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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Assessing the performance of the European Union in Central and Eastern Europe and in its neighbourhood by Papadimitriou, Dimitris; Baltag, Dorina; Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p1-16, 16p; (AN 41283381)
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2.

“The transformative power of Europe” beyond enlargement: the EU’s performance in promoting democracy in its neighbourhood by Börzel, Tanja A.; Lebanidze, Bidzina. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p17-35, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper argues that the European Union’s (EU) performance in promoting democracy in its neighbourhood is not only compromised by the lack of a membership perspective but the selective sanctioning of non-compliance with democracy standards caused by conflicting foreign policy objectives. We identify two conditions for the EU’s consistent application of democratic conditionality: the absence of a stability-democratisation dilemmaand the presence of pro-democratic reform coalitions.If neither of these conditions is present, the EU is more likely to act as a status-quo than a transformative power prioritising (authoritarian) stability over uncertain (democratic) change.; (AN 41283380)
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3.

“Veni, vidi, …  vici?” EU performance and two faces of conditionality towards Ukraine by Burlyuk, Olga; Shapovalova, Natalia. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p36-55, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConcluding an Association Agreement (AA) has been a major incentive of EU conditionality towards Ukraine and most other Eastern Partnership countries. Contrary to what was intended and expected, Ukrainian government under the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych refused to conclude the AA and, in the course of the subsequent countrywide mass uprising, turned into a more authoritarian version of itself. To explore EU performance, in this case, the article analyses EU conditionality towards Ukraine in 2010–2014. If conditionality is conceptualised as intergovernmental bargaining, then EU policy failed because the conditions were not met by Yanukovych. However, if conditionality is conceptualised as a tool of societal mobilisation and differential empowerment of domestic actors, then EU policy succeeded because the desired outcome was achieved, albeit through an unexpected course of events. This second face of conditionality is essential to understanding EU performance and anticipating effects of EU policies in the neighbourhood.; (AN 41283383)
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4.

EU normative performance: a critical theory perspective on the EU’s response to the massacre in Andijon, Uzbekistan by Bosse, Giselle. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p56-71, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces a new analytical framework - EU Normative Performance- to examine the European Union’s (EU) policy towards autocratic regimes in its wider Eastern neighbourhood. Drawing on critical theory and the writings of Jürgen Habermas, EU Normative Performance does not define measures of a (cost-) efficient conduct of foreign policy, but develops benchmarks of an ideal-type emancipatory policy constrained by normative principles (Normative Performance as output) and derived from undistorted argumentative reasoning (Normative Performance as a process). The case study assesses the EU’s response to the Andijon massacre in Uzbekistan in May 2005.; (AN 41283382)
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5.

Between arbitrary outcomes and impeded process: the performance of EU Twinning projects in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood by Roch, Stefan. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p72-87, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines to what extent EU Twinning projects perform well enough to have a lasting impact on administrative reform in the Eastern neighbourhood. Through tracing the development of the Twinning instrument and analysing the implementation of a sample of Twinning projects in Moldova, the analysis concludes that Twinning has considerable deficits, in terms of both process, as well as outcome performance. To address the latter, the article suggests that Twinning needs to be better adapted to the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, as well as the specific demands of the Eastern neighbourhood countries.; (AN 41283384)
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6.

The more the merrier? Assessing the impact of enlargement on EU performance in energy and climate change policies by Bocquillon, Pierre; Maltby, Tomas. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p88-105, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the impact of enlargement on European Union performance in energy and climate change policies. It looks at process-driven performance, focusing on agenda-setting, negotiation dynamics and institutional change – as well as outcome-driven performance, looking at the ambitiousness of policy objectives and their implementation. The empirical analysis is based on qualitative, comparative case studies of EU climate change and energy security policies. The article shows that enlargement has had a nuanced but contrasted impact on the two areas. It also points to the recent assertiveness of Central and Eastern European Countries in both energy security and climate policy.; (AN 41283385)
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7.

Revisiting the role of domestic politics: politicisation and European Cohesion Policy performance in Central and Eastern Europe by Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p106-125, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article evaluates the influence of domestic political factors on the performance of Cohesion Policy (CP) in new member states. It argues that domestic levels of politicisation, within Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) can mediate the outcome-driven performance of the policy. Empirically this is probed against original empirical evidence from two cases studies: Bulgaria and Romania. Evidence was found to suggest that politicisation can affect the management and implementation of EU funds delivery. More specifically, political patronage damaged managerial continuity and the development of expertise in the specialised institutions managing CP. In addition, political clientelism was associated with some of the problems found in the selection of EU funded projects and, more pre-eminently, with regard to the allocation of public procurement contracts. The article discusses the wider theoretical implications of its findings and the impact of politicisation on the implementation of EU policies in CEECs.; (AN 41283386)
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8.

From ambitious goals to improper fit: hybrid performance of Phare pre-accession programme for civil society development in Bulgaria by Hristova, Dessislava. East European Politics, January 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 1 p126-142, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocused on the performance of the Poland and Hungary Assistance for Restructuring of the Economy (Phare) pre-accession programme for civil society development (CSD) in Bulgaria as a case-study of EU performance, the article examines the interplay between outcome and process-based performance by analysing Phare’s design and objectives and the domestic players and factors in its implementation. The article combines document research and qualitative data, as well as analysis on the current state of development of the civil society organisations in Bulgaria. It contributes to the study of EU performance in Central and Eastern Europe through drawing conclusions on how the Phare programme contributed to Bulgaria’s pre-accession process. The article argues that inappropriate and incomplete policy transfers hinder the performance of EU in domestic CSD. Delivery bottlenecks coupled with centralisation of the design and management structures, and ambivalence in the objectives-setting in CSD lead to a mixed overall performance.; (AN 41283387)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: New Challenges for the European Union in the Arab Mediterranean and the Revision of the European Neighbourhood Policy by Seeberg, Peter; Shteiwi, Musa. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: This Introduction presents a conceptual framework for the Thematic Issue of European Foreign Affairs Review and sets the analytical scene for the contributions. The point of departure for the articles is the launching of a comprehensive review of the European Neighbourhood Policy 18 November 2015. The review emphasizes that ongoing transition processes are affecting the Mediterranean states, leading to a complex and differentiated Middle Eastern reality, which challenges the EU and calls for a rethinking of European foreign and security policies. A key notion of the review is the term ‘stabilization’ and it is underlined that causes of instability not only can be found within a traditional security domain, but also should be traced back to weak economic and social development, migration, lack of opportunities, etc. The Introduction discusses theoretical paradigms of relevance for analysing recent perspectives of EU-Mediterranean cooperation.; (AN 41272694)
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2.

Libya and Syria: Inserting the European Neighbourhood Policy in the European Union’s Crisis Response Cycle by Koenig, Nicole. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p19-38, 20p; Abstract: Fostering peace and stability has been a key aim of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), but its effective impact on conflicts has been marginal. This article analyses the ENP’s security dimension through the conceptual prism of coherence. As a policy cutting across functional domains and governance levels the ENP faces horizontal and vertical coherence challenges. The empirical analysis focuses on two cases lying at the intersection of the ENP and comprehensive European Union (EU) crisis management: the EU’s responses to the Syrian and Libyan conflicts between 2011 and 2016. The analysis shows that the EU has gradually redirected ENP funds to short-term security- and migration-related goals. However, the EU has failed to ensure vertical coherence in the field of high politics. The externalities of the Libyan and Syrian conflicts might foster national preference convergence and thereby increase vertical coherence. While this should strengthen the ENP’s security dimension, the risk is that the policy’s distinct character as a tool for structural conflict prevention is diluted within an ever broadening comprehensive approach that focuses on conflict symptoms rather than root causes.; (AN 41272695)
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3.

The European Union’s Engagement in Conflict Processes and Conflict Spillovers: The Case of Lebanon Since the Onset of the Syrian War by Fakhoury, Tamirace. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p39-58, 20p; Abstract: The article explores the European Union’s (EU) conflict response to Lebanon in the wake of Syria’s war and its spillover effects. Seeking to boost the polity’s ‘resilience’, the EU has deployed resources and strategies to stabilize the country, enhance its social cohesion and promote ‘effective governance’. The EU has furthermore integrated Lebanon in its broader response to the outcomes of the Arab uprisings and the Syrian conflict. While the EU has become more attuned to Lebanon’s conflict environment, it has had limited effectiveness in handling Lebanon’s conflict processes against the benchmark of its declared goals. The EU’s realist-normative dilemmas and inability to address Lebanon’s core issues of contention emerge as constraining factors. The bloc is more effective in mitigating short-term strains through cooperating with the government on convergent interests such as security and refugee governance than playing an impactful role in conflict resolution.; (AN 41272698)
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4.

How to (Not) Walk the Talk: The Demand for Palestinian Self-Determination as a Challenge for the European Neighbourhood Policy by Beck, Martin. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p59-73, 15p; Abstract: The aim of the current article is to analyse the challenges for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to pursue a meaningful and effective policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on four dimensions: the history of European foreign policies toward the Middle East conflict, opportunities and constraints of realizing Palestinian self-determination, institutional opportunities and constraints for the ENP of walking the talk of an Israeli-Palestinian settlement, and policy options of the EU toward the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and their success conditions.The EU’s chances and constraints in addressing the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are discussed as structural challenges: the challenge created through the historical normative engagement of the EU, the problematic local conditions for constructively dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the European institutional capabilities and their limits to project its policy concepts on the Middle East. The critical discussion of the three-faceted system of challenges that the EU is exposed to when dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is followed by the presentation and assessment of different policy options in the light of success conditions to (not) walk the talk of dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in a productive way. The article comes to the conclusion that the EU is hardly capable of contributing to the realization of Palestinian self-determination.; (AN 41272697)
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5.

Migration, Mobility and the Challenge of Co-ownership Exploring European Union-Tunisia Post-Revolutionary Agenda by Zardo, Federica. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p75-89, 15p; Abstract: Soon after the jasmine revolution and the fall of Ben Ali’s regime in 2011, the migration and mobility dossier immediately entered the cooperation agenda between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia and dominated bilateral negotiations. The signature of the Joint Declaration for a Mobility Partnership was an important breakthrough in EU-Tunisia cooperation, since after decades of stalemate, the agreement allegedly sealed a new mutual will to cooperate in a sensitive policy area. Despite its pivotal role in the ‘new turn’ in EU-Tunisia relations, and against the EU declared quest for strengthened co-ownership, this contribution argues that the first steps of the EU-Tunisia Privileged Partnership in the realm of migration tend to replicate rooted dynamics rather than breaking with the past.It is contented that the permanence of deep institutional embeddedness in times of volatile transition limited the leeway of the Tunisian government, confirm the asymmetric nature of the relationship and questions the possibility for future cooperation priorities to be truly co-owned.; (AN 41272699)
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6.

Mobility Partnerships and Security Subcomplexes in the Mediterranean: The Strategic Role of Migration and the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policies Towards the MENA Region by Seeberg, Peter. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p91-110, 20p; Abstract: The present article discusses the negotiating and implementing of Mobility Partnership (MP) agreements between the European Union (EU) and Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, and Tunisia. Taking its starting point in the conceptual notions of subregional security complexes and non-traditional security issues, the article analyses the MPs by looking at the strategic significance of migration in the context of EU’s foreign and security policy cooperation with the five Arab Mediterranean states. The MPs are seen as an important element in the EU’s overall migration strategy, but have been met with reluctance by the Arab partner states. The article concludes that so far only to a limited degree have the MPs developed into well-functioning tools for managing the migration policies of the EU and its partners states, and that they seem mainly to play a role as instruments for the EU’s foreign and security policy interests.; (AN 41272700)
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7.

Youth as a New ‘Foreign Policy Challenge’ in Middle East and North Africa: A Critical Interrogation of European Union and US Youth Policies in Morocco and Tunisia by Huber, Daniela. European Foreign Affairs Review, January 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 1 p111-128, 18p; Abstract: It is not only since January 2011 and the so-called ‘youth revolutions’ that youth has become a key concept through which Europeans and Americans are viewing the Arab world. Since the 2000s, youth has increasingly entered European Union (EU) foreign policies in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and the revised neighbourhood policy has in fact devoted an entire section to youth unemployment. But are EU policies contributing to the inclusion of youth? Based on discourse analysis and a comparative approach with US policies, this article argues that the EU and the United States have framed youth exclusively in relation to their ideal vision of a liberal order in the region as an asset, challenge or threat. This has in turn justified foreign policies which are pushing for a further liberalization of the labour market in these countries and which reproduce gendered images of young Muslim men as terror threats and threats to women, young Muslim women as victims and non-productive. While the Arab uprisings have resisted this discourse and practice of Western actors, they have not succeeded to change them; Western policies remain resilient.; (AN 41272701)
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3

European Security
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

European diplomatic practices: contemporary challenges and innovative approaches by Bicchi, Federica; Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p391-406, 16p; Abstract: AbstractAs the aim of this special issue is to show practice approaches at work in the case of European diplomacy, this introduction provides readers with a hands-on sense of where the conversation about practices and European diplomacy currently stands. By introducing the key terms and overviewing the literature, the article contextualises the guiding questions of the special issue. It starts by reviewing how practice approaches have evolved in IR debates. It then describes European diplomacy’s nuts and bolts in a post-Lisbon setting. It continues by focusing on specific practices and analytical mechanisms that contribute to understand European diplomacy’s transformations and the role of security. While the debate about practices goes beyond the case of diplomacy, the latter has become a showcase for the former and this special issue continues the debate on practices and diplomacy by zooming in on the European Union.; (AN 40332799)
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2.

Doing Europe: agency and the European Union in the field of counter-piracy practice by Bueger, Christian. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p407-422, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe practice turn provides new avenues for core questions of international relations and European Studies. This article draws on a practice theoretical account to shed new light on the constitution of agency in global politics. An understanding of agency as achievement that requires significant practical work and the participation in international fields of practice is developed. Drawing on the case of the field of counter-piracy practice and the European Union’s (EU’s) work to counter piracy off the coast of Somalia, it is shown how the EU achieved the position as a core actor in the field. A detailed discussion of the EU’s work in interrupting and knowing piracy, in building capacity, and in governing piracy is provided.; (AN 40332800)
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3.

Making sense of the EU’s response to the Arab uprisings: foreign policy practice at times of crisis by Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p423-441, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Arab uprisings of 2011 put into question previously held understandings about the stability of authoritarian regimes in North Africa as well as the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with countries in its southern neighbourhood. Despite early calls on behalf of the EU to change its policies, the Union’s responses in the early stages seemed mostly characterised by continuity. This article claims that certain dispositions and background knowledge developed over several decades vis-à-vis EU’s Mediterranean policies served as a baseline from which EU officials and diplomats acted. Drawing on insights from practice approaches, the article argues that the practical understandings on what the EU can (and cannot) do vis-à-vis partner countries in North Africa create a kind of power politics of practical dispositions. The article focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy - the EU’s flagship initiative - and builds on a unique set of data that combine policy documents and interviews with about 30 EU officials and national diplomats from before and after the Arab uprisings. In this way, it illustrates how practice relates to change in that even though the EU’s responses drew on an established repertoire of practice, enacting it in a new context opened up new possibilities for action.; (AN 40332802)
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4.

The practice of burden sharing in European crisis management operations by Mérand, Frédéric; Rayroux, Antoine. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p442-460, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIf a European organisation decides to deploy a military force in Mali or a police mission in Afghanistan, member states probably believe that collective security is a public good that benefits them all. But who will lead the mission? Who will staff it? Who will pay for it? Who will risk casualties? While rational-choice theorists expect little burden sharing, constructivists expect a great deal more insofar as normative pressures are brought to bear on governments. The problem is that it is hard to find countries that systematically eschew their responsibilities or, contrariwise, systematically contribute their fair share out of a sense of moral obligation. In this article, we analyse burden sharing as an anchoring practice, shedding light on the social logic of burden sharing rather than abstract interests or norms. Established after the end of the Second World War, the field of European security has given birth to a “community of security practice” around the more or less routine task of determining national contributions to crisis management operations. Based on interviews with practitioners from the UK, France, Germany, Norway and Ireland, we analyse the impact of intersubjectivity, power and strategic culture on the practice of burden sharing.; (AN 40332801)
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5.

Europe under occupation: the European diplomatic community of practice in the Jerusalem area by Bicchi, Federica. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p461-477, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation.; (AN 40332803)
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6.

European security as practice: EU–NATO communities of practice in the making? by Græger, Nina. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p478-501, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean security is at a critical juncture and many have called for a more coherent and efficient response, involving both the EU and NATO. However, the primary tool for EU–NATO cooperation, “Berlin Plus”, has been stuck in a political quagmire since the mid-2000s, making a lot of scholars to conclude that this cooperation is obsolete and outdated. This article is challenging this view by analysing a range of informal but regular interaction patterns that have emerged. Using practice theory, it sheds new light on and explores how EU and NATO staff at all levels engage in informal practices on various sites in headquarters in Brussels and in field operations. A study of EU–NATO cooperation as practice focuses on the everyday, patterned production of security as well as what makes action possible, such as (tacit) practical knowledge and shared “background” knowledge (education, training, and experience). The article also discusses the extent to which shared repertoires of practice may evolve into loose communities of practice that cut across organisational and professional boundaries.; (AN 40332805)
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7.

The making of a diplomat: the case of the French Diplomatic and Consular Institute as an identity workspace by Baylon, Donoxti. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p502-523, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the creation of the Diplomatic and Consular Institute by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and conceptualises this new professional school of diplomacy as an “identity workspace” following the analysis of a cohort’s learning experience. This article aims to spark a debate from a practice perspective on diplomatic training as offered by Ministries of Foreign Affairs in Europe.; (AN 40332806)
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8.

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy by Chelotti, Nicola. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p524-541, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brussels-based) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states’ positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats’ conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On the whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent.; (AN 40332804)
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9.

Editorial Board European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40332807)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

China: the Party, the Internet, and power as shared weakness by Navarria, Giovanni. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe spreading application of digital networks throughout China’s social, economic and political structures exposes the Communist Party to new weaknesses that are increasingly exploited by citizens and used by them to contest and restrain its power monopoly. The Party successfully counters these trends by employing alternative web tactics. To make sense of this dynamic, the paper proposes a new concept of power as shared weakness (ruò shì jūn zhān de lì liàng). The term refers to the inability of actors (from the most powerful to the least powerful) to exercise full control over the digitally networked environment in which they operate.; (AN 41134194)
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2.

The emergence of private security governance. Assessing facilitating conditions in the case of Somali piracy by Staff, Helge. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p21-37, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFacing the threat of Somali piracy, private actors have created a private security governance framework by both issuing and implementing standards as well as offering operative security solutions through armed guards. Which conditions have facilitated this provision of private security? The present article approaches this research question in two innovative ways: Theoretically, by deriving four conditions from the literature on private climate governance and applying them to the security realm; and empirically, by analyzing the activities of Private Military and Security Companies and the shipping industry in the case of Somali piracy based on a series of semi-structured interviews. Thus, the article contributes to the literature on private security in at least two ways: it provides an extensive understanding of private security incorporating operative and regulative elements and it uses insights about private governance from a more developed field in order to understand private security governance more systematically. The article concludes that all four conditions prominent in the literature on climate change – risk perception, involvement of capital markets, governmental inability, and commodification – can successfully be applied to the case of Somali piracy and explain the emergence and dynamic of private security governance.; (AN 41134193)
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3.

Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance by Dalby, Simon; Moussavi, Zahra. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p39-55, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGeopolitics, climate change and environmental security operate in complicated and sometimes directly conflictual ways. Driven in part by national policies of food self-sufficiency in response to economic sanctions imposed on Iran by American and European policies, the destruction of one of the world’s largest inland lakes raises questions about the interaction of multiple forms of security, and in particular how securitizations by various actors interact at a number of scales. Lake Urmia in North Western Iran has rapidly dwindled in the last decade, a result of unsustainable water extractions to irrigate growing agricultural production of apples and other horticultural products. Clearly assumptions that security is additive across sectors and scales is not the case here as elsewhere, but the Urmia Lake episode emphasizes that they are in fact frequently operating at cross-purposes; national security strategies may compromise other forms of security quite directly. Blaming climate change, and possibly the deliberate use of climate modification techniques for the lake’s demise adds a key dimension to securitization discussions. This matters for security studies more generally now because climate change is increasingly being introduced as a macrosecuritization in international politics.; (AN 41134197)
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4.

Iraq’s struggle with de-Ba`thification process by Keskin Zeren, Aysegul. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p57-76, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTVetting/lustration/purging is one of many transitional justice mechanisms, designed for addressing the atrocities of a former regime, restoring peace, providing justice and engendering unity and reconciliation. It specifically aims to purify the public sphere of former regime members or of people who lack integrity. de-Ba`thification of Iraq is one of the latest transitional justice mechanism that can be examined under this category. The process of de-Ba`thification holds lessons and provides valuable insight into policy-making well beyond the Iraqi context. This article presents a detailed analysis of the implementation of de-Ba`thification process in Iraq and a number of lessons to be learned/relearned by policy-makers. Data gathering involves in-depth and formal interviews with the designers and implementers of de-Ba`thification project including Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) administrator and advisors; Higher National de-Ba`thification Commission (HNDBC) and Accountability and Justice Commission (AJC) members; other US and Iraqi officials.1; (AN 41134196)
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5.

What explains the success of preventive diplomacy in Southeast Asia? by Huan, Amanda; Emmers, Ralf. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p77-93, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInter-state preventive diplomacy (PD) has mostly been regarded as successful in Southeast Asia as evidenced by the absence of inter-state armed conflict. This success has generally been credited to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Yet, in terms of addressing specific crises, the paper argues that three factors are critical to the success of inter-state PD in Southeast Asia: the level of great power interest in particular disputes, the perceived legitimacy of the PD actor, and the nature of the agreement being sought. Great power interference complicates strategic calculations and is therefore likely to make it harder for PD attempts to succeed. Reversely, the critical involvement of the United Nations as a PD-doer and negotiator helps de-escalate violence in interstate disputes in Southeast Asia. The paper applies these factors to understand why the East Timor and the Preah Vihear Temple cases were successful exercises of PD while PD, in regard to the South China Sea dialogue, has so far only produced limited results.; (AN 41134195)
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6.

Should companies be involved in peacemaking, or mind their own business? by van Dorp, Mark. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p95-102, 8p; (AN 41134198)
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7.

Protest: a cultural introduction to social movements by Marcelli, Andrea Mattia. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p103-105, 3p; (AN 41134199)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Valuing the Contributions of Nonstate and Subnational Actors to Climate Governance by van der Ven, Hamish; Bernstein, Steven; Hoffmann, Matthew. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: Nonstate and subnational climate governance activities are proliferating. Alongside them are databases and registries that attempt to calculate their contributions to global decarbonization. We label these registries “orchestration platforms” because they both aggregate disparate initiatives and attempt to steer them toward overarching objectives such as improved transparency, accountability, and effectiveness. While well-intentioned, many orchestration platforms adopt a narrow conception of “value” as either quantifiable greenhouse gas (GHG) reductions or relevant outputs. We offer a more comprehensive approach to valuing nonstate and subnational climate governance that is rooted in recognizing the potential for initiatives to become far-reaching (i.e., achieve scale) and durable (i.e., become entrenched). We illustrate the comparative advantage of our approach with reference to a particular case of nonstate governance: The Carbon Trust’s attempt to create product carbon footprints. By tracing the direct and indirect impacts of product carbon footprinting, we show that initial failures to generate quantifiable GHG reductions or produce relevant outputs do not reflect the intervention’s broader impacts through scaling to other jurisdictions and entrenching business practices that contribute to decarbonization. Taking this broader view of “value” can help policy-makers better understand and gauge the contribution of nonstate and subnational climate governance to global decarbonization.; (AN 41266012)
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2.

Fighting for King Coal’s Crown: Business Actors in the US Coal and Utility Industries by Downie, Christian. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p21-39, 19p; Abstract: Over the last two decades, business actors have received growing attention in global environmental politics. In the context of climate change, scholars have demonstrated the capacity of business actors to directly shape outcomes at the national, international, and transnational levels. However, very little work has focused exclusively on business actors in the coal and utility industries. This is surprising, given that resistance from these industries could delay or even derail government attempts to address climate change. Accordingly, this article focuses directly on the preferences of business actors in the coal and utility industries. Drawing on interviews with executives across the US energy sector, it considers business preferences on two of the most important attempts by the Obama administration to limit emissions from coal: the Waxman-Markey bill and the Clean Power Plan. In doing so, it provides new insights about the preferences of these actors and the divisions within these industries that could be exploited by policy-makers and activists seeking to enact climate change regulations.; (AN 41266014)
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3.

Indigenous Belief Systems, Science, and Resource Extraction: Climate Change Attitudes in Ecuador by Eisenstadt, Todd A.; West, Karleen Jones. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p40-58, 19p; Abstract: Indigenous people around the world have been particularly vocal about climate change as a challenge to their cosmovision—or traditional worldview—resulting in demands for protection of the earth as part of their core beliefs. Is this because indigenous people are the most vulnerable, and feel the impact of climate change more directly? Or is it because of the centrality of the earth to their traditional beliefs? Using survey evidence from Ecuador, we examine how indigenous cosmovision, science, and vulnerability influence the belief that climate change exists. On the basis of one-on-one interviews with indigenous leaders in Ecuador, we argue that both traditional beliefs and Western science inform citizen views of climate change. We discuss the implications of these findings, arguing that rather than competing with science, the Kichwa-based cosmovision complements Western scientific efforts to combat climate change. We also find that proximity to oil extraction is an important determinant of belief in climate change in Ecuador, suggesting that conceptualizations of vulnerability should be tailored to the particular experiences of individuals.; (AN 41266013)
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4.

Stakeholder Engagement in the Making: IPBES Legitimization Politics by Esguerra, Alejandro; Beck, Silke; Lidskog, Rolf. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p59-76, 18p; Abstract: A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept “politics of legitimation,” we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.; (AN 41266005)
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5.

Institutional Mechanisms and the Consequences of International Environmental Agreements by Kim, Yoomi; Tanaka, Katsuya; Matsuoka, Shunji. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: This article examines the institutional mechanisms affecting the environment and economies of the member countries of international environmental agreements (IEAs), particularly focusing on the legalization and flexibility aspects of IEAs. To identify the factors that influence the consequences of IEAs, we applied the Bayesian probit model to a database including 123 IEAs related to 23 international environmental regimes. The environmental consequences data were taken from the existing database and rescored (Böhmelt and Pilster 2010; Breitmeier et al. 2006), and unintended economic consequences were identified using data from 209 countries. Legally binding IEAs showed a significant improvement of environmental performance, but a significant decrease was related to the presence of inflexible rules. Moreover, decision-making flexibility was positively related to environmental improvement, and negatively related to regime body flexibility. The economic consequences model showed a positive significant impact of the secretariat’s independence on the economies of member countries, while legally binding IEAs showed negative effects. All flexibility elements showed positive impacts on economic consequences. In our research, IEA uncertainty had negative effects on both the environmental and economic aspects; however, we observed positive relationships in the environment and economic analyses when IEAs promoted public goods.; (AN 41266008)
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6.

Regulatory Institutions and Market-Based Climate Policy in China by Goron, Coraline; Cassisa, Cyril. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p99-120, 22p; Abstract: Domestic regulatory institutions are essential components of emissions trading systems (ETS). Not only do they shape the ways that markets operate, they also condition the environmental value of the carbon credits they produce. However, the literature on global carbon politics has paid little attention to local ETS regulators. In a decentralized system increasingly based on a noodle bowl of diversified environmental markets, the study of carbon markets must integrate the institutions in which they operate. This article focuses on China, which, due to its size, is both keen to and expected to have a significant impact on the global system of market-based instruments. We examine how China’s regulatory institutions have worked to implement the seven ETS pilots launched since 2012, and tease out some implications regarding how China’s national ETS may contribute to global climate change governance. In this study, we analyze both formal and informal regulatory institutions, through the practice of local actors. The main finding is that the tension between the state and markets in China’s ETS implementation has resulted in a reinforcement of state domination rather than the emergence of robust regulatory institutions. The contribution that the ETS makes to China’s emissions reduction is also limited by more pressing environmental and industrial policies that local regulators must prioritize. Local nonregulatory implementation practices could undermine the long-term objective to integrate China’s ETS with others under article 6 of the UNFCCC.; (AN 41266006)
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7.

Protecting the Environment of the Final Frontiers by Koivurova, Timo. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p121-124, 4p; (AN 41266004)
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8.

Bennett, Brett. 2015. Plantations and Protected Areas: A Global History of Forest Management. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. by Gibbs, Gabriela Bueno. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p125-126, 2p; (AN 41266010)
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9.

Markham, William T., and Lotsmart Fonjong. 2015. Saving the Environment in Sub-Saharan Africa: Organizational Dynamics and Effectiveness of NGOs in Cameroon. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. by Hamann, Steffi; Schwartz, Brendan; Sneyd, Adam. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p127-129, 3p; (AN 41266009)
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10.

Nicholson, Simon, and Sikina Jinnah, eds. 2016. New Earth Politics: Essays from the Anthropocene.Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. by Zelli, Fariborz. Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p129-131, 3p; (AN 41266007)
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11.

Contributors Global Environmental Politics, February 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 piii-v, 3p; (AN 41266011)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 22, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Women, Peace, and Security: Are We There Yet? by Labonte, Melissa; Curry, Gaynel. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p311-319, 9p; (AN 39752994)
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2.

Pay the Polluter: Why South Korea and Japan Should Fund Abatement in China by Richey, Mason; Daewon, Ohn. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p321-330, 10p; (AN 39752987)
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3.

What Happened to the Responsibility to Rebuild? by Keranen, Outi. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p331-348, 18p; Abstract: While significant obstacles to the realization of the Responsibility to Protect in practice remain, it has nonetheless made considerable progress in transforming from an idea to an emerging norm. At the same time, however, its sister component, the Responsibility to Rebuild has elicited less scholarly and policy attention. The lack of attention to rebuilding responsibilities has been made all the more urgent by the violent aftermath of the first protection intervention in Libya in 2011. Against this backdrop, the article examines the way in which the Responsibility to Rebuild is understood and operationalized, with reference to Libya and Côte d'Ivoire, theaters of two recent protection interventions. The conceptual evolution of the Responsibility to Rebuild reveals a distinct shift toward a more statist understanding of the rebuilding phase; what was initially considered a part of the wider international protection responsibility has come to be viewed as a domestic responsibility. This recalibration of the responsibility to rebuild stems from the concept's association with the reactive element of R2P as well as from the changes in the wider normative environment. The more statist understanding of rebuilding responsibilities has manifested itself not only in the emphasis on domestic ownership of the rebuilding process in the wake of protection interventions, but also in the reconceptualization of the wider international Responsibility to Rebuild as a narrower responsibility to assist in building the capacity of the state subjected to protection intervention. This has been problematic in policy terms as the attempt to build capacity through the standard state-building measures has resulted at best in negative peace and at worst in armed violence.; (AN 39752993)
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4.

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and Legitimacy in Global Health Governance by Harman, Sophie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p349-368, 20p; Abstract: The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation brings to light the legitimacy problem with global philanthropy. The legitimacy problem here is twofold: first, with regard to the criteria used to assess the presence or absence of legitimacy in global governance; and, second, how analysis of legitimacy does not fully account for how we understand the legitimate basis of rule drawn from private wealth. This article begins to address this lacuna by analyzing the legitimacy of an actor that wields considerable authority in the field of global health politics and has growing prominence in contemporary global governance, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.; (AN 39752991)
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5.

A Catalyst for Cooperation: The Inter-Agency Standing Committee and the Humanitarian Response to Climate Change by Hall, Nina W. T.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p369-387, 19p; Abstract: Climate change is predicted to lead to an increasing frequency of natural disasters and humanitarian emergencies, yet scholars have not examined how the humanitarian community is responding to this issue. This article examines its initial engagement with the climate change regime and finds it was remarkably coordinated. Humanitarian agencies coauthored submissions to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and the leaders of major humanitarian organizations spoke on co-organized panels on the humanitarian perils of climate change. In fact, the overarching trend was cooperation, not competition, among humanitarian agencies. This is an intriguing finding as it runs counter to the dominant account of a humanitarian marketplace in which actors are constantly competing for resources. Instead, this article suggests that the Inter-Agency Standing Committee played a significant role in mobilizing and coordinating humanitarian organizations' initial efforts. It highlights how and to what extent institutionalized cooperation between international organizations enables further cooperation in new issue areas and regimes. Scholars of international organizations, global environmental politics, and humanitarianism will be interested in how cooperation emerged in the humanitarian regime and shaped subsequent interaction with the climate change regime.; (AN 39752985)
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6.

Voting Cohesion of the BRICS Countries in the UN General Assembly, 2006–2014: A BRICS Too Far? by Hooijmaaijers, Bas; Keukeleire, Stephan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p389-407, 19p; Abstract: In July 2014 during the sixth BRICS summit, the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa launched the Fortaleza Declaration and Action Plan, suggesting a further intensification and institutionalization of their cooperation in the field of foreign policy, including within the framework of the United Nations. This article examines the extent to which the intensification of BRICS cooperation in the field of foreign policy is reflected in their voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. It presents an original dataset of the degree of voting cohesion among the five BRICS countries. It demonstrates that, overall, there is no significant increase in the degree of voting cohesion since the start of the consultations in the BRIC framework in 2006.; (AN 39752984)
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7.

The World Bank as a Development Teacher by Bazbauers, Adrian. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p409-426, 18p; Abstract: The World Bank has been widely critiqued as a source of development norms. Yet one aspect of its activities has received relatively little academic attention: the socialization of development norms through training programs. This article addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing changes in the curricula, pedagogy, and methodology of the Economic Development Institute and the World Bank Institute—the teaching and learning arm of the World Bank. The article argues that, unlike the coercive nature of World Bank loan conditionality, the two teaching institutes have operated quietly in the background attempting to persuasively habitualize and naturalize member country participants into accepting particular understandings of and approaches to development as best practice and common sense. It concludes that the institutes have been active in the creation of toolkits used to socialize individuals into accepting and following World Bank development norms.; (AN 39752992)
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8.

The International Politics of South-South Trade by Scott, James. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p427-445, 19p; Abstract: South-South trade has become a core component of the contemporary trade debate, but the idea of using preferential trade agreements among developing countries to foster industrialization and diminish dependence on the North has a long history. This article examines the North-South and South-South politics surrounding two efforts to operationalize this idea—the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations Among Developing Countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Global System of Trade Preferences Among Developing Countries within the UN Conference on Trade and Development. It argues that the rich world has been somewhat obstructive in these efforts, but ultimately the primary cause for the weakness of these agreements is traced to failure by the Global South to make good on the rhetoric surrounding economic cooperation and South-South solidarity. Lessons from this history must be learned if current efforts to extend the GSTP are to bring greater benefits, particularly to the least developed.; (AN 39752990)
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9.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p447-451, 5p; (AN 39752988)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 12, no. 1, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Indonesia’s Environmental Diplomacy under Yudhoyono: A Critical–Institutionalist–Constructivist Analysis by Taufik, Kinanti Kusumawardani. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p1-26, 26p; Abstract: Indonesia’s environmental diplomacy during Yudhoyono’s administration gained positive international recognition, yet Indonesia’s high-profile diplomatic initiatives took place amid a continued path of environmental decline. Broadly defining environmental diplomacy as a mediating institution between universalism and particularism through the co-constitutive processes of environmental regimes, this article employs a critical–institutionalist–constructivist framework to explain the gap between Indonesia’s commitments to universal norms of environmental preservation and the corresponding local practices. Using both primary and secondary data, the research offers a boundary analysis of diplomacy as the hub between universal norms and local values concerning human–nature relations. Findings suggest that however assertive Indonesia may be in its external diplomatic initiatives, the benefits that it expects to gain from a ‘green reputation’ will only go as far as its efforts to strengthen the foundational local institutions that are required to adapt and localize its global environmental diplomacy strategies.; (AN 39363172)
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2.

Diplomatic Security for Hire: The Causes and Implications of Outsourcing Embassy Protection by Cusumano, Eugenio. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p27-55, 29p; Abstract: The increasing deployment of foreign service officials in fragile and post-conflict environments has enormously magnified the need to protect diplomatic premises and personnel. Consequently, several states have resorted to private security companies (pscs) as providers of diplomatic protection. As epitomised by the scandals surrounding the United States government’s use of armed contractors, however, the privatisation of diplomatic security has often proved problematic. This article analyses the scope, causes and implications of outsourcing diplomatic protection, assessing the extent to which the use of pscs by the usState Department offers an appropriate response to the need to secure diplomatic personnel in dangerous locations, and providing some policy recommendation on how to improve the effectiveness and accountability of privatised diplomatic protection.; (AN 39363177)
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3.

Russia’s Public Diplomacy in Central Asia and the Caucasus: The Role of the Universities by Fominykh, Alexey. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p56-85, 30p; Abstract: The article discusses the outreach practices of Russian universities in former Soviet republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus as a part of Russia’s public diplomacy effort. Perceiving the competitive environment of international education in the Commonwealth of Independent States in terms of geopolitical rivalry, the Russian government encourages state-owned universities to recruit more students and establish partnerships in this strategic region. As a result, focusing on Central Asia and the Caucasus for international student recruitment, Russian higher educational institutions not only pursue higher reputation and tuition revenues, but also perform as public diplomacy actors, supplementing and sometimes substituting the activities of official institutions.; (AN 38917345)
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4.

Emotional Diplomacy: Official Emotion on the International Stage, written by Todd H. Hall (2015) by Clarke, Amy. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p87-89, 3p; (AN 38887141)
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5.

Disruptive Power: The Crisis of the State in the Digital Age, written by Taylor Owen (2015) by Tigau, Camelia. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p90-92, 3p; (AN 38910035)
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6.

Turkey’s Public Diplomacy, written by B. Senem Çevik and Philip Seib (2015) by Morsink, Niels. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, December 2016, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p93-94, 2p; (AN 38916106)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 32, no. 2, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Note by Johnson, Loch K.; Phythian, Mark. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p143-143, 1p; (AN 41352421)
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2.

Announcement of the Best Article Award, 2016 by Johnson, Loch K.; Phythian, Mark. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p144-144, 1p; (AN 41352422)
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3.

US counterterrorism intelligence cooperation with the developing world and its limits by Byman, Daniel. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe US struggle against global terrorist groups depends heavily on intelligence cooperation, particularly with developing world countries that are autocratic. This dependence creates many problems. Autocratic allies often have politicized security institutions to prevent a coup and maintain the regime in power. Services will be reluctant to cooperate on areas of high regime sensitivity. Internal communication and information sharing is poor, and security services are often pitted against one another. In addition, the regimes often lack democratic legitimacy, corruption flourishes by design, and many senior leaders are chosen for loyalty, not competence. American influence will be limited, and at times providing fewer resources may gain more influence than providing more assistance.; (AN 41352424)
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4.

The incoherence of the only serious argument for torture by Harries, Emma. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p161-178, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe ticking-bomb scenario is a thought experiment designed to establish the moral permissibility of interrogational torture in a limited number of circumstances on utilitarian grounds. This article demonstrates that utilitarianism does not support the use of torture in any circumstances, not only because another method of interrogation is more efficient and effective, but also because the practice of interrogational torture undermines individual security and, in turn, the ability of authorities to provide collective security. Therefore, utilitarianism demands the absolute prohibition of torture.; (AN 41352423)
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5.

‘Gross inefficiency and criminal negligence’: the Services Reconnaissance Department in Timor in 1943–45 and the Darwin war crimes trials in 1946 by Morris, Narrelle. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p179-194, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe post-World War II Australian military war crimes trials of Japanese from 1945–51 have been criticised for using a rule of evidence considerably relaxed from the ordinary requirements of a criminal trial, one that did not require witnesses to give evidence in person. Circumstantial evidence suggests that, in relation to a trial held in Darwin in March 1946 for war crimes committed in Timor, the secretive Special Operations Australia, otherwise known as the Services Reconnaissance Department (SRD), took advantage of the rule. This article argues that the SRD did not allow their members to give evidence in person in an attempt to control and limit the dissemination of information about their operational and security failures in Timor from 1943–45. The SRD operation was adjudged by its own official historian as displaying ‘gross inefficiency and criminal negligence’. While the SRD’s failures were known to select personnel at the time, access restrictions to archival records in the post-war period, including the war crimes trials, meant that the extent of its failures and how it appeared to manage knowledge of them has not been widely known.; (AN 41352425)
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6.

An ethical defense of treason by means of espionage by Hatfield, Joseph M.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p195-207, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis essay argues that treason by means of espionage is ethically justified when six factors are present, two of which are: that the political community being betrayed fails to secure for its citizens basic human rights and other means of peaceful or otherwise lawful protest are unavailable. The paper begins by analyzing the application of several theories of ethics to treason, including: consequentialism, deontology, the Just War tradition, and Michael Walzer’s influential concept of ‘dirty hands.’ It then criticizes these points of view and offers an account of jus ad proditione per intelligentia(just treason by means of espionage) based upon Aristotelian thinking about ethics and politics.; (AN 41352427)
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7.

Operation Sussex: your worst enemy is your ally by Winslow, D. Rex. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p208-221, 14p; Abstract: AbstractOperation Sussex was an intelligence operation undertaken by the Allies in occupied France shortly before the Normandy invasion. English and American officers trained French agents to parachute into France, spy on German military movements, and send information back to London via radio. The Germans exposed a number of the Allied agents; nonetheless, the operation proved a major success. The key threat to Sussex came not from the Nazis, but from bureaucratic conflicts among the Allies. Despite the operation’s significance, the scholarly literature on it remains sparse. The foundation of this paper rests upon little used documents from various collections.; (AN 41352426)
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8.

Signal recognition during the emergence of pandemic influenza type A/H1N1: a commercial disease intelligence unit’s perspective by Wilson V., James M.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p222-230, 9p; Abstract: AbstractSome public health crises become threats to national security. In April 2009, the Veratect Corporation provided a series of escalated warnings to key members of the international public health community regarding unusual respiratory disease reporting activity in Mexico, later referred to as the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic. The warning sequence of the H1N1 influenza pandemic highlighted potential complementarity between that of an intelligence-inspired warning culture vs. a risk-averse, forensically oriented response culture favored by traditional public health practitioners. Both are required to address the current range of difficult-to-predict public health crises that become a threat to national security.; (AN 41352428)
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9.

National Intelligence University: a half century educating the next generation of U.S. Intelligence Community Leaders by Spracher, William C.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p231-243, 13p; Abstract: AbstractFounded in 1962, the National Intelligence University has evolved over more than five decades into living up to its current vision as ‘The Center of Academic Life for the Intelligence Community.’ With the intelligence reforms post-9/11 and the development of the NIU concept, the mission has changed from a military-centric focus of instruction to educating a more diverse audience from throughout the IC, both military and civilian, full-time and part-time, active and Reserves, with an emphasis on taking higher education to an interagency clientele spread globally and desiring different learning outcomes. The result is a rapid growth in offsite academic centers and a resurgence of certificate programs geared to professionals who already have a degree but wish to enhance their credentials in intelligence specialty fields. There is also an effort to revive concentrations and programs of study. This article outlines the steps NIU is taking to make itself more flexible and marketable to a growing and demanding academic audience that is much more than the uniformed DoD students who matriculated in the past with full-time resident study as their only option.; (AN 41352429)
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10.

Ultra revisited, a tale of two contributors by Welchman, Gordon. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p244-255, 12p; (AN 41352430)
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11.

British codebreaking and American diplomatic telegrams, 1914–1915 by Larsen, Daniel. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p256-263, 8p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the First World War, British intelligence solved the United States' diplomatic codes and were reading its diplomatic telegrams transmitted between Washington and US diplomatic outposts throughout Europe. Controversy has emerged over when the British succeeded in solving these codes, with two historians relatively recently having claimed that British intelligence succeeded in doing so from the beginning of the war or soon after. Through a thorough consideration of the available documentation, this piece aims to correct these mistaken claims and to date the completion of the British solving of American codebooks to the middle phase of the war, to between October 1915 and January 1916. It seeks to lay reliable foundations for further work by showing that research into the wartime impact of British signals’ intelligence on Anglo-American relations is necessarily limited to only the middle and later phases of the war.; (AN 41352432)
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12.

Spies, Patriots, and Traitors: American intelligence in the revolutionary war by Caddell, Joseph W.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p264-266, 3p; (AN 41352431)
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13.

The end of intelligence: espionage and state power in the information age by Shackelford, Philip C.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p267-269, 3p; (AN 41352433)
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14.

Pakistan’s counterterrorism challenge by Shaffer, Ryan. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p269-271, 3p; (AN 41352434)
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15.

The Unquiet Frontier: rising rivals, vulnerable allies, and the crisis of American power by Hughes, R. Gerald; dos Santos, Wagner Martins. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p271-273, 3p; (AN 41352435)
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16.

Spying through a glass darkly: American espionage against the Soviet Union, 1945–1946 by Bruce Craig, R.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p273-275, 3p; (AN 41352436)
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17.

The Angel: the Egyptian spy who saved Israel by Goodman, Melvin A.. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p275-277, 3p; (AN 41352437)
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18.

The president’s book of secrets: the untold story of intelligence briefings to America’s Presidents from Kennedy to Obama by Fripp, Will. Intelligence & National Security, February 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 2 p277-280, 4p; (AN 41352438)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 92, no. 5, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

TOC – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pi-i, 1p; (AN 39921010)
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2.

Editorial Board – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 39921011)
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3.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 39921012)
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4.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 39921013)
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5.

A gendered human rights analysis of Ebola and Zika: locating gender in global health emergencies by DAVIES, SARA E.; BENNETT, BELINDA. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1041-1060, 20p; Abstract: Globally gender remains a key factor in differing health outcomes for men and women. This article analyses the particular relevance of gender for debates about global health and the role for international human rights law in supporting improved health outcomes during public health emergencies. Looking specifically at the recent Ebola and Zika outbreaks, what we find particularly troubling in both cases is the paucity of engagement with human rights language and the diverse backgrounds of women in these locations of crisis, when women‐specific advice was being issued. We find the lessons that should have been learnt from the Ebola experience have not been applied in the Zika outbreak and there remains a disconnect between the international public health advice being issued and the experience of pervasive structural gender inequalities among those experiencing the crises. In both cases we find that responses at the outbreak of the crisis presume that women have economic, social or regulatory options to exercise the autonomy contained in international advice. The problem in the case of both Ebola and Zika has been that leaving structural gender inequalities out of the crisis response has further compounded those inequalities. The article argues for a contextual human rights analysis that takes into account gender as a social and economic determinant of health.; (AN 39920974)
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6.

Off‐road policing: communications technology and government authority in Somaliland by HILLS, ALICE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1061-1078, 18p; Abstract: Prompted by the trend to see information and communications technology (ICT) as a tool for capacity building, this article asks whether the use of ICT has—or can—recast centre–periphery relations in a hybrid country such as Somaliland. Taking as its departure point Herbst's observation that a fundamental problem confronting African leaders concerns how to extend or consolidate authority over sparsely settled lands, it uses recent developments in Somaliland's coast guard and immigration police to assess ICT's contribution to changing security provision in remote and coastal areas. This allows for an analysis of Somaliland's law enforcement framework, the relationship between its politics and practice, the practical application of its coercive resources, and the Silanyo government's priorities and preference for consensus and co‐existence whenever security imperatives allow. It suggests that ICT can be a desirable operational tool or a variable in existing power networks, but that it does not represent a new mode of security governance. ICT's potential to connect Somaliland's government and populace, and politics and practice, is for now minimal, but identifying the ways in which security actors such as coast guards actually use ICT allows for a more accurate assessment of the variables shaping centre–periphery relations. Contrary to Herbst's observation, the Silanyo government does not need to overtly or systematically extend, consolidate or exert its authority in remote and coastal areas. Spatial metaphors such as centre–periphery help to clarify the situation, but the significance invested in them reflects western rationalities, rather than Somali realities.; (AN 39920971)
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7.

UK cyber security and critical national infrastructure protection by STODDART, KRISTAN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1079-1105, 27p; Abstract: This article is intended to aid the UK government in protecting the UK from cyber attacks on its Critical National Infrastructure. With a National Cyber Security Centre now being established and an updated National Cyber Security Strategy due in 2016, it is vital for the UK government to take the right approach. This article seeks to inform this approach by outlining the scope of the problems Britain faces and what action the UK government is taking to combat these threats. In doing so, it offers a series of recommendations designed to further help mitigate these threats, drive up cyber resiliency and aid recovery plans should they be required. It argues that complete engagement and partnership with private sector owner–operators of Critical National Infrastructure are vital to the success of the government's National Cyber Security Strategy. It makes the case that for cyber resiliency to be fully effective, action is needed at national and global levels requiring states and private industry better to comprehend the threat environment and the risks facing Critical National Infrastructure from cyber attacks and those responsible for them. These are problems for all developed and developing states.; (AN 39920976)
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8.

The Paris Agreement and the new logic of international climate politics by FALKNER, ROBERT. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1107-1125, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews and assesses the outcome of the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP‐21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in Paris in December 2015. It argues that the Paris Agreement breaks new ground in international climate policy, by acknowledging the primacy of domestic politics in climate change and allowing countries to set their own level of ambition for climate change mitigation. It creates a framework for making voluntary pledges that can be compared and reviewed internationally, in the hope that global ambition can be increased through a process of ‘naming and shaming’. By sidestepping distributional conflicts, the Paris Agreement manages to remove one of the biggest barriers to international climate cooperation. It recognizes that none of the major powers can be forced into drastic emissions cuts. However, instead of leaving mitigation efforts to an entirely bottom‐up logic, it embeds country pledges in an international system of climate accountability and a ‘ratchet mechanism’, thus offering the chance of more durable international cooperation. At the same time, it is far from clear whether the treaty can actually deliver on the urgent need to de‐carbonize the global economy. The past record of climate policies suggests that governments have a tendency to express lofty aspirations but avoid tough decisions. For the Paris Agreement to make a difference, the new logic of ‘pledge and review’ will need to mobilize international and domestic pressure and generate political momentum behind more substantial climate policies worldwide. It matters, therefore, whether the Paris Agreement's new approach can be made to work.; (AN 39920978)
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9.

Washington's failure to resolve the North Korean nuclear conundrum: examining two decades of US policy by FARAGO, NIV. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1127-1145, 19p; Abstract: More than two decades of nuclear dialogue between the United States and North Korea have not prevented Pyongyang from conducting four nuclear tests and building up a nuclear weapons arsenal. Putting the blame for the failure of this dialogue solely on Pyongyang ignores the hesitancy and confusion of US policy. Historical evidence suggests that the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations consistently failed to prioritize their objectives and adopted an impatient and uncompromising negotiating strategy that contributed to this ongoing non‐proliferation fiasco. Identifying US policy mistakes at important crossroads in the dialogue with Pyongyang could help to prevent similar mistakes in the future. In this regard, the following analysis suggests a new approach towards Pyongyang based on a long‐term trust‐building process during which North Korea would be required to cap and then gradually eliminate its nuclear weapons in return for economic assistance and normalization of relations with the United States. Importantly, the United States might have to resign itself to North Korea's keeping an independent nuclear fuel cycle under supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as to accepting South Korea's request to independently enrich uranium and pyroprocess spent nuclear fuel. This would be a more favourable alternative to allowing North Korea to continue accumulating nuclear weapons. Moreover, if the United States continues on the Obama administration's failed policy path, then there is a better than even chance that the Korean Peninsula may slide into a nuclear arms race.; (AN 39920977)
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10.

City networks: breaking gridlocks or forging (new) lock‐ins? by ACUTO, MICHELE; RAYNER, STEVE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1147-1166, 20p; Abstract: There is today a global recognition that we live in an ‘urban age’ of near‐planetary urbanization where cities are at the forefront of all sorts of agendas. Yet little attention is offered to the active role of cities as political drivers of the urban age. There might today be more than two hundred ‘city networks’ globally, with thousands of para‐diplomatic connections actively defining relations between cities, international organization and corporate actors. This actively networked texture of the urban age shapes all areas of policy and, not least, international relations, and holds much promise as to possible urban solutions to global challenges. Based on an overview of a representative subset of this mass of city‐to‐city cooperation (n=170), this article illustrates the landscape of city networking, its issue areas and institutional shapes, and its critical features. As we argue, city networks today are faced by a crucial challenge: while trying to overcome state‐centric ‘gridlocks’ cities are, at the same time, building both political–economic as well as very material ‘lock‐ins’. We need to pay serious attention to this impact of city diplomacy in international affairs, developing a greater appreciation of the path dependencies and responsibilities this diplomatic activity purports.; (AN 39920970)
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11.

The framework nation: can Germany lead on security? by ALLERS, ROBIN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1187, 21p; Abstract: Can Germany lead on security? This article aims to address this question by looking at recent German contributions to European defence cooperation. In 2013 Germany introduced the Framework Nations Concept (FNC) as a systematic and structured approach towards joint capability development. The concept relies on the idea that bigger nations take the overall responsibility for coordinating the contributions of smaller partners in a capability package. The framework nation model as such is not new but the initiative has been welcomed as a potential game changer in European defence cooperation and as confirmation of Germany's commitment to NATO. In light of the Ukraine crisis, measures to adapt NATO and to strengthen the European pillar of the alliance have become more urgent. Allies and partners increasingly want Germany to extend its role as Europe's dominant economic and financial power to matters of security and defence. The framework nation model allows Germany to take international responsibility, while avoiding debates about leadership and hegemony. Moreover, as a framework nation, Germany can advance flexible cooperation among a smaller number of allies without undermining its commitment to multilateralism. But the FNC initiative also raises further questions: what is the added value of the framework nation model compared to similar formats; what should be the place of smaller groupings in the evolving Euro‐Atlantic security architecture; and how reliable is Germany in the role of a lead nation?; (AN 39920972)
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12.

The many faces of a rebel group: the Allied Democratic Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo by TITECA, KRISTOF; FAHEY, DANIEL. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1206, 18p; Abstract: This article discusses the case of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It shows how a variety of actors that have opposed the ADF group have framed the rebels to achieve a range of political and economic objectives, or in response to organizational and individual limitations. The DRC and Ugandan governments have each framed ADF in pursuit of regional, international and national goals separate from their stated desires to eliminate the armed group. The UN stabilization mission in Congo's (MONUSCO) understanding of the ADF was influenced by organizational limitations and the shortcomings of individual analysts, producing flawed assessments and ineffective policy decisions. Indeed, the many ‘faces’ of ADF tell us more about the ADF's adversaries than they do about the rebels themselves. The article shows how the policies towards the ADF may not be directly related to defeating a rebel threat, but rather enable the framers (e.g. DRC and Ugandan governments) to pursue various political and economic objectives, or lead the framers to pursue misguided operational plans (e.g. MONUSCO). In doing so, the article highlights more broadly the importance of the production of knowledge on conflicts and rebel groups: the way in which a rebel group is instrumentalized, or in which organizational structure impact on the understanding of the rebel group, are crucial not only in understanding the context, but also in understanding the interventions on the ground.; (AN 39920973)
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13.

Institutionalization, path dependence and the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship by XU, RUIKE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1228, 22p; Abstract: One of the remarkable phenomena in post‐Cold War world politics is the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship (AASR) in spite of recurrent announcement of its death by pessimists. Current scholarship on Anglo‐American relations largely draws on interests and sentiments to explain the persistence of the AASR, ignoring other important contributing factors such as institutionalization. This article is the first to give serious consideration to the role of institutionalization in influencing the persistence of the AASR. By using the concept of path dependence, this article argues that the high‐level institutionalization in Anglo‐American intelligence, nuclear and military relations plays a seminal role in contributing to the persistence of the AASR in the post‐Cold War era. The institutionalized intelligence relationship is exemplified by the relationship between the UK's Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) and the US's National Security Agency (NSA), which is underpinned by the UKUSA Agreement. The institutionalized nuclear relationship is exemplified by a variety of Joint Working Groups (JOWOGs), which is underpinned by the 1958 Mutual Defence Agreement. The institutionalized military relationship is exemplified by routinized military personnel exchange programmes, regular joint training exercises and an extremely close defence trade partnership. The high‐level institutionalization embeds habits of cooperation, solidifies interdependence and consolidates mutual trust between the UK and the US in their cooperation on intelligence, nuclear and military issues.; (AN 39920975)
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14.

Continuity and change in Angola: insights from modern history by VINES, ALEX. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1229-1237, 9p; Abstract: Angola may be entering a pivotal moment, triggered by persistently low oil prices and its president José Eduardo dos Santos (the world's second longest‐serving president) signalling that he may step down in 2018. Will this result in continuity or change? This review article of six books on modern Angola shows that since 1820, significant dips in international commodity prices have marked moments of lasting political change in the country. They also show that the history of Angolan nationalism is one of deep divisions and that political loyalty and support were often more about survival or ambition than about ideology and ethnicity. Throughout modern Angolan history personalities, such as Agostinho Neto, Jonas Savimbi and José Eduardo dos Santos, have also played a critical role in determining the country's fortunes. The single greatest foreign influence on Angola might be Cuba's ‘internationalist solidarity’ of sending up to five per cent of its population to Angola between 1976 and 1991 in support of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). Over a decade later, the Chinese also found that the MPLA government determined their partnership. This review article examines the strength of Angolan agency and how the drivers of change are complex, determined by personality politics, geopolitics, prestige, solidarity, cost–benefit analysis and timing.; (AN 39920979)
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15.

The Cambridge history of the Second World War by WARNER, GEOFFREY. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1239-1247, 9p; Abstract: Following on from earlier three‐volume histories of the Cold War and the First World War, Cambridge University Press completes a trilogy with this detailed treatment of the Second World War. Multi‐authored in the Cambridge tradition, the individual chapters cover a wide range of events and topics and the 81 contributors, mainly but not exclusively from the United Kingdom and the United States, include both scholars who have already established a reputation in the subject as well as those who are in the process of doing so. Perhaps the greatest strength of the volumes is the treatment given to what may be loosely referred to as the Pacific War. No one who uses them properly is going to have any doubts about the nature and importance of the struggle between Japan and its opponents between 1937 and 1945, and it is particularly encouraging to note the use of Chinese and Japanese sources by the authors, when so many English‐language books on the subject cite none. The principal weakness of the enterprise is its division into an unnecessarily complicated series of topics, which is not always adhered to by the authors and which often compels the unfortunate reader to skip backwards and forwards, not only within but between volumes. Despite this flaw, however, this remains an important contribution to the history of the Second World War and will need to be consulted by any serious student of the subject for many years to come.; (AN 39920980)
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16.

Before anarchy: Hobbes and his critics in modern international thought. By Theodore Christov by Spence, J. E.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1251-1252, 2p; (AN 39920982)
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17.

Terrorism and the right to resist: a theory of just revolutionary war. By Christopher J. Finlay by Bentley, David. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1252-1254, 3p; (AN 39920981)
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18.

The intelligence war in Latin America, 1914–1922. By Jamie Bisher by Plater‐Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1254-1255, 2p; (AN 39920984)
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19.

A Korean conflict: the tensions between Britain and America. By Ian McLaine by Warner, Geoffrey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1255-1256, 2p; (AN 39920983)
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20.

Between Samaritans and states: the political ethics of humanitarian INGOs. By Jennifer Rubenstein by Collinson, Sarah. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1256-1258, 3p; (AN 39920989)
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21.

After violence: transitional justice, peace, and democracy. By Elin Skaar, Camila Gianella Malca and Trine Eide by Nelaeva, Galina A.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1258-1260, 3p; (AN 39920992)
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22.

Legitimate targets? Social construction, international law and US bombing. By Janina Dill by Hoffmann, Alvina. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1260-1261, 2p; (AN 39920988)
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23.

Political culture, political science and identity politics: an uneasy alliance. By Howard J. Wiarda by Pervez, Muhammad Shoaib. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1261-1262, 2p; (AN 39920990)
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24.

Rising powers and multilateral institutions. Edited by Dries Lesage and Thijs Van de Graaf by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1262-1263, 2p; (AN 39920991)
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25.

The hacked world order: how nations fight, trade, maneuver, and manipulate in the digital age. By Adam Segal: Internet wars: the struggle for power in the 21st century. By Fergus Hanson by Nocetti, Julien. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1263-1266, 4p; (AN 39920987)
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26.

Atomic anxiety: deterrence, taboo and the non‐use of U.S. nuclear weapons. By Frank Sauer by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1266-1267, 2p; (AN 39920985)
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27.

US missile defence strategy: engaging the debate. By Michael Mayer by Boothby, W. H.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1268-1268, 1p; (AN 39920986)
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28.

Global inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization. By Branko Milanovic by Campanella, Edoardo. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1269-1270, 2p; (AN 39920993)
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29.

Accommodating rising powers: past, present, and future. Edited by T. V. Paul by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1270-1272, 3p; (AN 39920994)
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30.

The global governance of climate change: G7, G20, and UN leadership. By John J. Kirton and Ella Kokotsis by Torney, Diarmuid. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1272-1273, 2p; (AN 39920995)
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31.

Britain's Europe: a thousand years of conflict and cooperation. By Brendan Simms by Oliver, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1273-1274, 2p; (AN 39920997)
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32.

The lure of technocracy. By Jürgen Habermas. Translated by Ciaran Cronin by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1275-1276, 2p; (AN 39920998)
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33.

Mes chemins pour l’école [My pathways for education]. By Alain Juppé: Pour un État fort [For a strong state]. By Alain Juppé: Cinq ans pour l'emploi [Five years for employment]. By Alain Juppé by Dungan, Nicholas. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1276-1278, 3p; (AN 39920996)
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34.

Russia, Eurasia and the new geopolitics of energy: confrontation and consolidation. Edited by Matthew Sussex and Roger E. Kanet by German, Tracey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1278-1279, 2p; (AN 39921000)
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35.

Pluralism by default: weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics. By Lucan Way by Gould‐Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1279-1280, 2p; (AN 39921001)
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36.

On Stalin's team: the years of living dangerously in Soviet politics. By Sheila Fitzpatrick by Stan, Marius. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1281-1282, 2p; (AN 39920999)
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37.

The Gulf states in international political economy. By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen by Nonneman, Gerd. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1282-1284, 3p; (AN 39921002)
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38.

South Africa's political crisis: unfinished liberation and fractured class struggles. By Alexander Beresford by Vandome, Christopher. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1284-1285, 2p; (AN 39921003)
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39.

Pakistan at the crossroads: domestic dynamics and external pressures. Edited by Christophe Jaffrelot by Willasey‐Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1286-1287, 2p; (AN 39921004)
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40.

China's strong arm: protecting citizens and assets abroad. By Jonas Parello‐Plesner and Mathieu Duchâtel by Fulton, Jonathan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1287-1288, 2p; (AN 39921006)
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41.

When China goes to the Moon… By Marco Aliberti by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1288-1289, 2p; (AN 39921005)
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42.

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne by Maini, Tridivesh Singh. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1289-1291, 3p; (AN 39921007)
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43.

United States law and policy on transitional justice: principles, politics, and pragmatics. By Zachary D. Kaufman by Hurd, Hilary. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1291-1292, 2p; (AN 39921008)
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44.

The unquiet frontier: rising rivals, vulnerable allies, and the crisis of American power. By Jakub J. Grygiel and A. Wess Mitchell by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1292-1294, 3p; (AN 39921009)
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45.

Books reviewed September 2016 International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1295-1295, 1p; (AN 39921014)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 30, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Subverting Reality: The Role of Propaganda in 21st Century Intelligence by Fitzgerald, Chad W.; Brantly, Aaron F.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p215-240, 26p; (AN 41283621)
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2.

Operation Spiders: Fighting an Early Cold War Ukrainian Subversion behind the Iron Curtain by Bury, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p241-268, 28p; (AN 41283620)
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3.

Shin Bet and the Challenge of Right-Wing Political Extremism in Israel by Pascovich, Eyal. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p269-309, 41p; (AN 41283624)
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4.

What Science Can Teach Us about “Enhanced Interrogation” by Duke, Misty C.; Van Puyvelde, Damien. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p310-339, 30p; (AN 41283622)
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5.

Chilean Intelligence after Pinochet: Painstaking Reform of an Inauspicious Legacy by Matei, Florina Cristiana; de Castro García, Andrés. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p340-367, 28p; (AN 41283623)
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6.

An Evidence-Based Evaluation of 12 Core Structured Analytic Techniques by Coulthart, Stephen J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p368-391, 24p; (AN 41283625)
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7.

A DCIA Settles Scores by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p392-405, 14p; (AN 41283627)
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8.

Israel and the Two Germanys by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p405-411, 7p; (AN 41283626)
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9.

Understanding the Foe by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p412-416, 5p; (AN 41283630)
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10.

Misreporting the Agency by Lancaster, Earl. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p416-420, 5p; (AN 41283628)
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11.

A Scoundrel in Plain Sight by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p421-425, 5p; (AN 41283629)
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12.

Guarding the Door to the Persian Gulf by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p425-429, 5p; (AN 41283631)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, no. 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

Peacekeeping, Compliance with International Norms, and Transactional Sex in Monrovia, Liberia by Beber, Bernd; Gilligan, Michael J.; Guardado, Jenny; Karim, Sabrina. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p1-30, 30p; Abstract: AbstractUnited Nations policy forbids its peacekeepers and other personnel from engaging in transactional sex (the exchange of money, favors, or gifts for sex), but we find the behavior to be very common in our survey of Liberian women. Using satellite imagery and GPS locators, we randomly selected 1,381 households and randomly sampled 475 women between the ages of eighteen and thirty. Using an iPod in private to preserve the anonymity of their responses, these women answered sensitive questions about their sexual histories. More than half of them had engaged in transactional sex, a large majority of them (more than 75 percent) with UN personnel. We estimate that each additional battalion of UN peacekeepers caused a significant increase in a woman's probability of engaging in her first transactional sex. Our findings raise the concern that the private actions of UN personnel in the field may set back the UN's broader gender-equality and economic development goals, and raise broader questions about compliance with international norms.; (AN 41186333)
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2.

The Politics of Territorial Claims: A Geospatial Approach Applied to Africa by Goemans, Hein E.; Schultz, Kenneth A.. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p31-64, 34p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do states make claims to some border areas and not others? We articulate three models of territorial claims and test them using a novel geospatial data set that precisely maps disputed and undisputed border segments in post-independence Africa. The geospatial approach helps eliminate problems of aggregation by permitting an analysis of variation both within and between dyadic borders. We find that ethnic political considerations are the most important driver of territorial claims in Africa, while institutional features of the border play a secondary role. Border segments that partition ethnic groups are at greatest risk of being challenged when the partitioned groups are politically powerful in ethnically homogeneous societies. Border segments that follow well-established and clear focal principles such as rivers and watersheds are significantly less likely to be disputed, while changes to the border in the colonial period created opportunities for later disputes to arise. Power considerations or resources play only a minor role in explaining the location of territorial claims.; (AN 41186339)
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3.

International Labor Mobility and the Variety of Democratic Political Institutions by Bearce, David H.; Hart, Andrew F.. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p65-95, 31p; Abstract: AbstractUsing a new measure of immigration policy and examining thirty-six advanced industrial countries between 1996 and 2012, we seek to explain systematically the variation in external labor openness among the more advanced democracies as primary destination countries, using a model where the government feels political pressure through both a voter/electoral channel and a special-interests channel. With voters primarily pressing for immigration restrictions and special interest pressure aimed at immigration openness, democratic political institutions—like a parliamentary system and proportional representation voting with greater district magnitude that make governments more responsive to voters and less responsive to special interests—should be associated with less change toward a more open official immigration policy. Our statistical evidence accords with this expectation.; (AN 41186334)
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4.

The Economic Origins of the Territorial State by Abramson, Scott F. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p97-130, 34p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper challenges the long-standing belief that changes in patterns of war and war making caused the emergence of large territorial states. Using new data describing the universe of European states between 1100 and 1790, I find that small political units continued to thrive well into the “age of the territorial state.” Some scholars have argued that changes in the production of violence led to the dominance of geographically large political units during this era. In contrast, I find evidence that variation in patterns of economic development and urban growth caused fragmented political authority in some places and the construction of geographically large territorial states in others. Exploiting random climatic deviations in the propensity of certain geographical areas to support large populations, I show via an instrumental-variables approach that the emergence of towns and cities caused the formation of small and independent states.; (AN 41186335)
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5.

INO volume 71 issue 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b8, 8p; (AN 41186341)
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6.

INO volume 71 issue 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 41186340)
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7.

Producing the Climate: States, Scientists, and the Constitution of Global Governance Objects by Allan, Bentley B.. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p131-162, 32p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper argues that the climate came to take on a geophysical rather than a bioecological form in global governance because it emerged from a dynamic, interactive process between states and scientists. In the 1950s, state agencies, especially elements of the US military, steered and accelerated the development of the geophysical sciences, which set the discursive frame within which climate politics now plays out. In the 1990s, scientists and IO experts responded to states' requests to study carbon sinks by expanding the climate to include new greenhouse gases and land-use practices. Drawing on Science and Technology Studies as well as discursive theories of global governance, I theorize object constitution as a process of co-production in which states steer the development of scientific knowledge and scientists assemble epistemic objects. This contingent interaction of political and scientific actors shapes the form and content of global governance objects. The argument extends and challenges the epistemic communities literature and theories of the global governance life cycle that focus on how problems end up on the agenda of states rather than the processes of problem construction.; (AN 41186336)
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8.

Winning the Peace Locally: UN Peacekeeping and Local Conflict by Ruggeri, Andrea; Dorussen, Han; Gizelis, Theodora-Ismene. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p163-185, 23p; Abstract: AbstractIt remains contested whether peacekeeping works. The impact of peacekeepers’ actions at the local subnational level for overall mission success has lately received critical attention. Local peacekeeping is expected to matter because it reassures local actors, deters resumption of armed hostilities, coerces parties to halt fighting, and makes commitment to agreements credible. Thus peacekeepers affect the relations between central and local elites and avoid the emergence of local power vacuums and areas of lawlessness. This study uses new subnational data on the deployment of United Nations peacekeepers. It uses matching and recursive bivariate probit models with exogenous variables for temporal and spatial variation to deal with possible nonrandom assignment of the treatment. We demonstrate that conflict episodes last for shorter periods when peacekeepers are deployed to conflict-prone locations inside a country, even with comparatively modest deployment. The effect of peacekeeping on the onset of local conflict is, however, less clear cut.; (AN 41186337)
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9.

Does Foreign Aid Target the Poorest? by Briggs, Ryan C.. International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 p187-206, 20p; Abstract: AbstractTo examine the extent to which foreign aid reaches people at different levels of wealth in Africa, I use household surveys to measure the subnational distribution of a country's population by wealth quintiles and match this information to data on the location of aid projects from two multilateral donors. Within countries, aid disproportionately flows to regions with more of the richest people. Aid does not favor regions with more of the poorest people. These findings violate the stated preferences of the multilateral donors under study, suggesting that the donors either cannot or are not willing to exercise control over the location of aid projects within countries. The results also suggest that aid is not being allocated effectively to alleviate extreme poverty.; (AN 41186338)
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10.

Contributors International Organization, 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41186342)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 23, no. 5, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

A European return to United Nations peacekeeping? Opportunities, challenges and ways ahead by Koops, Joachim A.; Tercovich, Giulia. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p597-609, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis introductory article outlines the main rationale of the Special Issue and places the topic of the so-called ‘European Return to United Nations Peacekeeping’ in the wider context of recent policy developments and conceptual discussions related to the literature on UN troop contributions. It then outlines some of the key findings of the nine case studies (Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom) included in this issue. The article concludes that despite a recent engagement of a group of European countries in the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), expectations of a large-scale ‘return of Europe’ to UN peacekeeping are premature. While the MINUSMA experience will certainly spark important discussions and developments related to the future of UN peacekeeping and Western contributions, European countries will continue to commit only selectively troops on a case-by-case basis and only if a wide range of facilitating factors align as much as they did in the Mali case.; (AN 40230261)
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2.

France: the unlikely return to UN peacekeeping by Tardy, Thierry. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p610-629, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFrench policy towards UN peacekeeping reflects the ambivalence of what France wants to achieve in the field of conflict management and through which institutional frameworks it prefers to work. On the one hand, France is greatly involved in the design and decision-making process of contemporary UN-led peacekeeping operations. On the other hand, after having been present in the field during the early 1990s, France underwent a major policy shift that led it to distance itself from UN operations. This chapter offers a narrative of French policy and perceptions vis-à-visthe virtues and limits of UN peacekeeping operations in the twenty-first century. It examines the French level of contributions, decision-making process, motivations and lessons learnt from past and current operations. It also analyses the dichotomy between the political role that France plays at the Security Council and its absence from UN-led operations. It seeks to determine how coherent this dichotomy is, its rationale, and how likely – and under what conditions – it will change in the near future, in particular through a hypothetical French return to UN-led peacekeeping operations.; (AN 40230262)
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3.

The United Kingdom and United Nations peace operations by Curran, David; Williams, Paul D.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p630-651, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) approach to United Nations (UN) peace operations and whether Britain is prepared politically, bureaucratically, financially, and militarily to increase its contributions to them. The article begins with an overview of UK engagement with UN peacekeeping since 1956 before discussing the political issues that govern British decisions about peacekeeping. The third section then assesses several challenges that would need to be addressed in order for the UK’s increased participation in UN missions to be effective. Finally, the article outlines the main factors pushing the UK towards greater engagement with UN peace operations, including opinions voiced by select domestic, international, and institutional audiences.; (AN 40230263)
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4.

Germany and United Nations peacekeeping: the cautiously evolving contributor by Koops, Joachim A.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p652-680, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines Germany’s past, present and future approach to UN peacekeeping, particularly in the context of a potential ‘European return to UN Peacekeeping’ and the country’s recent commitment to contribute to the Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). By applying a conceptual framework for assessing facilitating and inhibiting factors related to Germany’s past and current participation in UN peacekeeping operation, the article argues that core reasons for German troop contributions range from bilateral partnerships and multilateral pressures, to the role of individual policy entrepreneurs and inter-organizational aspects. Yet, Germany’s culture of restraint and public scepticism towards military operations act as important inhibiting factors. Most crucially, Germany has since the early 1990s pursued an instrumentalist approach to UN peacekeeping in order to strengthen its international profile within a discourse of ‘assuming more responsibility’, to advance ‘normalization’ in security affairs and to enhance internal political and external bilateral security cooperation schemes. Germany’s recent commitment to MINUSMA and its discourse will not result in a ‘big bang’ return to UN peacekeeping, but rather to selective commitments on a carefully assessed case-by-case basis.; (AN 40230264)
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5.

Italy and UN peacekeeping: constant transformation by Tercovich, Giulia. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p681-701, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTItaly was admitted to the United Nations (UN) in 1955. In a mix of ‘genetic multilateralism’ of Italian society and the ‘institutional multilateralism’ of the Italian Constitution, the UN soon acquired a central position in Italian foreign policy and Italian participation in the UN and its institutions became increasingly active. Italy is the top troop contributor to UN Peacekeeping operations among Western countries. Since the 1960s, Italy has participated in 33 UN Peacekeeping operations. The Italian commitment to the UN faced four main turning points: the launch of the UNOSOM II mission in Somalia (1992), the contribution to the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (1999), the involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq (2001–05), and the engagement with the UNIFIL II mission (2006). By providing an historical overview of Italy’s approach to UN Peacekeeping and explaining the different engagements and disengagements drive through the shift in the foreign policy priorities of the country and the influence of domestic factors; this article aims to answer to the following questions: ‘How much will Italy be willing to contribute to UN Peacekeeping in the future?’ and ‘Does Italy see other multilateral options (EU and NATO) as alternatives to the UN?’; (AN 40230266)
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6.

A Dutch return to UN peacekeeping? by van Willigen, Niels. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p702-720, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article covers the Dutch role in UN peacekeeping. The Netherlands has a long tradition of political and military involvement in UN peacekeeping. Like other European countries, its participation decreased considerably from the end of the 1990s onwards. The Dutch only ‘returned’ in 2014 when they delivered a substantial number of troops for the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in Mali. This article starts with putting Dutch participation in UN peacekeeping into an historical context. It continues with an analysis of the reasons for withdrawal and subsequently explores the obstacles and opportunities for a structural return. The article argues that the decision to participate in MINUSMA is mainly explained by national interests and domestic factors. More in particular, government coalition politics explains why the Netherlands sent troops to Mali. In that sense, the Dutch ‘return to UN peacekeeping’ was not part of a structural change in policy-making, but depended for a large part on domestic political dynamics.; (AN 40230265)
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7.

Europe’s return to UN peacekeeping? Opportunities, challenges and ways ahead – Ireland by Murphy, Ray. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p721-740, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper argues that Ireland has been a consistent contributor to peacekeeping since 1958 and examines how the nature of Irish participation has evolved. The maintenance of an effective UN forms a key objective of Irish foreign policy within which peacekeeping and a policy of military neutrality have come to play a central role. In 1993, Ireland revised the legal basis for participation. This brought about a fundamental change in policy, after which participation in peacekeeping not specifically of a police nature was permitted. Ireland displays evidence of both self-interest and altruism in relation to peacekeeping. Unlike many other European countries, it did not ‘withdraw’ from engagement during the 1990s. Despite greater clarity around decision-making processes in recent years, it is still difficult to discern a clear Irish policy strategy. Challenges identified for the future include the changing nature of UN peacekeeping, budget limitations and downsizing of the Defence Forces, legal obstacles to participation in non-UN approved missions, risk assessment, national caveats and a lack of clear doctrine.; (AN 40230267)
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8.

Denmark and UN peacekeeping: glorious past, dim future by Jakobsen, Peter Viggo. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p741-761, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDenmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the cold war because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark’s foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by the interest in supporting the Western great powers as well as an altruistic desire to improve United Nations Protection Force’s (UNPROFOR) dismal humanitarian record in Bosnia. This belief was also generated by the positive lessons learned from Denmark’s pioneering use of tanks in UNPROFOR. This tank deployment and subsequent participation in NATO and US-led missions created a new warrior identity. This identity and the Danish interest in maintaining a close relationship to NATO’s great powers make a major Danish return to UN peacekeeping unlikely.; (AN 40230268)
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9.

Sweden and the UN: a rekindled partnership for peacekeeping? by Nilsson, Claes; Zetterlund, Kristina. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p762-783, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn June 1993 Sweden contributed 1,041 soldiers to United Nations (UN) missions, making up some 1.5 per cent of the total number of UN troops. Two decades later, the picture looked very different. In June 2013 Sweden only deployed one person to UN-led peacekeeping operations, excluding military observers and staff officers. This article explains the shifts in Swedish contributions to UN peacekeeping. It does so by first providing a background to Swedish historically strong support for UN peacekeeping, examining Sweden’s policy of neutrality and non-alignment as well as sense of moral duty to champion a more equal world order. This is followed by a discussion on the sharp decline in Sweden’s participation from the mid-1990s and its underlying reasons, such as the desire to transform the Swedish Armed Forces. The ensuing section considers Sweden’s participation in UN peacekeeping today, which expanded with the deployment of Swedish peacekeepers to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) in Mali. Finally, possible future scenarios are outlined. While Sweden is expected to continue to resolutely support the UN and its efforts, international security developments, particularly those close to home, together with financial considerations will likely be decisive to Sweden’s future contributions to UN peacekeeping.; (AN 40230269)
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10.

Between self-interest and solidarity: Norway’s return to UN peacekeeping? by Karlsrud, John; Osland, Kari M.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p784-803, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNorway has been a firm supporter of, and contributor to, UN peacekeeping operations. However, while increasing its financial support since the end of the Cold War, Norway has significantly downscaled its troop contributions to the UN, focusing on NATO operations. Rather than interpreting this as lessened interest in the UN, we point out that support and commitment cannot be measured solely in numbers of troops deployed. Norway’s commitment to UN peacekeeping should be understood as part of its strategic culture, here read as a synthesis between self-interest and solidarity, and between the UN and NATO. This article details the institutional, political and material challenges and opportunities for renewed engagement in UN peacekeeping.; (AN 40230270)
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14

International Relations
Volume 30, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by Ziegler, Charles E; Evans, Gareth. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p259-261, 3p; (AN 39958867)
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2.

Critical perspectives on the Responsibility to Protect: BRICS and beyond by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p262-277, 16p; Abstract: The articles in this Special Issue derive from a conference on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) held under the auspices of the Center for American and Global Security at Indiana University–Bloomington, 15–16 May 2015. The studies in this issue variously explore the development of the R2P in the United Nations, assess the role of the International Criminal Court in bringing perpetrators of mass atrocities to justice, introduce a territorial dimension to R2P, and elucidate the current position of non-Western emerging countries, specifically the BRICS, on R2P. The most ardent advocates of the doctrine tend to be from the major English-speaking liberal democracies, although prominent African statesmen were also instrumental in promoting the concept. The Libyan experience prompted a reassessment of R2P, magnifying suspicions that the norm may be simply a Western strategy for enhancing influence and effecting regime change. The idea of state sovereignty as responsibility domestically, and the possibility of international assistance to regimes struggling to protect vulnerable populations, has widespread support in the non-Western world. Coercive measures against predatory regimes are not rejected wholesale, but the BRICS are suspicious of Western motives in advocating forcible intervention and justifiably skeptical that such interventions will do more good than harm.; (AN 39958864)
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3.

The origins and evolution of Responsibility to Protect at the UN by Ziegler, Charles E; Cater, Charles; Malone, David M. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p278-297, 20p; Abstract: This article situates the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept, later accepted by many as a principle, in the wider flow of events following on the end of the Cold War. Among the hallmarks of change in the United Nations (UN) Security Council as of the early 1990s, in stark contrast to the Council’s preoccupations during its first four decades of activity, was its growing attention to humanitarian considerations relating to conflict, its new willingness to tackle conflicts (mainly internal ones) it might have avoided earlier, and its willingness to experiment with new approaches to resolving them. Just as worries over terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction were to become dominant themes in its work, the humanitarian imperative also incrementally wove itself into the fabric of the Council’s decision-making. It is against this wider backdrop and that of several spectacular UN failures to prevent genocide and other mass humanitarian distress that UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Kofi Annan was impelled as of 1999 to look beyond existing international law and practice for a new normative framework, that while formally respecting the sovereignty of states nevertheless elevated humanitarian concerns and action to the level of an international responsibility to prevent the worst outcomes. Today R2P finds itself competing with other legal and diplomatic principles, but it remains a potent platform for advocacy and, at times, for action by the UN.; (AN 39958870)
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4.

Can the International Criminal Court contribute to the Responsibility to Protect? by Ziegler, Charles E; Schiff, Benjamin N. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p298-313, 16p; Abstract: The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm asserts that states have duties beyond their borders to help avoid, respond to, and prevent recurrence of circumstances that produce massive human rights violations. Actions undertaken to implement those duties can include aid, reform, or more muscular involvements. The need for such engagement implies that the target state’s government is losing or has lost its legitimacy. Labeling by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of a conflict as a ‘situation’ under its purview asserts that large-scale crimes are likely taking place for which individuals should be held accountable. This should trigger R2P considerations. However, the fit between R2P and the ICC is uncomfortable. Although the ICC may appear a useful tool for R2P, forays into the politics of R2P by the ICC are undertaken at its peril. Moreover, so far, the ICC has not clearly had positive effects upon conflict. While the ICC can be idealized as a contributor to R2P, coordination is formally non-existent and the Court’s protection effects are ambiguous.; (AN 39958862)
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5.

The spear point and the ground beneath: territorial constraints on the logic of Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Waters, Timothy William. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p314-327, 14p; Abstract: The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) faces considerable criticism, of both its inefficacy – its failure to describe an effective pathway around the obstacles to humanitarian intervention in the sclerotic global security system – and its overreach, especially the risk that it enables pretextual agendas of intervention and regime change. Yet neither defenders nor critics have paid much attention to another possibility or risk incumbent in R2P: the likelihood, once intervention is undertaken, that the interveners themselves will be involved in a conflict over territory, whose likely solutions will include, not simply regime change, but partition. The doctrine as we now have it, built thoroughly on a state-centric logic, does not engage with this question, and indeed there are strategic reasons for ignoring the issue: acknowledging such a quality would be too much for R2P’s supporters to admit or its critics to accept. But whatever our normative orientation toward this rising or stumbling doctrine, we ought to be clear about where taking it seriously is really likely to lead us: sooner or later – and more often than we might wish to acknowledge – R2P interventions will force us to confront the logic of partition.; (AN 39958871)
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6.

Harmonizing ‘Responsibility to Protect’: China’s vision of a post-sovereign world by Ziegler, Charles E; Kozyrev, Vitaly. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p328-345, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the recent evolution of China’s policies toward the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept in the context of a changing international environment. As an example of an emerging ‘non-Western’ alternative to the existing normative consensus, the Chinese perception of the norm reflects the nature of the ongoing new East–West divide and is derived from Beijing’s new vision of a future world order and China’s role in it. In 2001–2011, China supported R2P as a new mechanism to revise Western practices of humanitarian interventionism and to contribute to a changing multilateral global international legal order exemplifying China’s new status as a responsible ‘global citizen’. When the R2P norm was politicized by the West as part of its global democratic interventionist policies of 2005–2014, China’s predominantly globalist vision of the international rule of law was replaced by its predominantly security-driven approach. This perspective, while recognizing the ongoing globalization of sovereignty, calls for a ‘right balance between justice and interest’ by the international community and denies the traditional Western leadership in the norm-making process. The Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders believe that the future evolution of the R2P concept should meet China’s strategic interests, including its global order-forming and institution-building initiatives. Efforts to operationalize the R2P norm will have to take this factor into account.; (AN 39958863)
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7.

Russia on the rebound: using and misusing the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p346-361, 16p; Abstract: Russian leaders consider the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) a Western liberal democratic norm that erodes sovereignty and threatens Russia’s great power status. They suspect the United States and Europe use R2P as a means of effecting regime changes that support their national interests, not as a purely altruistic effort to protect vulnerable populations. Having experienced state collapse, societal fragmentation, and a weakened foreign policy over the past two decades, Russia rejects the Western universalist interpretation of R2P in favor of a civilizational perspective that privileges the Kremlin’s interpretation of when intervention is or is not legitimate. A close analysis of domestic factors in Russian politics, combined with an understanding of Moscow’s newly confident approach to geopolitics, are needed to understand Russia’s position as one of the most vocal critics of the Responsibility to Protect.; (AN 39958865)
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8.

India and the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ganguly, Sumit. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p362-374, 13p; Abstract: India, though a working democracy, has adopted an ambivalent stance toward the genesis and evolution of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. This article traces India’s views toward the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention, outlines its reactions toward the advent of the norm, and discusses India’s positions on the attempts to apply it to recent international crises. It then argues that India’s cautious support for the principle stems in part from concerns about its potential abuse in the hands of the great powers, post-colonial concerns about the diminution of the norm of state sovereignty, and finally, its own domestic vulnerabilities in the protection of human rights.; (AN 39958869)
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9.

Brazil and Responsibility to Protect: a case of agency and norm entrepreneurship in the Global South by Ziegler, Charles E; Stuenkel, Oliver. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p375-390, 16p; Abstract: This article questions the still broadly accepted notion that the global debate about Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is divided into a Western (or Northern) ‘pro-R2P’ camp and a non-Western (or Southern) ‘anti-R2P camp’. In the same way, the relatively broadly accepted assertion that R2P is a Western concept overlooks the important contributions developing countries have made in the creation of the norm. Brazil’s stance vis-à-vis R2P, analyzed in this article, is a powerful example of this reality, and the country has, in the past years, temporarily assumed leadership in the discussion about how to strengthen the norm. Paradoxically, Brazil’s move was widely seen as obstructionist. This points to a broader bias that tends observers not to grant non-Western powers the same agency in the creation of rules and norms. The ongoing multipolarization will force observers to correct this vision, as countries in the Global South such as China will be increasingly able to ‘act upon’ R2P, a capacity that so far has been reserved for established powers.; (AN 39958868)
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10.

South Africa and the Responsibility to Protect: from champion to sceptic by Ziegler, Charles E; Smith, Karen. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p391-405, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an overview of the South African government’s evolving position on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). While the country was an advocate of R2P in the run-up to the 2005 United Nations (UN) World Summit and the related idea of non-indifference in Africa, its conduct while serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and subsequent developments have raised questions about its continued commitment to these principles. In particular, Resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya proved to be a turning point. It is argued that while South Africa continues to support the broad idea of civilian protection, it is in favour of a consultative, regional approach and has become increasingly critical of what it views as the selective application and militarisation of the R2P. In trying to make sense of the apparent contradictions in South Africa’s position, it is necessary to situate the debate against the background of broader tensions in its foreign policy, particularly around the promotion of human rights. These, in turn, are linked to divergent and multiple foreign policy identities that the post-apartheid state is still coming to terms with.; (AN 39958866)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 41, no. 3, Winter 2017

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p3-6, 4p; (AN 41226645)
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2.

Is Chinese Nationalism Rising? Evidence from Beijing by Johnston, Alastair Iain. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p7-43, 37p; Abstract: “Rising nationalism” has been a major meme in commentary on the development of China's material power since the early 1990s. Analysts often claim that rising nationalism, especially among China's youth, is an important force compelling the Chinese leadership to take a tougher stand on a range of foreign policy issues, particularly maritime disputes in East Asia. The rising nationalism meme is one element in the “newly assertive China” narrative that generalizes from China's coercive diplomacy in these disputes to claim that a dissatisfied China is challenging a U.S.-dominated liberal international order writ large. But is this meme accurate? Generally, research on Chinese nationalism has lacked a baseline against which to measure changing levels of nationalism across time. The data from the Beijing Area Study survey of Beijing residents from 1998 to 2015 suggest that the rising popular nationalism meme is empirically inaccurate. This finding implies that there are other factors that may be more important in explaining China's coercive diplomacy on maritime issues, such as elite opinion, the personal preferences of top leaders, security dilemma dynamics, organizational interests, or some combination thereof.; (AN 41226638)
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3.

Deterrence and Dissuasion in Cyberspace by Nye, Joseph S.. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p44-71, 28p; Abstract: Understanding deterrence and dissuasion in cyberspace is often difficult because our minds are captured by Cold War images of massive retaliation to a nuclear attack by nuclear means. The analogy to nuclear deterrence is misleading, however, because many aspects of cyber behavior are more like other behaviors, such as crime, that states try (imperfectly) to deter. Preventing harm in cyberspace involves four complex mechanisms: threats of punishment, denial, entanglement, and norms. Even when punishment is used, deterrent threats need not be limited to cyber responses, and they may address general behavior as well as specific acts. Cyber threats are plentiful, often ambiguous, and difficult to attribute. Problems of attribution are said to limit deterrence and dissuasion in the cyber domain, but three of the major means—denial by defense, entanglement, and normative taboos—are not strongly hindered by the attribution problem. The effectiveness of different mechanisms depends on context, and the question of whether deterrence works in cyberspace depends on “who and what.” Not all cyberattacks are of equal importance; not all can be deterred; and not all rise to the level of significant national security threats. The lesson for policymakers is to focus on the most important attacks and to understand the context in which such attacks may occur and the full range of mechanisms available to prevent them.; (AN 41226640)
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4.

What Is the Cyber Offense-Defense Balance? Conceptions, Causes, and Assessment by Slayton, Rebecca. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p72-109, 38p; Abstract: Most scholars and policymakers claim that cyberspace favors the offense; a minority of scholars disagree. Sweeping claims about the offense-defense balance in cyberspace are misguided because the balance can be assessed only with respect to specific organizational skills and technologies. The balance is defined in dyadic terms, that is, the value less the costs of offensive operations and the value less the costs of defensive operations. The costs of cyber operations are shaped primarily by the organizational skills needed to create and manage complex information technology efficiently. The current success of offense results primarily from poor defensive management and the relatively simpler goals of offense; it can be very costly to exert precise physical effects using cyberweapons. An empirical analysis shows that the Stuxnet cyberattacks on Iran's nuclear facilities very likely cost the offense much more than the defense. The perceived benefits of both the Stuxnet offense and defense, moreover, were likely two orders of magnitude greater than the perceived costs, making it unlikely that decisionmakers focused on costs.; (AN 41226641)
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5.

Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation: How States Pursue the Bomb by Narang, Vipin. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p110-150, 41p; Abstract: How do states pursue nuclear weapons? Why do they select particular strategies to develop them, and how do these choices affect the international community's ability to prevent nuclear proliferation? The bulk of the proliferation literature focuses on why states want nuclear weapons. The question of how they pursue them, however, has largely been ignored. This question is important because how states try to acquire nuclear weapons—their strategies of nuclear proliferation—affects their likelihood of success and thus the character of the nuclear landscape. Four strategies of proliferation are available to states: hedging, sprinting, hiding, and sheltered pursuit. Nuclear acquisition theory explains why a proliferator might select one strategy over the others at a given time. Empirical codings from the universe of nuclear pursuers, combined with a detailed plausibility probe of India's long march to acquiring nuclear weapons—including novel details—establish the analytical power of the theory. Different strategies of proliferation offer different opportunities and vulnerabilities for nuclear proliferation and nonproliferation, with significant implications for international security.; (AN 41226642)
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6.

Learning to Deter: Deterrence Failure and Success in the Israel-Hezbollah Conflict, 2006–16 by Sobelman, Daniel. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p151-196, 46p; Abstract: What are the sources of deterrence stability and under what conditions can weak actors deter stronger adversaries? To deter a superior adversary, the weak actor must convince it that if conflict breaks out, the weak actor would be capable of rendering its opponent's strategic capabilities tactical and its own tactical capabilities strategic. The deterrence relationship that has evolved between Israel and the Lebanese Hezbollah in the decade since—and as a result of—the 2006 Lebanon War (a.k.a. the Second Lebanon War or the July War) confirms this observation. A comparison of these two actors’ deterrence behavior in the years preceding the war and in its aftermath shows that one of the leading explanations for the ongoing stability along the Israeli-Lebanese border is that Israel and Hezbollah have learned to apply deterrence in a manner that meets the prerequisites of rational deterrence theory.; (AN 41226644)
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7.

Correspondence: NATO Non-expansion and German Reunification by Maass, Richard W.; Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p197-200, 4p; (AN 41226639)
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8.

Correspondence: Perspectives on the Pivot by Anderson, Nicholas D.; Silove, Nina. International Security, Winter 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 3 p201-205, 5p; (AN 41226643)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 51, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Interview with Nathalie Tocci on the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy by Tocci, Nathalie. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p1-8, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy, “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe”, presented at the European Council on 24 June 2016 by Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission, was drafted by Nathalie Tocci, Deputy Director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and co-editor of The International Spectator. Given the importance of the document, we asked Nathalie for an interview and 18 foreign policy experts from around the world to comment on it.; (AN 40217473)
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2.

The EUGS: Realistic, but Not Too Modest, Please by Coelmont, Jo. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p9-11, 3p; (AN 40217472)
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3.

The Birth of a Global Strategy amid Deep Crisis by Conley, Heather A.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p12-14, 3p; (AN 40217474)
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4.

A Post-Brexit Global Strategy by Dassù, Marta; Menotti, Roberto. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p15-16, 2p; (AN 40217477)
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5.

Looking Forward in a Realistic Way: Will the EU Understand? by Flôres, Renato G.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p17-18, 2p; (AN 40217476)
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6.

The European Union Global Strategy: Good Ambitions and Harsh Realities by Grand, Camille. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p19-21, 3p; (AN 40217478)
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7.

The EU’s ‘Caoutchouc’ Strategy: Something for Everyone by van Ham, Peter. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 40217475)
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8.

The EUGS: New Concepts for New Directions in Foreign and Security Policy by Howorth, Jolyon. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p24-26, 3p; (AN 40217481)
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9.

The EU Should Promote Democracy in its Backyard or Face Long-term Insecurity by Kodmani-Darwish, Bassma. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p27-29, 3p; (AN 40217480)
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10.

The Owl of Minerva by Kortunov, Andrey. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p30-31, 2p; (AN 40217479)
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11.

The EUGS after Brexit: A View from India by Kumar, Radha. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p32-33, 2p; (AN 40217484)
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12.

Sadly, the EUGS Reads More like a Symptom of the Problem than Part of a Solution for Europe’s Deep Crisis by Maull, Hanns W.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p34-36, 3p; (AN 40217483)
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13.

The EU Global Strategy: More Modest, Equally Challenging by Sidiropoulos, Elizabeth. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p37-39, 3p; (AN 40217485)
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14.

Ready for Adult Life? by Tsoukalis, Loukas. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p40-41, 2p; (AN 40217482)
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15.

Tokyo Wants a Stronger European Foreign Policy by Tsuruoka, Michito. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p42-44, 3p; (AN 40217487)
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16.

Pitfalls of the Global Strategy by Ulgen, Sinan. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p45-46, 2p; (AN 40217486)
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17.

Meeting the American Standard but Falling Short by Wright, Thomas. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p47-49, 3p; (AN 40217488)
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18.

A Realistic Strategy for Uncertain Times by Zaborowski, Marcin. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p50-51, 2p; (AN 40217491)
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19.

The EU Global Strategy after Brexit – A Chinese View by Hong, Zhou. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p52-54, 3p; (AN 40217490)
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20.

The Impending Water Crisis in the MENA Region by Joffé, George. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p55-66, 12p; Abstract: AbstractIn many respects the worsening water scarcity in the Middle East and North Africa has become an object-lesson in the water crisis facing the wider world as climate change becomes a reality. Although northern and southern temperate zones are likely to see increases in precipitation, the equatorial region will face increasing desertification as access to water declines in the face of continuing demographic growth. Competition over increasingly scarce resources will have major geopolitical and security implications and the Middle Eastern and North Africa region will act as a paradigm of what happens in a biome of water scarcity.; (AN 40217489)
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21.

Changing Hydropolitical Relations in the Nile Basin: A Protracted Transition by Tawfik, Rawia. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p67-81, 15p; Abstract: AbstractA new hydro-political order is emerging in the Nile Basin. Upstream riparian states have improved their bargaining power vis-à-vis downstream countries by adopting a common position in the negotiations over a new framework agreement to govern the utilisation of the Nile waters. Some upstream riparians have unilaterally constructed hydraulic projects that threaten Egypt’s hegemonic position in the basin, the most notable of which is the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Whether these developments will lead to a more equitable utilisation of water resources and a more cooperative order will depend on the policies of the riparian states, especially in the Eastern Nile. Respect of the Declaration of Principles on the GERD signed between Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan could help build trust between the three countries after years of tensions around the project. Beyond that, a basin-wide plan for the utilisation of water resources would not only maximise the benefits from the river and address the common challenges facing the basin, but also reduce the political costs of tensions on future projects.; (AN 40217492)
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22.

The Rebirth of Water as a Weapon: IS in Syria and Iraq by von Lossow, Tobias. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p82-99, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe so-called Islamic State (IS) has increasingly used water as a weapon in order to further its political and military aims in Syria and Iraq. In this water-scarce region, IS has retained water and cut off crucial supplies, flooded large areas as well as contaminated resources. The capture of large dams in the Euphrates and Tigris basin has made it possible to deploy the water weapon even more effectively and in a frequent, systematic, consistent and flexible manner. Measures to counter this weaponisation effectively have been limited to military means. However, several internal constraints create a dilemma for IS as its state-building ambitions conflict with the consequences of the weaponisation of water. The rebirth of using the water weapon in Syria and Iraq raises questions about protecting water infrastructures in conflict and post-conflict settings.; (AN 40217493)
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23.

Watershed or Powershed? Critical Hydropolitics, China and the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Framework’ by Middleton, Carl; Allouche, Jeremy. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p100-117, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe countries sharing the Lancang-Mekong River are entering a new era of hydropolitics with a growing number of hydropower dams throughout the basin. Three ‘powersheds’, conceptualised as physical, institutional and political constructs that connect dams to major power markets in China, Thailand and Vietnam, are transforming the nature–society relations of the watershed. In the process, new conditions are produced within which the region’s hydropolitics unfold. This is epitomised by the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation’ framework, a new initiative led by China that proposes programs on both economic and water resource development, and anticipates hydrodiplomacy via China’s dam-engineered control of the headwaters.; (AN 40217496)
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24.

The Watercourses Convention, Hydro-hegemony and Transboundary Water Issues by Gupta, Joyeeta. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p118-131, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2014 entry into force of the UN Watercourses Convention of 1997 could institutionalise water law globally, thereby countering hydro-hegemonic approaches. However, since the Convention is out of date; has been ratified by only 36, mostly downstream countries; does not require amendments of pre-existing treaties; and has no Conference of the Parties to ensure that it becomes a living treaty, its actual influence in addressing the evolving problems in transboundary river basins remains minimal. Nevertheless, it is not unimaginable that with an appropriate follow-up to this Convention, it could be converted into a living and relevant framework convention in the future.; (AN 40217494)
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25.

Reshuffling the Middle East: A Historical and Political Perspective by Kamel, Lorenzo. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p132-141, 10p; Abstract: AbstractThe Middle East is experiencing one of the darkest periods in its history and a new regional order is still far from being established. Yet, it appears increasingly clear that few matters will affect its developments more than the ongoing regional demographic dynamics. The region’s history and spatial background provide a framework for approaching these epochal shifts and critically examining the ‘ethnic stabilisation’ thesis, which interprets current demographic movements as a kind of normalisation of the region’s ‘original’ demographics. Instead of this ‘medievalization of the Middle East’, many people in the region are keen on ‘getting backinto history’ and ‘regaining possession’ of their multifaceted past: a powerful antidote to the geopolitical reductionism so popular nowadays.; (AN 40217495)
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26.

Ukraine: How Did We Get Here? by De Maio, Giovanna. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p142-143, 2p; (AN 40217497)
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27.

Enlarging Germany and the EU by Cameron, Fraser. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p144-145, 2p; (AN 40217499)
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28.

Recent Publications by Tonne, Gabriele. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p146-153, 8p; (AN 40217498)
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