretical framework for understanding CSDP perceived effectiveness on the ground. The article contributes to the studies of CSDP and its engagement with the host state as well as to the nascent academic and policy literature on CSDP and Ukraine.; (AN 41904048)
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4.

Smart and secure borders through automated border control systems in the EU? The views of political stakeholders in the Member States by Lehtonen, Pinja; Aalto, Pami. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p207-225, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Commission launched the “Smart Borders” policy process in 2011 to enhance border security in the European Union (EU) using technologisation and harmonisation. This includes the use of automated border control (ABC) systems. The Member States crucially shape the process, weighing security technologies and costs, privacy and rights, and further institutional choices. We examine the views of political stakeholders in four Member States by conducting a systematic empirical and comparative study unprecedented in the existing, political-theory-inspired research. In our Q methodological experiments, political stakeholders in Finland, Romania, Spain and the UK rank-ordered a sample of statements on Smart Borders, ABC and harmonisation. The factor analysis of the results yielded three main views: the first criticising ABC as a security technology, the second welcoming the security gains of automation and the third opposing harmonised border control. While impeding harmonisation, the results offer a consensus facilitating common policy.; (AN 41904047)
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5.

Interdependence, asymmetric crises, and European defence cooperation by Haroche, Pierre. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p226-252, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough international crises are often believed to represent windows of opportunity to strengthen European defence cooperation, recent crises have not seemed to produce a clear convergence of European Union (EU) member states’ security interests. This article seeks to address this puzzle by arguing that European defence cooperation is a response to crises that place European states in a situation of military interdependence. Conversely, asymmetric crises, i.e. crises that affect European states unevenly, encourage those states to maintain their autonomy of action. This theoretical argument is supported by two case studies: the failure of the European Defence Community in the early 1950s and the current difficulties experienced by the EU’s military operations. These two cases illustrate a striking continuity in that, because of (neo)colonial ties in particular, European states are often unevenly affected by international crises, which tends to make defence cooperation less effective.; (AN 41904049)
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6.

Between European and national role conceptions – the EU3 initiative regarding the Iranian Nuclear Programme by Schmitt, Eva Mareike. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p253-272, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper addresses whether Germany, France and the UK (the EU3) – with the EU in the background – can shape their own approach to a common Europeanised positionor even a European role conceptionregarding the Iranian Nuclear Programme. As the EU3 initiative appears situated between Europeanisation and national role conceptions, it seems that the EU3 members – after a coherent start – were finally inclined to readapt themselves to certain of their national role conceptions, resulting in a “mix” of national and European role patterns in the process leading up to 2016. Currently, this mix hints at still-prevailing hindrances involved in genuine European conflict management, although this outcome holds the promise of greater European coherence in the future.Abbreviations:E3: Germany, France and UK (without formal support of the EU); EU: European Union; EU3: Germany, France, UK and the “High Representative for the Common Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union”; EU3 + 3: official designation of the contact group concerning the Iranian Nuclear Programme, consisting of the EU3, the USA, Russia and China; IAEA: International Atomic Energy Agency; P5 + 1: informal designation of the contact group concerning the Iranian Nuclear Programme, consisting of the EU3, the USA, Russia and China (Permanent Security Council Members [P5] plus Germany); UK: United Kingdom; UNs: United Nations; UNSR: Security Council of the United Nations; (AN 41904050)
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7.

Forms of state and European energy security: diplomacy and pipelines in Southeastern Europe by Prontera, Andrea. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p273-298, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on natural gas and pipeline infrastructures, and adopting the concept of “forms of state”, the article examines the transformation of energy security politics in Europe. Three state models, with their related pattern of energy diplomacy, are sketched: the partner state, which describes the original politics of the European gas market; and the provider state and catalytic state, which describe two alternative possibilities of the emerging politics in the new institutional and ideational context promoted with the establishment of the internal energy market and the development of the EU’s external energy policy. By analysing the politics of pipeline in Southeastern Europe, the article argues that the catalytic state model with its related pattern of network energy diplomacy is more appropriate than the provider state model, supported by the market approach and its related pattern of multilateral diplomacy, to conceptualise the equilibrium emerging from the transformation of the previous system.; (AN 41904051)
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8.

Defense of the West: NATO, the European Union and the transatlantic bargain by Sperling, James. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p299-300, 2p; (AN 41904052)
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9.

Security relations between China and the European Union: from convergence to cooperation? by Pacheco Pardo, Ramon. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p301-302, 2p; (AN 41904053)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Erratum Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 42021993)
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2.

Resilience and environmental security: towards joint application in peacebuilding by Schilling, Janpeter; Nash, Sarah Louise; Ide, Tobias; Scheffran, Jürgen; Froese, Rebecca; von Prondzinski, Pina. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p107-127, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTResilience is a widely used concept among development, environmental, security and peacebuilding organizations. However, resilience has rarely been applied in conjunction with the potentially complementary concept of environmental security. Therefore, this paper explores how the concepts of resilience and environmental security can be jointly applied by non-governmental organizations working to implement peacebuilding projects in developing countries. We first review definitions of the concepts and explore their strengths and pitfalls. Second, we develop a conceptual framework for a joint application whereby environmental security sharpens the scope of resilience, while resilience allows for taking issues into account that a traditional environmental security perspective might miss. Finally, we apply the conceptual framework to a case study from Palestine.; (AN 42021989)
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3.

Assessing regional cooperation: ASEAN states, migrant worker rights and norm socialization in Southeast Asia by Auethavornpipat, Ruji. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p129-143, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states’ engagement with migrant worker rights focus on the experience of such workers from gender, labour and security perspectives. As such, these studies are yet to consider the broader impact of migrant worker rights on the process and nature of cooperation between ASEAN members. This article addresses this gap by framing migrant worker rights within the broader human rights socialization ongoing within Southeast Asia, driven by both members of ASEAN and external stakeholders. It argues that, contrary to many existing accounts of norms as creating shared commitments, migrant worker rights have led to considerable contestation, often driven by diverging national approaches to the issue. This article examines the impact of migrant worker rights norms on Thailand, the largest labour-recipient state in ASEAN. It asserts that Thailand’s diverging experience is caused by the lack of norm precision, resulting in the applicatory contestation of such norms.; (AN 42021987)
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4.

Expanding the peacekeeping agenda. The protection of cultural heritage in war-torn societies by Foradori, Paolo; Rosa, Paolo. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to explain the emergence and assess the politico-military significance of ‘cultural peacekeeping’ (CPK) as a new task for international peace operations. The aim is to provide a conceptual appraisal of CPK and an initial insight into its objectives, opportunities and challenges. The analysis supports the inclusion of a cultural component in the mandates of peacekeeping interventions, even if we must be wary of the inherent difficulties and risk of unintended consequences. These are not to be underestimated, at the risk not only of failing to achieve the mission’s objectives but also of further deteriorating security on the ground and beyond. It follows that CPK should not be mistaken, nor presented to the public, as a minor, light, and inexpensive operation. Quite to the contrary, it is an extremely complex and politically very sensitive politico-military major exercise that needs careful planning and adequate capabilities. Misunderstanding or mismanaging CPK can severely backfire. It is a ‘double-edged weapon’ that must be handled cautiously to avoid the risk of the enemy manipulating it to its own advantage.; (AN 42021988)
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5.

Securitizing charity: the case of Palestinian zakat committees by Milton-Edwards, Beverley. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p161-177, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, the argument is offered that securitization of the Palestinian zakat committees became a weapon in the counter-terror arsenal of Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) as each sought to exert hegemony over what became framed as a ‘common enemy.’ The article extends the debate as it relates to the increasingly hostile response by state actors and the international community to the work of non- and semi-governmental Muslim charitable actors evidenced by proscription regimes, financial investigation, and prosecutions. Focusing on the example of Israel and the PA, it is contended that the securitization of Palestinian zakat committees was part of a wider policy to inhibit Palestinian autonomy and portray Islamic faith agency as terroristic. Both Israel and the PA, as governing powers, have engaged in attempts to undermine Palestinian zakat committees and their contribution to welfare and humanitarian support in the complex and enduring environment of conflict.; (AN 42021992)
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6.

On (the lack of) Latin American supranationalism by Sanchez, Wilder Alejandro. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p179-187, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis commentary discusses the state of supranationalism in Latin America. We will enumerate the numerous regional organizations in the Western Hemisphere, and also discuss their successes and failures at regional integration. While integration has had some successes, supranationalism has yet to flourish among Latin American states and it will probably not for the immediate future. Empirical evidence suggests that, while inter-state warfare is scarce in the region, there are still too many inter-state tensions, including ongoing border disputes, as well as occasional incidents, which prevent supranationalism from taking hold. This explains the lack of a North Atlantic Treaty Organization-esque type South American bloc. Nevertheless, small-scale integration projects have been successful, like visa waivers systems, educational programs or defense-cooperation projects. Ultimately, in a changing global geopolitical system, the distrust for supranationalism remains the same in Latin America.; (AN 42021990)
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7.

The changing role of the Gulf in the international political economy by Legrenzi, Matteo; Lawson, Fred H.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p189-199, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the past half-decade, the role of the Gulf in the international political economy has changed dramatically. The region’s position as a supplier of world hydrocarbons has slipped, even as local consumption of oil and gas continues to expand. Gulf investments have shifted from the industrialized countries to the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi Arabia no longer exercises disproportionate influence in the Group of 20. Finally, relations with the People’s Republic of China and India have become truly interdependent, which gives the Gulf the capacity to exercise leverage over these two rising powers, despite its diminished position in global affairs.; (AN 42021991)
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8.

The improbable war: China, the United States and the logic of great power conflict by dos Santos, Wagner M.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p201-202, 2p; (AN 42021995)
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9.

Grains by Kent, George. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p202-205, 4p; (AN 42021994)
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10.

Political philosophy and political action: imperatives of resistance by Pinckney, Jonathan. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p205-208, 4p; (AN 42021996)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 3, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

A Global Turn to Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading? Experiments, Actors, and Diffusion by Biedenkopf, Katja; Müller, Patrick; Slominski, Peter; Wettestad, Jørgen. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p1-11, 11p; (AN 42884421)
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2.

California’s Cap-and-Trade System: Diffusion and Lessons by Bang, Guri; Victor, David G.; Andresen, Steinar. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p12-30, 19p; Abstract: This article investigates the roles of policy diffusion and policy learning in shaping the design of California’s cap-and-trade system. On the surface, it is very similar to other cap-and-trade programs, but in practice many detailed differences reflect active efforts by California policy-makers to avoid flaws that they saw in other systems, such as the EU ETS and the US East Coast’s Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative. We assess how California’s cap-and-trade system emerged, the significance of policy diffusion, and the lessons for other trading systems by applying two broad sets of theoretical frames—the role of policy diffusion and the role of organized local political concerns. We find that despite the signature status of the trading system, California mostly relies on much less transparent and more costly direct regulation. We also find that California’s cap-and-trade system has developed mostly in its own, special political context, which hampers the feasibility of cross-border trading.; (AN 42884418)
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3.

Designing New Zealand’s Emissions Trading Scheme by Inderberg, Tor Håkon Jackson; Bailey, Ian; Harmer, Nichola. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p31-50, 20p; Abstract: We use the New Zealand emissions trading scheme to explore how diffusion and learning from other emissions trading systems can explain the adoption, design, and revision of climate policy. Drawing on secondary documents and interviews with politicians, government officials, business leaders, and independent commentators, we argue for further investigation of how interactions between international and domestic factors shape the design of climate policy, and for deeper probing of structural and shorter-term domestic imperatives, to avoid misreading the extent and nature of international diffusion influences. We particularly stress the importance of distinguishing analytically between diffusion interactions motivated by learning between jurisdictions and scrutiny aimed at avoiding material disadvantages as a result of miscalculations in climate policy design. Finally, we argue for greater attention to the temporal dimensions of climate policy development in explanations of how diffusion and domestic influences may change during policy adoption, design, and revision.; (AN 42884420)
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4.

The Politics of Learning: Developing an Emissions Trading Scheme in Australia by Müller, Patrick; Slominski, Peter. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p51-68, 18p; Abstract: The literature on policy transfer has paid little attention to how policy-makers strategically employ learning from abroad as a resource to advance their domestic policy preferences and successfully implement a policy program. Addressing this research gap, we further develop the concept of “political learning,” distinguishing three dimensions: “learning as an argumentative resource,” “selective learning,” and “learning about policy design.” Empirically, we illustrate the relevance of political learning from abroad for the case of developing an emissions trading system in Australia. In particular, we show how government policy-makers in Australia used political learning from abroad to promote emissions trading in the context of a polarized domestic climate of adversarial ideas and competing interests.; (AN 42884417)
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5.

The New (Fragmented) Geography of Carbon Market Mechanisms: Governance Challenges from Thailand and Vietnam by Smits, Mattijs. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p69-90, 22p; Abstract: Countries in the Global South—which are contributing an increasing share of global greenhouse gas emissions—are actively developing carbon market mechanisms, including emissions trading systems and (voluntary) offset mechanisms. This article analyzes past and emerging experiments with carbon market mechanisms in Thailand and Vietnam, in the context of their domestic political economies and the shifting dynamics of the global climate governance regime. Drawing from thirty-three in-depth interviews and document analysis, I show the changing roles of government, the private sector, civil society, and donor and multilateral actors in these countries. Moreover, the article identifies key factors that may play roles in the further—and more synergistic—development of carbon market mechanisms: the generation of domestic demand for carbon credits; building and keeping human capacity and adequate data; creating space for civil society; ensuring coordination within the government and between sectors, notably the energy sector; and establishing further linkages with regional (Asian) and global carbon market mechanisms, such as those in China, Japan, and South Korea. These findings suggest that market-based mechanisms with high social and environmental integrity are one of the options that countries in the Global South have to achieve low-carbon development in the post-Paris climate change regime.; (AN 42884414)
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6.

Policy Infusion Through Capacity Building and Project Interaction: Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading in China by Biedenkopf, Katja; Van Eynde, Sarah; Walker, Hayley. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p91-114, 24p; Abstract: Capacity-building projects can be a vehicle for fostering policy diffusion. They should not, however, be considered as exclusively externally driven; the receiving jurisdiction’s receptiveness and leverage to steer the design of those projects can be crucial factors, shaping the process of infusing different external policy expertise and experiences into domestic policy design and implementation. This article shows that the Chinese National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) has played a key role in steering the capacity-building efforts of external financiers in the case of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions trading. The focus here is twofold: analyzing, on the one hand, the interaction among capacity-building projects financed by different external financiers, and on the other, the role that central actors and brokers can play in the complex structure of interacting projects.; (AN 42884415)
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7.

Emissions Trading and Policy Diffusion: Complex EU ETS Emulation in Kazakhstan by Gulbrandsen, Lars H.; Sammut, François; Wettestad, Jørgen. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p115-133, 19p; Abstract: This article examines the roles of international policy diffusion and domestic politics in shaping the design of an emissions trading system (ETS) in Kazakhstan. We find that although the overall framework for the Kazakh ETS and many of its design elements are based on the EU ETS, domestic political factors were central mediating variables in the diffusion process. The system was initiated at the highest levels within the government, but the fast-tracked nature of the implementation process did not provide sufficient notification to the donor community to mobilize much-needed technical support until the pilot phase had been completed. Implementation of a fully operational system was postponed until 2018 due to industry mobilization against the system and unresolved legal and technical issues. The findings indicate that the longer-term outcome of a diffusion process can be policy divergence, not convergence, as domestic interest groups influence policy and as governments learn from their own implementation experiences.; (AN 42884416)
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8.

Carbon Trading: Who Gets What, When, and How? by Lederer, Markus. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p134-140, 7p; (AN 42884413)
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9.

Complicating Carbon Markets by Barkin, J. Samuel. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p141-146, 6p; (AN 42884419)
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10.

Corridors of Power: The Politics of Environmental Aid to Madagascar by Baker-Médard, Merrill. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p147-149, 3p; (AN 42884410)
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11.

The Mekong: A Socio-Legal Approach to River Basin Development by Gellers, Joshua C.. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p149-151, 3p; (AN 42884411)
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12.

Concentration and Power in the Food System: Who Controls What We Eat? by Clapp, Jennifer. Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p151-152, 2p; (AN 42884412)
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13.

Contributors Global Environmental Politics, August 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42884409)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Global Governance, the United Nations, and the Challenge of Trumping Trump by Jentleson, Bruce W.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p143-149, 7p; (AN 41914581)
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2.

How to Manage Interorganizational Disputes over Mediation in Africa by Nathan, Laurie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p151-162, 12p; (AN 41914583)
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3.

The Rise of Measurement-driven Governance: The Case of International Development by Best, Jacqueline. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p163-181, 19p; Abstract: Global governance is increasingly about measuring, ranking, and scoring. Focusing on the case of international development, this article suggests that we can learn a great deal about the recent changes in global dynamics by examining the rise of measurement-driven governance. The article engages with the recent scholarship on new governance, particularly the emerging literature on more experimentalist forms of governance. This study finds some evidence of a more experimentalist kind of governance in international development, but suggests that the specific technologies of measurement and accountability through which these new structures of decisionmaking are being facilitated are far from politically neutral. They are instead sources of considerable power that, in many instances, reinforce existing asymmetries and undermine the deliberative potential of these governance practices.; (AN 41914585)
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4.

Forging Soft Accountability in Unlikely Settings: A Conceptual Analysis of Mutual Accountability in the Context of South-South Cooperation by Kim, Taekyoon; Lim, Sojin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p183-203, 21p; Abstract: This study sets out to introduce the concept of soft accountability as a new approach to understanding mutual accountability in unlikely settings of development cooperation through South-South cooperation. In doing so, this study analyzes three defining components of accountability (responsibility, answerability, and enforceability) and identifies the actors and modalities of mutual accountability in four different situations of South-South cooperation mechanisms. The main finding in this conceptual analysis contains establishing an institutional and sustainable development platform for the mutual accountability of South-South cooperation by not only reflecting the distinctive nature of South-South cooperation, but also focusing on responsibility first to reduce buck-passing among actors and to sustain its continuous management.; (AN 41914584)
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5.

The G-20 Since the Global Financial Crisis: Neither Hegemony nor Collectivism by Chodor, Tom. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p205-223, 19p; Abstract: This article analyzes the sources of gridlock in the Group of 20 since the global financial crisis. It engages with this question through Mark Beeson and Stephen Bell's framework, which identifies two processes of socialization operating concurrently within the G-20: hegemonic incorporation and collectivist cooperation. While hegemonic incorporation seeks to socialize the rising Southern powers into the US-led world order, their inclusion over time drives the G-20 toward more collective and cooperative forms of global governance. The article argues that the GFC has altered this equation in two ways: by accelerating the shift of economic power from the North to the South, and by undermining the hegemony of neoliberalism in the South. These two developments have made the United States less willing to offer the concessions necessary for hegemonic incorporation while, at the same time, bolstering the confidence of the Southern powers. Consequently, the article proposes that both hegemonic incorporation and collectivist cooperation are undermined, leading instead to gridlock and fragmentation. The article illustrates this argument through a case study of the gridlock surrounding the issue of global imbalances.; (AN 41914586)
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6.

West Africa's Ebola Pandemic: Toward Effective Multilateral Responses to Health Crises by Ifediora, Obinna Franklin; Aning, Kwesi. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p225-244, 20p; Abstract: The Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak in West Africa in 2014 became the region's most dangerous pandemic in history. Initially misdiagnosed by health authorities in Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, the epicenters of the crises, the wider health infrastructure of the international community similarly failed to grasp the enormity of the challenge posed by this pandemic to West Africa and its potential global ramifications. By the time recognition dawned about the immensity of the challenges that were posed by this pandemic, it took the introduction of extraordinary measures through the characterization of the disease as a threat to international peace and security pursuant to Chapter VII of the UN Charter to get the necessary institutional and bureaucratic machineries to intervene. This article argues that EVD, disastrous in its outcome, exposed the weaknesses and failures of existing institutional frameworks at national, regional, and continental to global levels. Focusing primarily on multilateral responses (the UN, the African Union AU, and the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS) to the epidemic, this article argues for enhanced global-regional collaboration in the context of the UN Charter's Chapter VIII for more effective future responses to health crises in West Africa. This article contributes to the ongoing debate on the reform of global health governance by analyzing the existing health governance strategies established by ECOWAS and implemented through the West African Health Organization.; (AN 41914590)
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7.

ASEAN as a Community of Managerial Practices by Bae, Ki-Hyun. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p245-263, 19p; Abstract: How is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations performing as a manager of regional cooperative activities in East Asia? Despite increasing attention regarding its role in development of East Asian regionalism, few scholarly discussions about the effectiveness of ASEAN's managerial practices at the operational level have been attempted. This article aims to fill the scholarly gap based on the author's participatory observation of discussions among practitioners regarding management of cooperative activities for ASEAN mechanisms. It suggests that ASEAN's performance as a driver of East Asian cooperation has been insufficient and may possibly have weakened the mechanisms for greater cooperation.; (AN 41914589)
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8.

Pathways Toward a Global Standard for Transparency in the Governance of Energy Resources by Escribano, Gonzalo. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p265-283, 19p; Abstract: This article considers the global governance of energy resources as a coordination problem to provide the intermediate global public good of payments and revenues disclosure. The demand for international arrangements to fill this gap resulted in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and subsequent US and European Union disclosure standards for extractive industries. EITI has attributes of contested multilateralism such as being a multistakeholder voluntary coalition setting a standard for transparency. US and EU disclosure standards constitute unilateral pathways with a global vocation. The article argues that EITI and US and EU standards are simultaneously competing with and complementing each other, adding regime complexity but ultimately supplying higher disclosure standards in the energy sector.; (AN 41914582)
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9.

Makers, Takers, Shakers, Shapers: Emerging Economies and Normative Engagement in Climate Governance by Jinnah, Sikina. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p285-306, 22p; Abstract: This article builds on recent literature to argue that emerging economies are simultaneously norm takers and norm makers involved in a two-way socialization process with developed countries. It does this by tracing China's engagement in negotiations surrounding the norm of common but differentiated responsibilities within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change between the 2007 Bali conference that set out to negotiate a post–Kyoto Protocol climate agreement and the 2015 Paris conference that succeeded in doing so. In making this argument, I push against the predominant unidirectional and dyadic models of normative change by illuminating the more complicated role emerging economies are playing in this process. The article further distills a typology of normative change from the literature to help us understand how and why emerging economies engage in this process.; (AN 41914580)
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10.

China and Global Energy Governance: Integration or Confrontation? by Gao, Shuqin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p307-325, 19p; Abstract: China has been pursuing a risk averse counterweight energy strategy, cultivating strategic energy allies and diversifying its energy sources, generating a power shift of energy distribution from international oil companies to national oil companies. China's neomercantilism and NOCs suggest neither integration into the US-led international energy regime nor confrontation with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development–centered global energy governance. Instead, China is working toward creating a China-led alternative competitive regime. The prospect is therefore the emergence of a more fragmented and multilayered global energy governance.; (AN 41914588)
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11.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p327-328, 2p; (AN 41914587)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 12, no. 2-3, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: The Multilateral Politics of unDiplomacy by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin; Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p95-112, 18p; (AN 41844719)
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2.

Conceptualizing Groups in unMultilateralism: The Diplomatic Practice of Group Politics by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p113-137, 25p; Abstract: Political groups permeate the diplomatic process across the United Nations (un) system, from conference diplomacy to annual sessions of the deliberative bodies, yet they remain poorly understood and under-appreciated. This article approaches groups from a conceptual and theoretical perspective, providing a typology to differentiate clearly the various groups that are active in unprocesses, from electoral groups to regional organizations and single-issue coalitions. The article also examines how theories of multilateralism, global governance and international negotiation largely exclude group and inter-group dynamics. Theories of global governance and multilateralism operate at the systemic level of analysis, while theories of negotiation and coalitions reflect assumptions of individual agency; both levels of analysis obscure the operation of political groups and group politics in unmultilateralism. The emerging theories of diplomatic practice provide a meso-level approach that reveals the pervasive practice of group politics and politicized diplomacy in unmultilateralism.; (AN 41844720)
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3.

Group Politics in the Debates on Gender Equality and Sexual Orientation Discrimination at the United Nations by Smith, Karen E.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p138-157, 20p; Abstract: This article assesses the impact of ‘group politics’ in the particularly contentious debates of the United Nations (un) Human Rights Council and the unGeneral Assembly regarding gender equality and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The article identifies those groups that have been most active in the debates, and then analyses how and why they have shaped debates and norms in this area, how they interact with each other, and whether groups help to facilitate consensus or foster polarization in debates. The article examines the extent to which these groups are cohesive, and identifies the norms that each group puts forward in debates (through statements and resolutions). It then assesses and explains their impact on outcomes, the creation of shared norms and the potential for collective action. It further explores the implications of increasing cross-regional group activity in the Human Rights Council.; (AN 41844721)
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4.

Group Dynamics and Interplay in unDisarmament Forums: In Search of Consensus by Dee, Megan. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p158-177, 20p; Abstract: The elimination of nuclear weapons has been an objective of the United Nations (un) since 1946. Although addressed through multiple forums, including the unGeneral Assembly’s First Committee, Conference on Disarmament and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the possession and renunciation of nuclear weapons nevertheless remains a topic beset by multilateral stalemate and frustration over the entrenchment of positions between nuclear- and non-nuclear weapon states. Yet within these forums, disarmament politics are taking a new turn, with the emergence of new, cross-regional, cross-factional political groups working alongside more established blocs. Focusing on these group dynamics, this article argues that the emergence of new political groups, and their interplay with others, is critical to the effective functioning of disarmament negotiations. Through cooperative information exchange, encouraging policy entrepreneurship and by challenging the rigidity of entrenched bloc positioning, these new group dynamics may make an important contribution in the search for consensus within the un.; (AN 41844722)
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5.

Discussing Global Health and Access to Medicines in the unSystem: The Case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) by Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro; Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p178-196, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how and why regional organizations participate in the discussion about global health within the United Nations system. It focuses on the case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) and the topic of access to medicines, and argues that the creation of this organization and its activism in global health diplomacy and governance evolved in the context of the reconfiguration of multilateral cooperation in the Americas, where health has been defined as a human right and vital for regional citizenship. This process results from changing regional identities, unasur’s mandate and capacities, and the interests of leading member states such as Brazil.; (AN 41844723)
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6.

Negotiating the Responsibility to Protect in the unSystem: The Roles of Formal and Informal Groups by Bellamy, Alex J.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p197-220, 24p; Abstract: This article examines the role that groups played in the rise of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) within the United Nations (un) system. It focuses in particular on the role of informal groups of states in advancing a consensus on R2P, contrasting their role with that of formal regional and political groups, which — with the exception of the African Group — played a more marginal role. R2P has given rise to a multiplicity of informal groups of states. These informal groups operate alongside the formal regional and political groups and, with one or two exceptions, have tended to be significantly more influential, the main reason being the principle’s genesis. Arising out of fractious debates in the late 1990s about intervention and the relationship between sovereignty and fundamental human rights, R2P was from the outset a conscious attempt to bridge political divides between states in the un— especially the ‘North–South’ theatre.; (AN 41844724)
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7.

Group Politics in Global Development Policy: From the Millennium Development Goals to the Post-2015 Development Agenda by Farrell, Mary. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p221-248, 28p; Abstract: This article examines the group politics in global development policy from the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) to the Sustainable Development Goals (sdgs). The discussion tracks the actors and forces that shaped both sets of goals, and highlights the centrality of multilateral processes in framing the background for the interplay of group politics. With the expansion in the number and diversity of actors, and the United Nations system facilitating the engagement of multiple actors, ultimately the negotiation of the sdgs reflected a new diplomacy derived from mediation of multiple interests within a multilateral context.; (AN 41844725)
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8.

Negotiating in the unGeneral Assembly: The European Union and the Other Major Groups by Vrailas, Ioannis. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p249-255, 7p; Abstract: The overwhelming majority of the United Nations’ member states remain keen to preserve the traditional intergovernmental nature of the organization in the name of universalism, equality among states and national sovereignty. However, in most negotiating processes, delegations are increasingly content to take part through the groups or sub-groups of which they are members, rather than individually on a national basis. In this regard, the European Union (eu) sets the standards for both organization and effectiveness, especially since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the eu’s Special Observer status, granted by ungaResolution 65/276.; (AN 41844726)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 32, no. 5, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Understanding and improving intelligence analysis by learning from other disciplines by Marrin, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p539-547, 9p; Abstract: AbstractIntelligence organizations acquire, evaluate, assess, and disseminate information to support national security and foreign policy decision-making. It is part of a government’s efforts to get as close to complete information as possible about both the operating environment as well as other actors. The methodologies employed by intelligence analysts are similar to yet different from those used in many other academic disciplines and professional fields. This discussion about methodology – a form of comparative applied epistemology – can be used to better understand intelligence analysis as a function of government and improve the performance of intelligence analysts.; (AN 42042053)
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2.

Improving strategic intelligence analytical practice through qualitative social research by Walsh, Patrick F.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p548-562, 15p; Abstract: AbstractSince 11 September 2001, the ‘Five Eyes’ countries have seen a dramatic rise in intelligence training and education courses across the national security and law enforcement contexts. However, there remains little publicly available empirical evidence to demonstrate specifically where improvements have been made to workplace practices and processes as a result of this investment. This article argues that the education sector in the intelligence discipline lacks an evaluation research agenda, for validating the workplace effectiveness of training and education programs. Further, a first step in understanding whether curriculum are ‘fit for purpose’ may be articulating some underlying common normative principles for evaluating programs in any intelligence context.; (AN 42042055)
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3.

Getting beyond analysis by anecdote: improving intelligence analysis through the use of case studies by Dahl, Erik J.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p563-578, 16p; Abstract: AbstractSince the 9/11 attacks critics of the American intelligence community have often complained about the lack of scientific rigor in intelligence analysis, and much of the work of the intelligence community has been described as mere ‘analysis by anecdote.’ In response, the intelligence community has made a considerable effort to increase the rigor of its analysis. But surprisingly little has been done to examine how intelligence professionals might benefit from adopting one of the most common methods used in the social sciences: case study analysis. This article argues that a greater understanding of how case studies are used by political scientists and other scholars can help improve the quality of intelligence analysis and help the intelligence community assist policymakers as they attempt to understand the threats and challenges of today’s world.; (AN 42042056)
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4.

Computational social science and intelligence analysis by Frank, Aaron. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p579-599, 21p; Abstract: AbstractComputational Social Science (CSS) is an emerging, interdisciplinary approach to the study of social systems. This chapter provides readers with an introduction to CSS, and discusses why examining the behavior of individuals and groups in social systems from an algorithmic perspective provides new and exciting analytic opportunities for the Intelligence Community and analytic tradecraft. Through the use of artificial societies, commonly referred to as Agent-Based Models (ABMs), intelligence analysts can improve strategic intelligence assessments by capitalizing on the scientific and tradecraft merits of computational simulation.; (AN 42042054)
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5.

Intelligence analysis and social science methods: exploring the potential for and possible limits of mutual learning by Phythian, Mark. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p600-612, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article considers the parallels between social science approaches to research and the practice of national security intelligence analysis. Just as it is important for policymakers and citizens to understand the limits to what intelligence can deliver, so it is important to recognize the limits to what social science methods can offer intelligence analysis. Moreover, it is at least equally important to recognise crucial differences in the environments in which mainstream social science research and national security intelligence analysis are conducted. A clear understanding of these is essential to thinking about the utility of social science approaches to intelligence analysis. Hence, the chapter begins by setting out what qualitative social science can offer and then goes on to explain why the straightforward application of social science techniques cannot of itself be regarded as a ‘silver bullet’ for the challenges confronting intelligence analysis.; (AN 42042060)
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6.

Analysis as history, and history as analysis: a search for common goals and standards by Warner, Michael. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p613-624, 12p; Abstract: AbstractHistory is something far from storytelling about the past; it has its own methods, discipline, techniques, and value. The same can be said about intelligence analysis, which is a comparative newcomer to the professions. Like historians, analysts seek to gather information, evaluate their sources, create meaning from disparate bits of evidence, and impart significant findings. These considerations make it important for analysts to learn their history and how the discipline of history functions. A greater ‘historical sense’ can make analysts more rigorous in their work, and less likely to be frustrated by the situations they see around them.; (AN 42042059)
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7.

Strategic culture as a constraint: intelligence analysis, memory and organizational learning in the social sciences and history by Aldrich, Richard J.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p625-635, 11p; Abstract: AbstractAcademics working on intelligence failure are famous for their pessimism. This paper is more optimistic and sees strategic culture as helpfully constraining the likely options of our enemies. It suggests that there is a wealth of innovative work here that we might exploit here to assist with strategic estimates and argues that it is puzzling that we have not tried to harness it before in a more programmatic way. It examines sets of different but related ideas about notions of strategic culture, historical analogies and social learning that have been developed by leading political scientists and then asks what they might contribute to improved intelligence analysis.; (AN 42042057)
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8.

What’s the problem? Frameworks and methods from policy analysis for analyzing complex problems by Coulthart, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p636-648, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe importance of problem structuring – the activity of making sense of problems – has been grasped by many scholars of policy analysis, a profession that shares much in common in form and function with intelligence analysis. This article imports some of the lessons, frameworks and methodologies of problem structuring to intelligence analysis from policy analysis. The concept of a Type III error is introduced, the analytical mistake of misunderstanding a problem, along with several methodologies designed to help analysts structure problems. One such methodology from policy analysis, called boundary analysis, is demonstrated on a national security case, the 2014 Syrian chemical weapons destruction process.; (AN 42042058)
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9.

Improving how to think in intelligence analysis and medicine by Marrin, Stephen; Torres, Efren. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p649-662, 14p; Abstract: AbstractIntelligence organizations acquire, evaluate, assess, and disseminate information to support national security and foreign policy decision-making. It is part of a government’s efforts to get as close to complete information as possible about both the operating environment as well as other actors. The methodologies employed by intelligence analysts are similar to yet different from those used in many other academic disciplines and professional fields. This discussion about methodology – a form of comparative applied epistemology – can be used to better understand intelligence analysis as a function of government and improve the performance of intelligence analysts.; (AN 42042063)
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10.

How do we know? What intelligence analysis can learn from the sociology of science by Tang, Jeffrey. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p663-674, 12p; Abstract: AbstractDespite the appeal of correctness batting average as a metric for evaluating analysts, such an approach may be fundamentally misguided. Scholarship in the sociology of scientific knowledge demonstrates the inherent difficulty of determining what ‘actually happened.’ Knowledge in intelligence is socially constructed by practitioners and experts, just as it is in science. Thus, the ‘truth’ about what happened in a particular circumstance is what a group of credential experts say happened. Intelligence studies might benefit from insights gained in science and technology studies to illuminate practices and modes of operation that have thus far gone unexamined.; (AN 42042061)
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11.

Methods for researching interrogation and torture by Newbery, Samantha. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p675-676, 2p; (AN 42042062)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 93, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Contentious borders in the Middle East and North Africa: context and concepts by Del Sarto, Raffaella A.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p767-787, 21p; Abstract: The recent upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have exerted pressure on the regional state system and its borders. Exploring the altered nature and function of borders in a comprehensive and theory-informed manner, together with their domestic, regional and international implications, is long overdue. As a starting point to this endeavour, this article provides the historical context to the problem of contested borders in the MENA region since the formation of the modern state system in the region until today. While problematizing a number of key concepts, the article proposes to analyse the currently contentious nature of many MENA borders by considering the often deeply conflicting configuration of state authority, legitimacy and territoriality over time; the Arab uprisings mark the most recent of a series of critical junctures. Developments at the international, regional and domestic levels are considered while attention is paid to their intersection. The article concludes by raising the question of whether prevailing conceptualisations of the state and its borders are adequate for a real understanding of past and present developments in the region, suggesting that alternative or additional approaches may be helpful.; (AN 42850302)
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2.

States and sovereignty in the Middle East: myths and realities by Fawcett, Louise. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p789-807, 19p; Abstract: To many observers the Middle East state system since the Arab uprisings stands at a critical juncture, displaying contradictory patterns of fragility and durability. The uprisings, which started late in 2010, were revolutionary in their initial impact, but beyond Tunisia, it is the counter-revolutionary movement which has proved more durable. However, the region has witnessed regime changes alongside intense levels of popular mobilization, violence and transnational activism. The results have been highly destabilizing, resulting in challenges, not only to regimes, but to the very sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. This, in turn, has contributed to a shifting regional power balance and repeated episodes of external intervention. Some commentators have argued that the whole regional system, always fragile and contested, is finally undergoing radical transformation; others point to its resilience. This article evaluates the latest wave of instability and its consequences for Middle Eastern states, their sovereignty and regional order, introducing themes and discussions taken up in other articles in this special issue. It argues that despite recent upheavals (and multiple predictions to the contrary), the Middle East system of states and borders will likely remain intact—at least in the medium term. This does not mean that states are necessarily ‘strong’ in a Weberian sense or that sovereignty at different levels is uncontested, but that continuity—state survival and border preservation—is likely to prevail over major change.; (AN 42850305)
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3.

The changing borders and borderlands of Syria in a time of conflict by Vignal, Leïla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p809-827, 19p; Abstract: This article aims at a better understanding of the changing nature of borders in warring Syria. Contrary to much media commentary, the Syrian uprising and the subsequent conflict have not been about territorial claims. In 2011, the borders of Syria were de facto pacified and, with the important exception of the border with Israel, were accepted as the legitimate boundaries of the Syrian state. This, however, does not contradict the fact that the unfolding of the Syrian uprising has had deep transformative effects on the borders of the country. Their nature, functions and management have significantly evolved since the uprising first broke out. In 2017, these borders no longer delineate a coherent territory under the control of a unique and somehow cohesive actor: the state. The ongoing territorial and political fragmentation of the country into territories controlled by different armed parties has given rise to multiple forms of control over the Syrian border that reflect the outcome of the armed confrontation. This article analyses the transformations of the borders from the outer boundaries of a state that exercises its sovereignty over its territory and delivers state functions and public goods to its citizens to a spatial envelope in which competing internal legitimacies operate. It also explores the new dynamics of the borders in relation with Syria's neighbours and the international order.; (AN 42850310)
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4.

Turkey's post-2011 approach to its Syrian border and its implications for domestic politics by Okyay, Asli S.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p829-846, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the implications of the post-2011 conflict in Syria for the relationship between Turkey's shifting border politics and its domestic politics, focusing on the period until mid-2015. The analysis demonstrates that two factors explain the shifts in Turkey's border management modalities in this period. These factors were: first, Turkey's aspiration to enhance its regional influence through a power reconfiguration in post-conflict Syria, in which the Assad regime would be replaced by a predominantly Islamist power elite; second, its concern about its territorial integrity and centralized nation-state model, which it tried to safeguard by impeding the emergence of a Kurdish state, or governance structure with increased autonomous powers and expanded territorial control. Power reconfigurations over the course of the conflict and newly arising threats emanating from the neighbouring civil war also had significant implications for Turkey's border management patterns. Embedded within a highly interconnected region that has also been increasingly structured in ethno-sectarian terms, instrumentally shifting border politics gave rise to a high degree of contestation in the domestic sphere, and contributed to the reinforcement of ethnic and sectarian identity boundaries permeating society and politics in Turkey. The case of Turkey is significant in understanding the overall impact of the post-2011 political transition processes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) on border politics, on the degree of interdependence between domestic and international politics, on the links between state borders and identity boundaries, and on state-society relations.; (AN 42850309)
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5.

Contesting borders? The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan's de facto state by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p847-863, 17p; Abstract: The Kurds are the largest territorially concentrated ethnic group in the world without its own nation state. However, the Iraqi Kurdish population has been striving to establish its own political order for more than two decades and, in northern Iraq, a markedly developed de facto state has emerged. Iraqi Kurdistan has established a considerable degree of autonomy and domestic sovereignty, which is particularly impressive considering the current state of its parent state Iraq. This success is puzzling, when considered alongside the most prominent theory of state formation, which argues that it is war that makes states. War does not explain the Kurdish state-making process. Rather, it has been a major setback for the Iraqi Kurds after 1991. This suggests an alternative theory of state formation, which argues that social coalitions of key elites can account for successful state-building. This article argues that the social coalition of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which sustained state-building in northern Iraq, emerged and stabilized because of external incentives. Demonstrating unity in front of the international community, and particularly in front of Iraqi Kurdistan's main sponsors, the US and Turkey, has resulted in large flows of revenue for the two parties. The case of Iraqi Kurdistan, therefore, allows for conclusions both on the potential and on the limitations of externally-promoted state-building coalitions. These insights are also relevant for debates on international state-building.; (AN 42850311)
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6.

Border management in an era of ‘statebuilding lite’: security assistance and Lebanon's hybrid sovereignty by Tholens, Simone. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p865-882, 18p; Abstract: International border management strategies have become the favoured practice to counter global threats, notably terrorism, migration flows and ‘weak states’. This article shows how border security assistance is translated and has political consequences in contexts where sovereignty is contested. It first offers a new conceptualization of contemporary security assistance as a form of ‘statebuilding lite’. These practices are void of comprehensive strategies for broader security governance, and are decentralized, pragmatic and ad hoc. The modus operandi is one whereby each donor develops its own niche, and directly supports specific agencies in the target state. Secondly, the article demonstrates how these tendencies play out in the one of the most important contemporary cases. Assistance to Lebanon since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war is particularly revealing, since Lebanon has received large numbers of Syrian refugees crossing its borders; witnessed rekindling of sectarian violence; and harbours Hezbollah, whose military operations in support of the Assad regime in Damascus draws Lebanon directly into the Syrian conflict. The ensuing situation, where vast amounts of security assistance reach Lebanon's many security agencies in complex ways, can best be described as a security assistance ‘bonanza’. In a micro-study of how the Lebanese Army, police, intelligence and customs agencies have engaged with an EU border management project, the article analyses how discourses of ‘integration’ have encountered the hybrid Lebanese context. It asserts that in the absence of a domestic political strategy, the state reverts back to basic modes of security-driven governance, aided by the readily available security assistance by actors with primarily strategic priorities. Drawing on the case of Lebanon allows us to fundamentally re-think how contemporary security assistance is practiced, and permits conceptualizations of global–local security linkages in a post-national world.; (AN 42850331)
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7.

Approaching borders and frontiers in North Africa by Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p883-896, 14p; Abstract: Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.; (AN 42850325)
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8.

The practice and culture of smuggling in the borderland of Egypt and Libya by Hüsken, Thomas. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p897-915, 19p; Abstract: This article looks at smuggling among the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin in the borderland of Egypt and Libya. Smuggling is understood as a transgressive economic practice that is embedded in the wider social, political and cultural connectivity of the Awlad ‘Ali. This connectivity transgresses state borders, collides with conceptions of state sovereignty, territory and citizenship. In addition, it has a greater historical depth than the respective post-colonial states, and is in many respects more vital than these. During the regimes of Gaddafi and Mubarak the economic productivity and political stability in the borderland was based on the shared sovereignty between politicians and cross border traders of the Awlad ‘Ali and the Egyptian and Libyan state. During and after the Arab spring and particularly in the subsequent civil war in Libya local non state sovereignties that operate across borders have gained significant empowerment and relevance. The article argues that shared sovereignty between state and non-state formations, between centres and peripheries, and between the national and the local level, is a central feature of the real practice of African governance and borderland economies.; (AN 42850319)
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9.

Borders and sovereignty in Islamist and jihadist thought: past and present by Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p917-935, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how Islamists and jihadists have framed issues pertaining to sovereignty, borders, as well as political and religious identity, over the last century. At a time when the territorial delimitations of several Arab countries seem more fickle than ever, it is necessary to address how Islamists and jihadists view the historical and contemporary aspects of borders and sovereignty. The Islamists, on the one hand—whose aim is creating a caliphate—have had to deal with unexpected realities, turning inevitably to some extent of reform of their original revolutionary ambition. The jihadists, on the other hand, while remaining committed to an armed struggle to unify Muslims worldwide, do not advocate for any action other than global insurrection. By focusing on the writings and discourses of major Islamist and jihadist leaders, it thus appears that the study of borders and sovereignty is indispensable to understanding the similarities and differences between the two ideologies. In addition, the study of borders and sovereignty allows for predicting developments in the region that largely pertain to the desire to achieve (jihadists) or amend (modern Islamists) the original revisionist design. It appears that borders, territory and sovereignty prove to be significant constraints for both Islamists and jihadists. Evidently, both Islamists and jihadists have reacted in diverging ways to the political and cultural realities that stand against their founding ideology—with certain Islamist movements having thus nationalized their doctrine, while jihadists still remain eager to achieve their original ambition.; (AN 42850297)
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10.

States, boundaries and sovereignty in the Middle East: unsteady but unchanging by Zartman, I. William. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p937-948, 12p; Abstract: States in the Middle East are real states, not yet Weberian and Westphalian, hard rather than strong states in most cases, with few cases of collapse after the Arab Spring. This article develops this idea, by discussing how their aspiring sovereignty over territory with established, if permeable, boundaries is likely to pursue its efforts at consolidation; only the Kurds and the Palestinians militate for a new sovereign entity of their own, with little success after decades of efforts and sympathy. Boundaries are remarkably stable, even often demarcated; challenges arise withinthe states for control, rather than between states, and at most decentralization in a few states may bring greater self-rule to ethnic groups. The challenge of regional order is not the creation of new boundaries, but the division of the region into a Shi'a Fatal Crescent against a Sunni north and south, both riven by state identity.; (AN 42850285)
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11.

The Mediterranean and its migrants: porous policy for a porous border by Spencer, Claire. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p949-956, 8p; Abstract: The Mediterranean Sea has traditionally been seen as a transit route rather than a border zone, yet the upsurge in migration from the Mediterranean's southern shores into Europe in recent years has given rise to a new array of policing, monitoring and humanitarian missions in and around the Mediterranean Basin. Stretching far into Europe's and Africa's hinterlands,  an ‘industry’ of smugglers, traffickers and border guards has grown up around circumventing or protecting the barriers and border regimes that now exist on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea. This article reviews recent works charting the diverse and far-reaching phenomenon of migration over the past decade, and the implications of the Mediterranean's ‘borderlands’ for a European policy on migration that is still seeking coherence.; (AN 42850301)
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12.

The paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey: Islam, illiberal democracy and republicanism by Göl, Ayla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p957-966, 10p; Abstract: When the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi—AKP) first came to power in 2002, Turkey was described as a shining example of ‘the only Muslim democracy’ in the Middle East. The AKP has remained in power since then. While some hailed it as the so-called ‘Turkish model’, many have been rather sceptical about an ideological ‘hidden agenda’ of the AKP leadership to Islamize Turkish politics. Nevertheless, a stable Turkey under the pro-Islamic AKP rule was perceived as essential to improving relations between the West and the Muslim world. Within the last two decades, under Erdoğan's leadership it has become clear that a western model of ‘liberal democracy’ will probably not be the final destination of Turkey's path, but just one of many possible exits. What went wrong under the AKP governance, causing a promising ‘Turkish model’ to turn into authoritarian rule with the rise of illiberal democracy? While the three books under review have different emphases and address different questions, all of them offer timely insights into understanding this pressing question in both Turkish and Middle Eastern politics. They all seem to broadly agree that Turkey under AKP rule has undergone a metamorphosis in three stages: the ‘economic miracle’, combined with pseudo-democratization (2002–7); the phase of ‘regime change’ (2007–11) and, finally, the rise of authoritarianism and Islamo-nationalism (2011–15). Based on these insights, it is possible to argue that this metamorphosis has led to the paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey, which I will attempt to highlight and explore in this review article. I identify three paradoxes: the persistency of Islam, combined with nationalism (Islamo-nationalism), in state-society relations; the impacts of Turkey–EU relations and reforms on the democratization process; and the future of republicanism in Turkey. I conclude by arguing that the rise of Erdoğan's authoritarianism combined with illiberal democracy at home will have serious implications for Turkish foreign policy.; (AN 42850294)
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13.

The globalization of international society by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p967-968, 2p; (AN 42850290)
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14.

Foucault and the modern international: silences and legacies for the study of world politics by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p968-969, 2p; (AN 42850328)
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15.

How statesmen think: the psychology of international politics by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p969-970, 2p; (AN 42850318)
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16.

Decolonization: a short history by Murray, Christopher. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p970-972, 3p; (AN 42850292)
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17.

The Armenians in modern Turkey: post-genocide society, politics and history by Cheterian, Vicken. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p972-973, 2p; (AN 42850306)
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18.

Naked diplomacy: power and statecraft in the digital age and The future of #diplomacy* by Spence, Jack. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p973-975, 3p; (AN 42850330)
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19.

Crisis and institutional change in regional integration by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p975-976, 2p; (AN 42850293)
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20.

Deliberation across deeply divided societies: transformative moments by Kaplanova, Patricia. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p976-977, 2p; (AN 42850313)
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21.

Intelligence security in the European Union: building a strategic intelligence community by Plater-Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p977-978, 2p; (AN 42850296)
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22.

Quality peace: peacebuilding, victory, and world order by Jester, Natalie. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p978-979, 2p; (AN 42850298)
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23.

Gaining currency: the rise of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p979-981, 3p; (AN 42850308)
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24.

The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy by Prontera, Andrea. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p981-982, 2p; (AN 42850323)
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25.

Burn out: the endgame for fossil fuels* by Aczel, Miriam R.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p982-983, 2p; (AN 42850314)
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26.

Oil booms and business busts: why resource wealth hurts entrepreneurs in the developing world by Wanvik, Tarje I.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p984-985, 2p; (AN 42850304)
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27.

The great derangement: climate change and the unthinkable by Kedia, Shailly. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p985-986, 2p; (AN 42850307)
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28.

The politics of crisis in Europe* by Toje, Asle. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p986-988, 3p; (AN 42850289)
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29.

A history of the Iraq crisis: France, the United States, and Iraq, 1991–2003 by Hardy, Roger. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p988-989, 2p; (AN 42850315)
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30.

Iran's nuclear program and international law: from confrontation to accord* by Bentley, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p989-990, 2p; (AN 42850316)
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31.

Islamic politics, Muslim states, and counterterrorism tensions by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p991-992, 2p; (AN 42850312)
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32.

Ivory: power and poaching in Africa by Lawson, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p992-994, 3p; (AN 42850317)
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33.

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram by Wilén, Nina. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p994-995, 2p; (AN 42850286)
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34.

Islam and democracy in Indonesia: tolerance without liberalism by Brown, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p995-996, 2p; (AN 42850303)
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35.

Pakistan: courting the abyss by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p997-998, 2p; (AN 42850299)
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36.

Choices: inside the making of India's foreign policy by Kumar, Pavan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p998-999, 2p; (AN 42850291)
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37.

Hong Kong in the shadow of China: living with the leviathan* by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p999-1000, 2p; (AN 42850287)
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38.

Contributors International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42850327)
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39.

Abstracts International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 pvii-xiii, 7p; (AN 42850329)
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40.

Cambodia votes: democracy, authority and international support for elections 1993–2013 by Copeland, Matthew P.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1000-1002, 3p; (AN 42850321)
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41.

The president's book of secrets: the untold story of intelligence briefings to America's presidents from Kennedy to Obama* by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1002-1003, 2p; (AN 42850320)
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42.

Enemies known and unknown: targeted killings in America's transnational wars by Archambault, Emil. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1003-1004, 2p; (AN 42850288)
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43.

The Marshall Plan and the shaping of American strategy by Farese, Giovanni. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1004-1006, 3p; (AN 42850295)
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44.

Afterimages: photography and U.S. foreign policy by Ryan, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1006-1007, 2p; (AN 42850322)
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45.

Euforia e fracasso do Brasil Grande: política externa e multinacionais brasileiras da era Lula [Euphoria and failure of Grand Brazil: foreign policy and Brazilian multinationals in the Lula era] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1007-1009, 3p; (AN 42850324)
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46.

The Salvador option: the United States in El Salvador, 1977–1992 by Chrimes, Philip. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1009-1010, 2p; (AN 42850300)
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47.

Books reviewed July 2017 International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1011-1011, 1p; (AN 42850326)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 30, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Spy Machine and the Ballot Box: Examining Democracy’s Intelligence Advantage by Honig, Or Arthur; Zimskind, Sarah. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p431-463, 33p; (AN 41904409)
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2.

For Belgian Eyes Only: Intelligence Cooperation in Belgium by Lasoen, Kenneth L.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p464-490, 27p; (AN 41904410)
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3.

Reconciling Democracy and the Protection of State Secrets in South Africa by Lefebvre, Stéphane. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p491-521, 31p; (AN 41904411)
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4.

Significant Distrust and Drastic Cuts: The Indian Government’s Uneasy Relationship with Intelligence by Shaffer, Ryan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p522-531, 10p; (AN 41904412)
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5.

UN Peacekeeping Intelligence: The ASIFU Experiment by Rietjens, Sebastiaan; de Waard, Erik. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p532-556, 25p; (AN 41904413)
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6.

Intelligence without Essence: Rejecting the Classical Theory of Definition by Gaspard, Jules J.S.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p557-582, 26p; (AN 41904414)
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7.

Using Communication and Psychosocial Research for Accurate Intelligence Acquisition by Pavlich, Corey A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p583-603, 21p; (AN 41904415)
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8.

Birds of a Feather by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p604-611, 8p; (AN 41904416)
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9.

An American Family's Road to Hell by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p612-622, 11p; (AN 41904417)
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10.

The Forgotten Advocate of a New Russia by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p623-628, 6p; (AN 41904418)
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11.

A History of Hidden Activities by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p629-633, 5p; (AN 41904420)
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12.

A Glass Left Mostly Empty by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p634-640, 7p; (AN 41904419)
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13.

Writing Chinese History From Declassified Files by Mercado, Stephen C.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p640-642, 3p; (AN 41904421)
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14.

New Details on a FOIA Request by Barrett, David M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p643-645, 3p; (AN 41904422)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 22, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Federalism, Paradiplomacy and Foreign Policy: A Case of Mutual Neglect by Lequesne, Christian; Lequesne, Christian. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p183-204, 22p; Abstract: Paradiplomacy, federalism and international negotiation are increasingly prevalent phenomena that require more theoretical attention. Successful mobilization of non-central governments has increased their relevance on the international stage. The rise of paradiplomacy complicates conditions for both international negotiation and the formulation of foreign policy in federal regimes. Westphalian state diplomacy is finding it increasingly difficult to cope with the proliferation of ad hoc and informal arrangements that bind non-central governments. The international arena is inhabited by an ever larger number of players that sometimes have significant autonomy from the central state.; (AN 42382129)
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2.

The Role of u.s.State Governments in International Relations, 1980–2015 by Fry, Earl H.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p205-238, 34p; Abstract: In an effort to protect and enhance the interests of their constituents in a complex era of globalization, interdependence, and “creative destruction,” most u.s.state governments have chosen to be engaged internationally, especially in economic activities, such as export promotion and the attraction of direct investment, tourists, and students from abroad. However, these activities have often been sporadic and are subject to being downsized or eliminated during tough fiscal periods, such as the Great Recession of 2007–2009. Moreover, u.s.federalism has been in a period of centralization with more power assumed by the national government at the expense of state governments. The executive branches of the national and state governments occasionally clash over international competencies, with the national government almost always prevailing. Nonetheless, most state governments continue to be actively engaged in “foreign affairs,” as contrasted with “foreign policy,” and future trends should result in the proliferation of these pursuits.; (AN 42382130)
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3.

Federalism and Liberalization: Evaluating the Impact of American and Canadian Sub-federal Governments on the Negotiation of International Trade Agreements by Kukucha, Christopher J.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p259-284, 26p; Abstract: This article argues that federal systems in Canada and the United States allow for the successful pursuit of sub-federal offensive and defensive priorities in the negotiation of international trade agreements. It is also clear, however, that the coercive American intrastate system limits the relevance of American states in this process, especially when compared to Canada’s relatively cooperative interstate model. Canadian provinces and territories also benefit from ideational considerations, including policy expertise and trust-ties with federal negotiators, which further strengthens sub-federal legitimacy and influence in this policy area. This study evaluates the incremental and significant impact of Canadian and American sub-federal governments across a number of sectors on the negotiations and final legal texts of the Canada-Korea Free Trade Agreement, the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.; (AN 42382132)
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4.

Federalism and Foreign Affairs in Mexico: The International Negotiations of Mexican Sub-State Governments by Schiavon, Jorge A.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p285-316, 32p; Abstract: This article analyzes the international negotiations of sub-State governments (inssg) in Mexico. It addresses five questions: 1) What factors explain the increasing number of inssgs? 2) What is the impact of federalism on inssg? 3) What are the levels of inssgand how have they changed over the years? 4) How do Mexican sub-State governments (ssg) institutionalize their international negotiations? 5) What are the perceptions and capacities of the ssgin their internationalization process? The study explains the growth of inssgdue to democratization, arguing that renewed Mexican federalism has generated incentives for ssgs to participate more intensively in international negotiations. It analyzes the wide variation in the inssgand explains how it has evolved over the last decade. It focuses on the analysis of Inter-Institutional Agreements (iia) and explains the perceptions and capacities of Mexican ssgto conduct international negotiations.; (AN 42382133)
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5.

The Growing Power of States in India’s Foreign Policy by Asthana, Anamika; Asthana, Anamika. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p317-343, 27p; Abstract: This study examines the role of sub-national diplomacy in India with respect to four neighboring countries – Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and China – and assesses the nature and consequences of such interactions for immediate policy shifts and in wider institutional terms. Except for five states – Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Telengana – all other states in India have international land or maritime borders which make a study of this nature very pertinent. This study focuses on those states that have been more inclined to engage in India’s foreign and security policy making.; (AN 42382131)
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6.

Sub-State Diplomacy: Catalonia’s External Action Amidst the Quest for State Sovereignty by Segura, Caterina García. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p344-373, 30p; Abstract: The Spanish self-governing regions’ international actions date back as far as the 1980s. Together with the Basque Country, Catalonia is the Spanish self-governing region with the most active trajectory of international action. Catalan international action, which is a pioneer in the Spanish context, came to be slowly but progressively accepted as a normalized form of conduct by the Spanish state, as was the international action of other Spanish self-governing regions. Nevertheless, this normalization did not eliminate conflict, which continued to surface, though sporadically and without representing significant problems. However, things appear to have changed recently. Since 2012, Catalonia has been immersed in the process of independence or national transition. In this context, the Catalan Government’s international action has taken new directions and created new instruments. For the first time in the history of Catalonia’s international action, we witness clear signs of protodiplomacy.; (AN 42382134)
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7.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p375-375, 1p; (AN 42382135)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
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3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 24, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Strange Battlefield Fellows: The Diagonal Interoperability Between Blue Helmets and the Congolese Army by Verweijen, Judith. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p363-387, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literature on peacekeeping has paid scant attention to the interaction between peacekeeping troops and host country military. Addressing this gap in scholarly knowledge, this paper conceptualizes such interaction as ‘diagonal interoperability’. The latter is situated in-between ‘horizontal interoperability’ on the one hand, relating to interaction between different components of a peacekeeping mission, and ‘vertical interoperability’ on the other, referring to the relations between international peacekeepers and ‘peace-kept’ populations. The paper focuses on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where UN forces and the Congolese army are engaged in joint military operations and army reform is part of the peacekeeping mission’s mandate. Studying both mutual representations and joint practices, the paper explores the organizational, political, discursive, and security-related factors that shape diagonal interoperability. It concludes that diagonal interoperability between the two forces is weak, as reflected in mutual distrust and ‘not-so joint’ joint operations. Perhaps surprisingly, it finds that shared military identities do not seem to facilitate collaboration. Rather, mutual perceptions of the ‘military Other’ are infused with discourses of cultural and political difference, therefore accentuating the power asymmetries that undermine diagonal interoperability.; (AN 41865564)
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2.

The Elusive UN Agenda: Transnational Advocacy, Political Opportunities and the Latest Campaign to Establish a UN Standing Force by Herro, Annie. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p388-409, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy has the perennial idea of a permanent, individually recruited UN force never been realised? Scholars have responded to this question by interrogating the attributes of the various ideas but this only provides a partial answer. This article explores the latest proposal for a UN standing force – the UN Emergency Peace Service (UNEPS) – through the lens of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) and the external issues affecting its ability to put the idea on the UN’s agenda. It engages with social movement literature, and draws on interviews with those in the campaign to establish a UNEPS, participant observation, and analyses of primary and secondary sources. It argues that, in addition to contentions surrounding aspects of the UNEPS proposal, the failure to leverage the expertise of all network members and the lack of geographically diverse advocates, partly explain the inability of the TAN to achieve its goals. While there were some political opportunities, such as the support of influential allies and focusing events, an inhospitable political and normative climate, the lack of a state champion, UN body and journalists further contributed to the demise of the campaign.; (AN 41865565)
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3.

Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration in unconventional settings: the case of MINUSTAH’s community violence reduction by Schuberth, Moritz. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p410-433, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDisarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes form part of standard post-conflict peacebuilding tools regularly applied in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Yet, the limitations of such templates become evident when peacebuilders are confronted with unconventional settings, such as the urban environment. So far, there is a scarcity of research on UN-led DDR efforts in cities, even though the proliferation of urban armed groups is projected to pose an intractable challenge for decades to come. Based on six months of fieldwork in Port-au-Prince, this article presents new empirical evidence on innovative DDR programming in Haiti, the only country where a United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) tried to implement a traditional DDR programme for gang members. As this attempt proved to be a failure, the mission subsequently changed its approach to a more community-focused armed violence reduction and prevention programme which aims to disincentivize at-risk sections of the population from joining gangs. Even though the current community violence reduction approach is better adapted to the unconventional conflict environment in Haiti and is seen by many practitioners today as a role model, it shares a number of limitations with traditional DDR programmes and is not a panacea for urban peacebuilding.; (AN 41865563)
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4.

Another lesson learned in Afghanistan: the concept of cultural intelligence by Yalçınkaya, Haldun; Özer, Yusuf. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p434-460, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCulture has recently become a significant aspect of military operations; the ability to win ‘hearts and minds’ of a local population is gained through cultural awareness, a product of cultural intelligence. This article aims to discuss the role of culture during peace operations in particular, and population-centric military operations in general. In this context, the concept of cultural intelligence is discussed through the concepts of ‘power’, ‘intelligence’, and ‘culture’. The theoretical discussion raises the importance of cultural intelligence for the exercise of soft and smart power in operational areas. NATO’s International Security and Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan was chosen as a case study and the data were collected through interviews with an expert group of 45 individuals. These interviewees with field experience in peace operations provided a foundation for widening the theoretical approach. The article concludes with the interpretation of the obtained data. The research findings prove that the skill of conquering people’s hearts and minds in operation environments can be developed through cultural intelligence, and military leaders/political decision-makers should not neglect cultural intelligence as a soft power tool in peace operations as well as in population-centric military operations.; (AN 41865566)
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5.

The rhetoric and practice of the ‘ownership’ of security sector reform processes in fragile countries: the case of Kosovo by Sahin, Selver B.. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p461-488, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSuccessful outcomes in security sector reform (SSR) implementation are often conditioned on two key inter-related operational principles: international agencies’ understanding of the ‘local context’ where they intervene and their encouragement of the country ‘ownership’ of the institutional reforms they advocate. Outcomes, however, are determined by power, and different patterns of outcomes are likely to emerge from different types and degrees of power exercised by a multiplicity of actors operating in a dynamic political and social context. Drawing upon these inter-connections between outcomes and power, this article examines Kosovo’s security sector development experience since 1999. It argues that depending on types of, and changes in, power-based interplays between international and domestic forces, different patterns of ‘ownership’ have emerged in the context of SSR implementation in Kosovo.; (AN 41865567)
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6.

Measuring the Success and Failure of Peace Operations by Tardy, Thierry. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p489-493, 5p; (AN 41865569)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Peril: The First 65 Years by Sisk, Timothy. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p493-499, 7p; (AN 41865568)
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8.

Hubris and the Politics of Peace and Justice after Conflict by Hehir, Aidan. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p499-513, 15p; (AN 41865570)
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14

International Relations
Volume 31, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Force and the international community: Blair’s Chicago speech and the criteria for intervention by Freedman, Lawrence. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p107-124, 18p; Abstract: Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.; (AN 42382117)
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2.

China’s diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East: the quest for a great-power role in the region by Evron, Yoram. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p125-144, 20p; Abstract: Since the early 2010s, there have been mounting calls in China to intensify its role in the Middle East. But seeing the region as highly turbulent, Beijing seems to restrain its political involvement there. So what role does China actually strive for in the Middle East? To answer this question, the article first presents China’s discourse on its future role in the region; next, it analyzes China’s involvement in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Syrian civil war, focusing on three diplomatic initiatives it has made concerning these issues. The argument here is that China strives to be part of major processes in the Middle East and attempts to advance its values and interests there, but in a unique pattern of big-power involvement in the region, it tries to achieve this without intensive investment of political, economic, and military resources.; (AN 42382118)
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3.

Why small states join big wars: the case of Sweden in Afghanistan 2002–2014 by Noreen, Erik; Sjöstedt, Roxanna; Ångström, Jan. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p145-168, 24p; Abstract: The security behavior of small states has traditionally been explained by different takes of realism, liberalism, or constructivism – focusing on the behavior that aims toward safeguarding sovereignty or engaging in peace policies. The issue of why states with limited military capacities and little or no military alignments or engagements decide to participate in an international mission has received limited attention by previous research. In contrast, this article argues that a three-layered discursive model can make the choices of small states more precisely explained and thereby contribute to an increased understanding of small states’ security behavior beyond threat balancing and interdependence. Analyzing a deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this article explains why Sweden became increasingly involved in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. By focusing on the domestic political discourses regarding the Swedish involvement in this mission, it is suggested that a narrative shapes public perception of a particular policy and establishes interpretative dominance of how a particular event should be understood. This dominant domestic discourse makes a certain international behavior possible and even impossible to alter once established. In the Swedish case, it is demonstrated that this discourse assumed a ‘catch-all’ ambition, satisfying both domestic and international demands. In general terms, it should thus be emphasized that certain discourses and narratives are required in order to make it possible for a country to participate in a mission such as ISAF and prolong the mission for several years.; (AN 42382119)
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4.

Disruption and deniable interventionism: explaining the appeal of covert action and Special Forces in contemporary British policy by Cormac, Rory. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p169-191, 23p; Abstract: The United Kingdom has long engaged in covert action. It continues to do so today. Owing to the secrecy involved, however, such activity has consistently been excluded from debates about Britain’s global role, foreign and security policy and military planning: an important lacuna given the controversy, risk, appeal and frequency of covert action. Examining when, how and why covert action is used, this article argues that contemporary covert action has emerged from, and is shaped by, a specific context. First, a gap exists between Britain’s perceived global responsibilities and its actual capabilities; policy elites see covert action as able to resolve, or at least conceal, this. Second, intelligence agencies can shape events proactively, especially at the tactical level, while flexible preventative operations are deemed well suited to the range of fluid threats currently faced. Third, existing Whitehall machinery makes covert action viable. However, current covert action is smaller scale and less provocative today than in the early Cold War; it revolves around ‘disruption’ operations. Despite being absent from the accompanying debates, this role was recognised in the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review, which placed intelligence actors at the heart of British thinking.; (AN 42382116)
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5.

Losing the narrative: the United Kingdom and the European Union as imagined communities by Wallace, William. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p192-209, 18p; Abstract: The United Kingdom’s awkward relationship with the countries on the European continent reflects the ambiguity of its national identity, wavering between European engagement and the English-speaking peoples, as much as differences over economic interests. The founding narrative of West European integration, after the Second World War, has also weakened with generational change, the end of the Cold War and eastern enlargement. Developing persuasive new narratives both for the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU) are necessary but difficult tasks for continuing cooperation.; (AN 42382115)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 41, no. 4, Spring 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editors' Note International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p3-4, 2p; (AN 41802271)
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2.

Summaries International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p5-8, 4p; (AN 41802270)
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3.

The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence by Lieber, Keir A.; Press, Daryl G.. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p9-49, 41p; Abstract: Nuclear deterrence rests on the survivability of nuclear arsenals. For much of the nuclear age, “counterforce” disarming attacks—those aimed at eliminating an opponent's nuclear forces—were nearly impossible because of the ability of potential victims to hide and protect their weapons. Technological developments, however, are eroding this foundation of nuclear deterrence. Advances rooted in the computer revolution have made nuclear forces around the world considerably more vulnerable. Specifically, two key approaches that countries have relied on to ensure arsenal survivability since the dawn of the nuclear age—hardening and concealment—have been undercut by leaps in weapons accuracy and a revolution in remote sensing. Various methods, evidence, and models demonstrate the emergence of new possibilities for counterforce disarming strikes. In short, the task of securing nuclear arsenals against attack is far more difficult than it was in the past. The new era of counterforce challenges the basis for confidence in contemporary deterrence stability, raises critical issues for national and international security policy, and sheds light on one of the enduring theoretical puzzles of the nuclear era: why international security competition has endured in the shadow of the nuclear revolution.; (AN 41802274)
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4.

Would China Go Nuclear? Assessing the Risk of Chinese Nuclear Escalation in a Conventional War with the United States by Talmadge, Caitlin. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p50-92, 43p; Abstract: Could a conventional war with the United States inadvertently prompt Chinese nuclear escalation? The military-technical threat that such a war would pose to China's retaliatory capability—combined with wartime perceptual dynamics that might cause China to view this threat in an especially pessimistic light—could lead to reasonable Chinese fears that the United States might be attempting conventional counterforce, or considering or preparing for nuclear counterforce. China might see several forms of limited nuclear escalation as its least-bad response to this sort of threat to its nuclear deterrent, notwithstanding the country's no-first-use policy. This finding, derived from a more general framework about the military-technical and perceptual drivers of potential nuclear escalation in response to conventional counterforce, has broader ramifications for U.S. policy and military strategy, and it illustrates recurring dilemmas that the United States may face in conventional wars with other nuclear-armed adversaries.; (AN 41802273)
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5.

Bullets for Ballots: Electoral Participation Provisions and Enduring Peace after Civil Conflict by Matanock, Aila M.. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p93-132, 40p; Abstract: Why does fighting recur following some civil conflict peace settlements, but not others? What kind of agreements are associated with more enduring peace? Post-conflict elections can often complicate and even undermine peace agreements. Agreements that contain “electoral participation provisions,” however, may help stabilize settlements and produce more enduring peace. Electoral participation provisions mandate that rebel groups be allowed to compete alongside the government in post-conflict elections. Such provisions encourage external actors, such as intergovernmental organizations and foreign donors, to become engaged in post-conflict elections. As part of this engagement, they can provide incentives to the parties to adhere to the terms of the settlement, as well as detect and sanction instances of noncompliance. New cross-national data suggest that conflict after peace settlements recurs less often when electoral participation provisions are included than when they are not. The data also suggest that this pacifying relationship holds when combatants expect international engagement.; (AN 41802276)
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6.

The Illusion of International Prestige by Mercer, Jonathan. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p133-168, 36p; Abstract: Policymakers and international relations scholars concur that prestige is critical to world politics because states having prestige enjoy greater authority. An examination of how policymakers assess their and other states' prestige, however, reveals that this traditional view of prestige is wrong, for two reasons. First, policymakers do not analyze their own states' prestige, because they feel they already know it. They use their feelings of pride and shame as evidence of their state's prestige. Second, political and psychological incentives encourage policymakers to explain another state's behavior in ways that make it unlikely that states gain prestige. Policymakers systematically discount the prestige of other states; a belief that their state has earned the respect and admiration of others is therefore illusory. Consequently, the justification for costly prestige policies collapses. In other words, states should not chase what they cannot catch. Evidence from the South African War supports this conclusion.; (AN 41802268)
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7.

Ethnic Cleansing and Its Alternatives in Wartime: A Comparison of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, and Russian Empires by Bulutgil, H. Zeynep. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p169-201, 33p; Abstract: According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.; (AN 41802269)
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8.

Correspondence: How Good Are China's Antiaccess/Area-Denial Capabilities? by Erickson, Andrew S.; Montgomery, Evan Braden; Neuman, Craig; Biddle, Stephen; Oelrich, Ivan. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p202-213, 12p; (AN 41802272)
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9.

Index to International Security: Volume 41 (Summer 2016–Spring 2017) International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p214-216, 3p; (AN 41802275)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 52, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Foreign Relations of the GCC Countries amid Shifting Global and Regional Dynamics by Colombo, Silvia; Ragab, Eman. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p1-2, 2p; (AN 42317766)
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2.

Between Accommodation and Opportunism: Explaining the Growing Influence of Small Gulf States in the Middle East by Szalai, Máté. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p3-18, 16p; Abstract: AbstractSmaller members of the Gulf Cooperation Council defied theoretical and practical expectations as they were able to enlarge their international influence during the years of the Arab Spring. They adopted markedly different foreign policy strategies, which can be seen as stances lying between accommodation and opportunism, depending on the extent to which they respected the security concerns of their geopolitical patron, Saudi Arabia. The mainstream schools of IR theory – neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism – offer different explanations for these phenomena. Although none of the three schools can provide a completely exhaustive explanation, neoliberalism seems to offer the most comprehensive framework for analysis.; (AN 42317767)
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3.

Status and Foreign Policy Change in Small States: Qatar’s Emergence in Perspective by Mohammadzadeh, Babak. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p19-36, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSmall states are just as easily seduced by status and glory as other states. When conceived as situated in a stratified international society, small states acquire an inherent tendency to overcome their disadvantage in conventional power terms through the pursuit of status. Hence, it is precisely because of their position in the international hierarchy, not in spite of it, that strategic ideas based on state size stimulate foreign policy change in small states. This mechanism provides an explanation to the question why the small state of Qatar has pursued such a high-profile diplomatic strategy since its emergence in the late 1990s.; (AN 42317769)
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4.

Beyond Money and Diplomacy: Regional Policies of Saudi Arabia and UAE after the Arab Spring by Ragab, Eman. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p37-53, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe post-Arab Spring context created a window of opportunity for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to reposition themselves in the region as countries capable of using not only money and diplomacy, but also military means in pursuing their regional policies. Their military interventions in Bahrain in 2011 and Yemen in 2015 uncover different aspects of the militarisation of their foreign policies. The permanence of the militarisation of their policies is, however, challenged by the type of interventionist state unfolding from these muscular policies, their domestic and regional legitimacy and the institutionalisation of this foreign policy pattern.; (AN 42317768)
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5.

Foreign Policy Activism in Saudi Arabia and Oman. Diverging Narratives and Stances towards the Syrian and Yemeni Conflicts by Colombo, Silvia. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p54-70, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAmid growing animosity and security concerns in the Middle East, the Gulf region appears to be on the way to becoming the new centre of gravity of regional equilibria. The increasingly active foreign policy postures of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is a key aspect of the new regional order in the making. Saudi Arabia and Oman are two examples of this trend. Their involvement in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts reveals important differences regarding the aims, narratives, political and military postures, strategies and alliances pursued by Riyadh and Muscat and casts a shadow over the future of GCC cooperation and integration.; (AN 42317771)
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6.

The Evolution of Saudi Foreign Policy and the Role of Decision-making Processes and Actors by Karim, Umer. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p71-88, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSaudi Arabia has witnessed a centralisation of power in the office of the deputy crown prince, which has amounted to a shift in decision-making from consensual and deliberative to swift and adventurous, most markedly in foreign policy. This centralisation is coupled with an increase in institutionalisation. A new decision-making pattern and rising Iranian power in the region have affected the evolution of Saudi foreign policy. The Saudi crown prince’s strict handling of Shia dissidents acknowledges the perceived extension of the Iranian threat to internal security. The relationship between these two princes and Saudi political competition with Iran will affect the evolution of Saudi foreign policy in a critical manner in the future.; (AN 42317770)
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7.

Iran, the GCC and the Implications of the Nuclear Deal: Rivalry versus Engagement by Bahi, Riham. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p89-101, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, also known as the Iran nuclear deal, is consequential for Middle East regional security. It has raised a number of concerns for Arab Gulf states in relation to an emboldened Iran after sanction relief and the perceived shift of the US away from supporting its traditional allies in the Gulf. The international recognition and incorporation of Iran into regional power constellations resulting from the deal will intensify Saudi-Iranian rivalry to assert dominance. This rivalry and competition will increase in the short run, however, regional crises are expected to highlight the need for dialogue and engagement on regional affairs.; (AN 42317773)
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8.

US-Arab Gulf Relations amidst Regional and Global Changes by Khatib, Dania Koleilat. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p102-114, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe Arab Gulf has long enjoyed privileged relations with the United States. Being home to the world’s largest oil reserves, the US saw it in its strategic interest to keep Arab Gulf states in its camp during the Cold War. The relation developed over the years to include other areas of cooperation such as in the military, economic and even academic fields. However, many factors today challenge this relationship. In the face of the US’ evident retrenchment from the region, the Arab Gulf is showing more inter-GCC cooperation, and Saudi Arabia is trying to forge alliances independently from the US. At the same time, Arab Gulf countries are intensifying their lobbying efforts in the US.; (AN 42317772)
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9.

Russia as a Gravity Pole of the GCC’s New Foreign Policy Pragmatism by Shumilin, Alexander; Shumilina, Inna. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p115-129, 15p; Abstract: AbstractDespite the obvious differences over the Syrian crisis and Iran, the GCC countries do not seem to be distancing themselves from Russia politically. To a large extent that is due to Russia’s growing military role (in Syria) and military cooperation (with Iran), as well as the diminishing role of the United States under Obama. Having accepted the situation in Syria (after the fall of Aleppo) as a fait accompli, the GCC’s elites seem to be looking at Russia as a powerful player able to reduce the scope of Iran’s expansion in the region. Their approach involves a carefully established mechanism of economic interaction exploiting Russia’s need for GCC finances and arms acquisitions.; (AN 42317776)
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10.

Understanding the ISIS Phenomenon: History, Ideology and Governance of the Islamic State by Dessì, Andrea. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p130-132, 3p; (AN 42317774)
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11.

NATO in Libya and the Future of Transatlantic Cooperation by Gilli, Andrea. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p133-134, 2p; (AN 42317775)
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