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E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 33, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Authoritarian learning: a conceptual overview by Hall, Stephen G. F.; Ambrosio, Thomas. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p143-161, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is increasing evidence that the renewed resilience of authoritarian regimes is due, in part, to authoritarian learning. While scholarly interest in authoritarian learning is growing, it remains an underdeveloped area of study. This article aims to provide an overview of the state of the field and to promote future research and debate. It begins with a discussion of how the broader concepts of learning are applicable to authoritarian learning, specifically. It then examines the primary strands of the existing literature and identifies areas for future research. The final section introduces the following two contributions to this three-article symposium.; (AN 41881789)
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2.

Preventing a Colour Revolution: the Belarusian example as an illustration for the Kremlin? by Hall, Stephen G. F.. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p162-183, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMuch has been written about Russian authoritarian promotion in the former-Soviet Union and further afield, but there has been little analysis of Russian learning from other regimes. This article argues that the Belarusian regime provides lessons to Moscow for overcoming democratic protests, having learnt from the 2000 overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in Serbia. The Belarusian case therefore expands a literature primarily centred on Russia, extending understanding of authoritarian learning and questioning Russia’s role as the primary authoritarian promoter in the region.; (AN 41881788)
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3.

The fall of Yanukovych: structural and political constraints to implementing authoritarian learning by Ambrosio, Thomas. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p184-209, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the fall of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych as a failure of authoritarian learning. When confronted by the Euromaidan protests in November 2013, Yanukovych responded in a manner similar to that seen during the Arab Uprisings of 2011, attempting to adopt a series of counter-protest strategies (promise, repress, bribe, mobilise, divide) which preserved most Arab governments against mass protests. However, the strategies which worked in 2011 in the Middle East were not applicable in Ukraine in 2013–2014, as structural and political constraints within Ukrainian society made these strategies ineffective, at best, and counterproductive, at worse.; (AN 41881791)
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4.

Public scepticism of internationally supported civil society organisations: norms, citizen priorities, and local groups in post-socialist Serbia by Danković, Sladjana; Pickering, Paula M.. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p210-232, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite decades of Western assistance seeking to develop civil societies in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, many local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) lack strong bases in their societies. This field-based study of citizens’ views of Western-aided women’s organisations in four Serbian towns uses frame resonance to explore why. In interviews, many citizens felt that NGOs worked on issues that are abstract, unimportant, narrowly focused, and/or imported, even imposed. Serbian NGOs could increase ties to the public by pursuing activities that better resonate with local norms and priorities, as well as by framing and demonstrating their work as locally responsive.; (AN 41881790)
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5.

Europeanisation of interest intermediation in the Central and Eastern European member states: contours of a mixed model by Demidov, Andrey. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p233-252, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article analyses the effects of the EU on practices of interest intermediation in four Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states. It zooms in on the practical implementation of the EU partnership principle for the European Structural and Investment Funds as a requirement that prescribes a certain mode of interest intermediation. The article captures the state and evolution of practices of partnership and argues that a specific variety of partnership between the state and societal actors has emerged in the countries under scrutiny. Actors on the ground have actively engaged with the EU model of partnership, reinterpreted and adjusted it to the local conditions, thus producing a mixed model. The model is characterised by less institutionalised and formalised interactions between state and societal actors and actors’ normative orientation to transparency as the main benefit and purpose of partnership.; (AN 41881792)
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6.

Regional protest and electoral fraud: evidence from analysis of new data on Russian protest by Lankina, Tomila; Skovoroda, Rodion. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p253-274, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes electoral fraud encourage post-electoral protests? To explore the likelihood that citizens would pick up on electoral irregularities perpetrated in their region and engage in post-electoral protest we analyse regional protest event data and voting results for 95,415 precincts in Russia's 2012 presidential elections. We find that regional fraud is associated with post-electoral sub-national protests. Our analysis has important theoretical and policy implications. Protests that not only target specific issues like fraud, but show awareness of where it had been perpetrated can be much more effective than those where blame attribution is vague and generic.; (AN 41881794)
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7.

The European Union as a normative power: the case of Armenia by Loda, Chiara. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p275-290, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn September 2013, Armenia, after four years of negotiations, declared that it would join the Russian-led Eurasian Customs Union. That caused the interruption of the Association Agreement (AA) talks with the European Union (EU). In contrast with the Ukrainian case, no massive protests followed. This (non)-dynamic is interesting for two reasons: (1) large popular protests took place in Armenia over time; and (2) Brussels is committed to the empowerment of a democratic Armenian civil society. This article argues that this lack of popular reaction is related to the limited incisiveness of the EU at the grassroots level and concludes that, when intervening in the European Neighbourhood, modalities of action and resources must be tailored around the specificity of the case.; (AN 41881793)
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8.

Backdoor politics: politicisation through restructuring in the Bulgarian civil service by Zankina, Emilia. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p291-308, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article examines politicisation in the Bulgarian public administration by looking at the restructuring of administrative bodies. The article makes a case for adopting restructuring as an additional proxy measurement of politicisation next to already existing methods. Using this approach, the article examines variations in the level of politicisation across sectors and across time. The article argues that politicisation in the Bulgarian civil service is pervasive, legal restrictions often prove ineffective in uprooting politicisation, while external monitoring and control contribute to lower levels of politicisation.; (AN 41881795)
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9.

Talking the talk, but not walking the walk: gender equality in Eastern Europe by Rashkova, Ekaterina R.. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p309-315, 7p; (AN 41881796)
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10.

Return to Cold War by Dowling, Melissa-Ellen. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p316-317, 2p; (AN 41881797)
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11.

Citizenship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro: effects of statehood and identity challenges by Hoyo, Henio. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p317-319, 3p; (AN 41881798)
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12.

Transitional and retrospective justice in the Baltic States by Post, Vincent. East European Politics, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p319-320, 2p; (AN 41881799)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 22, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Accession of Iceland to the European Union: A Failure Beyond Repair? by Kobza, Piotr. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p129-145, 17p; Abstract: The EU membership negotiations of Iceland (2009–2013), suspended sine die by Reykjavik after the parliamentary elections to the Althingi in the spring of 2013, were commonly assessed as unsuccessful mainly due to specificities of Iceland as a Nordic country, wary of the European integration and whose economic interests were hardly in line with relevant EU legislation. The present article tries to balance the picture insofar as it concentrates on the conduct of the accession process of Iceland to the EU seen from the ‘Brussels’ side, and tries to answer if the process was conducted by the EU with enough leadership and energy. It also gives some recommendations as to a possibility to relaunch the process.; (AN 41858524)
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2.

High Stakes of the Small EU Partnership Instrument on the Eve of the 2017 Mid-Term Review by Melissen, Jan; Zweers, Wouter. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p147-158, 12p; Abstract: The European Union (EU)’s so-called Partnership Instrument (PI) captures the changing psychology of EU relations with rising powers, and has been designed to give more room for manoeuvre for EU external action. Two years of practice leading up to the 2017 Mid-Term Review have shown that the PI is instrument-driven rather than objective-driven, and that its strategic potential is undermined by lengthy committee-based procedures and sector-based programming. In an arena of vested interests, the PI’s significance is tied up with what EU stakeholders want to make of the European External Action Service (EEAS). National foreign ministries struggle to connect national objectives with EU interests, apart from the wider debate not addressed here as to where European interests come from when they are not based on national objectives. This article argues that national foreign ministries should consider the potentially positive effect on EU external action of this relatively small initiative, notably as the instrument to connect one European entity to other global powerhouses. EU Member States have so far been unable to link fully with the PI, and – like the EEAS and the European Parliament – they have too little clout to exert influence on the European Commission. The EU Global Strategy offers a window of opportunity for making the PI more political, expedient and flexible.; (AN 41858525)
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3.

The EU and the Negotiation of Global Development Norms: The Case of Aid Effectiveness by Lightfoot, Simon; Kim, Soyeun. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p159-175, 17p; Abstract: The EU is a major donor of development aid, so it can be argued to have a major role in shaping global development norms. By examining the EU normative leadership role in the Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness using four leadership categories we argue that the EU could be seen to be playing a more subtle leadership role than in previous aid summits, reflecting some issues regarding the ability of the EU to construct and support unified agendas in this field, but also showing some evidence of having learnt from other international summits, such as the Copenhagen climate change summit, and adapting its position towards the emerging donors accordingly. This case study both inform our understanding of the EU’s global leadership in development aid but also adds to the growing literature on the EU’s relations with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development – Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) and the relationship between the DAC and the so-called Non-DAC donors.; (AN 41858527)
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4.

Expectation Management? Contrasting the EU’s 2030 Agenda Discourse with Its Performance in Evaluating Policy Coherence for Development by Keijzer, Niels. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p177-195, 19p; Abstract: The United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development starts from the premise that global development depends equally on domestic policy action as on international cooperation. The EU strongly pushed for such a ‘universal’ agenda and called for reviewing the alignment of existing policies to the new agenda in reference to its legal commitment to promoting Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). This article analyses key trends in development evaluation since the 1980s, operationalizes the concept of PCD for evaluation purposes, and assesses the EU’s evaluation performance. The findings show a discrepancy between the Union’s ambitious 2030 Agenda position and its sub-optimal performance in evaluating PCD. Instrumental use of PCD in international negotiations to push for burden-sharing in development cooperation, an evaluation function focused on defending spending, diverging Member State support, as well as sheer methodological challenges explain this discontinuity that affects the EU’s credibility as a norm maker.; (AN 41858526)
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5.

Towards an Exclusive Competence of the EU to Conclude Climate Agreements? by Russo, Eleonora. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p197-212, 16p; Abstract: Up to now, the international climate change agreements have been negotiated and concluded jointly by the Union and its Member States, id est as mixed agreements. This situation is considered as a reason for the difficulties of the EU to play a leading role at the international level. However, since the conclusion of the first international climate agreements in the 1990s, the modifications of the EU Treaties, the evolutions of the Court of Justice case law and the development of the European internal climate policy modified the legal framework of the EU climate action. In light of these changes, this article examines, from a legal perspective, the possibility for the EU to negotiate and conclude alone future climate agreements. The analysis is divided in two parts. The first one examines the notion of mixed agreements and the conditions for mixity to be compulsory or discretionary, and verifies that climate agreements belong to the second category. The second part tries to demonstrate that the EU could claim today an exclusive competence in the field, excluding therefore the use of mixed agreements.; (AN 41858528)
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6.

From Single Voice to Coordinated Polyphony EU Energy Policy and the External Dimension by Richert, Jörn. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p213-232, 20p; Abstract: EU energy policy has often been criticized for disregarding external developments and for not speaking with a single voice in international affairs. Based on a broadly constructivist perspective, this article argues that such criticism is unwarranted. By analysing discursive and institutional changes in internal and external EU energy policy between 2000 and 2016, the article makes three major points. First, external developments were major drivers of the EU’s internal policymaking. Second, EU external energy policy has changed substantially over time and has made important steps towards the creation of a ‘single voice’. Third, such ‘single voice’ should not be taken as the only relevant attribute of EU external energy policy. Drawing on complexity theory and the EU external governance literature, the article argues that Europe should begin to regard its ‘polyphony’ as an asset rather than a burden – it should strive for many voices carrying coordinated messages.; (AN 41858529)
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7.

The Value and the Limitations of Comprehensive Multilateralism: An EU Perspective on the Asia-Europe Meeting by Christiansen, Thomas; Tsui, Shelly. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p233-252, 20p; Abstract: This article examines the attitudes of the European Union on the development of Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). It looks first at the trajectory of EU positions on ASEM, before specific sections explore the EU perspective on the style and format of ASEM, on the substantive issues under discussion, and on the wider geo-political relevance of the institution. In order to provide a critical assessment of the EU’s position, the article also discusses some of the key alternative relationships the EU has with the Asia-Pacific region, be it multilaterally or bilaterally. By way of conclusion, the article argues that despite the limitations of ASEM, the process still retains an added value in the context of the wider diplomacy between the EU and its Asian partners.; (AN 41858530)
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8.

The Causes of the EU’s Ineffectual Contribution to Resolution of the Abkhazian and South Ossetian Conflicts by Harpaz, Guy. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p253-270, 18p; Abstract: This article contributes to the literature on the EU’s conflict resolution efforts in general, and in the context of Georgia, in particular. First, it identifies a dissonance between the EU’s strong interest in the resolution of the Conflicts, its firm commitment to such resolution and its long-standing, engagement with a view to promoting such resolution, and its actual, ineffectual contribution to achieving that goal. Second, it analyses various factors which contribute to this ineffectiveness.; (AN 41858531)
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9.

Book Review: Lobbying in EU Foreign Policy-Making: The Case of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by, Benedetta Voltolini. (Abingdon/Oxon; New York: Routledge/UACES Contemporary European Studies. 2016) by Shapovalova, Natalia. European Foreign Affairs Review, April 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p271-273, 3p; (AN 41858532)
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3

European Security
Volume 26, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

How can European states respond to Russian information warfare? An analytical framework by Hellman, Maria; Wagnsson, Charlotte. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p153-170, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow can European democratic states respond to Russian information warfare? This article aims to enable and spur systematic research of how democracies can respond to the spread of distorted information as part of information warfare. The article proposes four ideal-type models representing different strategies that democratic governments can employ; blocking, confronting, naturalising and ignoring. Each strategy is illustrated by ways of empirical examples of strategies applied by European states in view of what is regarded as an unwelcome Russian strategic narrative that is spread as part of information warfare. We problematise each strategy and explore reasons for why states choose one strategy over another. We then explore how different strategies might contribute to destabilise or stabilise the security environment and how they resonate with democratic values. Finally, we contribute to theorising on strategic narratives by highlighting that the choice of strategy will influence states in their formation of strategic narratives. We thus further theorising on strategic narratives by highlighting the link between strategies and narratives, thus identifying one central dynamic in how narratives are formed.; (AN 41904045)
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2.

Russian military strategies in the Arctic: change or continuity? by Sergunin, Alexander; Konyshev, Valery. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p171-189, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper examines the nature of Moscow’s military strategies in the Arctic. It is argued that the roles of military power have radically changed since the Cold War era. According to Russian strategic thinking, instead of being a coercive instrument in a global confrontation between two superpowers and capitalist and socialist systems, now military power has new functions, such as to ascertain Russia's sovereignty over its (not their) exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region, protect Moscow’s economic interests in the North, prevent illegal migration and potential terrorist attacks against critical industrial and infrastructural objects, fulfil some dual-use functions (such as search and rescue operations, monitoring air and maritime spaces, providing navigation safety, mitigating natural and man-made catastrophes), help academic community in developing Arctic research, and carry some symbolic functions. These new roles, however, do not preclude military power from fulfilling its traditional functions, such as territorial defence, power projection, deterrence, and containment. Russia’s military modernisation programmes are described. The authors arrive at a conclusion that these programmes do not provoke an arms race or undermine the regional cooperation. To prevent negative security trends, a system of arms control and confidence- and security-building measures should be developed in the region.; (AN 41904046)
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3.

Perceptions of CSDP effectiveness in Ukraine: a host state perspective by Zarembo, Kateryna. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p190-206, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article makes a contribution to the little explored issue of evaluating the effectiveness of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Drawing on the interviews with local beneficiaries of two missions in Ukraine, one CSDP proper (European Union Advisory Mission) and the other a “hybrid” mission (EU Border Assistance Mission), the article analyses which factors shape the local beneficiaries’ perception of a mission being effective or non-effective. It shows the reputational approach deriving from the organisational theory can offer a fruitful theoretical framework for understanding CSDP perceived effectiveness on the ground. The article contributes to the studies of CSDP and its engagement with the host state as well as to the nascent academic and policy literature on CSDP and Ukraine.; (AN 41904048)
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4.

Smart and secure borders through automated border control systems in the EU? The views of political stakeholders in the Member States by Lehtonen, Pinja; Aalto, Pami. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p207-225, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Commission launched the “Smart Borders” policy process in 2011 to enhance border security in the European Union (EU) using technologisation and harmonisation. This includes the use of automated border control (ABC) systems. The Member States crucially shape the process, weighing security technologies and costs, privacy and rights, and further institutional choices. We examine the views of political stakeholders in four Member States by conducting a systematic empirical and comparative study unprecedented in the existing, political-theory-inspired research. In our Q methodological experiments, political stakeholders in Finland, Romania, Spain and the UK rank-ordered a sample of statements on Smart Borders, ABC and harmonisation. The factor analysis of the results yielded three main views: the first criticising ABC as a security technology, the second welcoming the security gains of automation and the third opposing harmonised border control. While impeding harmonisation, the results offer a consensus facilitating common policy.; (AN 41904047)
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5.

Interdependence, asymmetric crises, and European defence cooperation by Haroche, Pierre. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p226-252, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough international crises are often believed to represent windows of opportunity to strengthen European defence cooperation, recent crises have not seemed to produce a clear convergence of European Union (EU) member states’ security interests. This article seeks to address this puzzle by arguing that European defence cooperation is a response to crises that place European states in a situation of military interdependence. Conversely, asymmetric crises, i.e. crises that affect European states unevenly, encourage those states to maintain their autonomy of action. This theoretical argument is supported by two case studies: the failure of the European Defence Community in the early 1950s and the current difficulties experienced by the EU’s military operations. These two cases illustrate a striking continuity in that, because of (neo)colonial ties in particular, European states are often unevenly affected by international crises, which tends to make defence cooperation less effective.; (AN 41904049)
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6.

Between European and national role conceptions – the EU3 initiative regarding the Iranian Nuclear Programme by Schmitt, Eva Mareike. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p253-272, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper addresses whether Germany, France and the UK (the EU3) – with the EU in the background – can shape their own approach to a common Europeanised positionor even a European role conceptionregarding the Iranian Nuclear Programme. As the EU3 initiative appears situated between Europeanisation and national role conceptions, it seems that the EU3 members – after a coherent start – were finally inclined to readapt themselves to certain of their national role conceptions, resulting in a “mix” of national and European role patterns in the process leading up to 2016. Currently, this mix hints at still-prevailing hindrances involved in genuine European conflict management, although this outcome holds the promise of greater European coherence in the future.Abbreviations:E3: Germany, France and UK (without formal support of the EU); EU: European Union; EU3: Germany, France, UK and the “High Representative for the Common Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union”; EU3 + 3: official designation of the contact group concerning the Iranian Nuclear Programme, consisting of the EU3, the USA, Russia and China; IAEA: International Atomic Energy Agency; P5 + 1: informal designation of the contact group concerning the Iranian Nuclear Programme, consisting of the EU3, the USA, Russia and China (Permanent Security Council Members [P5] plus Germany); UK: United Kingdom; UNs: United Nations; UNSR: Security Council of the United Nations; (AN 41904050)
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7.

Forms of state and European energy security: diplomacy and pipelines in Southeastern Europe by Prontera, Andrea. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p273-298, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on natural gas and pipeline infrastructures, and adopting the concept of “forms of state”, the article examines the transformation of energy security politics in Europe. Three state models, with their related pattern of energy diplomacy, are sketched: the partner state, which describes the original politics of the European gas market; and the provider state and catalytic state, which describe two alternative possibilities of the emerging politics in the new institutional and ideational context promoted with the establishment of the internal energy market and the development of the EU’s external energy policy. By analysing the politics of pipeline in Southeastern Europe, the article argues that the catalytic state model with its related pattern of network energy diplomacy is more appropriate than the provider state model, supported by the market approach and its related pattern of multilateral diplomacy, to conceptualise the equilibrium emerging from the transformation of the previous system.; (AN 41904051)
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8.

Defense of the West: NATO, the European Union and the transatlantic bargain by Sperling, James. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p299-300, 2p; (AN 41904052)
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9.

Security relations between China and the European Union: from convergence to cooperation? by Pacheco Pardo, Ramon. European Security, April 2017, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 2 p301-302, 2p; (AN 41904053)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Erratum Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 42021993)
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2.

Resilience and environmental security: towards joint application in peacebuilding by Schilling, Janpeter; Nash, Sarah Louise; Ide, Tobias; Scheffran, Jürgen; Froese, Rebecca; von Prondzinski, Pina. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p107-127, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTResilience is a widely used concept among development, environmental, security and peacebuilding organizations. However, resilience has rarely been applied in conjunction with the potentially complementary concept of environmental security. Therefore, this paper explores how the concepts of resilience and environmental security can be jointly applied by non-governmental organizations working to implement peacebuilding projects in developing countries. We first review definitions of the concepts and explore their strengths and pitfalls. Second, we develop a conceptual framework for a joint application whereby environmental security sharpens the scope of resilience, while resilience allows for taking issues into account that a traditional environmental security perspective might miss. Finally, we apply the conceptual framework to a case study from Palestine.; (AN 42021989)
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3.

Assessing regional cooperation: ASEAN states, migrant worker rights and norm socialization in Southeast Asia by Auethavornpipat, Ruji. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p129-143, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states’ engagement with migrant worker rights focus on the experience of such workers from gender, labour and security perspectives. As such, these studies are yet to consider the broader impact of migrant worker rights on the process and nature of cooperation between ASEAN members. This article addresses this gap by framing migrant worker rights within the broader human rights socialization ongoing within Southeast Asia, driven by both members of ASEAN and external stakeholders. It argues that, contrary to many existing accounts of norms as creating shared commitments, migrant worker rights have led to considerable contestation, often driven by diverging national approaches to the issue. This article examines the impact of migrant worker rights norms on Thailand, the largest labour-recipient state in ASEAN. It asserts that Thailand’s diverging experience is caused by the lack of norm precision, resulting in the applicatory contestation of such norms.; (AN 42021987)
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4.

Expanding the peacekeeping agenda. The protection of cultural heritage in war-torn societies by Foradori, Paolo; Rosa, Paolo. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to explain the emergence and assess the politico-military significance of ‘cultural peacekeeping’ (CPK) as a new task for international peace operations. The aim is to provide a conceptual appraisal of CPK and an initial insight into its objectives, opportunities and challenges. The analysis supports the inclusion of a cultural component in the mandates of peacekeeping interventions, even if we must be wary of the inherent difficulties and risk of unintended consequences. These are not to be underestimated, at the risk not only of failing to achieve the mission’s objectives but also of further deteriorating security on the ground and beyond. It follows that CPK should not be mistaken, nor presented to the public, as a minor, light, and inexpensive operation. Quite to the contrary, it is an extremely complex and politically very sensitive politico-military major exercise that needs careful planning and adequate capabilities. Misunderstanding or mismanaging CPK can severely backfire. It is a ‘double-edged weapon’ that must be handled cautiously to avoid the risk of the enemy manipulating it to its own advantage.; (AN 42021988)
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5.

Securitizing charity: the case of Palestinian zakat committees by Milton-Edwards, Beverley. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p161-177, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, the argument is offered that securitization of the Palestinian zakat committees became a weapon in the counter-terror arsenal of Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) as each sought to exert hegemony over what became framed as a ‘common enemy.’ The article extends the debate as it relates to the increasingly hostile response by state actors and the international community to the work of non- and semi-governmental Muslim charitable actors evidenced by proscription regimes, financial investigation, and prosecutions. Focusing on the example of Israel and the PA, it is contended that the securitization of Palestinian zakat committees was part of a wider policy to inhibit Palestinian autonomy and portray Islamic faith agency as terroristic. Both Israel and the PA, as governing powers, have engaged in attempts to undermine Palestinian zakat committees and their contribution to welfare and humanitarian support in the complex and enduring environment of conflict.; (AN 42021992)
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6.

On (the lack of) Latin American supranationalism by Sanchez, Wilder Alejandro. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p179-187, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis commentary discusses the state of supranationalism in Latin America. We will enumerate the numerous regional organizations in the Western Hemisphere, and also discuss their successes and failures at regional integration. While integration has had some successes, supranationalism has yet to flourish among Latin American states and it will probably not for the immediate future. Empirical evidence suggests that, while inter-state warfare is scarce in the region, there are still too many inter-state tensions, including ongoing border disputes, as well as occasional incidents, which prevent supranationalism from taking hold. This explains the lack of a North Atlantic Treaty Organization-esque type South American bloc. Nevertheless, small-scale integration projects have been successful, like visa waivers systems, educational programs or defense-cooperation projects. Ultimately, in a changing global geopolitical system, the distrust for supranationalism remains the same in Latin America.; (AN 42021990)
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7.

The changing role of the Gulf in the international political economy by Legrenzi, Matteo; Lawson, Fred H.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p189-199, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the past half-decade, the role of the Gulf in the international political economy has changed dramatically. The region’s position as a supplier of world hydrocarbons has slipped, even as local consumption of oil and gas continues to expand. Gulf investments have shifted from the industrialized countries to the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi Arabia no longer exercises disproportionate influence in the Group of 20. Finally, relations with the People’s Republic of China and India have become truly interdependent, which gives the Gulf the capacity to exercise leverage over these two rising powers, despite its diminished position in global affairs.; (AN 42021991)
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8.

The improbable war: China, the United States and the logic of great power conflict by dos Santos, Wagner M.. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p201-202, 2p; (AN 42021995)
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9.

Grains by Kent, George. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p202-205, 4p; (AN 42021994)
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10.

Political philosophy and political action: imperatives of resistance by Pinckney, Jonathan. Global Change, Peace & Security, May 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 2 p205-208, 4p; (AN 42021996)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 17, no. 2, Spring 2017

Record

Results

1.

Climate Change and the UN Security Council: Bully Pulpit or Bull in a China Shop? by Conca, Ken; Thwaites, Joe; Lee, Goueun. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: Although claims about climate/conflict links remain contested, concerns that climate change will affect peace and security have gained traction in academic, activist, and policy circles. One set of pressures for responsive action has centered on the UN Security Council, which has held several often-contentious debates on the topic. Whether the Council should address climate change is a highly politicized question, tied to controversies about the Council’s mandate, membership reform, and the appropriate division of labor in the UN system. Lost in this political debate has been a more fundamental question—what exactly could the Council do? We examine six specific proposals for Council action culled from the academic and policy literature and the public positions of member states. These include incorporating climate risks into peacekeeping operations, developing an early-warning system, managing the threat to small-island states, engaging in preventive diplomacy, addressing climate refugees, and embracing a climate-related analogy to the norm of a responsibility to protect. For each proposal, our analysis—which is based on interviews conducted at the UN, archival research, and case histories of past instances of adapting the Council’s focus to new challenges—examines what it would mean and require for the Council to act. We also identify a series of measures that constitute a “pragmatic transformative” agenda. These steps recognize the poor fit between the climate challenge and the Council as it is currently constituted, but also the potential to use climate as part of a larger transformation toward the better Council the world needs.; (AN 41851903)
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2.

Transnational Public-Private Partnerships as Learning Facilitators: Global Governance of Mercury by Sun, Yixian. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p21-44, 24p; Abstract: Drawing from theories of regime interplay and social learning, this article investigates linkages between hybrid governance schemes and intergovernmental regimes. My analytic framework suggests that, by enhancing cooperation among stakeholders, transnational public-private partnerships will facilitate policy-makers’ learning, and accordingly advance the formation of intergovernmental regimes. Here I use qualitative methods to examine the influence of the UNEP Global Mercury Partnership on negotiations over different components of the Minamata Convention on Mercury. Technical and scientific information provided by this partnership helped relevant policy-makers understand the problems to be addressed and some appropriate solutions, thereby accelerating the consensus-making process and shaping the features of certain provisions. I also compare the influences of different partnership areas, revealing that inclusive stakeholder engagement and boundary coordination between different governance schemes are two important conditions for transnational partnerships to promote cooperation in intergovernmental fora.; (AN 41851907)
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3.

A Polycentric Approach to Global Climate Governance by Dorsch, Marcel J.; Flachsland, Christian. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p45-64, 20p; Abstract: As international climate negotiations under the UNFCCC have adopted the goal to limit the increase in global mean temperature to well below 2° C, a highly differentiated—but largely uncoordinated—global climate governance system has emerged. Although coordinated global collectiveaction for mitigating climate change sufficiently to meet the 2°-C goal is still lacking, a multitude of multilateral, minilateral, transnational, national, subnational, and nonstate actors have emerged. This article offers a critical specification of the attempt by Elinor Ostrom and those influenced by her in the literature to conceptualize this climate governance reality as a polycentricapproach. We claim that the concept of polycentricity offers high descriptive value for understanding the horizontal and vertical differentiations of current climate governance, and present systematic analysis of a polycentric approach to deliberately enhance the design of the emerging global climate governance architecture. To systematize the Ostromean literature on polycentric climate governance, we identify and specify four key features for climate mitigation governance and their related mechanisms: an emphasis on self-organization, a recognition of site-specific conditions, the facilitation of experimentation and learning, and the building of trust. After discussing objections to a polycentric approach, we conclude by tentatively evaluating its potential to enhance the effectiveness of climate mitigation, and identify central tasks for the efficient design of a polycentric global climate governance regime.; (AN 41851906)
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4.

Sensing Reality? New Monitoring Technologies for Global Sustainability Standards by Gale, Fred; Ascui, Francisco; Lovell, Heather. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p65-83, 19p; Abstract: In the 1990s, civil society organizations partnered with business to “green” global supply chains by setting up formal sustainability standard-setting organizations (SSOs) in sectors including organic food, fair trade, forestry, and fisheries. Although SSOs have withstood the long-standing allegations that they are unnecessary, costly, nondemocratic, and trade-distorting, they must now respond to a new challenge, arising from recent developments in technology. Conceived in the pre-Internet era, SSOs are discovering that verification systems that utilize annual, expert-led, low-tech field audits are under pressure from new information and communication technologies that collect, aggregate, interpret, and display open-source “Big Data” in almost real time. Drawing on the concept of governmentality and on interviews with experts in sustainability certification and natural capital accounting, we argue that while these technological developments offer many positive opportunities, they also enable competing alternatives to the prevailing “truth” or governing rationality about what is happening “on the ground,” which is of critical existential importance to SSOs as guarantors of trust in claims about sustainable production. While SSOs are not helpless in the face of this challenge, we conclude that they will need to do more than take incremental action: rather, they should respond actively to the disintermediation challenge from new virtual monitoring technologies if they are to remain relevant in the coming decade.; (AN 41851897)
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5.

The European Commission’s Shifting Climate Leadership by Skjærseth, Jon Birger. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p84-104, 21p; Abstract: The European Commission has played a crucial role in promoting ambitious EU climate targets and policies that boost the credibility of EU leadership-by-example efforts internationally. The approach has gradually shifted from leadership toward more strategic behavior that reflects the preferences of the member states. Reduced uncertainty concerning member-state preferences and solutions accounts for much of the change in leadership. Uncertainty has decreased as climate policies have become more mature and member states have gained experience from implementing them. Asymmetries in member-state preferences, decision-making procedures, and impatience caused by the international context are all important conditions for the European Commission’s leadership. These observations lend support to apparently contradictory theories that have seen EU climate policy as propelled either by autonomous supranational institutions or by increasingly ambitious member states.; (AN 41851898)
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6.

Ratcheting Up Carbon Trade: The Politics of Reforming EU Emissions Trading by Jevnaker, Torbjørg; Wettestad, Jørgen. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p105-124, 20p; Abstract: The EU’s emissions trading system (ETS) covers almost half of its greenhouse gas emissions and has been hailed as the cornerstone and flagship of EU climate policy. In spring 2013, however, the ETS was in severe crisis, with a huge surplus of allowances and a sagging carbon price. Even a formally simple measure to change the timing of auctioning was initially rejected by the European Parliament. Two years later, a much more important, quantity-focused “market thermostat” (the market stability reserve) was adopted, and proposals for a complete ETS overhaul were put on the table. This article examines how it was possible to turn the flagship around so quickly, providing insights into the mechanisms for gradually rendering emissions trading systems more effective. Crucial changes at the EU and national levels are identified, chief among them changes in Germany and in the European Parliament. Furthermore, the quantity-based tightening mechanism discussed could be of relevance for carbon markets outside Europe.; (AN 41851901)
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7.

Consensus, Certainty, and Catastrophe: Discourse, Governance, and Ocean Iron Fertilization by Fuentes-George, Kemi. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p125-143, 19p; Abstract: States, transnational networks of scientists, corporate actors, and institutions in the climate change regime have known for decades that iron ore, when dumped in the ocean, can stimulate the growth of plankton. Over the past twenty years, normative disagreements about appropriate behavior have shaped international governance of the phenomenon. Prior to 2007, firms lobbied governments to treat the oceans as a carbon sink and to allow corporations that dumped iron to sell carbon credits on the international market. However, after 2007 a transnational coalition of oceanographers and advocates opposed this agenda by linking it to an emergent antigeoengineering discourse. Crucial to their efforts was their interpretation of uncertainty: for opponents, scientific uncertainty implied possibly devastating consequences of iron dumping, which was thus best addressed with extreme caution. This normative approach ultimately shaped governance, since advocates successfully used it to lobby institutions in ocean governance to prevent carbon credits from being issued for ocean fertilization. Since these subjective understandings of certainty influenced global ocean governance, this article explains international behavior as a consequence of changing norms.; (AN 41851904)
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8.

Beyond Biodiversity Conservation: Why Policy Needs Social Theory, Social Theory Needs Justice, and Justice Needs Policy by Graddy-Lovelace, Garrett. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p144-151, 8p; (AN 41851899)
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9.

Kuch, Declan. 2015. The Rise and Fall of Carbon Emissions Trading. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. by Gulbrandsen, Lars H.. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p152-154, 3p; (AN 41851905)
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10.

Cramb, Rob A., and John F. McCarthy, eds. 2016. The Oil Palm Complex: Smallholders, Agribusiness and the State in Indonesia and Malaysia. Singapore: NUS Press. by Schleifer, Philip. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p154-156, 3p; (AN 41851902)
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11.

Death, Carl. 2016. The Green State in Africa. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. by Swatuk, Larry. Global Environmental Politics, Spring 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p156-158, 3p; (AN 41851900)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Global Governance, the United Nations, and the Challenge of Trumping Trump by Jentleson, Bruce W.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p143-149, 7p; (AN 41914581)
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2.

How to Manage Interorganizational Disputes over Mediation in Africa by Nathan, Laurie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p151-162, 12p; (AN 41914583)
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3.

The Rise of Measurement-driven Governance: The Case of International Development by Best, Jacqueline. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p163-181, 19p; Abstract: Global governance is increasingly about measuring, ranking, and scoring. Focusing on the case of international development, this article suggests that we can learn a great deal about the recent changes in global dynamics by examining the rise of measurement-driven governance. The article engages with the recent scholarship on new governance, particularly the emerging literature on more experimentalist forms of governance. This study finds some evidence of a more experimentalist kind of governance in international development, but suggests that the specific technologies of measurement and accountability through which these new structures of decisionmaking are being facilitated are far from politically neutral. They are instead sources of considerable power that, in many instances, reinforce existing asymmetries and undermine the deliberative potential of these governance practices.; (AN 41914585)
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4.

Forging Soft Accountability in Unlikely Settings: A Conceptual Analysis of Mutual Accountability in the Context of South-South Cooperation by Kim, Taekyoon; Lim, Sojin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p183-203, 21p; Abstract: This study sets out to introduce the concept of soft accountability as a new approach to understanding mutual accountability in unlikely settings of development cooperation through South-South cooperation. In doing so, this study analyzes three defining components of accountability (responsibility, answerability, and enforceability) and identifies the actors and modalities of mutual accountability in four different situations of South-South cooperation mechanisms. The main finding in this conceptual analysis contains establishing an institutional and sustainable development platform for the mutual accountability of South-South cooperation by not only reflecting the distinctive nature of South-South cooperation, but also focusing on responsibility first to reduce buck-passing among actors and to sustain its continuous management.; (AN 41914584)
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5.

The G-20 Since the Global Financial Crisis: Neither Hegemony nor Collectivism by Chodor, Tom. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p205-223, 19p; Abstract: This article analyzes the sources of gridlock in the Group of 20 since the global financial crisis. It engages with this question through Mark Beeson and Stephen Bell's framework, which identifies two processes of socialization operating concurrently within the G-20: hegemonic incorporation and collectivist cooperation. While hegemonic incorporation seeks to socialize the rising Southern powers into the US-led world order, their inclusion over time drives the G-20 toward more collective and cooperative forms of global governance. The article argues that the GFC has altered this equation in two ways: by accelerating the shift of economic power from the North to the South, and by undermining the hegemony of neoliberalism in the South. These two developments have made the United States less willing to offer the concessions necessary for hegemonic incorporation while, at the same time, bolstering the confidence of the Southern powers. Consequently, the article proposes that both hegemonic incorporation and collectivist cooperation are undermined, leading instead to gridlock and fragmentation. The article illustrates this argument through a case study of the gridlock surrounding the issue of global imbalances.; (AN 41914586)
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6.

West Africa's Ebola Pandemic: Toward Effective Multilateral Responses to Health Crises by Ifediora, Obinna Franklin; Aning, Kwesi. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p225-244, 20p; Abstract: The Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak in West Africa in 2014 became the region's most dangerous pandemic in history. Initially misdiagnosed by health authorities in Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, the epicenters of the crises, the wider health infrastructure of the international community similarly failed to grasp the enormity of the challenge posed by this pandemic to West Africa and its potential global ramifications. By the time recognition dawned about the immensity of the challenges that were posed by this pandemic, it took the introduction of extraordinary measures through the characterization of the disease as a threat to international peace and security pursuant to Chapter VII of the UN Charter to get the necessary institutional and bureaucratic machineries to intervene. This article argues that EVD, disastrous in its outcome, exposed the weaknesses and failures of existing institutional frameworks at national, regional, and continental to global levels. Focusing primarily on multilateral responses (the UN, the African Union AU, and the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS) to the epidemic, this article argues for enhanced global-regional collaboration in the context of the UN Charter's Chapter VIII for more effective future responses to health crises in West Africa. This article contributes to the ongoing debate on the reform of global health governance by analyzing the existing health governance strategies established by ECOWAS and implemented through the West African Health Organization.; (AN 41914590)
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7.

ASEAN as a Community of Managerial Practices by Bae, Ki-Hyun. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p245-263, 19p; Abstract: How is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations performing as a manager of regional cooperative activities in East Asia? Despite increasing attention regarding its role in development of East Asian regionalism, few scholarly discussions about the effectiveness of ASEAN's managerial practices at the operational level have been attempted. This article aims to fill the scholarly gap based on the author's participatory observation of discussions among practitioners regarding management of cooperative activities for ASEAN mechanisms. It suggests that ASEAN's performance as a driver of East Asian cooperation has been insufficient and may possibly have weakened the mechanisms for greater cooperation.; (AN 41914589)
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8.

Pathways Toward a Global Standard for Transparency in the Governance of Energy Resources by Escribano, Gonzalo. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p265-283, 19p; Abstract: This article considers the global governance of energy resources as a coordination problem to provide the intermediate global public good of payments and revenues disclosure. The demand for international arrangements to fill this gap resulted in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and subsequent US and European Union disclosure standards for extractive industries. EITI has attributes of contested multilateralism such as being a multistakeholder voluntary coalition setting a standard for transparency. US and EU disclosure standards constitute unilateral pathways with a global vocation. The article argues that EITI and US and EU standards are simultaneously competing with and complementing each other, adding regime complexity but ultimately supplying higher disclosure standards in the energy sector.; (AN 41914582)
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9.

Makers, Takers, Shakers, Shapers: Emerging Economies and Normative Engagement in Climate Governance by Jinnah, Sikina. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p285-306, 22p; Abstract: This article builds on recent literature to argue that emerging economies are simultaneously norm takers and norm makers involved in a two-way socialization process with developed countries. It does this by tracing China's engagement in negotiations surrounding the norm of common but differentiated responsibilities within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change between the 2007 Bali conference that set out to negotiate a post–Kyoto Protocol climate agreement and the 2015 Paris conference that succeeded in doing so. In making this argument, I push against the predominant unidirectional and dyadic models of normative change by illuminating the more complicated role emerging economies are playing in this process. The article further distills a typology of normative change from the literature to help us understand how and why emerging economies engage in this process.; (AN 41914580)
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10.

China and Global Energy Governance: Integration or Confrontation? by Gao, Shuqin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p307-325, 19p; Abstract: China has been pursuing a risk averse counterweight energy strategy, cultivating strategic energy allies and diversifying its energy sources, generating a power shift of energy distribution from international oil companies to national oil companies. China's neomercantilism and NOCs suggest neither integration into the US-led international energy regime nor confrontation with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development–centered global energy governance. Instead, China is working toward creating a China-led alternative competitive regime. The prospect is therefore the emergence of a more fragmented and multilayered global energy governance.; (AN 41914588)
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11.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, April 2017, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p327-328, 2p; (AN 41914587)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 12, no. 2-3, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: The Multilateral Politics of unDiplomacy by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin; Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p95-112, 18p; (AN 41844719)
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2.

Conceptualizing Groups in unMultilateralism: The Diplomatic Practice of Group Politics by Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p113-137, 25p; Abstract: Political groups permeate the diplomatic process across the United Nations (un) system, from conference diplomacy to annual sessions of the deliberative bodies, yet they remain poorly understood and under-appreciated. This article approaches groups from a conceptual and theoretical perspective, providing a typology to differentiate clearly the various groups that are active in unprocesses, from electoral groups to regional organizations and single-issue coalitions. The article also examines how theories of multilateralism, global governance and international negotiation largely exclude group and inter-group dynamics. Theories of global governance and multilateralism operate at the systemic level of analysis, while theories of negotiation and coalitions reflect assumptions of individual agency; both levels of analysis obscure the operation of political groups and group politics in unmultilateralism. The emerging theories of diplomatic practice provide a meso-level approach that reveals the pervasive practice of group politics and politicized diplomacy in unmultilateralism.; (AN 41844720)
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3.

Group Politics in the Debates on Gender Equality and Sexual Orientation Discrimination at the United Nations by Smith, Karen E.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p138-157, 20p; Abstract: This article assesses the impact of ‘group politics’ in the particularly contentious debates of the United Nations (un) Human Rights Council and the unGeneral Assembly regarding gender equality and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The article identifies those groups that have been most active in the debates, and then analyses how and why they have shaped debates and norms in this area, how they interact with each other, and whether groups help to facilitate consensus or foster polarization in debates. The article examines the extent to which these groups are cohesive, and identifies the norms that each group puts forward in debates (through statements and resolutions). It then assesses and explains their impact on outcomes, the creation of shared norms and the potential for collective action. It further explores the implications of increasing cross-regional group activity in the Human Rights Council.; (AN 41844721)
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4.

Group Dynamics and Interplay in unDisarmament Forums: In Search of Consensus by Dee, Megan. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p158-177, 20p; Abstract: The elimination of nuclear weapons has been an objective of the United Nations (un) since 1946. Although addressed through multiple forums, including the unGeneral Assembly’s First Committee, Conference on Disarmament and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the possession and renunciation of nuclear weapons nevertheless remains a topic beset by multilateral stalemate and frustration over the entrenchment of positions between nuclear- and non-nuclear weapon states. Yet within these forums, disarmament politics are taking a new turn, with the emergence of new, cross-regional, cross-factional political groups working alongside more established blocs. Focusing on these group dynamics, this article argues that the emergence of new political groups, and their interplay with others, is critical to the effective functioning of disarmament negotiations. Through cooperative information exchange, encouraging policy entrepreneurship and by challenging the rigidity of entrenched bloc positioning, these new group dynamics may make an important contribution in the search for consensus within the un.; (AN 41844722)
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5.

Discussing Global Health and Access to Medicines in the unSystem: The Case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) by Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro; Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p178-196, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how and why regional organizations participate in the discussion about global health within the United Nations system. It focuses on the case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) and the topic of access to medicines, and argues that the creation of this organization and its activism in global health diplomacy and governance evolved in the context of the reconfiguration of multilateral cooperation in the Americas, where health has been defined as a human right and vital for regional citizenship. This process results from changing regional identities, unasur’s mandate and capacities, and the interests of leading member states such as Brazil.; (AN 41844723)
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6.

Negotiating the Responsibility to Protect in the unSystem: The Roles of Formal and Informal Groups by Bellamy, Alex J.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p197-220, 24p; Abstract: This article examines the role that groups played in the rise of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) within the United Nations (un) system. It focuses in particular on the role of informal groups of states in advancing a consensus on R2P, contrasting their role with that of formal regional and political groups, which — with the exception of the African Group — played a more marginal role. R2P has given rise to a multiplicity of informal groups of states. These informal groups operate alongside the formal regional and political groups and, with one or two exceptions, have tended to be significantly more influential, the main reason being the principle’s genesis. Arising out of fractious debates in the late 1990s about intervention and the relationship between sovereignty and fundamental human rights, R2P was from the outset a conscious attempt to bridge political divides between states in the un— especially the ‘North–South’ theatre.; (AN 41844724)
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7.

Group Politics in Global Development Policy: From the Millennium Development Goals to the Post-2015 Development Agenda by Farrell, Mary. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p221-248, 28p; Abstract: This article examines the group politics in global development policy from the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) to the Sustainable Development Goals (sdgs). The discussion tracks the actors and forces that shaped both sets of goals, and highlights the centrality of multilateral processes in framing the background for the interplay of group politics. With the expansion in the number and diversity of actors, and the United Nations system facilitating the engagement of multiple actors, ultimately the negotiation of the sdgs reflected a new diplomacy derived from mediation of multiple interests within a multilateral context.; (AN 41844725)
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8.

Negotiating in the unGeneral Assembly: The European Union and the Other Major Groups by Vrailas, Ioannis. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, February 2017, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 2-3 p249-255, 7p; Abstract: The overwhelming majority of the United Nations’ member states remain keen to preserve the traditional intergovernmental nature of the organization in the name of universalism, equality among states and national sovereignty. However, in most negotiating processes, delegations are increasingly content to take part through the groups or sub-groups of which they are members, rather than individually on a national basis. In this regard, the European Union (eu) sets the standards for both organization and effectiveness, especially since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the eu’s Special Observer status, granted by ungaResolution 65/276.; (AN 41844726)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 32, no. 5, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Understanding and improving intelligence analysis by learning from other disciplines by Marrin, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p539-547, 9p; Abstract: AbstractIntelligence organizations acquire, evaluate, assess, and disseminate information to support national security and foreign policy decision-making. It is part of a government’s efforts to get as close to complete information as possible about both the operating environment as well as other actors. The methodologies employed by intelligence analysts are similar to yet different from those used in many other academic disciplines and professional fields. This discussion about methodology – a form of comparative applied epistemology – can be used to better understand intelligence analysis as a function of government and improve the performance of intelligence analysts.; (AN 42042053)
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2.

Improving strategic intelligence analytical practice through qualitative social research by Walsh, Patrick F.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p548-562, 15p; Abstract: AbstractSince 11 September 2001, the ‘Five Eyes’ countries have seen a dramatic rise in intelligence training and education courses across the national security and law enforcement contexts. However, there remains little publicly available empirical evidence to demonstrate specifically where improvements have been made to workplace practices and processes as a result of this investment. This article argues that the education sector in the intelligence discipline lacks an evaluation research agenda, for validating the workplace effectiveness of training and education programs. Further, a first step in understanding whether curriculum are ‘fit for purpose’ may be articulating some underlying common normative principles for evaluating programs in any intelligence context.; (AN 42042055)
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3.

Getting beyond analysis by anecdote: improving intelligence analysis through the use of case studies by Dahl, Erik J.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p563-578, 16p; Abstract: AbstractSince the 9/11 attacks critics of the American intelligence community have often complained about the lack of scientific rigor in intelligence analysis, and much of the work of the intelligence community has been described as mere ‘analysis by anecdote.’ In response, the intelligence community has made a considerable effort to increase the rigor of its analysis. But surprisingly little has been done to examine how intelligence professionals might benefit from adopting one of the most common methods used in the social sciences: case study analysis. This article argues that a greater understanding of how case studies are used by political scientists and other scholars can help improve the quality of intelligence analysis and help the intelligence community assist policymakers as they attempt to understand the threats and challenges of today’s world.; (AN 42042056)
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4.

Computational social science and intelligence analysis by Frank, Aaron. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p579-599, 21p; Abstract: AbstractComputational Social Science (CSS) is an emerging, interdisciplinary approach to the study of social systems. This chapter provides readers with an introduction to CSS, and discusses why examining the behavior of individuals and groups in social systems from an algorithmic perspective provides new and exciting analytic opportunities for the Intelligence Community and analytic tradecraft. Through the use of artificial societies, commonly referred to as Agent-Based Models (ABMs), intelligence analysts can improve strategic intelligence assessments by capitalizing on the scientific and tradecraft merits of computational simulation.; (AN 42042054)
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5.

Intelligence analysis and social science methods: exploring the potential for and possible limits of mutual learning by Phythian, Mark. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p600-612, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article considers the parallels between social science approaches to research and the practice of national security intelligence analysis. Just as it is important for policymakers and citizens to understand the limits to what intelligence can deliver, so it is important to recognize the limits to what social science methods can offer intelligence analysis. Moreover, it is at least equally important to recognise crucial differences in the environments in which mainstream social science research and national security intelligence analysis are conducted. A clear understanding of these is essential to thinking about the utility of social science approaches to intelligence analysis. Hence, the chapter begins by setting out what qualitative social science can offer and then goes on to explain why the straightforward application of social science techniques cannot of itself be regarded as a ‘silver bullet’ for the challenges confronting intelligence analysis.; (AN 42042060)
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6.

Analysis as history, and history as analysis: a search for common goals and standards by Warner, Michael. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p613-624, 12p; Abstract: AbstractHistory is something far from storytelling about the past; it has its own methods, discipline, techniques, and value. The same can be said about intelligence analysis, which is a comparative newcomer to the professions. Like historians, analysts seek to gather information, evaluate their sources, create meaning from disparate bits of evidence, and impart significant findings. These considerations make it important for analysts to learn their history and how the discipline of history functions. A greater ‘historical sense’ can make analysts more rigorous in their work, and less likely to be frustrated by the situations they see around them.; (AN 42042059)
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7.

Strategic culture as a constraint: intelligence analysis, memory and organizational learning in the social sciences and history by Aldrich, Richard J.. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p625-635, 11p; Abstract: AbstractAcademics working on intelligence failure are famous for their pessimism. This paper is more optimistic and sees strategic culture as helpfully constraining the likely options of our enemies. It suggests that there is a wealth of innovative work here that we might exploit here to assist with strategic estimates and argues that it is puzzling that we have not tried to harness it before in a more programmatic way. It examines sets of different but related ideas about notions of strategic culture, historical analogies and social learning that have been developed by leading political scientists and then asks what they might contribute to improved intelligence analysis.; (AN 42042057)
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8.

What’s the problem? Frameworks and methods from policy analysis for analyzing complex problems by Coulthart, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p636-648, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe importance of problem structuring – the activity of making sense of problems – has been grasped by many scholars of policy analysis, a profession that shares much in common in form and function with intelligence analysis. This article imports some of the lessons, frameworks and methodologies of problem structuring to intelligence analysis from policy analysis. The concept of a Type III error is introduced, the analytical mistake of misunderstanding a problem, along with several methodologies designed to help analysts structure problems. One such methodology from policy analysis, called boundary analysis, is demonstrated on a national security case, the 2014 Syrian chemical weapons destruction process.; (AN 42042058)
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9.

Improving how to think in intelligence analysis and medicine by Marrin, Stephen; Torres, Efren. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p649-662, 14p; Abstract: AbstractIntelligence organizations acquire, evaluate, assess, and disseminate information to support national security and foreign policy decision-making. It is part of a government’s efforts to get as close to complete information as possible about both the operating environment as well as other actors. The methodologies employed by intelligence analysts are similar to yet different from those used in many other academic disciplines and professional fields. This discussion about methodology – a form of comparative applied epistemology – can be used to better understand intelligence analysis as a function of government and improve the performance of intelligence analysts.; (AN 42042063)
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10.

How do we know? What intelligence analysis can learn from the sociology of science by Tang, Jeffrey. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p663-674, 12p; Abstract: AbstractDespite the appeal of correctness batting average as a metric for evaluating analysts, such an approach may be fundamentally misguided. Scholarship in the sociology of scientific knowledge demonstrates the inherent difficulty of determining what ‘actually happened.’ Knowledge in intelligence is socially constructed by practitioners and experts, just as it is in science. Thus, the ‘truth’ about what happened in a particular circumstance is what a group of credential experts say happened. Intelligence studies might benefit from insights gained in science and technology studies to illuminate practices and modes of operation that have thus far gone unexamined.; (AN 42042061)
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11.

Methods for researching interrogation and torture by Newbery, Samantha. Intelligence & National Security, July 2017, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 5 p675-676, 2p; (AN 42042062)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 92, no. 5, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

TOC – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pi-i, 1p; (AN 39921010)
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2.

Editorial Board – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 39921011)
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3.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 39921012)
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4.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 39921013)
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5.

A gendered human rights analysis of Ebola and Zika: locating gender in global health emergencies by DAVIES, SARA E.; BENNETT, BELINDA. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1041-1060, 20p; Abstract: Globally gender remains a key factor in differing health outcomes for men and women. This article analyses the particular relevance of gender for debates about global health and the role for international human rights law in supporting improved health outcomes during public health emergencies. Looking specifically at the recent Ebola and Zika outbreaks, what we find particularly troubling in both cases is the paucity of engagement with human rights language and the diverse backgrounds of women in these locations of crisis, when women‐specific advice was being issued. We find the lessons that should have been learnt from the Ebola experience have not been applied in the Zika outbreak and there remains a disconnect between the international public health advice being issued and the experience of pervasive structural gender inequalities among those experiencing the crises. In both cases we find that responses at the outbreak of the crisis presume that women have economic, social or regulatory options to exercise the autonomy contained in international advice. The problem in the case of both Ebola and Zika has been that leaving structural gender inequalities out of the crisis response has further compounded those inequalities. The article argues for a contextual human rights analysis that takes into account gender as a social and economic determinant of health.; (AN 39920974)
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6.

Off‐road policing: communications technology and government authority in Somaliland by HILLS, ALICE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1061-1078, 18p; Abstract: Prompted by the trend to see information and communications technology (ICT) as a tool for capacity building, this article asks whether the use of ICT has—or can—recast centre–periphery relations in a hybrid country such as Somaliland. Taking as its departure point Herbst's observation that a fundamental problem confronting African leaders concerns how to extend or consolidate authority over sparsely settled lands, it uses recent developments in Somaliland's coast guard and immigration police to assess ICT's contribution to changing security provision in remote and coastal areas. This allows for an analysis of Somaliland's law enforcement framework, the relationship between its politics and practice, the practical application of its coercive resources, and the Silanyo government's priorities and preference for consensus and co‐existence whenever security imperatives allow. It suggests that ICT can be a desirable operational tool or a variable in existing power networks, but that it does not represent a new mode of security governance. ICT's potential to connect Somaliland's government and populace, and politics and practice, is for now minimal, but identifying the ways in which security actors such as coast guards actually use ICT allows for a more accurate assessment of the variables shaping centre–periphery relations. Contrary to Herbst's observation, the Silanyo government does not need to overtly or systematically extend, consolidate or exert its authority in remote and coastal areas. Spatial metaphors such as centre–periphery help to clarify the situation, but the significance invested in them reflects western rationalities, rather than Somali realities.; (AN 39920971)
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7.

UK cyber security and critical national infrastructure protection by STODDART, KRISTAN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1079-1105, 27p; Abstract: This article is intended to aid the UK government in protecting the UK from cyber attacks on its Critical National Infrastructure. With a National Cyber Security Centre now being established and an updated National Cyber Security Strategy due in 2016, it is vital for the UK government to take the right approach. This article seeks to inform this approach by outlining the scope of the problems Britain faces and what action the UK government is taking to combat these threats. In doing so, it offers a series of recommendations designed to further help mitigate these threats, drive up cyber resiliency and aid recovery plans should they be required. It argues that complete engagement and partnership with private sector owner–operators of Critical National Infrastructure are vital to the success of the government's National Cyber Security Strategy. It makes the case that for cyber resiliency to be fully effective, action is needed at national and global levels requiring states and private industry better to comprehend the threat environment and the risks facing Critical National Infrastructure from cyber attacks and those responsible for them. These are problems for all developed and developing states.; (AN 39920976)
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8.

The Paris Agreement and the new logic of international climate politics by FALKNER, ROBERT. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1107-1125, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews and assesses the outcome of the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP‐21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in Paris in December 2015. It argues that the Paris Agreement breaks new ground in international climate policy, by acknowledging the primacy of domestic politics in climate change and allowing countries to set their own level of ambition for climate change mitigation. It creates a framework for making voluntary pledges that can be compared and reviewed internationally, in the hope that global ambition can be increased through a process of ‘naming and shaming’. By sidestepping distributional conflicts, the Paris Agreement manages to remove one of the biggest barriers to international climate cooperation. It recognizes that none of the major powers can be forced into drastic emissions cuts. However, instead of leaving mitigation efforts to an entirely bottom‐up logic, it embeds country pledges in an international system of climate accountability and a ‘ratchet mechanism’, thus offering the chance of more durable international cooperation. At the same time, it is far from clear whether the treaty can actually deliver on the urgent need to de‐carbonize the global economy. The past record of climate policies suggests that governments have a tendency to express lofty aspirations but avoid tough decisions. For the Paris Agreement to make a difference, the new logic of ‘pledge and review’ will need to mobilize international and domestic pressure and generate political momentum behind more substantial climate policies worldwide. It matters, therefore, whether the Paris Agreement's new approach can be made to work.; (AN 39920978)
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9.

Washington's failure to resolve the North Korean nuclear conundrum: examining two decades of US policy by FARAGO, NIV. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1127-1145, 19p; Abstract: More than two decades of nuclear dialogue between the United States and North Korea have not prevented Pyongyang from conducting four nuclear tests and building up a nuclear weapons arsenal. Putting the blame for the failure of this dialogue solely on Pyongyang ignores the hesitancy and confusion of US policy. Historical evidence suggests that the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations consistently failed to prioritize their objectives and adopted an impatient and uncompromising negotiating strategy that contributed to this ongoing non‐proliferation fiasco. Identifying US policy mistakes at important crossroads in the dialogue with Pyongyang could help to prevent similar mistakes in the future. In this regard, the following analysis suggests a new approach towards Pyongyang based on a long‐term trust‐building process during which North Korea would be required to cap and then gradually eliminate its nuclear weapons in return for economic assistance and normalization of relations with the United States. Importantly, the United States might have to resign itself to North Korea's keeping an independent nuclear fuel cycle under supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as to accepting South Korea's request to independently enrich uranium and pyroprocess spent nuclear fuel. This would be a more favourable alternative to allowing North Korea to continue accumulating nuclear weapons. Moreover, if the United States continues on the Obama administration's failed policy path, then there is a better than even chance that the Korean Peninsula may slide into a nuclear arms race.; (AN 39920977)
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10.

City networks: breaking gridlocks or forging (new) lock‐ins? by ACUTO, MICHELE; RAYNER, STEVE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1147-1166, 20p; Abstract: There is today a global recognition that we live in an ‘urban age’ of near‐planetary urbanization where cities are at the forefront of all sorts of agendas. Yet little attention is offered to the active role of cities as political drivers of the urban age. There might today be more than two hundred ‘city networks’ globally, with thousands of para‐diplomatic connections actively defining relations between cities, international organization and corporate actors. This actively networked texture of the urban age shapes all areas of policy and, not least, international relations, and holds much promise as to possible urban solutions to global challenges. Based on an overview of a representative subset of this mass of city‐to‐city cooperation (n=170), this article illustrates the landscape of city networking, its issue areas and institutional shapes, and its critical features. As we argue, city networks today are faced by a crucial challenge: while trying to overcome state‐centric ‘gridlocks’ cities are, at the same time, building both political–economic as well as very material ‘lock‐ins’. We need to pay serious attention to this impact of city diplomacy in international affairs, developing a greater appreciation of the path dependencies and responsibilities this diplomatic activity purports.; (AN 39920970)
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11.

The framework nation: can Germany lead on security? by ALLERS, ROBIN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1187, 21p; Abstract: Can Germany lead on security? This article aims to address this question by looking at recent German contributions to European defence cooperation. In 2013 Germany introduced the Framework Nations Concept (FNC) as a systematic and structured approach towards joint capability development. The concept relies on the idea that bigger nations take the overall responsibility for coordinating the contributions of smaller partners in a capability package. The framework nation model as such is not new but the initiative has been welcomed as a potential game changer in European defence cooperation and as confirmation of Germany's commitment to NATO. In light of the Ukraine crisis, measures to adapt NATO and to strengthen the European pillar of the alliance have become more urgent. Allies and partners increasingly want Germany to extend its role as Europe's dominant economic and financial power to matters of security and defence. The framework nation model allows Germany to take international responsibility, while avoiding debates about leadership and hegemony. Moreover, as a framework nation, Germany can advance flexible cooperation among a smaller number of allies without undermining its commitment to multilateralism. But the FNC initiative also raises further questions: what is the added value of the framework nation model compared to similar formats; what should be the place of smaller groupings in the evolving Euro‐Atlantic security architecture; and how reliable is Germany in the role of a lead nation?; (AN 39920972)
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12.

The many faces of a rebel group: the Allied Democratic Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo by TITECA, KRISTOF; FAHEY, DANIEL. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1206, 18p; Abstract: This article discusses the case of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It shows how a variety of actors that have opposed the ADF group have framed the rebels to achieve a range of political and economic objectives, or in response to organizational and individual limitations. The DRC and Ugandan governments have each framed ADF in pursuit of regional, international and national goals separate from their stated desires to eliminate the armed group. The UN stabilization mission in Congo's (MONUSCO) understanding of the ADF was influenced by organizational limitations and the shortcomings of individual analysts, producing flawed assessments and ineffective policy decisions. Indeed, the many ‘faces’ of ADF tell us more about the ADF's adversaries than they do about the rebels themselves. The article shows how the policies towards the ADF may not be directly related to defeating a rebel threat, but rather enable the framers (e.g. DRC and Ugandan governments) to pursue various political and economic objectives, or lead the framers to pursue misguided operational plans (e.g. MONUSCO). In doing so, the article highlights more broadly the importance of the production of knowledge on conflicts and rebel groups: the way in which a rebel group is instrumentalized, or in which organizational structure impact on the understanding of the rebel group, are crucial not only in understanding the context, but also in understanding the interventions on the ground.; (AN 39920973)
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13.

Institutionalization, path dependence and the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship by XU, RUIKE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1228, 22p; Abstract: One of the remarkable phenomena in post‐Cold War world politics is the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship (AASR) in spite of recurrent announcement of its death by pessimists. Current scholarship on Anglo‐American relations largely draws on interests and sentiments to explain the persistence of the AASR, ignoring other important contributing factors such as institutionalization. This article is the first to give serious consideration to the role of institutionalization in influencing the persistence of the AASR. By using the concept of path dependence, this article argues that the high‐level institutionalization in Anglo‐American intelligence, nuclear and military relations plays a seminal role in contributing to the persistence of the AASR in the post‐Cold War era. The institutionalized intelligence relationship is exemplified by the relationship between the UK's Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) and the US's National Security Agency (NSA), which is underpinned by the UKUSA Agreement. The institutionalized nuclear relationship is exemplified by a variety of Joint Working Groups (JOWOGs), which is underpinned by the 1958 Mutual Defence Agreement. The institutionalized military relationship is exemplified by routinized military personnel exchange programmes, regular joint training exercises and an extremely close defence trade partnership. The high‐level institutionalization embeds habits of cooperation, solidifies interdependence and consolidates mutual trust between the UK and the US in their cooperation on intelligence, nuclear and military issues.; (AN 39920975)
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14.

Continuity and change in Angola: insights from modern history by VINES, ALEX. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1229-1237, 9p; Abstract: Angola may be entering a pivotal moment, triggered by persistently low oil prices and its president José Eduardo dos Santos (the world's second longest‐serving president) signalling that he may step down in 2018. Will this result in continuity or change? This review article of six books on modern Angola shows that since 1820, significant dips in international commodity prices have marked moments of lasting political change in the country. They also show that the history of Angolan nationalism is one of deep divisions and that political loyalty and support were often more about survival or ambition than about ideology and ethnicity. Throughout modern Angolan history personalities, such as Agostinho Neto, Jonas Savimbi and José Eduardo dos Santos, have also played a critical role in determining the country's fortunes. The single greatest foreign influence on Angola might be Cuba's ‘internationalist solidarity’ of sending up to five per cent of its population to Angola between 1976 and 1991 in support of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). Over a decade later, the Chinese also found that the MPLA government determined their partnership. This review article examines the strength of Angolan agency and how the drivers of change are complex, determined by personality politics, geopolitics, prestige, solidarity, cost–benefit analysis and timing.; (AN 39920979)
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15.

The Cambridge history of the Second World War by WARNER, GEOFFREY. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1239-1247, 9p; Abstract: Following on from earlier three‐volume histories of the Cold War and the First World War, Cambridge University Press completes a trilogy with this detailed treatment of the Second World War. Multi‐authored in the Cambridge tradition, the individual chapters cover a wide range of events and topics and the 81 contributors, mainly but not exclusively from the United Kingdom and the United States, include both scholars who have already established a reputation in the subject as well as those who are in the process of doing so. Perhaps the greatest strength of the volumes is the treatment given to what may be loosely referred to as the Pacific War. No one who uses them properly is going to have any doubts about the nature and importance of the struggle between Japan and its opponents between 1937 and 1945, and it is particularly encouraging to note the use of Chinese and Japanese sources by the authors, when so many English‐language books on the subject cite none. The principal weakness of the enterprise is its division into an unnecessarily complicated series of topics, which is not always adhered to by the authors and which often compels the unfortunate reader to skip backwards and forwards, not only within but between volumes. Despite this flaw, however, this remains an important contribution to the history of the Second World War and will need to be consulted by any serious student of the subject for many years to come.; (AN 39920980)
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16.

Before anarchy: Hobbes and his critics in modern international thought. By Theodore Christov by Spence, J. E.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1251-1252, 2p; (AN 39920982)
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17.

Terrorism and the right to resist: a theory of just revolutionary war. By Christopher J. Finlay by Bentley, David. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1252-1254, 3p; (AN 39920981)
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18.

The intelligence war in Latin America, 1914–1922. By Jamie Bisher by Plater‐Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1254-1255, 2p; (AN 39920984)
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19.

A Korean conflict: the tensions between Britain and America. By Ian McLaine by Warner, Geoffrey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1255-1256, 2p; (AN 39920983)
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20.

Between Samaritans and states: the political ethics of humanitarian INGOs. By Jennifer Rubenstein by Collinson, Sarah. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1256-1258, 3p; (AN 39920989)
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21.

After violence: transitional justice, peace, and democracy. By Elin Skaar, Camila Gianella Malca and Trine Eide by Nelaeva, Galina A.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1258-1260, 3p; (AN 39920992)
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22.

Legitimate targets? Social construction, international law and US bombing. By Janina Dill by Hoffmann, Alvina. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1260-1261, 2p; (AN 39920988)
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23.

Political culture, political science and identity politics: an uneasy alliance. By Howard J. Wiarda by Pervez, Muhammad Shoaib. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1261-1262, 2p; (AN 39920990)
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24.

Rising powers and multilateral institutions. Edited by Dries Lesage and Thijs Van de Graaf by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1262-1263, 2p; (AN 39920991)
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25.

The hacked world order: how nations fight, trade, maneuver, and manipulate in the digital age. By Adam Segal: Internet wars: the struggle for power in the 21st century. By Fergus Hanson by Nocetti, Julien. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1263-1266, 4p; (AN 39920987)
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26.

Atomic anxiety: deterrence, taboo and the non‐use of U.S. nuclear weapons. By Frank Sauer by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1266-1267, 2p; (AN 39920985)
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27.

US missile defence strategy: engaging the debate. By Michael Mayer by Boothby, W. H.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1268-1268, 1p; (AN 39920986)
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28.

Global inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization. By Branko Milanovic by Campanella, Edoardo. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1269-1270, 2p; (AN 39920993)
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29.

Accommodating rising powers: past, present, and future. Edited by T. V. Paul by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1270-1272, 3p; (AN 39920994)
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30.

The global governance of climate change: G7, G20, and UN leadership. By John J. Kirton and Ella Kokotsis by Torney, Diarmuid. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1272-1273, 2p; (AN 39920995)
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31.

Britain's Europe: a thousand years of conflict and cooperation. By Brendan Simms by Oliver, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1273-1274, 2p; (AN 39920997)
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32.

The lure of technocracy. By Jürgen Habermas. Translated by Ciaran Cronin by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1275-1276, 2p; (AN 39920998)
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33.

Mes chemins pour l’école [My pathways for education]. By Alain Juppé: Pour un État fort [For a strong state]. By Alain Juppé: Cinq ans pour l'emploi [Five years for employment]. By Alain Juppé by Dungan, Nicholas. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1276-1278, 3p; (AN 39920996)
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34.

Russia, Eurasia and the new geopolitics of energy: confrontation and consolidation. Edited by Matthew Sussex and Roger E. Kanet by German, Tracey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1278-1279, 2p; (AN 39921000)
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35.

Pluralism by default: weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics. By Lucan Way by Gould‐Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1279-1280, 2p; (AN 39921001)
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36.

On Stalin's team: the years of living dangerously in Soviet politics. By Sheila Fitzpatrick by Stan, Marius. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1281-1282, 2p; (AN 39920999)
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37.

The Gulf states in international political economy. By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen by Nonneman, Gerd. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1282-1284, 3p; (AN 39921002)
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38.

South Africa's political crisis: unfinished liberation and fractured class struggles. By Alexander Beresford by Vandome, Christopher. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1284-1285, 2p; (AN 39921003)
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39.

Pakistan at the crossroads: domestic dynamics and external pressures. Edited by Christophe Jaffrelot by Willasey‐Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1286-1287, 2p; (AN 39921004)
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40.

China's strong arm: protecting citizens and assets abroad. By Jonas Parello‐Plesner and Mathieu Duchâtel by Fulton, Jonathan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1287-1288, 2p; (AN 39921006)
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41.

When China goes to the Moon… By Marco Aliberti by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1288-1289, 2p; (AN 39921005)
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42.

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne by Maini, Tridivesh Singh. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1289-1291, 3p; (AN 39921007)
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43.

United States law and policy on transitional justice: principles, politics, and pragmatics. By Zachary D. Kaufman by Hurd, Hilary. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1291-1292, 2p; (AN 39921008)
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44.

The unquiet frontier: rising rivals, vulnerable allies, and the crisis of American power. By Jakub J. Grygiel and A. Wess Mitchell by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1292-1294, 3p; (AN 39921009)
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45.

Books reviewed September 2016 International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1295-1295, 1p; (AN 39921014)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 30, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Spy Machine and the Ballot Box: Examining Democracy’s Intelligence Advantage by Honig, Or Arthur; Zimskind, Sarah. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p431-463, 33p; (AN 41904409)
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2.

For Belgian Eyes Only: Intelligence Cooperation in Belgium by Lasoen, Kenneth L.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p464-490, 27p; (AN 41904410)
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3.

Reconciling Democracy and the Protection of State Secrets in South Africa by Lefebvre, Stéphane. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p491-521, 31p; (AN 41904411)
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4.

Significant Distrust and Drastic Cuts: The Indian Government’s Uneasy Relationship with Intelligence by Shaffer, Ryan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p522-531, 10p; (AN 41904412)
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5.

UN Peacekeeping Intelligence: The ASIFU Experiment by Rietjens, Sebastiaan; de Waard, Erik. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p532-556, 25p; (AN 41904413)
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6.

Intelligence without Essence: Rejecting the Classical Theory of Definition by Gaspard, Jules J.S.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p557-582, 26p; (AN 41904414)
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7.

Using Communication and Psychosocial Research for Accurate Intelligence Acquisition by Pavlich, Corey A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p583-603, 21p; (AN 41904415)
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8.

Birds of a Feather by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p604-611, 8p; (AN 41904416)
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9.

An American Family's Road to Hell by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p612-622, 11p; (AN 41904417)
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10.

The Forgotten Advocate of a New Russia by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p623-628, 6p; (AN 41904418)
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11.

A History of Hidden Activities by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p629-633, 5p; (AN 41904420)
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12.

A Glass Left Mostly Empty by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p634-640, 7p; (AN 41904419)
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13.

Writing Chinese History From Declassified Files by Mercado, Stephen C.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p640-642, 3p; (AN 41904421)
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14.

New Details on a FOIA Request by Barrett, David M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, July 2017, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p643-645, 3p; (AN 41904422)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 22, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Federalism, Paradiplomacy and Foreign Policy: A Case of Mutual Neglect by Lequesne, Christian; Lequesne, Christian. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p183-204, 22p; Abstract: Paradiplomacy, federalism and international negotiation are increasingly prevalent phenomena that require more theoretical attention. Successful mobilization of non-central governments has increased their relevance on the international stage. The rise of paradiplomacy complicates conditions for both international negotiation and the formulation of foreign policy in federal regimes. Westphalian state diplomacy is finding it increasingly difficult to cope with the proliferation of ad hoc and informal arrangements that bind non-central governments. The international arena is inhabited by an ever larger number of players that sometimes have significant autonomy from the central state.; (AN 42382129)
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2.

The Role of u.s.State Governments in International Relations, 1980–2015 by Fry, Earl H.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p205-238, 34p; Abstract: In an effort to protect and enhance the interests of their constituents in a complex era of globalization, interdependence, and “creative destruction,” most u.s.state governments have chosen to be engaged internationally, especially in economic activities, such as export promotion and the attraction of direct investment, tourists, and students from abroad. However, these activities have often been sporadic and are subject to being downsized or eliminated during tough fiscal periods, such as the Great Recession of 2007–2009. Moreover, u.s.federalism has been in a period of centralization with more power assumed by the national government at the expense of state governments. The executive branches of the national and state governments occasionally clash over international competencies, with the national government almost always prevailing. Nonetheless, most state governments continue to be actively engaged in “foreign affairs,” as contrasted with “foreign policy,” and future trends should result in the proliferation of these pursuits.; (AN 42382130)
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3.

Federalism and Liberalization: Evaluating the Impact of American and Canadian Sub-federal Governments on the Negotiation of International Trade Agreements by Kukucha, Christopher J.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p259-284, 26p; Abstract: This article argues that federal systems in Canada and the United States allow for the successful pursuit of sub-federal offensive and defensive priorities in the negotiation of international trade agreements. It is also clear, however, that the coercive American intrastate system limits the relevance of American states in this process, especially when compared to Canada’s relatively cooperative interstate model. Canadian provinces and territories also benefit from ideational considerations, including policy expertise and trust-ties with federal negotiators, which further strengthens sub-federal legitimacy and influence in this policy area. This study evaluates the incremental and significant impact of Canadian and American sub-federal governments across a number of sectors on the negotiations and final legal texts of the Canada-Korea Free Trade Agreement, the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.; (AN 42382132)
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4.

Federalism and Foreign Affairs in Mexico: The International Negotiations of Mexican Sub-State Governments by Schiavon, Jorge A.. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p285-316, 32p; Abstract: This article analyzes the international negotiations of sub-State governments (inssg) in Mexico. It addresses five questions: 1) What factors explain the increasing number of inssgs? 2) What is the impact of federalism on inssg? 3) What are the levels of inssgand how have they changed over the years? 4) How do Mexican sub-State governments (ssg) institutionalize their international negotiations? 5) What are the perceptions and capacities of the ssgin their internationalization process? The study explains the growth of inssgdue to democratization, arguing that renewed Mexican federalism has generated incentives for ssgs to participate more intensively in international negotiations. It analyzes the wide variation in the inssgand explains how it has evolved over the last decade. It focuses on the analysis of Inter-Institutional Agreements (iia) and explains the perceptions and capacities of Mexican ssgto conduct international negotiations.; (AN 42382133)
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5.

The Growing Power of States in India’s Foreign Policy by Asthana, Anamika; Asthana, Anamika. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p317-343, 27p; Abstract: This study examines the role of sub-national diplomacy in India with respect to four neighboring countries – Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and China – and assesses the nature and consequences of such interactions for immediate policy shifts and in wider institutional terms. Except for five states – Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Telengana – all other states in India have international land or maritime borders which make a study of this nature very pertinent. This study focuses on those states that have been more inclined to engage in India’s foreign and security policy making.; (AN 42382131)
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6.

Sub-State Diplomacy: Catalonia’s External Action Amidst the Quest for State Sovereignty by Segura, Caterina García. International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p344-373, 30p; Abstract: The Spanish self-governing regions’ international actions date back as far as the 1980s. Together with the Basque Country, Catalonia is the Spanish self-governing region with the most active trajectory of international action. Catalan international action, which is a pioneer in the Spanish context, came to be slowly but progressively accepted as a normalized form of conduct by the Spanish state, as was the international action of other Spanish self-governing regions. Nevertheless, this normalization did not eliminate conflict, which continued to surface, though sporadically and without representing significant problems. However, things appear to have changed recently. Since 2012, Catalonia has been immersed in the process of independence or national transition. In this context, the Catalan Government’s international action has taken new directions and created new instruments. For the first time in the history of Catalonia’s international action, we witness clear signs of protodiplomacy.; (AN 42382134)
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7.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, May 2017, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 2 p375-375, 1p; (AN 42382135)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
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3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 24, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Strange Battlefield Fellows: The Diagonal Interoperability Between Blue Helmets and the Congolese Army by Verweijen, Judith. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p363-387, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literature on peacekeeping has paid scant attention to the interaction between peacekeeping troops and host country military. Addressing this gap in scholarly knowledge, this paper conceptualizes such interaction as ‘diagonal interoperability’. The latter is situated in-between ‘horizontal interoperability’ on the one hand, relating to interaction between different components of a peacekeeping mission, and ‘vertical interoperability’ on the other, referring to the relations between international peacekeepers and ‘peace-kept’ populations. The paper focuses on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where UN forces and the Congolese army are engaged in joint military operations and army reform is part of the peacekeeping mission’s mandate. Studying both mutual representations and joint practices, the paper explores the organizational, political, discursive, and security-related factors that shape diagonal interoperability. It concludes that diagonal interoperability between the two forces is weak, as reflected in mutual distrust and ‘not-so joint’ joint operations. Perhaps surprisingly, it finds that shared military identities do not seem to facilitate collaboration. Rather, mutual perceptions of the ‘military Other’ are infused with discourses of cultural and political difference, therefore accentuating the power asymmetries that undermine diagonal interoperability.; (AN 41865564)
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2.

The Elusive UN Agenda: Transnational Advocacy, Political Opportunities and the Latest Campaign to Establish a UN Standing Force by Herro, Annie. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p388-409, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy has the perennial idea of a permanent, individually recruited UN force never been realised? Scholars have responded to this question by interrogating the attributes of the various ideas but this only provides a partial answer. This article explores the latest proposal for a UN standing force – the UN Emergency Peace Service (UNEPS) – through the lens of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) and the external issues affecting its ability to put the idea on the UN’s agenda. It engages with social movement literature, and draws on interviews with those in the campaign to establish a UNEPS, participant observation, and analyses of primary and secondary sources. It argues that, in addition to contentions surrounding aspects of the UNEPS proposal, the failure to leverage the expertise of all network members and the lack of geographically diverse advocates, partly explain the inability of the TAN to achieve its goals. While there were some political opportunities, such as the support of influential allies and focusing events, an inhospitable political and normative climate, the lack of a state champion, UN body and journalists further contributed to the demise of the campaign.; (AN 41865565)
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3.

Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration in unconventional settings: the case of MINUSTAH’s community violence reduction by Schuberth, Moritz. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p410-433, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDisarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes form part of standard post-conflict peacebuilding tools regularly applied in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Yet, the limitations of such templates become evident when peacebuilders are confronted with unconventional settings, such as the urban environment. So far, there is a scarcity of research on UN-led DDR efforts in cities, even though the proliferation of urban armed groups is projected to pose an intractable challenge for decades to come. Based on six months of fieldwork in Port-au-Prince, this article presents new empirical evidence on innovative DDR programming in Haiti, the only country where a United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) tried to implement a traditional DDR programme for gang members. As this attempt proved to be a failure, the mission subsequently changed its approach to a more community-focused armed violence reduction and prevention programme which aims to disincentivize at-risk sections of the population from joining gangs. Even though the current community violence reduction approach is better adapted to the unconventional conflict environment in Haiti and is seen by many practitioners today as a role model, it shares a number of limitations with traditional DDR programmes and is not a panacea for urban peacebuilding.; (AN 41865563)
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4.

Another lesson learned in Afghanistan: the concept of cultural intelligence by Yalçınkaya, Haldun; Özer, Yusuf. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p434-460, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCulture has recently become a significant aspect of military operations; the ability to win ‘hearts and minds’ of a local population is gained through cultural awareness, a product of cultural intelligence. This article aims to discuss the role of culture during peace operations in particular, and population-centric military operations in general. In this context, the concept of cultural intelligence is discussed through the concepts of ‘power’, ‘intelligence’, and ‘culture’. The theoretical discussion raises the importance of cultural intelligence for the exercise of soft and smart power in operational areas. NATO’s International Security and Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan was chosen as a case study and the data were collected through interviews with an expert group of 45 individuals. These interviewees with field experience in peace operations provided a foundation for widening the theoretical approach. The article concludes with the interpretation of the obtained data. The research findings prove that the skill of conquering people’s hearts and minds in operation environments can be developed through cultural intelligence, and military leaders/political decision-makers should not neglect cultural intelligence as a soft power tool in peace operations as well as in population-centric military operations.; (AN 41865566)
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5.

The rhetoric and practice of the ‘ownership’ of security sector reform processes in fragile countries: the case of Kosovo by Sahin, Selver B.. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p461-488, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSuccessful outcomes in security sector reform (SSR) implementation are often conditioned on two key inter-related operational principles: international agencies’ understanding of the ‘local context’ where they intervene and their encouragement of the country ‘ownership’ of the institutional reforms they advocate. Outcomes, however, are determined by power, and different patterns of outcomes are likely to emerge from different types and degrees of power exercised by a multiplicity of actors operating in a dynamic political and social context. Drawing upon these inter-connections between outcomes and power, this article examines Kosovo’s security sector development experience since 1999. It argues that depending on types of, and changes in, power-based interplays between international and domestic forces, different patterns of ‘ownership’ have emerged in the context of SSR implementation in Kosovo.; (AN 41865567)
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6.

Measuring the Success and Failure of Peace Operations by Tardy, Thierry. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p489-493, 5p; (AN 41865569)
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7.

Peacekeeping in Peril: The First 65 Years by Sisk, Timothy. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p493-499, 7p; (AN 41865568)
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8.

Hubris and the Politics of Peace and Justice after Conflict by Hehir, Aidan. International Peacekeeping, May 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p499-513, 15p; (AN 41865570)
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14

International Relations
Volume 31, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Force and the international community: Blair’s Chicago speech and the criteria for intervention by Freedman, Lawrence. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p107-124, 18p; Abstract: Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.; (AN 42382117)
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2.

China’s diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East: the quest for a great-power role in the region by Evron, Yoram. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p125-144, 20p; Abstract: Since the early 2010s, there have been mounting calls in China to intensify its role in the Middle East. But seeing the region as highly turbulent, Beijing seems to restrain its political involvement there. So what role does China actually strive for in the Middle East? To answer this question, the article first presents China’s discourse on its future role in the region; next, it analyzes China’s involvement in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Syrian civil war, focusing on three diplomatic initiatives it has made concerning these issues. The argument here is that China strives to be part of major processes in the Middle East and attempts to advance its values and interests there, but in a unique pattern of big-power involvement in the region, it tries to achieve this without intensive investment of political, economic, and military resources.; (AN 42382118)
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3.

Why small states join big wars: the case of Sweden in Afghanistan 2002–2014 by Noreen, Erik; Sjöstedt, Roxanna; Ångström, Jan. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p145-168, 24p; Abstract: The security behavior of small states has traditionally been explained by different takes of realism, liberalism, or constructivism – focusing on the behavior that aims toward safeguarding sovereignty or engaging in peace policies. The issue of why states with limited military capacities and little or no military alignments or engagements decide to participate in an international mission has received limited attention by previous research. In contrast, this article argues that a three-layered discursive model can make the choices of small states more precisely explained and thereby contribute to an increased understanding of small states’ security behavior beyond threat balancing and interdependence. Analyzing a deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this article explains why Sweden became increasingly involved in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. By focusing on the domestic political discourses regarding the Swedish involvement in this mission, it is suggested that a narrative shapes public perception of a particular policy and establishes interpretative dominance of how a particular event should be understood. This dominant domestic discourse makes a certain international behavior possible and even impossible to alter once established. In the Swedish case, it is demonstrated that this discourse assumed a ‘catch-all’ ambition, satisfying both domestic and international demands. In general terms, it should thus be emphasized that certain discourses and narratives are required in order to make it possible for a country to participate in a mission such as ISAF and prolong the mission for several years.; (AN 42382119)
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4.

Disruption and deniable interventionism: explaining the appeal of covert action and Special Forces in contemporary British policy by Cormac, Rory. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p169-191, 23p; Abstract: The United Kingdom has long engaged in covert action. It continues to do so today. Owing to the secrecy involved, however, such activity has consistently been excluded from debates about Britain’s global role, foreign and security policy and military planning: an important lacuna given the controversy, risk, appeal and frequency of covert action. Examining when, how and why covert action is used, this article argues that contemporary covert action has emerged from, and is shaped by, a specific context. First, a gap exists between Britain’s perceived global responsibilities and its actual capabilities; policy elites see covert action as able to resolve, or at least conceal, this. Second, intelligence agencies can shape events proactively, especially at the tactical level, while flexible preventative operations are deemed well suited to the range of fluid threats currently faced. Third, existing Whitehall machinery makes covert action viable. However, current covert action is smaller scale and less provocative today than in the early Cold War; it revolves around ‘disruption’ operations. Despite being absent from the accompanying debates, this role was recognised in the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review, which placed intelligence actors at the heart of British thinking.; (AN 42382116)
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5.

Losing the narrative: the United Kingdom and the European Union as imagined communities by Wallace, William. International Relations, June 2017, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p192-209, 18p; Abstract: The United Kingdom’s awkward relationship with the countries on the European continent reflects the ambiguity of its national identity, wavering between European engagement and the English-speaking peoples, as much as differences over economic interests. The founding narrative of West European integration, after the Second World War, has also weakened with generational change, the end of the Cold War and eastern enlargement. Developing persuasive new narratives both for the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU) are necessary but difficult tasks for continuing cooperation.; (AN 42382115)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 41, no. 4, Spring 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editors' Note International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p3-4, 2p; (AN 41802271)
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2.

Summaries International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p5-8, 4p; (AN 41802270)
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3.

The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence by Lieber, Keir A.; Press, Daryl G.. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p9-49, 41p; Abstract: Nuclear deterrence rests on the survivability of nuclear arsenals. For much of the nuclear age, “counterforce” disarming attacks—those aimed at eliminating an opponent's nuclear forces—were nearly impossible because of the ability of potential victims to hide and protect their weapons. Technological developments, however, are eroding this foundation of nuclear deterrence. Advances rooted in the computer revolution have made nuclear forces around the world considerably more vulnerable. Specifically, two key approaches that countries have relied on to ensure arsenal survivability since the dawn of the nuclear age—hardening and concealment—have been undercut by leaps in weapons accuracy and a revolution in remote sensing. Various methods, evidence, and models demonstrate the emergence of new possibilities for counterforce disarming strikes. In short, the task of securing nuclear arsenals against attack is far more difficult than it was in the past. The new era of counterforce challenges the basis for confidence in contemporary deterrence stability, raises critical issues for national and international security policy, and sheds light on one of the enduring theoretical puzzles of the nuclear era: why international security competition has endured in the shadow of the nuclear revolution.; (AN 41802274)
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4.

Would China Go Nuclear? Assessing the Risk of Chinese Nuclear Escalation in a Conventional War with the United States by Talmadge, Caitlin. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p50-92, 43p; Abstract: Could a conventional war with the United States inadvertently prompt Chinese nuclear escalation? The military-technical threat that such a war would pose to China's retaliatory capability—combined with wartime perceptual dynamics that might cause China to view this threat in an especially pessimistic light—could lead to reasonable Chinese fears that the United States might be attempting conventional counterforce, or considering or preparing for nuclear counterforce. China might see several forms of limited nuclear escalation as its least-bad response to this sort of threat to its nuclear deterrent, notwithstanding the country's no-first-use policy. This finding, derived from a more general framework about the military-technical and perceptual drivers of potential nuclear escalation in response to conventional counterforce, has broader ramifications for U.S. policy and military strategy, and it illustrates recurring dilemmas that the United States may face in conventional wars with other nuclear-armed adversaries.; (AN 41802273)
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5.

Bullets for Ballots: Electoral Participation Provisions and Enduring Peace after Civil Conflict by Matanock, Aila M.. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p93-132, 40p; Abstract: Why does fighting recur following some civil conflict peace settlements, but not others? What kind of agreements are associated with more enduring peace? Post-conflict elections can often complicate and even undermine peace agreements. Agreements that contain “electoral participation provisions,” however, may help stabilize settlements and produce more enduring peace. Electoral participation provisions mandate that rebel groups be allowed to compete alongside the government in post-conflict elections. Such provisions encourage external actors, such as intergovernmental organizations and foreign donors, to become engaged in post-conflict elections. As part of this engagement, they can provide incentives to the parties to adhere to the terms of the settlement, as well as detect and sanction instances of noncompliance. New cross-national data suggest that conflict after peace settlements recurs less often when electoral participation provisions are included than when they are not. The data also suggest that this pacifying relationship holds when combatants expect international engagement.; (AN 41802276)
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6.

The Illusion of International Prestige by Mercer, Jonathan. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p133-168, 36p; Abstract: Policymakers and international relations scholars concur that prestige is critical to world politics because states having prestige enjoy greater authority. An examination of how policymakers assess their and other states' prestige, however, reveals that this traditional view of prestige is wrong, for two reasons. First, policymakers do not analyze their own states' prestige, because they feel they already know it. They use their feelings of pride and shame as evidence of their state's prestige. Second, political and psychological incentives encourage policymakers to explain another state's behavior in ways that make it unlikely that states gain prestige. Policymakers systematically discount the prestige of other states; a belief that their state has earned the respect and admiration of others is therefore illusory. Consequently, the justification for costly prestige policies collapses. In other words, states should not chase what they cannot catch. Evidence from the South African War supports this conclusion.; (AN 41802268)
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7.

Ethnic Cleansing and Its Alternatives in Wartime: A Comparison of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, and Russian Empires by Bulutgil, H. Zeynep. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p169-201, 33p; Abstract: According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.; (AN 41802269)
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8.

Correspondence: How Good Are China's Antiaccess/Area-Denial Capabilities? by Erickson, Andrew S.; Montgomery, Evan Braden; Neuman, Craig; Biddle, Stephen; Oelrich, Ivan. International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p202-213, 12p; (AN 41802272)
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9.

Index to International Security: Volume 41 (Summer 2016–Spring 2017) International Security, Spring 2017, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 4 p214-216, 3p; (AN 41802275)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 52, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Foreign Relations of the GCC Countries amid Shifting Global and Regional Dynamics by Colombo, Silvia; Ragab, Eman. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p1-2, 2p; (AN 42317766)
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2.

Between Accommodation and Opportunism: Explaining the Growing Influence of Small Gulf States in the Middle East by Szalai, Máté. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p3-18, 16p; Abstract: AbstractSmaller members of the Gulf Cooperation Council defied theoretical and practical expectations as they were able to enlarge their international influence during the years of the Arab Spring. They adopted markedly different foreign policy strategies, which can be seen as stances lying between accommodation and opportunism, depending on the extent to which they respected the security concerns of their geopolitical patron, Saudi Arabia. The mainstream schools of IR theory – neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism – offer different explanations for these phenomena. Although none of the three schools can provide a completely exhaustive explanation, neoliberalism seems to offer the most comprehensive framework for analysis.; (AN 42317767)
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3.

Status and Foreign Policy Change in Small States: Qatar’s Emergence in Perspective by Mohammadzadeh, Babak. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p19-36, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSmall states are just as easily seduced by status and glory as other states. When conceived as situated in a stratified international society, small states acquire an inherent tendency to overcome their disadvantage in conventional power terms through the pursuit of status. Hence, it is precisely because of their position in the international hierarchy, not in spite of it, that strategic ideas based on state size stimulate foreign policy change in small states. This mechanism provides an explanation to the question why the small state of Qatar has pursued such a high-profile diplomatic strategy since its emergence in the late 1990s.; (AN 42317769)
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4.

Beyond Money and Diplomacy: Regional Policies of Saudi Arabia and UAE after the Arab Spring by Ragab, Eman. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p37-53, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe post-Arab Spring context created a window of opportunity for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to reposition themselves in the region as countries capable of using not only money and diplomacy, but also military means in pursuing their regional policies. Their military interventions in Bahrain in 2011 and Yemen in 2015 uncover different aspects of the militarisation of their foreign policies. The permanence of the militarisation of their policies is, however, challenged by the type of interventionist state unfolding from these muscular policies, their domestic and regional legitimacy and the institutionalisation of this foreign policy pattern.; (AN 42317768)
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5.

Foreign Policy Activism in Saudi Arabia and Oman. Diverging Narratives and Stances towards the Syrian and Yemeni Conflicts by Colombo, Silvia. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p54-70, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAmid growing animosity and security concerns in the Middle East, the Gulf region appears to be on the way to becoming the new centre of gravity of regional equilibria. The increasingly active foreign policy postures of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is a key aspect of the new regional order in the making. Saudi Arabia and Oman are two examples of this trend. Their involvement in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts reveals important differences regarding the aims, narratives, political and military postures, strategies and alliances pursued by Riyadh and Muscat and casts a shadow over the future of GCC cooperation and integration.; (AN 42317771)
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6.

The Evolution of Saudi Foreign Policy and the Role of Decision-making Processes and Actors by Karim, Umer. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p71-88, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSaudi Arabia has witnessed a centralisation of power in the office of the deputy crown prince, which has amounted to a shift in decision-making from consensual and deliberative to swift and adventurous, most markedly in foreign policy. This centralisation is coupled with an increase in institutionalisation. A new decision-making pattern and rising Iranian power in the region have affected the evolution of Saudi foreign policy. The Saudi crown prince’s strict handling of Shia dissidents acknowledges the perceived extension of the Iranian threat to internal security. The relationship between these two princes and Saudi political competition with Iran will affect the evolution of Saudi foreign policy in a critical manner in the future.; (AN 42317770)
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7.

Iran, the GCC and the Implications of the Nuclear Deal: Rivalry versus Engagement by Bahi, Riham. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p89-101, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, also known as the Iran nuclear deal, is consequential for Middle East regional security. It has raised a number of concerns for Arab Gulf states in relation to an emboldened Iran after sanction relief and the perceived shift of the US away from supporting its traditional allies in the Gulf. The international recognition and incorporation of Iran into regional power constellations resulting from the deal will intensify Saudi-Iranian rivalry to assert dominance. This rivalry and competition will increase in the short run, however, regional crises are expected to highlight the need for dialogue and engagement on regional affairs.; (AN 42317773)
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8.

US-Arab Gulf Relations amidst Regional and Global Changes by Khatib, Dania Koleilat. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p102-114, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe Arab Gulf has long enjoyed privileged relations with the United States. Being home to the world’s largest oil reserves, the US saw it in its strategic interest to keep Arab Gulf states in its camp during the Cold War. The relation developed over the years to include other areas of cooperation such as in the military, economic and even academic fields. However, many factors today challenge this relationship. In the face of the US’ evident retrenchment from the region, the Arab Gulf is showing more inter-GCC cooperation, and Saudi Arabia is trying to forge alliances independently from the US. At the same time, Arab Gulf countries are intensifying their lobbying efforts in the US.; (AN 42317772)
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9.

Russia as a Gravity Pole of the GCC’s New Foreign Policy Pragmatism by Shumilin, Alexander; Shumilina, Inna. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p115-129, 15p; Abstract: AbstractDespite the obvious differences over the Syrian crisis and Iran, the GCC countries do not seem to be distancing themselves from Russia politically. To a large extent that is due to Russia’s growing military role (in Syria) and military cooperation (with Iran), as well as the diminishing role of the United States under Obama. Having accepted the situation in Syria (after the fall of Aleppo) as a fait accompli, the GCC’s elites seem to be looking at Russia as a powerful player able to reduce the scope of Iran’s expansion in the region. Their approach involves a carefully established mechanism of economic interaction exploiting Russia’s need for GCC finances and arms acquisitions.; (AN 42317776)
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10.

Understanding the ISIS Phenomenon: History, Ideology and Governance of the Islamic State by Dessì, Andrea. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p130-132, 3p; (AN 42317774)
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11.

NATO in Libya and the Future of Transatlantic Cooperation by Gilli, Andrea. International Spectator, April 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p133-134, 2p; (AN 42317775)
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