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E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 35, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

The radical right in government? – Jobbik’s pledges in Hungary’s legislation (2010–2014) by Böcskei, Balázs; Molnár, Csaba. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 2010, Hungary’s public discourse has often been seen as the recurring topic Fidesz, a party alliance elected with a qualified majority, actually implementing the programme of Jobbik, a radical right-wing opposition party. Analysing the electoral manifestos of the two parties, our paper investigates which party’s agenda has more similarities to the legislative agenda of the 2010–2014 term as well as what strategies Fidesz applied to neutralise Jobbik’s key election pledges. We concluded that the idea stating the Fidesz fulfils the Jobbik’s policy programme should be shaded, we found partial influence of Jobbik on Fidesz. The agenda-setting ability of the latter seems quite strong. If we analyse it by pledge fulfilment, we can see that Fidesz reflected to the overwhelming majority of Jobbik’s key pledges. However, we experienced, that policy shifts were quite rare among these cases.; (AN 49759785)
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2.

Neoclassical realism and small states: systemic constraints and domestic filters in Georgia’s foreign policy by Gvalia, Giorgi; Lebanidze, Bidzina; Siroky, David S.. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p21-51, 31p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnlike structural realism, neoclassical realism focuses on how the interaction between systemic and unit-level variables influences foreign policy. This article assesses neoclassical realism against two alternative accounts – balance of threat and economic dependence – to explain change in Georgia's foreign policy. While structural realism highlights how the external security environment shapes general tendencies in foreign policy, specific strategies depend largely on unit-level factors, specifically elite cohesion and state capacity. The analysis of primary sources and exclusive interviews with high-level policy-makers suggests that neoclassical realism affords a more nuanced and precise account of foreign policy change over time than structural realism.; (AN 49759786)
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3.

Migration threat priming and Macedonian public preferences towards executive powers by Bosilkov, Ivo; Azrout, Rachid. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p52-71, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes the perception of migration in times of crisis have implications that transcend the domain of policy support and alter systemic preferences among citizens? In an experimental study (N = 312) conducted in Macedonia, a postcommunist country on the “Balkan route”, we test how perceived threat from migrants affects attitudes towards increased concentration of political authority, conceptualised as support for presidential powers (such as veto rights, army use and policy enactment), and a presidential system. Ultimately, priming realistic and symbolic threat (in combination with presidential functions) has failed to influence participants’ attitudes, due to perceptions of low outlet credibility and high issue salience. However, subsequent analysis demonstrates that citizens who see migrants as threatening towards cultural cohesion are indeed more willing to see an empowered president. We discuss the implications of openness towards institutional design with more streamlined decision making in the context of rising illiberalism and populism in the region.; (AN 49759787)
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4.

Russian foreign policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: prudent geopolitics, incapacity or identity? by Abushov, Kavus. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p72-92, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article fundamentally re-examines Russia's foreign policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, trying to explain the sources of its behavior. In particular, it assesses its foreign policy in the light of its strategic interests, material capabilities versus incapacity and identity. A central question is why Russia does not give enough support to a settlement based upon modus vivendi. It argues that whereas Russia does not have the capacity to achieve a final solution to the conflict, it has ample resources to obtain a solution that would release the occupied regions outside Nagorno-Karabakh and leave the status of the territory unresolved for an indefinite future. The article sheds light on the factors undergirding its policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, arguing for the utility of a different perspective on its commitments. It adds new insights to the existing body of literature on Russia's policies towards Nagorno-Karabakh conflict such as incapacity and identity with implications for a better understanding of broader Russian foreign policy. Moreover, with South Ossetia and Crimea in the spotlight, Russian foreign policy towards the conflict has been viewed through geopolitics and neo-imperialism, but remains little understood.; (AN 49759788)
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5.

Europe, Russia, or both? Popular perspectives on overlapping regionalism in the Southern Caucasus by Buzogány, Aron. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p93-109, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPolitical elites often construct dichotomous images of foreign policy choices. This paper is interested in how overlapping regional integration projects such as the European Union or the Russia-initiated Eurasian Economic Union are regarded by the larger public. Based on survey data, the paper analyses foreign policy orientations in Georgia, a country that has been considered as one of the most strongly pro-Western nations in the post-soviet world. The paper finds that despite having idealistic pro-European foreign policy elites, a substantial part of the Georgian population does in fact pragmatically supports closer ties with Russia and with the European Union at the same time. Several explanatory factors for the different foreign policy choices are proposed, of which identity- and interest-based ones prove to be most important.; (AN 49759789)
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6.

Governing diasporas in international relations: the transnational politics of Croatia and former Yugoslavia by Sendhardt, Bastian. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p110-111, 2p; (AN 49759790)
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7.

The regulation of post-communist party politics by Mišić, Gorana. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p111-113, 3p; (AN 49759791)
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8.

Ukraine and Russian neo-imperialism. The divergent break by Trupia, Francesco. East European Politics, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p113-115, 3p; (AN 49759792)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 24, no. 1, February 2019

Record

Results

1.

The EU Humanitarian Aid Policy: Progress and Challenges by Pariat, Monique. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-6, 6p; (AN 48346340)
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2.

Engaging the US in the Age of Trump: The Case for a New European Strategic Discourse by Fjærtoft, Torgeir E.. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p7-25, 19p; Abstract: While the prevailing perception of EU Member States of NATO is that cooperation with the US under President Trump has become close to impossible, there is still no alternative to engaging. International solutions of consequence will hardly be sustainable without the US. How can EU/NATO Member States and the EU engage effectively with the US on workable international solutions? Policy is applied analysis that inevitably infers from theory in response to the question: what works? Therefore, policy is an intervention, as therapy uses the term, and theories are cognitive tools. Policy and therapy are comparable because both work through discourse to effect change by cognitive restructuring. Therefore, psychological theories offer cognitive tools for designing a strategic discourse as policy intervention. A model for cognitive behavioural therapy and a theory on identity can innovate theory and make policy more effective. Current US political controversies mainly boil down to conflicting US identity stories. Foreign policy issues are an extension of competing domestic group identities and derived domestic issues. The domestic political process does not consider foreign policy issues on their own merit. As a result, current US foreign policy of unilateral confrontation causes some serious risks and costs to US interests.The states now seen as adversaries, such as Russia and Iran, have comparable identity stories that are in a similar way dysfunctional. Stories of confrontation bestow assets in a domestic power struggle while undermining international solutions. A new European strategic discourse should avoid identity stories but seek cognitive restructuring of grand strategies by proposing within the EU/Russian Permanent Partnership Council a comprehensive multilateral conference on the new regional political order in Syria and Iraq. This proposal can emulate the most successful cognitive restructuring of a grand strategy ever, the process led by Willy Brandt and Egon Bahr in West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s leading to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.; (AN 48346341)
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3.

The Court of Justice’s Difficulty with Reviewing Smart Sanctions as Illustrated by Rosneft by Over De Linden, Heleen. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p27-42, 16p; Abstract: This article analyses the European Court of Justice (The General Court of the EU (formerly the Court of First Instance) in Luxembourg, hereafter ‘the Court’.) judgment of 13 September 2018 on Rosneft (Case T-715/14) (The Rosneft T-715/14 includes more than one applicant: Rosneft, RN-Shelf-Arctic, RN-Shelf-Far East, RN-Exploration and Tagulskoe, together referred to as ‘Rosneft’.) in the light of the obligation to state reasons. Rosneft claimed an infringement by the Council (The Council of the European Union, ‘the Council’.) on its obligation to make such statement under Article 41 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (‘The Charter’). The Court concluded that the reasons given by the Council were sufficient (T-715/14 Rosneft paragraph 127). The article will compare the reasoning of the Council and Court with the obligation to state reasons as interpreted in other Russian oil and banking sector judgments, in general and in asset-freeze cases (‘In general’ has to be read to mean ‘not in EU common foreign security policy (CFSP) cases’.). According to Rosneft, the rule of law is substituted with the rule of politics.; (AN 48346343)
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4.

Reactive Power EU: Russian Aggression and the Development of an EU Arctic Policy by Riddervold, Marianne. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p43-60, 18p; Abstract: There are many factors driving the development of European Union (EU) foreign policy. While much of the literature focuses on how particular interests, norms or internal processes within Brussels institutions, this article sheds light on the role of external factors in shaping EU foreign policy through an in-depth examination of the recent development of EU Arctic policies. We find that increased Russian aggression, not least in Ukraine, is key to understanding why the EU recently has taken a strong interest in the Arctic. In a more insecure environment, Member States are more prone to develop common policies to counter other powers and gain more influence over future developments, especially as it relates to regime-formation in the Global Commons. In effect, the EU demonstrates a kind of reactive power when it comes to dealing with new geopolitical threats.; (AN 48346344)
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5.

Non-Parliamentary Diplomacy: The European Parliament’s Diplomatic Mission to Ukraine by Redei, Lorinc; Romanyshyn, Iulian. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p61-79, 19p; Abstract: While today we associate Ukraine with conflict and occupation, the period preceding the Maidan protests saw the European Union use a peaceful but peculiar diplomatic instrument to pressure the country’s leaders: shuttle diplomacy by an informal group called the Cox-Kwasniewski mission. This mission was launched not by the European External Action Service, or the European Commission, but rather the European Parliament (EU). Composed of a former EU President and a former Polish President, it visited Ukraine 27 times, eased the conditions and even obtained the release of political prisoners, and pushed the Ukrainian government to adopt a series of legal reforms. This article argues that this instance of the European Parliament (EP) participating in EU foreign policy nevertheless cannot be called parliamentary diplomacy. In fact, its limited successes stemmed from the deliberately unparliamentary characteristics of the mission. It was not a complement to a higher-level, executive-to-executive diplomatic initiative. It lacked transparency and accountability. And it did not rely on parliamentary procedures – or even parliamentarians at all. Rather, it is an example of the EP engaging in non-parliamentary diplomacy – an aspect of its influence and participation in EU foreign policy that is likely to increase in the near future.; (AN 48346345)
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6.

Mediating Investor-State Disputes in Free Trade Agreements: An Evaluation of the EU’s Proposal by Goetz-Charlier, Alexandra. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p81-100, 20p; Abstract: Foreign investment is an important economic driver, and thus typically benefits from substantial legal protection under international investment agreements (IIAs). When a dispute arises between a foreign investor and a State, the main dispute settlement mechanism provided under IIAs is arbitration, a system which has raised controversy both within legal circles and public opinion. Against this background, the EU recently proposed to use mediation more frequently, especially for disputes arising out of the investment chapters of EU free trade agreements. This article argues that this proposal may be beneficial, primarily because it assuages the strict legalism which characterizes this area of the law. Yet, mediation is a subtle process which purports to instil a dialogue between disputants. This article takes the view that this dialogue may, however, be greatly hindered by political factors. It posits that two fundamental elements of mediation theory have been insufficiently considered within the EU’s proposal, namely, the nature of the relationship between the parties, i. e. the asymmetrical relationship between the investor and the State, and the influence that external stakeholders may have on the resolution process. In this respect, the role that the European Commission will play is axiomatic to the efficiency of this mechanism.; (AN 48346346)
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7.

The Serbia Kosovo Dispute and the European Integration Perspective by Hajrullahu, Arben. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p101-120, 20p; Abstract: This article examines the causes and consequences of the limited progress achieved to overcome the lasting conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. This dispute shows that international and local politics in the Western Balkans are characterized by myopia-like symptoms. Whereas the USA remains focused on other areas of the globe, the EU continues to be divided over the issue of Kosovo statehood, while also exhibiting, for years now, a de facto enlargement fatigue. Fundamental differences among the two parties to the conflict and their diametrically opposed positions undermine the real perspective for lasting peace and EU integration, despite the fact that Serbia and Kosovo prepare to engage in new phases of dialogue. The article concludes that the vision of Europeanization and the EU membership for Serbia and Kosovo, as equal partners in a wider community of states, continues to remain the desire and aim of those whom exclude violence and fighting among neighbours; (AN 48346347)
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3

European Security
Volume 28, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Plugging the capability-expectations gap: towards effective, comprehensive and conflict-sensitive EU crisis response? by Rieker, Pernille; Blockmans, Steven. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-21, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Union (EU) has spent considerable time and energy on defining and refining its comprehensive approach to external conflicts. The knock-on effects of new and protracted crises, from the war in Ukraine to the multi-faceted armed conflicts in the Sahel and the wider Middle East, have made the improvement of external crisis-response capacities a top priority. But has the EU managed to plug the capability–expectations gap, and develop an effective, comprehensive and conflict sensitive crisis-response capability? Drawing on institutional theory and an approach developed by March and Olsen, this article analyses whether the EU has the administrative capacities needed in order to be an effective actor in this area and implement a policy in line with the established goals and objectives identified in its comprehensive approach.; (AN 49560465)
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2.

“Alone we can do so little; together we can do so much”: the essential role of EU agencies in combatting the sale of counterfeit goods by Farrand, Benjamin. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p22-39, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates the role and importance of EU agencies in the EU’s regulatory environment, and considers the consequences of an absence of cooperation through agencies for internal security. It does so by exploring the case study of the anti-counterfeiting activities of the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO), and what happens when a state no longer benefits from membership of an EU agency. The effective protection of consumers from counterfeit goods is dependent upon identifying best practices, sharing information on counterfeiting trends, and coordinating responses, activities undertaken through EU agencies. This article demonstrates that the ability of states to effectively counter the sale of counterfeit goods is dependent upon the existence of EU agencies due to the need for transnational cooperation. In the absence of EU agencies, states are likely to suffer diminished operational expertise and a lack of in-depth knowledge concerning counterfeiting trends. It concludes that the EU agencies form an essential part of EU security governance, with states not party to these cooperative endeavours rendered vulnerable and unable to combat at a national level what is ultimately a global problem.; (AN 49560496)
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3.

The art of commitments: NATO, the EU, and the interplay between law and politics within Europe’s collective defence architecture by Perot, Elie. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p40-65, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLaw and politics are the two constituent parts of a collective defence architecture. In Europe, such an architecture currently rests on a series of legal commitments: NATO’s mutual defence clause (Art.5 of the North Atlantic Treaty), but also the EU mutual assistance clause (Art.42.7 TEU) and the EU solidarity clause (Art.222 TFEU). Many asymmetries exist, however, between those legal clauses: they are often overlapping but not always identical with respect to their respective conditions of activation, territorial scopes, binding strengths, and modalities of implementation. Because of those legal asymmetries as well as prevailing political realities, there are many obstacles in fact to a clear-cut division of labour within Europe’s collective defence architecture between NATO and the EU. In Europe, collective defence should thus not be apprehended as a uniform task but rather as the art of balancing multiple legal and political constrains, come what may.; (AN 49560497)
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4.

Power, contribution and dependence in NATO burden sharing by Kivimäki, Timo. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p66-84, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers three new types of variables for computation of the share that NATO countries should contribute to the common defence. I use Uppsala conflict data (UCDP) on conflict participation to reveal how the asymmetry in power that allows the US to define most of the framings on which NATO’s utility calculations are based, compensates for the greater material contribution made to NATO by the US. Then I follow Ringsmose’s model of NATO burden sharing and create two types of variables crucial to the calculation of burden sharing. One reveals the share of US military protection aimed at protecting its NATO allies. The other measures how much US global security efforts against tyranny and terror are dependent on NATO allies. These two variables are developed by means of computer-assisted discourse analysis of US Presidential Papers. The three new variables contribute to a more complex mathematical model on fair burden sharing, indicating at the same time that the imbalance between US and allied contributions is declining. If European allies have ever exploited the United States in the past, then at least the relationship has become more even during the past two decades.; (AN 49560498)
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5.

Multinational cooperation: building capabilities in small air forces by Burczynska, Maria E.. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p85-104, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean air power is represented by a variety of air forces, each equipped with different capabilities and facing different limitations. Developing the former and making up for the latter requires resources and finances and is not always possible within a national capacity. It may be particularly problematic for smaller air forces, especially with the trend of shrinking defence budgets and increasing costs of the newest technological achievements. This article investigates the idea of multinational cooperation in Europe as a way to make up for these shortfalls and build collective European capabilities. In doing so, it focuses on two states, namely Poland and Sweden as examples of small air forces. By choosing these countries as case studies it also provides an opportunity to investigate the different forms of multinational involvement existing within and outside a major military alliance, namely NATO. The article explores the participation of the Polish and Swedish Air Forces in several multinational initiatives and investigates how such involvement increases (or not) their capabilities.; (AN 49560499)
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6.

Exploring the role of dependence in influencing small states’ alliance contributions: A reputation mechanism argument and assessment by Oma, Ida Maria; Petersson, Magnus. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p105-126, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDependence has been demonstrated to be a main factor driving small states’ alliance contributions. However, the causal pathway linking dependence on the one hand, and small states’ contributions on the other, is seldom explicated and assessed. Furthermore, the ways in which dependence may shape, not only drive, such contributions, have received little attention. The purpose of this article is to elaborate the role of dependence in these regards. Drawing on Glenn H. Snyder’s “fear of abandonment” concept, it is argued that reputationis the main mechanism linking dependence and contributions. The article specifies the causal pathway and assesses it against case-study evidence of Norway’s and Sweden’s military participation in ISAF. The process tracing lends much support to the proposed mechanism, and comparison helps clarify how different alliance relationship status (member or partner) impacts on the theorised causal chain.; (AN 49560500)
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7.

Framing the EU global strategy: A stronger Europe in a fragile world by Gomez Arana, Arantza. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p127-129, 3p; (AN 49560501)
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8.

Security and defence cooperation in the EU: a matter of utility and choice by Lamoreaux, Jeremy W.. European Security, January 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p129-131, 3p; (AN 49560502)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 31, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

The effect of women in government on country-level peace by DiRienzo, Cassandra E.. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe global community continues to endure violent attacks that seem to continuously morph in nature. The complexities of violence in today's world make it imperative to examine factors that can counter these acts of terror. The primary focus of this paper is to explore the relationship between the number of women in government on levels of corruption and country-level peace. It is argued that the percentage of women in government has a causal effect on peace through the focus on societal needs in addition to an indirect effect through a reduction in corruption. This, in turn, enhances both peace and peacebuilding. Using cross-country data, the effects of women in government on peace are tested using a mediation analysis. As a preview of the empirical results, the indirect effect is found to be statistically significant and stronger than the direct effect once the level of corruption is controlled.; (AN 47689039)
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2.

Emerging responses to global climate change: ecosystem-based adaptation by Barkdull, John; Harris, Paul G.. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p19-37, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEcosystem-based adaptation (EbA) has recently emerged as an important way to address the impacts of climate change. EbA suggests that harnessing ecosystem services can help communities adapt to climate change, thereby limiting threats to social systems and human security. What are the arguments for and against EbA? Who favours EbA? What does EbA mean in practice? What are the limits to EbA as global average temperature rises? Reviewing documents of non-governmental organisations, governments, intergovernmental organisations and scholars helps answer these and related questions. As climate change results in increasing challenges for society, the more important all forms of adaptation, including EbA, will become. Yet, while useful and appropriate in certain contexts, EbA might not be sufficient if climate disruption becomes severe, which would require consideration of a transformational change in global institutions and practices.; (AN 47689040)
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3.

The military draft in Thailand: a critique from a nonkilling global political science perspective by Sripokangkul, Siwach; Draper, John; Hinke, Cj; Crumpton, Charles David. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p39-59, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThailand has had mandatory military service since 1905 and since 1954 via a lottery system. Beatings and deaths frequently occur among draftees, and photographs and videos in which draftees are injured, tortured, and humiliated are widespread. This article describes for the first time the development and nature of the Thai military draft. The authors analyse the military draft from a nonkilling global political science perspective and present a nonkilling rationale for ending the draft. The article argues that retaining the military draft promotes a killing society and violates human rights, including the right to conscientious objection; causes mental anguish; is inefficient economically; causes corruption; and supports military interventionism. The authors further maintain that physical abuse that has accompanied the Thai version of military conscription constitutes a pro-killing manifestation of the military regime’s approach to maintaining the existing institutional alignment and control in Glenn Paige’s ‘funnel of killing’. Instead, we recommend converting the draft to a national service program with civilian alternatives, together with conscientious objection as a right.; (AN 47689041)
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4.

Maturing Sino-Saudi strategic relations and changing dynamics in the Gulf by MacGillivray, Iain. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p61-80, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs the dynamics in the Middle East continue to fluctuate, powerful regional actors like Saudi Arabia and Iran have looked to other powers in the international order to help counter the growing influence of regional rivals. This is most demonstrated by the developing economic and political partnership between China and Saudi Arabia. This article offers an exploration of how Saudi Arabia has sought to use its relationship with China as a means of counterbalancing and limiting Iranian power projection in the region. It explores the triangular relationship between China, Saudi Arabia and Iran, and shows the growth in economic and political relations at the expense of established Sino-Iranian energy relations. Furthermore, it will illustrate how this relationship will have regional and international implications in the Gulf. This article demonstrates Saudi Arabia’s influence in the Sino-Saudi relationship with reference to its position on the Iranian nuclear issue and UN Resolution 1929. It concludes that despite a failure for Saudi Arabia to directly influence Chinese decision-making processes, this event sets a precedent that will continue to mature as Sino-Saudi relations further deepen into a strong strategic partnership and will have repercussions for the balance of power in the Gulf and Middle East.; (AN 47689042)
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5.

A critique of western representations of ISIS: deconstructing contemporary Orientalism by Bassil, Noah Raffoul. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p81-94, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe meteoric rise of the group calling itself the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Shams (ISIS) has been accompanied by an equally stunning effort to explain from where the organisation emerged, what it is, and why people have been attracted to it. What this article identities, is that despite what appears to be a veneer of intellectual heterogeneity, a deep Orientalism permeates knowledge production about ISIS. Adopting a hybrid-postcolonial lens, the analysis in this article demonstrates that due to a particular Eurocentric-Orientalist schema and disposition, ISIS and its horrendous crimes have been dehistoricised, depoliticised and decontextualised. Additionally, in the process ISIS has been reduced to the Muslim’s fundamentalist dispositions; its innate tendency to incorporate Islamic theological methods, medieval Islamic scholarship, Islamic culture into all forms of politics. Instead, we argue in conclusion, for ISIS to be understood there needs to be a re-reading of the emergence of Islamist violence and terror through a historicised, materialised and politicised methodological framework.; (AN 47689043)
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6.

Open source preventive diplomacy and complexity by Braithwaite, John. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p95-111, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLimits of intelligence services in identifying opportunities for preventive diplomacy are identified. These limits are then used to suggest an open source preventive diplomacy wiki strategy for armed conflict prevention. A complexity theory analysis lays a foundation for arguing that a good theory of preventive diplomacy is less useful than a good meta theory. In a complex world of diplomacy it is wrong to argue that there is nothing as practical as a good theory; but a good meta theory may be a practical path to saving lives. A responsive theory of peacebuilding is proposed that layers and sequences preventive strategies.; (AN 47689044)
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7.

Saving West Africa from the rise of terrorism: Burkina Faso’s ‘Emergency Program for the Sahel’ and the need for a multidimensional strategy by Benedikter, Roland; Ouedraogo, Ismaila. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p113-119, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTerrorism is on the rise in the Sahel zone. It is the effect of a multitude of factors partly stemming from global influences and partly home-made. Burkina Faso is a contemporary case of how efforts to pacify a developing region through an emergency program are undertaken both by African nations and the international community, focusing mainly on economic and military dimensions; and how a more multidimensional and transdisciplinary strategy is needed to succeed in stabilizing conflict areas such the Sahel under the sign of transition and change.; (AN 47689045)
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8.

Sectarianization: mapping the new politics of the Middle East by Majed, Rima. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p121-124, 4p; (AN 47689046)
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9.

Just security in an undergoverned world by Chenoy, Anuradha M.. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p125-127, 3p; (AN 47689047)
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10.

The causes of war and the spread of peace: but will war rebound? by McKinney, Jared Morgan. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 1 p127-128, 2p; (AN 47689048)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 19, no. 1, February 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bernstein, Steven; Hoffmann, Matthew; Weinthal, Erika. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 48652371)
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2.

Dangerous Incrementalism of the Paris Agreement by Allan, Jen Iris. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p4-11, 8p; Abstract: After a decade of negotiation, countries adopted a new, legally binding agreement on climate change. Excitement for a new era in the climate regime is palpable among pundits and policy makers alike. But such enthusiasm largely overlooks that most of the Paris Agreement’s provisions represent continuity with existing climate policy, not a break with the past. This forum argues that the Paris Agreement is a dangerous form of incrementalism in two ways. First, it repackages existing rules that have already proven inadequate to reduce emissions and improve resilience. Second, state and nonstate actors celebrate the Agreement as a solution, conferring legitimacy on its rules; I suggest that, beyond the strong desire to avoid failure, developing countries and nongovernmental organizations accepted the Paris Agreement to secure the participation of the United States and to uphold previous agreements. Given the reification of existing rules, the ratchet-up mechanism and nonstate actors offer the last remaining hopes in global efforts to catalyze climate action on a scale necessary to safeguard the climate.; (AN 48652370)
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3.

Pursuing an Indigenous Platform: Exploring Opportunities and Constraints for Indigenous Participation in the UNFCCC by Belfer, Ella; Ford, James D.; Maillet, Michelle; Araos, Malcolm; Flynn, Melanie. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p12-33, 22p; Abstract: Despite growing consensus that Indigenous peoples, knowledge systems, rights and solutions should be meaningfully included in international climate change governance, substantive improvements in practice remain limited. An expanding body of scholarship examines the evolving discursive space in which issues facing Indigenous peoples are treated, with a predominant focus on decision outcomes of the United Nations Framework on Climate Change (UNFCCC). To understand the opportunities and constraints for meaningful participation of Indigenous peoples in international climate policy making, this article examines the experiences of Indigenous participants in the UNFCCC. We present findings from semistructured interviews with key informants, showing that material constraints and the designation of Indigenous peoples as nonstate observers continue to pose challenges for participants. Tokenism and a lack of meaningful recognition further constrain participation. Nevertheless, networks of resource sharing, coordination, and support organized among Indigenous delegates alleviate some of the impacts of constraints. Additionally, multistakeholder alliances and access to presidencies and high-level state delegates provide opportunities for international and national agenda-setting. The space available for Indigenous participation in the UNFCCC is larger than formal rules dictate but depends on personal relationships and political will. As the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform established by the Paris Agreement formalizes a distinct space for Indigenous participants in the UNFCCC, this article outlines existing opportunities and constraints and considers potential interactions between the evolving platform and existing mechanisms for participation.; (AN 48652365)
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4.

How Rising Powers Create Governance Gaps: The Case of Export Credit and the Environment by Hopewell, Kristen. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p34-52, 19p; Abstract: This article analyzes how rising powers are affecting an important area of global governance at the intersection of trade and environment: export credit. State-backed export credit agencies (ECAs) play a major role in financing large infrastructure and energy projects, particularly in developing countries. Many of these projects carry significant environmental implications, yet there has been little scholarly attention to their governance. Since the 1990s, global governance of the environmental practices of ECAs has been progressively expanded and strengthened via the OECD Arrangement on export credit and Common Approaches for environmental and social due diligence. Recently, however, there has been a dramatic increase in export credit provision by rising powers, such as India and China, who are not members of the OECD nor subject to the Arrangement or Common Approaches. In this article, I argue that existing governance mechanisms have not caught up with the rapidly changing landscape of export credit. Drawing on the case of India’s financing for the Rampal coal-fired power plant in Bangladesh, I show that the problem of environmental governance for export credit increasingly extends beyond the advanced-industrialized states of the OECD. The failure to cover the large and growing volume of export credit provided by the emerging powers represents a major gap in the established system of environmental governance for export credit.; (AN 48652373)
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5.

Deforestation and the United States–Peru Trade Promotion Agreement by Peinhardt, Clint; Kim, Alisha A.; Pavon-Harr, Viveca. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p53-76, 24p; Abstract: Do environmental provisions in trade agreements make a difference? In part to coopt environmental criticisms, the United States has included environmental components to trade agreements since NAFTA side agreements in the mid-1990s. Environmental components are increasingly more integrated and more specific, as illustrated by the 2009 United States–Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (PTPA). In exchange for increased market access to the United States, the Peruvian government agreed to reduce illegal logging and improve forest sector governance. Recent qualitative assessments of deforestation highlight difficulties in implementing the specific requirements of the PTPA’s Annex on Forest Sector Governance, but tests with Peruvian data on logging appear unreliable. We circumvent this difficulty by using satellite imagery of deforestation across Peruvian border regions and by engaging multiple methods to estimate the PTPA’s impact. All results suggest that deforestation has actually increased since the PTPA entered force, although no more than in other Amazonian countries. We conclude by emphasizing the limits of external imposition of environmental rules, which appear prone to failure unless domestic interests mobilize in their support.; (AN 48652369)
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6.

South–South Transnational Advocacy: Mobilizing Against Brazilian Dams in the Peruvian Amazon by Moreira, Paula Franco; Gamu, Jonathan Kishen; Inoue, Cristina Yumie Aoki; Athayde, Simone; da Cal Seixas, Sônia Regina; Viola, Eduardo. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: South–South transnational advocacy networks (SSTANs) targeting emerging states, Southern companies, and their supporting institutions warrant nuanced distinctions from traditional transnational advocacy networks that are heavily reliant on Northern actors and targets, particularly in terms of the strategies and arguments they employ. This article analyzes the dynamics of SSTANs through the case of an environmental campaign against Brazilian hydropower projects proposed in the Peruvian Amazon. It demonstrates how Southern actors are mobilizing against new and emerging patterns of South–South cooperation, which, despite occurring on unfamiliar institutional terrain, reproduces familiar asymmetrical power relations and socioenvironmental burdens.; (AN 48652372)
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7.

Private Governance in Developing Countries: Drivers of Voluntary Carbon Offset Programs by Andonova, Liliana B.; Sun, Yixian. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p99-122, 24p; Abstract: In the Paris Agreement era of climate governance, private market-based initiatives are expected to play a catalytic role in achieving global commitments. However, the literature has been largely silent on the political causes of the variable and often limited uptake of such initiatives in the Global South. This article uses original project-level data to investigate the participation in voluntary carbon offset (VCO) programs across developing countries. We argue that, paradoxically, access to formal international institutions and linkages with domestic priorities are key factors for participation in voluntary carbon markets, reducing asymmetries in information, capacity, and interest in developing contexts. Our statistical analysis finds that institutions such as the Clean Development Mechanism and targeted foreign aid, as well as domestic concerns such as climate vulnerability and advancing renewable energy, shape in important ways the variable engagement in VCO projects. Our analysis also suggests that the design of private regulations can be fine-tuned to better capture synergies between local concerns and transnational climate action.; (AN 48652368)
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8.

Finding Order in Chaos: Grappling with the Policy and Politics of Sustainable Energy Transition by Kelsey, Nina. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p123-128, 6p; (AN 48652374)
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9.

Book Review by Kusumi, Noriko. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p129-130, 2p; (AN 48652366)
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10.

Book Review by Dabhi, Siddhartha. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p131-132, 2p; (AN 48652367)
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11.

Book Review by Kavvatha, Eleni. Global Environmental Politics, February 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p132-133, 2p; (AN 48652364)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 24, no. 3, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Parliaments in Global Governance by Jönsson, Christer; Jönsson, Christer. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p309-320, 12p; (AN 46524160)
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2.

Set to Shake Up Global Economic Governance: Can the BRICSBe Dismissed? by Tussie, Diana. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p321-330, 10p; (AN 46524161)
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3.

The Responsibility Not to Veto: A Genealogy by Vilmer, Jean-Baptiste Jeangène. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p331-349, 19p; Abstract: The responsibility not to veto is the idea that the Permanent Five at the UNSecurity Council should voluntarily refrain from using their veto in the event of atrocities. There are currently three veto-restraining initiatives, one of them from a P5 member, France. Despite its importance in diplomatic and UNcircles, this debate has attracted little academic attention. This is partly because of the difficulty to access primary sources such as the details of the French proposal that circulated among the P5. Empirically focused and using diplomatic archives and experience, this article intends to fill such a gap. It provides the most detailed picture of the RN2V genealogy to date while offering a behind-the-scenes perspective on how the idea emerged and developed inside the French administration. It then unpacks the French strategy, its motivations and diplomatic efforts toward the P5, Group of 4, other states, and nongovernmental organizations, and eventually makes four recommendations for the initiative to have a chance of progressing among the Permanent Three.; (AN 46524162)
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4.

Does Counterterrorism Trump Human Rights? An Analysis of USForeign Aid Hearings Pre- and Post-9/11 by Rumsey, Jessie G.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p351-370, 20p; Abstract: This article empirically evaluates the comparative importance of human rights and counterterrorism during Senate subcommittee hearings on USforeign aid. Drawing on, and further developing, international regime theory, the article predicts that the human rights regime will be resilient to the September 11 shock to the international system. Qualitative content analysis of discourse during the seven years before and after the 9/11 attacks demonstrates the predominance of the human rights regime—even post-9/11, when the counterterrorism regime emerged as a competitor. The article explains why this is the case and offers insight to the human rights regime’s resilience.; (AN 46524163)
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5.

The Global Political Economy of Fractured Regions by Ohanyan, Anna. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p371-390, 20p; Abstract: Despite ebbs and flows in comparative regional studies over the past few decades, the regional dimension of world politics is gaining sustained attention from scholarly and policymaking communities. Thus far much of the focus has been on regional integration, which is traditionally viewed as a necessary condition for economic development and security provision. This article describes the problem of regional fracture in conflict regions; it delineates the political and economic dimensions of regional fracture; and examines the security implications of each. It examines the problem of fractured regions in Russia’s post-Soviet neighborhoods, the Balkans, and sub-Saharan Africa. The article concludes with implications for security policy as exercised by the West in the post-American world.; (AN 46524164)
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6.

From Norm Contestation to Norm Implementation: Recursivity and the Responsibility to Protect by Jacob, Cecilia. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p391-409, 19p; Abstract: This article contributes to the burgeoning norms literature in international relations that conceptualizes the norm life cycle as a nonlinear dynamic process that is open to contestation and change of “meanings in use.” There are limitations to this second generation of norms theory, however, most crucially in the identification of agency and process through which dialogue occurs and change is enacted. This article claims that to conceptualize the move from norm contestation as dialogic process to norm implementation as a process that weaves norms into the fabric of institutions in their day-to-day politics and routine practices, there is a need to bring IRnorms theory into a fruitful engagement with sociological theory on lawmaking. Sociolegal approaches account for institutional processes that move toward the firming up of norms even if hard law status is not the formal objective. This article applies a sociolegal framework of the recursivity of lawmaking to better understand the current diversification of responsibility to protect implementation efforts across the UNand at the national level.; (AN 46524165)
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7.

The Role of the External in Local Peacebuilding: Enabling Action—Managing Risk by Lilja, Jannie; Lilja, Jannie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p411-430, 20p; Abstract: Local peacebuilding has been embraced in principle by many donors, but the practice of external support to local initiatives needs further systematic study. While previous research has exposed the weaknesses of externally supported peacebuilding, less attention has been given to alternative strategies that can be taken to scale. This article puts the focus on international nongovernmental organizations as key intermediary actors in peacebuilding, and how they deal with dilemmas attached to local peacebuilding support. It contributes to the research on external-local dimensions of peacebuilding practice by identifying constructive functions that can be fulfilled by INGOs in situations where local institutions and actors are not able to address conflict on their own. Specifically, it uncovers the role of INGOs as risk absorbers and enablers of local peacebuilding action through the accompaniment of local partners.; (AN 46524166)
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8.

Global Governance and the Interplay of Coordination and Contestation: The Case of Renewable Energies in the South by Hein, Wolfgang; Hein, Wolfgang. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p431-449, 19p; Abstract: Developing an adequate sustainable energy supply in developing countries is a major challenge for the global community. Recently, a large number of organizations and enterprises have been supporting technological development, carrying out advocative actions, and offering finance for renewable energy. Concomitantly, there have been strong calls to improve coordination in this field. This article elaborates on the importance of institutional opportunities not only to favor coordination, but also to contest common wisdom shaping energy policies and specific project features at a given time. The result would be a more flexible renewable energy “governance dynamics” to provide the institutional framework for private actors and the interaction with public entities. Thus, three dimensions of global governance are analyzed: coordination, contestation, and the resulting process of collective/interactive regulation.; (AN 46524167)
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9.

Risky Business? The Energy Charter Treaty, Renewable Energy, and Investor-State Disputes by Tienhaara, Kyla; Tienhaara, Kyla. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p451-471, 21p; Abstract: Global energy governance has received increased attention from scholars and policymakers in recent years. Much of the discussion has focused on the inadequacy of the current institutional architecture, particularly in light of the urgent need to decarbonize energy systems. However, little attention has been given to the capacity of global institutions to promote investment in renewable energy. This article considers claims by proponents of the Energy Charter Treaty, the most developed trade and investment treaty in the global energy architecture, that it can play an important role in this regard. Specifically, it examines the ECT’s investor-state dispute settlement mechanism. Drawing on scholarship in global governance, law, and economics and an analysis of recent investor-state disputes, the article argues that there are problems with the assumptions underlying the claims of the ECT’s proponents. Critically, there is still a lack of evidence that the ECThas a positive impact on flows of investment in any sector, including the renewable energy sector. There is also a risk that ISDScould be used by the fossil fuel industry to impede a clean energy transition. States should approach accession to the ECTwith caution and consider other mechanisms to reduce risk for renewable energy investors.; (AN 46524168)
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10.

USPolitics and the United Nations: A Tale of Dysfunctional Dynamics, by Alynna J. Lyon by Edwards, Martin S.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p473-473, 1p; (AN 46524169)
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11.

Human Rights in Global Health, by Benjamin Mason Meier and Lawrence O. Gostin by Oestreich, Joel E.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, September 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p474-474, 1p; (AN 46524170)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 13, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bicchi, Federica; Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; (AN 44263242)
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2.

Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations by Duquet, Sanderijn. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p21-40, 20p; Abstract: When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the euin third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eulaw in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eumember state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.; (AN 44263243)
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3.

Does the Flag Still Follow Trade? Agency, Politicization and External Opportunity Structures in the Post-Lisbon System of euDiplomacy by Smith, Michael H.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p41-56, 16p; Abstract: This article focuses on the past and present of the European Union’s system of diplomacy, and asks whether the changes initiated by the Lisbon Treaty have really transformed that system. The Lisbon Treaty promised to transform the situation in which ‘the flag followed trade’ and give a primary role to the diplomacy of politics and security. Using arguments based on the location of agency, the politicization of economic diplomacy and the logic of external opportunity structures, the article argues that the transformation has not taken place, and that euexternal action remains essentially a hybrid construct in which economic diplomacy plays a central role. Such a situation has important implications for eudiplomacy in third countries and for the character of the eu’s diplomatic representation, especially when it comes to the demand expressed in the eu’s 2016 Global Strategy for ‘joined up’ or closely coordinated external action.; (AN 44263244)
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4.

Neither Fish nor Fowl. How euDelegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington by Maurer, Heidi; Maurer, Heidi. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p57-74, 18p; Abstract: This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid euforeign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eudelegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eudelegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably euambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in euforeign policy-making.; (AN 44263245)
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5.

euExternal Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of euDiplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine by Baltag, Dorina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p75-96, 22p; Abstract: The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eudelegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eudiplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the euand cooperating with eumember states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eudelegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eudiplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the euin these countries.; (AN 44263247)
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6.

Coordination between the euMember States’ Embassies and the euDelegation in Turkey: A Case of European Diplomatic Representation by Terzi, Özlem. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses how the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty have influenced the performance of the euDelegation in Ankara and the relationship between the euDelegation, member states’ embassies and Turkish government during times of crisis. Based on numerous interviews, the article analyses how European diplomacy conducted by the euDelegation and eumember states’ embassies functions in three categorically different situations: 1) a political crisis in the host country; 2) an international crisis involving a neighbouring region to the host country; and 3) negotiations between the host government and the euon an issue important for eumember states, against the background of a stalled accession process. Based on an investigation of the relationship of the euDelegation, eumember states’ embassies and Turkey in those three distinct contexts, the article sheds light on the opportunities and constraints of the new way of European diplomatic representation.; (AN 44263246)
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7.

The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations? by Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p117-135, 19p; Abstract: This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eudelegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eumember states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eudelegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.; (AN 44263248)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 34, no. 3, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introducing the special issue: bringing in the public. Intelligence on the frontier between state and civil society by Petersen, Karen Lund; Rønn, Kira Vrist. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p311-316, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis special issue is based on the observation that today’s intelligence services stand before a difficult task of, on the one hand, having to manage the uncertainties associated with new threats by inviting civil actors in to help, while also, on the other hand, having to uphold their own institutional authority and responsibility to act in the interest of the nation. In balancing this task, we show how today’s intelligence practices constantly contests the frontiers between normal politics and security politics and between civil society and the state. In this introduction we argue that these changes can be observed at three different levels. One is at the level of managerial practices of intelligence collection and communication; another is in the increased use of new forms of data, i.e. of social media information; and a third is the expansion of intelligence practices into new areas of concern, e.g. cybersecurity and the policing of (mis-) information.; (AN 48435050)
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2.

Three concepts of intelligence communication: awareness, advice or co-production? by Petersen, Karen Lund. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p317-328, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCommunication aimed at the public has been an almost absent topic in intelligence studies. This is despite a growing recognition of the importance of communicating towards the public in preventive security, counterterrorism, cyber security and organized crime prevention. This article attends to the practice of communicating intelligence to the public. It does so in order to show the diversity of communication practices in Western intelligence today. By investigating how the intelligence community communicates about ‘communication’ to the public, the article identifies three different concepts of communication, that each exposes different understandings of the public and democratic concerns.; (AN 48435051)
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3.

From madness to wisdom: intelligence and the digital crowd by Jaeger, Mark Daniel; Dunn Cavelty, Myriam. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p329-343, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article sheds light on the complexity and sensitivity of crowd-based intelligence in security governance. The 'crowd’ as special manifestation of ‘the public’ is both challenging and enabling new forms of intelligence practices. As a spontaneous eruption of collective activity, the crowd is a notion of great versatility. Sometimes considered mad/dangerous, sometimes wise/useful, the crowd’s drivers are a context-dependent collage of (affective) group engagement, projection from the outside and the workings of digital technologies. The article traces how the existence of crowds in its variations is connected to how they are approached by security agents and their intelligence practices.; (AN 48435052)
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4.

The civilian's visual security paradox: how open source intelligence practices create insecurity for civilians in warzones by Saugmann, Rune. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p344-361, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTImages taken by civilians and shared online have become an important source of conflict intelligence. This article explores issues around how states and non-state actors appropriate civilians’ images to produce intelligence about conflict, critically scrutinizing a practice often called open source or social media intelligence. It argues that image appropriation for open-source intelligence production creates a new kind of visual security paradox in which civilians can be endangered by their everyday visual practices because their digital images can be appropriated by outside actors as conflict intelligence. The transformation of everyday images into conflict evidence relies on what Barthes termed the photographic paradox, the paradox that while a photograph is clearly not the reality it depicts, the photograph is casually interpreted as a copy of that reality. When images are appropriated as conflict intelligence this photographic paradox translates into a security paradox. A visual security argument can be made without the intention or knowledge of the image producer, who then comes to perform the role on an intelligence agent. Yet civilians in warzones can hardly refrain from producing any images when they need to call attention to their plight, and to stay in contact with friends and relatives. The paradox, then, is that such vital visual signs of life can rapidly become sources of danger for the civilian. This civilian visual security paradox, it is argued, demands that intelligence actors respect the protected status of civilians in their online collection practices. So far, however, there is little sign of such respect.; (AN 48435053)
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5.

Is social media intelligence private? Privacy in public and the nature of social media intelligence by Rønn, Kira Vrist; Søe, Sille Obelitz. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p362-378, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSOCMINT (SOCial Media INTelligence) is increasingly considered relevant and cost efficient information, and the exploitation of social media information in the name of security and public safety is generally regarded as unproblematic. We will critically scrutinize this claim and argue that the exploitation of such information by Intelligence and Security Services raises new ethical concerns. Drawing on recent moral discussions about privacy, we will argue that individuals have an interest in privacy in public spaces, including online spaces. We will discuss the role of such public privacy interests and argue that the systematic surveillance of social media platforms by security authorities potentially entail a negative chilling effect.; (AN 48435054)
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6.

Shared secrecy in a digital age and a transnational world by Bigo, Didier. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p379-394, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the notion of shared secrets and the procedures by which secrecy is not the opposite of exchange of information, but the restriction of it to a certain ‘circle’ of people and the maintenance of others in ignorance. It creates corridors depending on the objectives of secret information, the persons having access, and the knowledge of this access by other people. Shared secrecy has been considered as an exception to common practice, but it has changed in scale with digitization and transnationalization of information, especially when suspicion is becoming used in statistical terms for prevention purposes.; (AN 48435055)
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7.

A new role for ‘the public’? Exploring cyber security controversies in the case of WannaCry by Christensen, Kristoffer Kjærgaard; Liebetrau, Tobias. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p395-408, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs cyber-security incidents become increasingly prevalent, we are facing a major political and democratic challenge: who comprises “the public” in relation to such incidents? Based on a study of the controversies surrounding the WannaCry ransomware attack, this article unpacks issues facing the creation of publics in contemporary ICT-mediated security practices. It shows how cyber-security incidents, such as WannaCry, do not neatly align with traditional national security politics and democracy, and it demonstrates the need to attend to how security publics are created. This may paradoxically entail both political and democratic challenges and possibilities for security politics in the digital age.; (AN 48435056)
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8.

Spreading intelligence by Diderichsen, Adam. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p409-420, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDefining intelligence is not just a terminological but also a political question. Intelligence methods are spreading quickly in the contemporary security landscape, and defining intelligence gives us a clearer idea of what we are in fact spreading, and therefore also of the political and social consequences that this may entail. When using intelligence methods in, say, policing, public administration or immigration services, we import a specific adversarial logic and thereby transform the social relationships that these regulatory and administrative practices support and rest upon. In this paper, I shall propose a new definition of intelligence in order to analyse the social transformations that may be produced by the logical structure implicit in the concept of intelligence.; (AN 48435057)
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9.

Deferring substance: EU policy and the information threat by Ördén, Hedvig. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p421-437, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article describes EU cross-sectoral policy work on online information threats, focusing on the intersection between values and 'referent objects'. Examining discussions on strategic communication, censorship, media literacy and media pluralism, two value-perspectives were identified: while abstract procedural values of efficiency and coherence guide content management in the security/defence/internet communities, media/education communities highlight the end-goals of content pluralism and enhanced citizen judgement. In implementation, the former’s lack of substantive goals, coupled with an outsourcing of content management, may give rise to hybrid values. The findings highlight the danger of neglecting substance in favor of efficient management of an online ‘battlespace’.; (AN 48435058)
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10.

Clausewitz first, and last, and always: war, strategy and intelligence in the twenty-first century by Hughes, R. Gerald; Koutsoukis, Alexandros. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p438-455, 18p; (AN 48435059)
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11.

Drone: remote control warfare by Wirtz, James J.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p456-457, 2p; (AN 48435060)
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12.

Spy chiefs, Vol. 1: intelligence leaders in the United States and United Kingdom by Caddell, Joseph W.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p457-459, 3p; (AN 48435061)
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13.

The Unending Game: a former R&AW chief’s insights into espionage by Shaffer, Ryan. Intelligence & National Security, April 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p459-461, 3p; (AN 48435062)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 94, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Grey is the new black: covert action and implausible deniability by Cormac, Rory; Aldrich, Richard J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p477-494, 18p; Abstract: For hundreds of years, states have sought to intervene in the affairs of others in a surreptitious manner. Since the professionalization of intelligence services in the aftermath of the Second World War, this behaviour has become known as covert action, which—for generations of scholars—has been defined as plausibly deniable intervention in the affairs of others; the sponsor's hand is neither apparent nor acknowledged. We challenge this orthodoxy. By turning the spotlight away from covert action and onto plausible deniability itself, we argue that even in its supposed heyday, the concept was deeply problematic. Changes in technology and the media, combined with the rise of special forces and private military companies, give it even less credibility today. We live in an era of implausible deniability and ambiguous warfare. Paradoxically, this does not spell the end of covert action. Instead, leaders are embracing implausible deniability and the ambiguity it creates. We advance a new conception of covert action, historically grounded but fit for the twenty-first century: unacknowledged interference in the affairs of others.; (AN 45836807)
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2.

Geopolitics and the political right: lessons from Germany by Klinke, Ian. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p495-514, 20p; Abstract: In recent years, the Anglo-American media landscape has pondered over an old problem: that of German hegemony in Europe. At the heart of this debate lies the question of geopolitics. Is Germany, deliberately or by accident, a regional hegemon, and do its political elites seek to reorganize Berlin's neighbours into a pan-European architecture that prioritizes Germany's national interest? This question is not as straightforward as it may sound, not least because geopolitical thought was long a taboo in Germany, due to its influence on the formulation of National Socialist ideology in the 1920s. This article thus seeks to answer this question by focusing not on the often sanitized statements of political leaders but on the ideas of think-tankers, journalists, political advisers and public intellectuals, many of whom have had a significant influence on the formulation of German foreign policy. The article argues that, while geopolitical ideas were long confined to the right-wing margins of the political spectrum, they are now much more prevalent in the political mainstream. As Germany's relations with the United States and Russia have gradually soured, this new German geopolitics has once again become preoccupied by the notion of Germany as a central power.; (AN 45836808)
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3.

What authoritarianism is … and is not:∗a practice perspective by Glasius, Marlies. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p515-533, 19p; Abstract: This article highlights three main problems with current conceptualizations of authoritarianism: they constitute a negative or residual category, focus excessively on elections and assume that authoritarianism is necessarily a state-level phenomenon. Such ‘regime classifications’ cannot help us comment intelligently on public concerns that politicians like President Rodrigo Duterte, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister Viktor Orban or President Donald Trump are essentially ‘authoritarian’ leaders. This article proposes that, in order to provide political scientists with better tools to distinguish between contemporary threats to democracy and interpretations imbued by left-liberal prejudice, authoritarianism studies must be reoriented towards studying authoritarian as well as illiberal practicesrather than the fairness of national elections alone. The article defines and illustrates such practices, which exist in authoritarian, democratic and transnational contexts. Comparative analysis of authoritarian and illiberal practices will help us understand conditions in which they thrive and how they are best countered.; (AN 45836809)
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4.

The geography and geopolitics of the renminbi: a regional key currency in Asia by Hasegawa, Masanori. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p535-552, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the potential for and geopolitical implications of the renminbi (RMB) emerging as an Asian key currency. Most analysts assume that for the RMB to become a dominant international currency, China must implement full-scale financial liberalization. However, this might not hold true in Asia, even if it does on the global level. China could enhance the RMB's role as a store of value and reduce the RMB's weakness in liquidity. Additionally, if three conditions are met almost contemporaneously, the RMB is very likely to become a regional key currency(RKC) in Asia—even without full-scale liberalization—within the next ten to twenty years. These conditions are: moderate diplomacy by China, continuing economic growth in China and new economic distress in the United States. The potential that these conditions can all be met is not necessarily low. If the RMB did become an RKC in Asia, it would have significant geopolitical implications. It would limit the US' use of seigniorage and US bonds to sustain its military deployment capabilities, it would weaken the US' ability to apply financial sanctions and it would increase China's ability to use economics strategically. These changes would undermine US prestige and increase China's political influence, destabilizing Asian security.; (AN 45836805)
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5.

The innovation imperative: technology and US–China rivalry in the twenty-first century by Kennedy, Andrew B.; Lim, Darren J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p553-572, 20p; Abstract: International Relations scholars have long recognized that technology plays a critical role in power transitions, but the field lacks a framework to understand how technology and innovation strategies generate rivalry between dominant and rising states. With an empirical focus on contemporary United States–China relations, this paper addresses that gap. We identify the ‘innovation imperative’ that drives rising states to pursue technological modernity, and highlight two ways in which this pursuit can challenge the strategic interests of the dominant state. First, the dominant state experiences a significant impairment of its security environment: negative security externalities. Second, the dominant state experiences a threat to its preferred international order: negative order externalities. We further explain how the dominant state responds to the negative externalities generated by the rising state's pursuit of innovation. By theorizing the technological rivalry between rising and dominant states, we move beyond the traditional focus on military conflict in power transitions and offer new insight into the current dynamics in US–China relations.; (AN 45836816)
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6.

China challenges global governance? Chinese international developmen finance and the AIIB by Hameiri, Shahar; Jones, Lee. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p573-593, 21p; Abstract: Many observers of international politics detect a growing Chinese challenge to the rules-based, liberal international order. In particular, some saw Beijing's recent creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as a threat to existing organizations governing international development financing. This article broadly concurs with more sanguine accounts emphasizing the AIIB's similarity to existing multilateral development banks. However, we go further by arguing that the full extent of China's challenge to global governance cannot be understood without reference to the ongoing transformation of the Chinese party-state: the contested fragmentation, decentralization and internationalization of state apparatuses. These processes mean that the AIIB is just one institution among many in China's messy international development financing field—alongside policy and commercial banks, functional ministries, provincial governments and state-owned enterprises. Contestation among these agencies will shape China's real challenge to global economic governance, which will often be significant, yet unintended and non-strategic, in nature.; (AN 45836779)
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7.

China's clear and present conundrum on the Korean peninsula: stuck between the past and the future by Yang, Xiangfeng. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p595-611, 17p; Abstract: In tackling the current nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula, President Donald Trump has invested—especially before the dramatic turn of events since early 2018—a great deal of political capital in President Xi Jinping in the hopes that he might rein in North Korea, China's traditional ally. However, expecting Beijing to ‘solve’ the problem is unrealistic. Chinese thinking on North Korea—as reflected in policy positions and domestic debates—has been marred by inconsistencies and overcaution and it is now further complicated by the intensifying geopolitical competition with the United States, which also embroils, to a varying degree, South Korea and Taiwan. Beijing has been strenuously walking a fine line between pressing Pyongyang and averting a war, all the while watching its back, particularly with regard to Taiwan and the South China Sea. Beijing's risk aversion over North Korea and its security competition with the US has led it into a geopolitical conundrum from which there is no clear exit.; (AN 45836790)
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8.

The intra-GCC crises: mapping GCC fragmentation after 2011 by Bianco, Cinzia; Stansfield, Gareth. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p613-635, 23p; Abstract: If shared security perceptions were the foundation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 2011 might be analysed as the watershed year in which the GCC began to fragment from within. Both the 2014 and 2017 intra-GCC crises were manifestations of conflicting security perceptions, formed across the GCC countries in and since 2011. Through an in-depth analysis of the events and of the subsequent reaction of the GCC governments in terms of discourse and foreign policy, we distinguish three different categories of conceptualization. First, the governments of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates perceived domestic protests as an ‘intermestic’ threat—triggered by the intersection of the international and domestic levels. Second, the leaders of Oman and Kuwait conceptualized protests in their countries as manageable domestic insecurity, rather than as fully-fledged externally orchestrated events—arguably because they did not perceive a direct danger to their stability and legitimacy. Finally, it can be argued that the government of Qatar did not see any real danger in the protests but instead viewed them as an opportunity to expand Doha's regional influence, arguably at Riyadh's expense. Unpacking the fundamental factors shaping such perceptions is the key to finding the appropriate framework for analysing GCC security in the future.; (AN 45836781)
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9.

Martin Wight Memorial Lecture Trust and distrust in Russia: the heritage of the October Revolution re-examined by Hosking, Geoffrey. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p637-644, 8p; Abstract: Zones of violence are spaces in which violence against other human beings becomes normal; they are characterized as places where primal trust in institutions and rules has been lost. While Jörg Baberowski initially used this concept to refer to Nazi Germany, I assert that its lessons are just as applicable to the Soviet Union, especially during the 1930s. In order to demonstrate this, I highlight how, already in tsarist Russia, institutions and communities had been shaken up by the processes of industrialization and urbanization. Moreover, when the Bolsheviks came to power they aimed to further weaken the symbolic systems and destroy the institutions—thus the existing bulwarks of habitual trust were enfeebled or eliminated. Universal distrust was now the modus operandi of the entire system, which simultaneously demanded total trust in the Party. This demonstrates why Soviet society developed the way that it did. The use of violence as a political tool became simply routine: shoot first, ask questions afterwards. In this milieu everyone became fearful and distrustful—a hyper-vigilant, paranoid outlook burnt itself into the whole structure of society, lasting right to the end of the Soviet Union and even after.; (AN 45836791)
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10.

The debatable land: spies, secrets and persistent shadows∗ by Herrington, Lewis. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p645-655, 11p; Abstract: In recent years, the British and American governments have declassified vast volumes of previously secret files. They have also taken a greater interest in public understanding, by assisting films, sponsoring official histories and permitting intelligence chiefs to write memoirs, thereby providing yet more research material for the booming field of intelligence studies. In his book review essay, I consider some of the more important new books on intelligence. They offer timely, realistic and balanced analyses and show that skilled research allows us to make conclusion about these secret organizations with greater confidence than we might have suspected. But they also show us that some of the key questions remain fiercely debated. Moreover, while more information about western intelligence agencies is welcome, it exacerbates a growing problem: we know more and more about a few famous services like the CIA, and comparatively less about intelligence services elsewhere in the world. The spies of the global South remain very much in the shadows.; (AN 45836810)
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11.

Researching emotions in International Relations: methodological perspectives on the emotional turn by Yorke, Claire. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p657-658, 2p; (AN 45836806)
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12.

Posthuman dialogues in International Relations; The emancipatory project of posthumanism by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p658-660, 3p; (AN 45836786)
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13.

The New Deal: a global history by Lucas, Scott. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p660-661, 2p; (AN 45836815)
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14.

The everyday Cold War: Britain and China, 1950–1972 by Gibbon, Luke. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p661-663, 3p; (AN 45836793)
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15.

The women in blue helmets: gender, policing, and the UN's first all-female peacekeeping unit; Equal opportunity peacekeeping: women, peace, and security in post-conflict states by Basu, Soumita. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p663-665, 3p; (AN 45836800)
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16.

Corruption and misuse of public office by Bentley, David. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p665-666, 2p; (AN 45836782)
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17.

American grand strategy and east Asian security in the twenty-first century by Pardo, Ramon Pacheco. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p666-667, 2p; (AN 45836799)
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18.

The art of creating power: Freedman on strategy by Cohen, Eliot A.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p667-668, 2p; (AN 45836798)
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19.

Japan, South Korea, and the United States nuclear umbrella: deterrence after the Cold War by Campbell, Joel. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p668-670, 3p; (AN 45836802)
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20.

After austerity: welfare state transformation in Europe after the Great Recession by Leitão, António. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p670-671, 2p; (AN 45836785)
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21.

The Panama Papers: breaking the story of how the rich and powerful hide their money by Walsh-Führing, Marcus. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p671-672, 2p; (AN 45836796)
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22.

Windfall: how the new energy abundance upends global politics and strengthens America's power by Braunstein, Juergen. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p673-674, 2p; (AN 45836814)
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23.

Brexit and British politics; Brexit and beyond: rethinking the futures of Europe by Bogdanor, Vernon. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p674-675, 2p; (AN 45836801)
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24.

Europe since 1989: a history by Auer, Stefan. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p676-677, 2p; (AN 45836795)
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25.

Scorched earth: Stalin's reign of terror by Wood, Andrew. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p677-679, 3p; (AN 45836775)
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26.

Russian–European relations in the Balkans and Black Sea region: Great Power identity and the idea of Europe by Molchanov, Mikhail. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p679-680, 2p; (AN 45836789)
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27.

The Naqab Bedouins: a century of politics and resistance by Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p680-682, 3p; (AN 45836776)
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28.

Tribes and global jihadism by St John, Ronald Bruce. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p682-683, 2p; (AN 45836804)
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29.

Beyond the Arab Cold War: the international history of the Yemen civil war, 1962–68 by Watkins, Eric. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p683-684, 2p; (AN 45836783)
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30.

The Horn of Africa: state formation and decay by Slim, Hugo. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p684-686, 3p; (AN 45836792)
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31.

The fabric of peace in Africa: looking beyond the state; Coping with crisis in African states by Vines, Alex. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p686-688, 3p; (AN 45836780)
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32.

Our time has come: how India is making its place in the world by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p688-689, 2p; (AN 45836788)
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33.

Everything under the heavens: how the past helps shape China's push for global power by Remer, Scott. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p689-691, 3p; (AN 45836784)
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34.

China–Japan relations after World War Two: empire, industry and war, 1949–1971 by Brown, James D. J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p691-692, 2p; (AN 45836812)
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35.

Chinese nuclear proliferation: how global politics is transforming China's weapons buildup and modernization by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p692-693, 2p; (AN 45836803)
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36.

Directorate S: the C.I.A. and America's secret wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan 2001–2016 by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p694-695, 2p; (AN 45836778)
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37.

A rift in the earth: art, memory, and the fight for a Vietnam War memorial by Ryan, David. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p695-696, 2p; (AN 45836811)
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38.

Política exterior Brasileña: oportunidades y obstáculos para el Paraguay [Brazilian foreign policy: opportunities and obstacles for Paraguay] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p697-698, 2p; (AN 45836777)
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39.

Regional environmental cooperation in South America: processes, drivers and constraints by Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p698-699, 2p; (AN 45836797)
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40.

Latin America and the Asian giants: evolving ties with China and India; China's strategic partnerships in Latin America: case studies of China's oil diplomacy in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, 1991–2015 by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p699-701, 3p; (AN 45836813)
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41.

Contributors International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 45836787)
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42.

Abstracts International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 pvii-xi, 5p; (AN 45836794)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 32, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Belgian Intelligence SIGINT Operations by Lasoen, Kenneth L.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p1-29, 29p; (AN 48840876)
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2.

The Cali Cartel and Counterintelligence by Mobley, Blake W.; Ray, Timothy. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p30-53, 24p; (AN 48840877)
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3.

Libya and the New Axis of Terror: Reshaping the Security Theater in MENA and Europe by Burweila, Aya; Nomikos, John M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p54-81, 28p; (AN 48840878)
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4.

EOKA Intelligence and Counterintelligence by Slack, Keith C.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p82-119, 38p; (AN 48840879)
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5.

Creeping Suspicions: Antecedents of Australia’s Foreign Intelligence Activities by McPhee, Justin T.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p120-145, 26p; (AN 48840880)
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6.

The Roger Hollis Case Revisited by Levy, David. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p146-158, 13p; (AN 48840881)
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7.

The CIA and U.S. Diplomacy: Political vs. Professional Leadership by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p159-169, 11p; (AN 48840882)
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8.

Partisan Political Polemics: Wrecking One’s Reputation by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p170-178, 9p; (AN 48840883)
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9.

Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Snowden by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p178-191, 14p; (AN 48840884)
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10.

Succession Crises in Moscow by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p191-193, 3p; (AN 48840885)
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11.

North Korea’s Cyberspace Aggression by Jasper, Scott E.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p194-198, 5p; (AN 48840886)
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12.

Intelligence and the Besieged State by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p198-201, 4p; (AN 48840887)
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13.

Explaining the Cultures of Intelligence by Rietjens, Sebastiaan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p202-207, 6p; (AN 48840888)
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14.

Spying Properly by Goldman, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p208-213, 6p; (AN 48840889)
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15.

Max Knight: Agent Handler Extraordinaire by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, January 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p213-216, 4p; (AN 48840890)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: The EUas International Mediator – Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives by Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p157-176, 20p; Abstract: In this introductory article of the special issue, we examine European Union (EU) mediation practice and identify different conceptual and empirical perspectives from which it can be analyzed. We present different understandings of mediation in research and practice a definition and conceptual clarification of EUmediation practice, and offer a definition that covers mediation efforts and mediation support activities. Then, the institutional architecture for EUmediation activities is presented. Next, the focus of this special issue is examined and research questions that have not yet been sufficiently addressed in existing research of EUforeign policy and mediation are discussed. Based on these questions, we offer several fruitful avenues for studying EUmediation: examining the drivers of EUmediation, EUmediation roles and strategies, and EUmediation effectiveness. Finally, we provide an overview of the contributions to this special issue is presented.; (AN 45705298)
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2.

The EUas a Multi-Mediator: The Case of the Democratic Republic of Congo by Davis, Laura. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p177-198, 22p; Abstract: In the 1990s, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) experienced complex wars involving local, national and regional combatants and conflict drivers, which formally ended in 2002. Violence continued and the government and rebel groups negotiated a series of peace deals, most recently in 2013. The European Union (EU) has been engaged in the DRCsince the 1990s. This article proposes a model for conceptualizing EUmediation engagement within the conflict and process contexts, and the necessary capabilities for different types of EUmediation. It uses the DRCcase study to examine how different EUcapabilities were engaged in various peace processes which addressed multiple layers of a complex situation, and also engaged with other external actors in a multilateral environment. It concludes that the EUcan be conceptualized as a multi-mediator and identifies the necessary capabilities for this.; (AN 45705299)
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3.

EUMediation in Egypt: The Limits of Reactive Conflict Management by Pinfari, Marco. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p199-217, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews EU’s mediation attempts in Egypt between 2011 and 2013. After presenting the main challenges and opportunities of EUmediation in the Middle East-North Africa (MENA) neighborhood, EUinterventions in Egypt are discussed in relation to the 25 January 2011 revolution, during the presidency of Mohammed Morsi, and after the 3 July 2013 coup d’état, focusing specifically on the choice of mediation styles and their timing. It is argued that three contextual conditions that are typical of the crises that erupt during failed democratic transitions – their fast pace, their eminently domestic nature and significant power asymmetries between the main parties involved – exacerbate the structural problems that the EUfaces when intervening in countries that are not current or potential candidates for accession. The analysis of EUmediation styles during Egypt’s transition provides a critical perspective on EU’s foreign policy making after the Treaty of Lisbon.; (AN 45705300)
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4.

Creating Cinderella? The Unintended Consequences of the Women Peace and Security Agenda for EU’s Mediation Architecture by Haastrup, Toni. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p218-237, 20p; Abstract: In 2000, the United Nations (UN) launched the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda by adopting Security Council Resolution 1325. The agenda, among other things, called for the greater inclusion of women in peace negotiation practices and structures. While the European Union (EU) has made commitments to implementing the WPSagenda, the literature has not yet captured the institutional dynamics of the EUas it seeks to translate the WPSagenda into reality. This article takes stock of this hitherto excluded area of research. It argues that mediation is the ‘Cinderella’ of the EU’s peace and security institution because it has been ignored as a site for the implementation of the WPSagenda with important implications. Using a feminist institutionalist framework, the article shows the ways in which institutional practices of change aimed at including the new perspectives prompted by the WPSagenda lead to unintended gendered consequences.; (AN 45705301)
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5.

Same Table, Different Menus? A Comparison of UNand EUMediation Practice in the Kosovo-Serbia Conflict by Bergmann, Julian. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p238-257, 20p; Abstract: This article compares UNand EUmediation practice in the Kosovo-Serbia conflict. It proposes a conceptual framework to analyze mediation effectiveness and its conditions and applies it to the UN-led Kosovo Status Talks in Vienna (2006–2007) and the ongoing EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina (since 2011). The EU’s relatively high degree of effectiveness compared to the UNeffort can be partly explained by the application of a strategy of manipulation, drawing on the EU’s strong leverage vis-à-vis both sides; partly by pointing to the conflict context which has been more favorable to mediation since 2011. At the same time, the analysis reveals that EUmediation has not led to any changes concerning Serbia’s stance toward the recognition of Kosovo’s independence. The continuing non-resolution of the conflict demonstrates the limits of the EU’s manipulative mediation approach and points to a substantial dilemma of EUmediation.; (AN 45705302)
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6.

Missing the Muscles? Mediation by Conditionality in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Richter, Solveig. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p258-277, 20p; Abstract: In October 2009, the European Union, in conjunction with the United States, launched a high-level mediation effort in Butmir, Bosnia and Herzegovina, to reform the political structure of the state. Since 2005, the constitution which was included in the Dayton Peace Accord has been widely perceived as dysfunctional. In two negotiation rounds, the EUand the USput a comprehensive proposal on the table and showed strong leverage. However, the talks ended without a tangible result. To explain this failure, a theoretical model is developed based on both mediation and Europeanization literature to explore mediation by conditionality as a type of ‘directive mediation’ in a systematic way. Contrary to the argument that the EUlacked muscle, it is argued that pre-conditions for political conditionality were not fulfilled and strong leverage proved ineffective and counterproductive. These results question conditionality as an effective mediation strategy when state-building is contested between local parties.; (AN 45705303)
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7.

EUMediation Practices in Ukraine during Revolutions: What Authority as a Peacemaker? by Natorski, Michal. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p278-298, 21p; Abstract: This article compares two different experiences of EUengagement in mediation in Ukraine: the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Euromaidan crisis in 2013–2014. This comparison reflects two different outcomes of EUmediation practices under similar circumstances of political conflict between domestic political actors. The changing degree of collective EUauthority recognized by other actors is the main driver behind varying EUmediation practices and outcomes. Authority conferred on the EUas a collective actor represents the legitimacy of its power, resources and competence to conduct mediation. However, such authority is always circumscribed by crisis-specific circumstances and volatile configurations of forces. Therefore, differing degrees of authority explain shifts in the effectiveness of EUmediation. To capture the authority of EUmediators in specific crisis situations, this article employs and interprets firsthand accounts of the experiences of actors directly involved in mediation.; (AN 45705304)
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8.

Perceptions of the EU’s Role in the Ukraine-Russia and the Israel-Palestine Conflicts: A Biased Mediator? by Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p299-318, 20p; Abstract: This article focuses on how the European Union’s (EU) mediation activities during the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine conflicts are perceived by local elites. Our analysis is based on recent interviews with decision makers in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine. Consistent with this special issue, we investigate perceptions of EUroles, strategies and effectiveness. We suggest that the EU’s relation to the parties may affect their perceptions of EUconflict mediation efforts. Specifically, we expect that the EUis perceived as a biased mediatorin both cases due to perceived close relations to one or more conflict parties. However, contrary to our expectations and widespread assumption in mediation theory, while such a bias exists, we found it is notperceived as a main cause of EUineffectiveness. Other factors, including the prominence of other mediators and internal EUdisunity, are perceived as more detrimental to EUefficacy.; (AN 45705305)
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9.

Motives, Roles, Effectiveness and the Future of the EUas an International Mediator by Niemann, Arne; Niemann, Arne; Niemann, Arne. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p319-330, 12p; Abstract: This article concludes this special issue on the European Union as international mediator that set out to advance our theoretical and empirical knowledge about EUmediation. Providing a comprehensive reflection of EUmediation activities and the diverse settings where they take place, this concluding article identifies some connection points between the articles and discusses their findings on the motives/drivers, roles/strategies, effectiveness and institutional capacities of EUmediation. It discusses the implications of these findings for policymaking, focusing on the conditions for EUmediation effectiveness, the advantages of the multi-layered nature of EUmediation and the need for flexible adaptation of mediation strategies. Finally, the article sets the scene for future research endeavors on EUmediation by identifying three future research avenues that focus on the politics, domestic effects and comparative advantage of the EUas international mediator.; (AN 45705306)
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10.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p331-331, 1p; (AN 45705308)
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12

International Organization
Volume 73, no. 1, 2019

Record

Results

1.

Mobilizing Market Power: Jurisdictional Expansion as Economic Statecraft by Kalyanpur, Nikhil; Newman, Abraham L.. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p1-34, 34p; Abstract: AbstractStates with large markets routinely compete with one another to shield domestic regulatory policies from global pressure, export their rules to other jurisdictions, and provide their firms with competitive advantages. Most arguments about market power tend to operationalize the concept in economic terms. In this paper, we argue that a state's ability to leverage or block these adjustment pressures is not only conditioned by their relative economic position but also by the political institutions that govern their markets. Specifically, we expect that where a state chooses to draw jurisdictional boundaries over markets directly shapes its global influence. When a state expands its jurisdiction, harmonizing rules across otherwise distinct subnational or national markets, for example, it can curtail a rival's authority. We test the theory by assessing how changes in internal governance within the European Union altered firm behavior in response to US extraterritorial pressure. Empirically, we examine foreign firm delisting decisions from US stock markets after the adoption of the Sarbanes–Oxley accounting legislation. The act, which included an exogenous compliance shock, follows the harmonization of stock market governance across various European jurisdictions. Econometric analysis of firm-level data illustrates that EU-based companies, which benefited from jurisdictional expansion, were substantially more likely to leave the American market and avoid adjustment pressures. Our findings contribute to debates on the role of political institutions in economic statecraft and suggest the conditions under which future regulatory conflicts will arise between status quo and rising economic powers.; (AN 47965543)
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2.

The IMF As a Biased Global Insurance Mechanism: Asymmetrical Moral Hazard, Reserve Accumulation, and Financial Crises by Lipscy, Phillip Y.; Lee, Haillie Na-Kyung. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p35-64, 30p; Abstract: AbstractA large literature has established that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is heavily politicized. We argue that this politicization has important consequences for international reserve accumulation and financial crises. The IMF generates moral hazard asymmetrically, reducing the expected costs of risky lending and policies for states that are politically influential vis-à-vis the institution. Using a panel data set covering 1980 to 2010, we show that proxies for political influence over the IMF are associated with outcomes indicative of moral hazard: lower international reserves and more frequent financial crises. We support our causal claims by applying the synthetic control method to Taiwan, which was expelled from the IMF in 1980. Consistent with our predictions, Taiwan's expulsion led to a sharp increase in precautionary international reserves and exceptionally conservative financial policies.; (AN 47965536)
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3.

Concession Stands: How Mining Investments Incite Protest in Africa by Christensen, Darin. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p65-101, 37p; Abstract: AbstractForeign investment in Africa's mineral resources has increased dramatically. This paper addresses three questions raised by this trend: do commercial mining investments increase the likelihood of social or armed conflict? If so, when are these disputes most prevalent? And, finally, what mechanisms help explain these conflicts? I show, first, that mining has contrasting effects on social and armed conflict: while the probability of protests or riots increases (roughly doubling) after mining starts, there is no increase in rebel activity. Second, I show that the probability of social conflict rises with plausibly exogenous increases in world commodity prices. Finally, I compile additional geo-spatial and survey data to explore potential mechanisms, including reporting bias, environmental harm, in-migration, inequality, and governance. Finding little evidence consistent with these accounts, I develop an explanation related to incomplete information—a common cause of conflict in industrial and international relations. This mechanism rationalizes why mining induces protest, why these conflicts are exacerbated by rising prices, and why transparency dampens the relationship between prices and protest.; (AN 47965540)
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4.

INO volume 73 issue 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b8, 8p; (AN 47965542)
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5.

INO volume 73 issue 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 47965535)
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6.

Protection Through Presence: UN Peacekeeping and the Costs of Targeting Civilians by Fjelde, Hanne; Hultman, Lisa; Nilsson, Desirée. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p103-131, 29p; Abstract: AbstractAre UN peacekeepers effective in protecting civilians from violence? Existing studies examine this issue at the country level, thereby making it difficult to isolate the effect of peacekeepers and to assess the actual mechanism at work. We provide the first comprehensive evaluation of UN peacekeeping success in protecting civilians at the subnational level. We argue that peacekeepers through their sizable local presence can increase the political and military costs for warring actors to engage in civilian targeting. Since peacekeepers’ access to civilian populations rests on government consent, peacekeepers will primarily be effective in imposing these costs on rebel groups, but less so for government actors. To test these conjectures we combine new monthly data on the location of peacekeepers with data on the location and timing of civilian killings in Africa. Our findings suggest that local peacekeeping presence enhances the effectiveness of civilian protection against rebel abuse, but that UN peacekeeping struggles to protect civilians from government forces.; (AN 47965539)
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7.

Until the Bitter End? The Diffusion of Surrender Across Battles by Lehmann, Todd C.; Zhukov, Yuri M.. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p133-169, 37p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do armies sometimes surrender to the enemy and sometimes fight to the bitter end? Existing research has highlighted the importance of battlefield resolve for the onset, conduct, and outcome of war, but has left these life-and-death decisions mostly unexplained. We know little about why battle-level surrender occurs, and why it stops. In this paper, we argue that surrender emerges from a collective-action problem: success in battle requires that soldiers choose to fight as a unit rather than flee, but individual decisions to fight depend on whether soldiers expect their comrades to do the same. Surrender becomes contagious across battles because soldiers take cues from what other soldiers did when they were in a similar position. Where no recent precedent exists, mass surrender is unlikely. We find empirical support for this claim using a new data set of conventional battles in all interstate wars from 1939 to 2011. These findings advance our understanding of battlefield resolve, with broader implications for the design of political-military institutions and decisions to initiate, continue, and terminate war.; (AN 47965541)
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8.

When Reporting Undermines Performance: The Costs of Politically Constrained Organizational Autonomy in Foreign Aid Implementation by Honig, Dan. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p171-201, 31p; Abstract: AbstractBureaucracies with field operations that cannot be easily supervised and monitored by managers are caught between two sources of dysfunction that may harm performance. The first source of dysfunction is straightforward: field workers can use operating slack and asymmetric information to their own advantage, thwarting an organization's objectives. The second source of dysfunction is often overlooked: attempts to limit workers’ autonomy may have deleterious effects, curbing agents’ ability to respond efficaciously to the environment. I find that the parliaments and executive boards to whom International Development Organizations (IDOs) are accountable differentially constrain IDO organizational autonomy, which in turn affects management's control of field agents. Tight management control of field agents has negative effects, particularly in more unpredictable environments. Attempts by politicians to constrain organizations in an effort to improve performance can sometimes be self-undermining, having net effects opposite those intended.; (AN 47965538)
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9.

Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books by Mitts, Tamar. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p203-224, 22p; Abstract: AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.; (AN 47965545)
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10.

A Two-Stage Approach to Civil Conflict: Contested Incompatibilities and Armed Violence by Bartusevičius, Henrikas; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p225-248, 24p; Abstract: AbstractWe present a two-stage approach to civil conflict analysis. Unlike conventional approaches that focus only on armed conflict and treat all other cases as “at peace,” we first distinguish cases with and without contested incompatibilities (Stage 1) and then whether or not contested incompatibilities escalate to armed conflict (Stage 2). This allows us to analyze factors that relate to conflict origination (onset of incompatibilities) and factors that predict conflict militarization (onset of armed violence). Using new data on incompatibilities and armed conflict, we replicate and extend three prior studies of violent civil conflict, reformulated as a two-stage process, considering different estimation procedures and potential selection problems. We find that the group-based horizontal political inequalities highlighted in research on violent civil conflict clearly relate to conflict origination but have no clear association with militarization, whereas other features emphasized as shaping the risk of civil war, such as refugee flows and soft state power, predict militarization but not incompatibilities. A two-stage approach to conflict analysis can help advance theories of civil conflict, assess alternative mechanisms through which explanatory variables are thought to influence conflict, and guide new data-collection efforts.; (AN 47965537)
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11.

Contributors International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 47965544)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 26, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Re-Importing the ‘Robust Turn’ in UN Peacekeeping: Internal Public Security Missions of Brazil’s Military by Harig, Christoph. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p137-164, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBrazil has been the largest troop contributor and provided all force commanders to the UN Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH, 2004–2017). As the military embraced a leading role in UN peacekeeping’s turn towards peace-enforcement, Brazil’s governments have increasingly relied on soldiers in public security – occasionally even portraying these operations as a sort of ‘peacekeeping at home’. Yet how has Brazil’s participation in MINUSTAH affected internal military operations? I argue that narratives of the military’s effectiveness in Haiti have been used to legitimise the growing scope of internal public security missions. Drawing on data from a questionnaire-based survey, interviews and focus groups with soldiers and officers, this paper argues that the experience in Haiti has fuelled troops’ demands for rules of engagement that resemble those in UN peacekeeping. Given the armed forces’ increasing bargaining power in Brazil’s politics, the military leadership has been able to successfully lobby in favour of changing parts of the legal framework for internal operations. Lessons from the ‘robust turn’ have been used to promote more coercive internal missions of Brazil’s armed forces. Yet it is impossible to fully reconcile the content of the military’s demands with the rule of law in a democracy.; (AN 48514487)
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2.

Contracting Security: Markets in the Making of MONUSCO Peacekeeping by Krahmann, Elke; Leander, Anna. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p165-189, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPrivate military and security companies (PMSCs) are increasingly contracted to provide security in international peacekeeping missions. Yet, we know very little about the practical implications of this development. How do PMSCs reinforce and shape security management within UN peacekeeping operations, and what are the consequences for UN missions and their host populations? To answer these questions, we explore the operational, representative and regulatory security practices in the UN operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO). Our findings show how seemingly uncontroversial, even benign security practices can have unintended negative consequences. Specifically, we observe that the participation of security firms in MONUSCO's security management contributes to three developments: the differentiation of security between staff and locals, the hardening of MONUSCO's security posture, and the perpetuation of insecurity through the emergence of a local security economy. Contracted security is thus involved in reproducing forms of security that are in some ways diametrically opposed to the aims of the mission to protect civilians and facilitate a sustainable peace.; (AN 48514488)
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3.

First Peace, then Democracy? Evaluating Strategies of International Support at Critical Junctures after Civil War by Mross, Karina. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p190-215, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting research suggests that democratization can run counter to building peace in post-conflict contexts. This article analyses the effect of two competing strategies that external actors use to address the conflict of objective between democracy and peace: prioritization and gradualism. The prioritization approach advises sequencing, which means postponing support for democratization and concentrating first on peace in terms of the absence of violent conflict. The gradualist approach promotes peace and democracy simultaneously. This article offers a systematic analysis of these two prominent donor strategies. To this end, it focuses on two critical junctures in two similar post-conflict settings (Burundi and Nepal). Drawing upon extensive field research, the analysis shows that a gradualist approach is not more risk-prone than a prioritization strategy. To the contrary, the analysis suggests that even in most fragile contexts, gradualism can help to foster peace. Prioritization, in turn, may also contribute to the instability it aimed to prevent. Two factors condition the effect of the selected strategy on peace: which dimensions of democracy are affected and to what degree, and whether the institutional context reinforces or counteracts this trend.; (AN 48514489)
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4.

The Local/International Interface in Peacebuilding: Experiences from Bougainville and Sierra Leone by Boege, Volker; Rinck, Patricia. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p216-239, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, internationally supported peacebuilding is conceptualized as a cross-cultural relational endeavour, with international and local actors engaged in multiple forms of interactions in a local everyday context. Using a cultural-relational approach, two cases of peacebuilding are presented: Bougainville and Sierra Leone, which are at opposite poles of the spectrum of international-local peacebuilding interaction. Peacebuilding on Bougainville has drawn relatively little attention; the international intervention there was modest and small in size, and locals had considerable control of the peace process. By contrast, Sierra Leone is one of the best-known cases of peacebuilding, with massive external engagement and comprehensive external control. Both cases are considered success stories, but they differ considerably due to the differences in local-international relations. This is explained by focusing on two interrelated core aspects of the local-international interface: building relationships and trust, and security provision. Furthermore, another generally underestimated dimension of peacebuilding is explored, namely culturally different understandings of the spiritual realm and their effects on peacebuilding interventions.; (AN 48514490)
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5.

Where is Humanitarianism Going? by Mellado Dominguez, Alvaro. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p240-244, 5p; (AN 48514491)
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6.

Military cultures in peace and stability operations: Afghanistan and Lebanon by Friesendorf, Cornelius. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p244-247, 4p; (AN 48514492)
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7.

Paternalism beyond borders by Pingeot, Ms Lou. International Peacekeeping, March 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p247-251, 5p; (AN 48514493)
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14

International Relations
Volume 33, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Ethical traps in international relations by Lebow, Richard Ned; Frost, Mervyn. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p3-22, 20p; Abstract: We elaborate a little noticed strategy generally used by weaker actors both in domestic and international politics: the ethical trap. Actors who fall into such traps lose ethical standing and influence at home as well as abroad. We explore the concept of the trap and distinguish it from policy interventions and escalation in which there is no deliberate enticement. We document historical instances of successful ethical trapping both within states and between them. We also discuss traps that were not sprung. We contend that ethical traps have become an increasingly salient feature of contemporary asymmetrical warfare both within states and internationally. We conclude with some propositions about the global practice in which ethical traps are set and the conditions in which they are likely to succeed and some observations about the relative vulnerability of liberal and non-liberal regimes to these traps. This in turn says something important about the practical consequences of ethical violations in international affairs.; (AN 49284454)
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2.

Theorising feminist foreign policy by Aggestam, Karin; Bergman Rosamond, Annika; Kronsell, Annica. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p23-39, 17p; Abstract: A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. The overarching aim of this article is to advance a theoretical framework that can enable a thoroughgoing study of these developments. Through a feminist lens, we theorise feminist foreign policy arguing that it is, to all intents and purposes, ethical and argue that existing studies of ethical foreign policy and international conduct are by and large gender-blind. We draw upon feminist International Relations (IR) theory and the ethics of care to theorise feminist foreign policy and to advance an ethical framework that builds on a relational ontology, which embraces the stories and lived experiences of women and other marginalised groups at the receiving end of foreign policy conduct. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the novel features of the emergent framework and investigates in what ways it might be useful for future analyses of feminist foreign policy. Moreover, we discuss its potential to generate new forms of theoretical insight, empirical knowledge and policy relevance for the refinement of feminist foreign policy practice.; (AN 49284456)
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3.

Reluctant allies: system-unit dynamics and China-Russia relations by Korolev, Alexander; Portyakov, Vladimir. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p40-66, 27p; Abstract: This article attempts to advance the neoclassical realist framework by elaborating on the interaction between system-level and unit-level factors in the formation of states’ behavior. With an empirical focus on post-Cold War China–Russia relations, which represent the ambivalent combination of a consistently growing strategic entente and a simultaneous reluctance to form a full-fledged political-military alliance, this study establishes two major unit-level factors – differing economic models and negative historical memories – that create hurdles for alliance formation between the two countries. However, under greater systemic pressure from the US-led unipolarity, China’s and Russia’s state leaders have not only increased bilateral military-to-military cooperation but have begun to actively implement policies to deliberately transform, if not remove, the existing non-systemic hurdles. Therefore, the neoclassical realist framework can be understood and further tested as a dynamic interaction model in which the unit-level circumstances, while moderating the causal impact of the system, are themselves being transformed by the system via state policies, as is their impact on states’ foreign policy.; (AN 49284453)
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4.

Case study research and critical IR: the case for the extended case methodology by Lai, Daniela; Roccu, Roberto. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p67-87, 21p; Abstract: Discussions on case study methodology in International Relations (IR) have historically been dominated by positivist and neopositivist approaches. However, these are problematic for critical IR research, pointing to the need for a non-positivist case study methodology. To address this issue, this article introduces and adapts the extended case methodology as a critical, reflexivist approach to case study research, whereby the case is constructed through a dynamic interaction with theory, rather than selected, and knowledge is produced through extensions rather than generalisation. Insofar as it seeks to study the world in complex and non-linear terms, take context and positionality seriously, and generate explicitly political and emancipatory knowledge, the extended case methodology is consistent with the ontological and epistemological commitments of several critical IR approaches. Its potential is illustrated in the final part of the article with reference to researching the socioeconomic dimension of transitional justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina.; (AN 49284457)
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5.

Hierarchy salience and social action: disentangling class, status, and authority in world politics by Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p88-108, 21p; Abstract: Hierarchy is a persistent feature of international politics. Existing accounts recognize that there are many ways in which actors can stand in relation to one another. Yet they struggle to make sense of this complexity. This study considers Max Weber’s contribution to understanding international hierarchy. It discusses three ideal types of stratification based on the distribution of capabilities (class), estimations of honor and prestige (status), and command relationships (authority). Following the neo-Weberian approach, these dimensions matter because they make social action intelligible. Furthermore, Weber clarifies how class and status are connected and how these two dimensions relate to authority through the process of ‘social closure’. The study concludes that scholars who focus exclusively on authority structures miss the fact that authority typically derives from other forms of stratification: although based on different logics of social stratification, class and status hierarchies often coalesce into (legitimate) authority.; (AN 49284455)
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6.

Making liberal use of Kant? Democratic peace theory and Perpetual Peace by Simpson, Sid. International Relations, March 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p109-128, 20p; Abstract: The work of Immanuel Kant has been foundational in modern democratic peace theory. His essay Toward Perpetual Peacegives three prescriptions for attaining peace between democracies: republican institutions, a pacific union between states, and an ethos of universal hospitality. Contemporary democratic peace theory, however, has warped the Kantian framework from which it draws inspiration: the third prescription has been gradually substituted for commerce and trade. I argue that this change in emphasis produces tensions between Perpetual Peaceand the body of democratic peace theory literature it spawned. Moreover, I contend that a look back at Kant’s essay sheds light on why this transformation occurred. Finally, I use this new look back at Perpetual Peaceto reformulate the relationship between peace, democracy, and commerce so as to offer a new perspective on the democratic peace theory/capitalist peace theory debate.; (AN 49284452)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 43, no. 3, Winter 2019

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p3-6, 4p; (AN 48514426)
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2.

India's Counterforce Temptations: Strategic Dilemmas, Doctrine, and Capabilities by Clary, Christopher; Narang, Vipin. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p7-52, 46p; Abstract: Is India shifting to a nuclear counterforce strategy? Continued aggression by Pakistan against India, enabled by Islamabad's nuclear strategy and India's inability to counter it, has prompted the leadership in Delhi to explore more flexible preemptive counterforce options in an attempt to reestablish deterrence. Increasingly, Indian officials are advancing the logic of counterforce targeting, and they have begun to lay out exceptions to India's long-standing no-first-use policy to potentially allow for the preemptive use of nuclear weapons. Simultaneously, India has been acquiring the components that its military would need to launch counterforce strikes. These include a growing number of accurate and responsive nuclear delivery systems, an array of surveillance platforms, and sophisticated missile defenses. Executing a counterforce strike against Pakistan, however, would be exceptionally difficult. Moreover, Pakistan's response to the mere fear that India might be pursuing a counterforce option could generate a dangerous regional arms race and crisis instability. A cycle of escalation would have significant implications not only for South Asia, but also for the broader nuclear landscape if other regional powers were similarly seduced by the temptations of nuclear counterforce.; (AN 48514424)
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3.

The Demographic Transition Theory of War: Why Young Societies Are Conflict Prone and Old Societies Are the Most Peaceful by Brooks, Deborah Jordan; Brooks, Stephen G.; Greenhill, Brian D.; Haas, Mark L.. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p53-95, 43p; Abstract: The world is experiencing a period of unprecedented demographic change. For the first time in human history, marked disparities in age structures exist across the globe. Around 40 percent of the world's population lives in countries with significant numbers of elderly citizens. In contrast, the majority of the world's people live in developing countries with very large numbers of young people as a proportion of the total population. Yet, demographically, most of the world's states with young populations are aging, and many are doing so quickly. This first-of-its kind systematic theoretical and empirical examination of how these demographic transitions influence the likelihood of interstate conflict shows that countries with a large number of young people as a proportion of the total population are the most prone to international conflict, whereas states with the oldest populations are the most peaceful. Although societal aging is likely to serve as a force for enhanced stability in most, and perhaps all, regions of the world over the long term, the road to a “demographic peace” is likely to be bumpy in many parts of the world in the short to medium term.; (AN 48514422)
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4.

Bad World: The Negativity Bias in International Politics by Johnson, Dominic D.P.; Tierney, Dominic. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p96-140, 45p; Abstract: A major puzzle in international relations is why states privilege negative over positive information. States tend to inflate threats, exhibit loss aversion, and learn more from failures than from successes. Rationalist accounts fail to explain this phenomenon, because systematically overweighting bad over good may in fact undermine state interests. New research in psychology, however, offers an explanation. The “negativity bias” has emerged as a fundamental principle of the human mind, in which people's response to positive and negative information is asymmetric. Negative factors have greater effects than positive factors across a wide range of psychological phenomena, including cognition, motivation, emotion, information processing, decision-making, learning, and memory. Put simply, bad is stronger than good. Scholars have long pointed to the role of positive biases, such as overconfidence, in causing war, but negative biases are actually more pervasive and may represent a core explanation for patterns of conflict. Positive and negative dispositions apply in different contexts. People privilege negative information about the external environment and other actors, but positive information about themselves. The coexistence of biases can increase the potential for conflict. Decisionmakers simultaneously exaggerate the severity of threats and exhibit overconfidence about their capacity to deal with them. Overall, the negativity bias is a potent force in human judgment and decisionmaking, with important implications for international relations theory and practice.; (AN 48514421)
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5.

Why China Has Not Caught Up Yet: Military-Technological Superiority and the Limits of Imitation, Reverse Engineering, and Cyber Espionage by Gilli, Andrea; Gilli, Mauro. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p141-189, 49p; Abstract: Can countries easily imitate the United States' advanced weapon systems and thus erode its military-technological superiority? Scholarship in international relations theory generally assumes that rising states benefit from the “advantage of backwardness.” That is, by free riding on the research and technology of the most advanced countries, less developed states can allegedly close the military-technological gap with their rivals relatively easily and quickly. More recent works maintain that globalization, the emergence of dual-use components, and advances in communications have facilitated this process. This literature is built on shaky theoretical foundations, however, and its claims lack empirical support. In particular, it largely ignores one of the most important changes to have occurred in the realm of weapons development since the second industrial revolution: the exponential increase in the complexity of military technology. This increase in complexity has promoted a change in the system of production that has made the imitation and replication of the performance of state-of-the-art weapon systems harder—so much so as to offset the diffusing effects of globalization and advances in communications. An examination of the British-German naval rivalry (1890–1915) and China's efforts to imitate U.S. stealth fighters supports these findings.; (AN 48514420)
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6.

Correspondence: New Era or New Error? Technology and the Future of Deterrence by Snyder, Ryan; Pelopidas, Benoît; Lieber, Keir A.; Press, Daryl G.. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p190-193, 4p; (AN 48514425)
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7.

Correspondence: Will East Asia Balance against Beijing? by Sharp, Travis; Meyers, John Speed; Beckley, Michael. International Security, Winter 2019, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p194-197, 4p; (AN 48514423)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 54, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Unintended Consequences of EU External Action by Burlyuk, Olga; Noutcheva, Gergana. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p1-15, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is a gap in IR and EU scholarship concerning unintended consequences in an international context, leaving this important phenomenon understudied. To fill this gap, a conceptualisation of unintended consequences is offered, and a set of common research questions are presented, highlighting the nature (what), the causes (why) and the modes of management (how) of unintended consequences of EU external action. The Special Issue contributes to the study of the EU as an international actor by broadening the notion of the EU’s impact abroad to include the unintended consequences of EU (in)actions and by shedding new light on the conceptual paradigms that explain EU external action.; (AN 48770838)
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2.

The Unintended Consequences of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Negotiations by De Ville, Ferdi; Gheyle, Niels. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p16-30, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough stalled since 2016, the negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have had major unintended consequences. The TTIP led to demands from third countries to upgrade their trade relationship with the EU and to unprecedented politicisation. As second-order effects of the latter, it endangered the EU-Canada trade agreement and brought about reform of EU trade governance and amendments to EU trade policy positions. These unintended consequences occurred because of inflated expectations about and insufficient awareness of the different nature of TTIP with regard to scope and partner compared to other trade negotiations. In the meantime, EU trade policy has adapted to the new politics of trade, making unintended consequences less likely.; (AN 48770839)
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3.

Horizontal and Vertical Diversity: Unintended Consequences of EU External Migration Policy by Reslow, Natasja. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p31-44, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnintended consequences arising from EU external migration policy are a result of the multi-actor nature of this policy and of policy interactions. In addition, scholars face serious methodological challenges in establishing what the EU’s ‘intent’ is in external migration policy and, therefore, in determining which consequences are intended and which are unintended. The literature on the implementation and evaluation of EU external migration policy is in its infancy, and future work should take into account all policy outcomes – both those that were intended and those that were not.; (AN 48770840)
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4.

Purposefully Triggering Unintended Consequences: the European Commission and the Uncertain Future of the EU-ACP Partnership by Carbone, Maurizio. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p45-59, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe EU’s proposal to renew the EU-ACP Agreement in spite of a number of signals pointing in the opposite direction is, inter alia,the unintended consequence of independent decisions taken in three different policy areas (trade, environment, and foreign and security affairs). The common unintended consequence that the three decisions shared would not have materialised if the European Commission had not purposefully triggered it to justify its vision of future EU-ACP relations. These findings challenge the prevailing and superficial usage of the notion of the unintended as a synonym for unanticipated and undesirable, and demonstrate that unintended consequences do not necessarily presuppose lack of anticipation, but may well be the result of calculation by policymakers.; (AN 48770841)
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5.

The Unintended Consequences of the EU’s Rural Development Programme in the Arab Countryside by Kourtelis, Christos. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p60-75, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter the Arab revolts, the EU designed a new regional rural development programme to address the various political and economic threats in the Arab Mediterranean countryside. Although the programme is based on a new cognitive framework, it has generated unintended consequences that undermine its effectiveness. These consequences were predictable. They are a product of path dependency and the inability of policymakers to draw lessons from previous EU initiatives with similar aims and to contextualise the relationship between small farmers and political elites in the Arab countryside.; (AN 48770842)
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6.

The Unintended Consequences of a European Neighbourhood Policy without Russia by Casier, Tom. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p76-88, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter Russia’s retreat from the European Neighbourhood Policy, the EU’s policy towards its eastern neighbours was split up. The internal unintended consequence of the EU’s choice to leave its policy unaltered was a tension between the objective of privileged relations with ENP countries and a promise to recognise the interests of Russia as an equal partner. Externally, the unintended outcome was that this fostered two opposing strategic environments: a cooperative one for the EaP and a competitive one with Russia. In terms of the management of unintended consequences, the EU has actively sought to reinforce its normative hegemony towards EaP countries, while at the same time mitigating certain negative unintended effects.; (AN 48770843)
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7.

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine by Bouris, Dimitris. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p89-104, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe existing literature on state-building has focused mainly on post-conflict cases and ‘conventional’ examples of statehood, without taking into consideration the particularities of states that remain internally and/or externally contested. The EU’s engagement in Palestinian state-building through the deployment of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah has generated various types of unintended consequences: anticipated and unanticipated, positive and negative, desirable and undesirable, some of which fulfill and some of which frustrate the initial intention. These have important reverberations for the EU’s conflict resolution strategies in Israel and Palestine, the most important being the strengthening of power imbalances and the enforcement of the status quo.; (AN 48770844)
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8.

Unintended Consequences of EU Democracy Support in the European Neighbourhood by Dandashly, Assem; Noutcheva, Gergana. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p105-120, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union’s (EU) impact on the political governance of the European neighbourhood is varied and sometimes opposite to the declared objectives of its democracy support policies. The democracy promotion literature has to a large extent neglected the unintended consequences of EU democracy support in Eastern Europe and the Middle East and North Africa. The EU has left multiple imprints on the political trajectories of the countries in the neighbourhood and yet the dominant explanation, highlighting the EU’s security and economic interests in the two regions,cannot fully account for the unintended consequences of its policies. The literature on the ‘pathologies’ of international organisations offers an explanation, emphasizing the failures of the EU bureaucracy to anticipate, prevent or reverse the undesired effects of its democracy support in the neighbourhood.; (AN 48770845)
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9.

EU External Action, Intention and Explanation by Zwart, Frank de; Pomorska, Karolina. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p121-129, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACT“Unintended consequences” is an umbrella concept. It comprises phenomena that differ in crucial respects and consequently, without refinement, it remains a rather blunt instrument for policy analysis. The contributions in this volume, however, show that disentangling unintended consequences by making clear distinctions between various types, makes the concept much more useful for policy analysis. Assessing the impact of EU foreign policies as studied in this volume, we show that “bonuses”, “windfalls”, “accidents”, and “trade-offs” – all unintended – are very different when it comes to the explanation of policy outcomes, or to allocating responsibility for them.; (AN 48770846)
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10.

Palestine in World Society: Beyond Middle East Exceptionalism by Bilgic, Ali. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p130-131, 2p; (AN 48770847)
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11.

The Search for Meaningful Democracy in the Balkans by Lai, Daniela. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p132-133, 2p; (AN 48770848)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=48770848&site=ehost-live

12.

Libya and the US: A Fatal Nexus by Aliboni, Roberto. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p134-135, 2p; (AN 48770849)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=48770849&site=ehost-live

13.

Deepening Mutual Understanding: Mission Impossible for China and the EU? by Shichen, WANG. International Spectator, January 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p136-138, 3p; (AN 48770850)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=48770850&site=ehost-live

 

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