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E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 32, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Developing status as a small state: Estonia’s foreign aid strategy by Crandall, Matthew; Varov, Ingrid. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p405-425, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe study of small state foreign policy has traditionally focused on size and the influence it plays on small state behaviour. This article instead uses the social identity theory to evaluate small state behaviour. Using the concept of status, Estonia’s bilateral development cooperation with Georgia and Moldova is evaluated. Despite Estonia’s limited resources, the impact of its aid was significant in terms of boosting Estonia’s status in the eyes of Georgia and Moldova. Using the concept of status is promising in its ability to explain and understand small state behaviour. The potential impact of this approach is significant as size might best be understood not as material or relational but as psychological.; (AN 40068975)
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2.

Deepening democratisation? Exploring the declared motives for “late” lustration in Poland by Szczerbiak, Aleks. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p426-445, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLustration was one of, if not the, most important and controversial transitional justice methods to be used in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, and Poland is an archetypal case of late and recurring lustration. Many of the attempts in the literature to tackle such changes of lustration trajectory divide between those who focus on the partisan and electoral-strategic drivers of its protagonists, and those who ascribe more ideological-programmatic motives to them. The re-emergence of the lustration issue in the Polish case was entwined with broader debates about the quality of post-communist democracy more generally and often felt to be indicative of the need to deepen the democratisation process.; (AN 40068974)
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3.

Constitutional change in light of European Union membership: trends and trajectories in the new member states by Karlsson, Christer; Galic, Katarina. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p446-465, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConstitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, the study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.; (AN 40068976)
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4.

Party-directed personalisation: the role of candidate selection in campaign personalisation in Hungary by Papp, Zsófia; Zorigt, Burtejin. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p466-486, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to capture the effect of candidate selection on campaign personalisation during two Hungarian general elections (2010 and 2014). Our main hypothesis is that candidates who think their selection was mostly influenced by the national party leadership (i.e. it was centralised and at the same time exclusive) pursue less personalised campaigns than those who think that other actors played a major role in candidate selection. By using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, we show that centralised and exclusive selection practices affect personalisation in Hungary. The main finding of this article is that – besides its main effect – candidate selection affects the personalisation of various groups of candidates (local politiciansand national party leaders) in different ways. The result confirms that centralisation and exclusiveness in candidate selection is definitely important in shaping how candidates approach campaign personalisation.; (AN 40068979)
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5.

Explaining turnout in local referenda in the Czech Republic: does a NIMBY question enhance citizen engagement? by Nový, Michal. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p487-504, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the past decade, holding local referenda in the Czech Republic has become more frequent. Due to current regulations, however, the direct voice of people cannot be always heard; it largely depends on the number of citizens who express their preferences. The aim of this article is to show how to achieve higher turnout in local referenda such that they become binding on politicians. It hypothesises that the questions on NIMBY (“not-in-my-backyard”) issues should considerably stimulate people's political engagement. This supposition is examined through the empirical analysis of 258 local referenda held between 2004 and 2014 in the Czech Republic.; (AN 40068978)
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6.

The EU and rule of law promotion in Western Balkans – a new role for candidate states’ parliaments by Strelkov, Alexander. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p505-524, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article explores the recent shift in the European Union’s approach towards candidate states in the Western Balkans.1It argues that the European Commission has started to pay greater attention to parliaments in candidate states in order to promote and secure accession-related reforms. As a result, national parliaments in candidate states have greater opportunities to shape the content of these reforms, including those in the rule of law sector. Consequently, the article elaborates on the factors that could potentially affect Balkan parliaments’ involvement in the accession process.; (AN 40068977)
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7.

Comeback of the transatlantic security community? Comparative securitisation in the Crimea crisis by Stahl, Bernhard; Lucke, Robin; Felfeli, Anna. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p525-546, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs previous crises such as Libya and Iraq have shown, the transatlantic community is suffering from a deficient common security identity. Comparing the US, French, German, and British reactions to the Russian annexation of Crimea discloses whether the value-based foundations of the transatlantic security community are eroding. The securitisation model seems well-suited to complement the theory of security communities by offering analytical criteria for the comparison. Who securitised what, when, and how in early 2014? The analysis proposes securitisation as a promising research tool for foreign policy comparisons and reveals to what extent the transatlantic security community still exists.; (AN 40068981)
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8.

The Arctic in the political discourse of Russian leaders: the national pride and economic ambitions by Khrushcheva, Olga; Poberezhskaya, Marianna. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p547-566, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how Arctic policy is presented in Russian political narratives. This is achieved through the discourse analysis of 109 official documents published within a seven-year timeframe (2008–2015) on the official website of the Russian President. The article argues that Russian leaders emphasise the state’s geographical location and significant contribution to historical exploration and environmental protection of the region to frame Russia as an “Arctic Great Power” which has natural rights to possess and utilise the Arctic’s abundant resources. The logic of “our Arctic, our rules” can justify any necessary sacrifices, and the assertive policy of the state. However, this discursive representation of the Russian Arctic does not correlate with the reality of the country’s current interests in international cooperation and its willingness to “play by the rules”.; (AN 40068980)
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9.

Twenty years after communism: the politics of memory and commemoration by Haughton, Tim. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p567-568, 2p; (AN 40068982)
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10.

The EU and member state building – European foreign policy in the Western Balkans by Bassuener, Kurt W.. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p568-570, 3p; (AN 40068983)
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11.

Security, democracy and war crimes: security sector transformation in Serbia by O'Brien, Thomas. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p570-571, 2p; (AN 40068985)
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12.

Civic and uncivic values in Kosovo: history, politics and value transformation by Skoric, Indira K.. East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p571-573, 3p; (AN 40068984)
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13.

Editorial Board East European Politics, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40068986)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 21, no. 4, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Article Index European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p335-339, 5p; (AN 40729669)
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2.

The European Union’s ‘Cosmopolitan Foreign Policy Constitution’ and Its Disregard in Transatlantic Free Trade Agreements by Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p449-468, 20p; Abstract: The universal recognition of human rights promotes international ‘cosmopolitan law’ protecting rights and judicial remedies of citizens in ever more fields of international regulation. Yet, even though free trade agreements (FTAs) protecting rights and remedies of citizens have been uniquely successful in European integration, the European Union (EU)’s ‘cosmopolitan foreign policy mandate’ is increasingly disregarded in FTA negotiations with non-European countries. The EU’s transatlantic FTAs risk undermining fundamental rights and judicial remedies inside the EU. Citizens rightly challenge the interest group politics in designing transatlantic FTAs and the EU’s neglect for participatory and deliberative democracy in EU trade policies on regulating international markets.; (AN 40729667)
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3.

The European Union’s New International Investment Policy: Product of Commission Entrepreneurship or Business Lobbying? by Basedow, Robert. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p469-491, 23p; Abstract: The article seeks to explain the emergence of the European Union (EU)’s international investment policy since the 1980s. The article develops two competing explanations. It evaluates whether the Commission acted as policy entrepreneur to consolidate the EU’s role in international investment policy or whether European business lobbied for the ‘brusselization’ of international investment policy making to ensure access to ambitious state-of-the-art international investment agreements. The article traces the EU’s involvement in international investment policy through history. It examines policy-making instances, which shaped the EU’s de facto competences in international investment negotiations and its legal competences under European law. It finds that Commission entrepreneurship promoted the EU’s involvement in international investment negotiations and ultimately ensured due to the procedural particularities of the Convention on the Future of Europe the extension of the EU’s legal competences. European business and the Member States did not promote the emergence of the EU’s international investment policy.; (AN 40729676)
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4.

Perceptions of the European Union’s Fledgling Delegations: More Coherence, More Effectiveness? by Kelly, Serena; Chaban, Natalia; Elgström, Ole. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p493-515, 23p; Abstract: The debate surrounding the challenge of improving coherence in European Union (EU) foreign policy is ongoing. EU Delegations (EUDs), operating under the European External Action Service (EEAS) were recently established to provide a focal point for the EU in third countries, providing potential for improving EU coherence. Using the case study of the EUDs, this article adds to theorizations of EU coherence – defined as the absence of contradictions between policies and positions, and between words and deeds – through elaborating the notion of external engagement coherence. Questioning the assumption that improvement of EU foreign policy coherence leads to the improvement of its effectiveness, the article analyses perceptions of the EUDs in three EU strategic partners – China, Russia and India. The article finds that the creation of the EUDs does not necessarily mean more perceived coherence for the EU. In spite of this finding; EUDs were nevertheless often viewed as effective, especially in certain areas.; (AN 40729670)
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5.

Stories of Moral Actorship: European Union and Chinese Narratives Towards Africa by Keuleers, Floor. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p517-537, 21p; Abstract: European Union (EU) leaders have recently started internal discussions about the framework to shape relations with sub-Saharan African countries in the post-Cotonou period. The process is set against the background of increasing contestation over the African continent, most prominently with China. This article argues that for the EU to properly address this competition, it needs to conceptualize it as unfolding not only on the material but also on the ideational level. Contrary to common belief, China is not an amoral actor in Africa, but rather the source of a complex and historically-rooted alternative view on the global system and development cooperation, a view that might be appealing to disenchanted African audiences. Building upon the conceptual framework of ‘strategic narrative’, this article systematically deconstructs the EU and Chinese narratives towards Africa into their core components at the system, identity, relationship and issue level. Empirically, the article is based upon a qualitative analysis of core policy documents on Africa covering the period 2000–2015. By contributing to a better understanding and contextualization of the divergent views and claims espoused by the two narratives, this article lays the foundation for a broader research agenda aimed at grasping the normative competition faced by the EU in Africa.; (AN 40729681)
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6.

The Huawei Case and What It Reveals About Europe’s Trade Policy by Pepermans, Astrid. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p539-557, 19p; Abstract: In 2003, China was included among the European Union (EU)’s six strategic partners. However, it soon became clear that China is not only a partner, but also a serious economic competitor for the EU. This article focuses on the Sino-European telecom conflict, which took place between 2010 and 2014, and in which the European Commission was cornered by China’s tactical use of economic diplomacy. This case shows that the European Member States are unable to pull together and to create a unified policy towards China. The Chinese and their team of large national companies have been eager to exploit this European weakness. It seems that, certainly in this case, competition has triumphed over cooperation.; (AN 40729678)
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7.

Between Autonomy and Effectiveness: Reassessing the European Union’s Foreign Policy Towards the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by Cladi, Lorenzo; Webber, Mark. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p559-577, 19p; Abstract: Through a consideration of policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this article examines the autonomy and effectiveness of the European Union (EU) as an actor. We discuss first the criteria by which autonomy and effectiveness can be judged and then consider these by reference to EU policy since the formation of the Quartet in 2002. We argue that the EU has been effective in articulating a consistent and clear set of policies on Israel-Palestine. While this has placed it on-side with US-led initiatives to foster a solution to the conflict, we regard such an alignment as consistent with EU autonomy. These findings allow us to make qualified but still positive comments on the emerging EU Global Strategy. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict certainly demonstrates the limitations of EU external action but in affirming its credentials as an autonomous partner of the United States, the EU is less ineffectual than some commentators claim.; (AN 40729671)
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8.

From ‘Thin’ to ‘Thick’ Foreign Policy Europeanization: Common Foreign and Security Policy and Finland by Palosaari, Teemu. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p579-599, 21p; Abstract: The value of Europeanization for empirical research on foreign policy has been a much questioned topic recently. This article argues that Europeanization helps us to ask researchable questions regarding foreign policy. To support this argument, it will introduce an analytical framework that identifies two directions (adaptation and projection) and two dimensions: ‘thin’ Europeanization which refers to changes in policies and organizational structures, and ‘thick’ Europeanization implying learning, socialization, and identity change. The article proposes a way to better integrate the sociological institutionalist aspects of the Europeanization process into the adaptation- projection dynamism. To demonstrate the framework, the article looks at Finnish foreign and security policy and argues that the Europeanization of Finland has been more profound than previous studies indicate. The European Union (EU)’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has played a significant role in a number of transformations in Finnish policies since 1995, resulting in ‘thick’ Europeanization. In addition to national adaptation, Finland has, with varying outcome, tried to project ideas, preferences and models from the national to the European level.; (AN 40729679)
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9.

Values in the European Union’s Foreign Policy: An Analysis and Assessment of CFSP Declarations by Cardwell, Paul James. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p601-621, 21p; Abstract: Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) Declarations have become one of the main ways in which the European Union (EU) makes its voice heard on the global stage. Declarations do not have a basis in the Treaty but are the product of close cooperation between the Member States. Their frequency has increased to the extent that they are a stable, regular and institutionalized feature of the CFSP. When placed in the context of the EU’s institutional foreign policy arrangements, Declarations can be understood as an integral part of the process of forging a common foreign policy for the EU and they should not merely be regarded as empty words. In particular, Declarations represent a significant delegation of authority to the High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy to speak for Europe. This article examines the scope and content of the CFSP Declarations issued over the period 2007–2015 by the Council and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. By classifying Declarations according to type, ‘target’ and subject matter, the article suggests that Declarations have become a specific instrument in their own right and reflect a core set of values the EU has pursued via the CFSP.; (AN 40729675)
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10.

Book Review: EU Foreign Policy and Crisis Management Operations: Power, Purpose and Domestic Politics, Benjamin Pohl. (Abingdon/Oxon: Routledge. 2014) by Matera, Margherita. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p623-625, 3p; (AN 40729673)
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11.

Book Review: Turkey and the European Union, Senem Aydin-Duzgit & Nathalie Tocci. (London: Palgrave Macmillan. 2016) by Martin, Natalie. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p625-628, 4p; (AN 40729674)
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12.

Book Review: Constructing European Union Trade Policy: A Global Idea of Europe, Gabriel Siles-Brügge. Basingstoke, (UK: Palgrave Macmillan. 2014) by Jean, Ian Barnes. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p628-630, 3p; (AN 40729672)
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13.

Book Review: In Place of Inter-State Retaliation: the European Union’s Rejection of WTO Style Trade Sanctions and Trade Remedies, (William Phelan. Oxford: OUP. 2015) by Lieberman, Sarah. European Foreign Affairs Review, December 2016, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p630-633, 4p; (AN 40729680)
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3

European Security
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

European diplomatic practices: contemporary challenges and innovative approaches by Bicchi, Federica; Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p391-406, 16p; Abstract: AbstractAs the aim of this special issue is to show practice approaches at work in the case of European diplomacy, this introduction provides readers with a hands-on sense of where the conversation about practices and European diplomacy currently stands. By introducing the key terms and overviewing the literature, the article contextualises the guiding questions of the special issue. It starts by reviewing how practice approaches have evolved in IR debates. It then describes European diplomacy’s nuts and bolts in a post-Lisbon setting. It continues by focusing on specific practices and analytical mechanisms that contribute to understand European diplomacy’s transformations and the role of security. While the debate about practices goes beyond the case of diplomacy, the latter has become a showcase for the former and this special issue continues the debate on practices and diplomacy by zooming in on the European Union.; (AN 40332799)
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2.

Doing Europe: agency and the European Union in the field of counter-piracy practice by Bueger, Christian. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p407-422, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe practice turn provides new avenues for core questions of international relations and European Studies. This article draws on a practice theoretical account to shed new light on the constitution of agency in global politics. An understanding of agency as achievement that requires significant practical work and the participation in international fields of practice is developed. Drawing on the case of the field of counter-piracy practice and the European Union’s (EU’s) work to counter piracy off the coast of Somalia, it is shown how the EU achieved the position as a core actor in the field. A detailed discussion of the EU’s work in interrupting and knowing piracy, in building capacity, and in governing piracy is provided.; (AN 40332800)
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3.

Making sense of the EU’s response to the Arab uprisings: foreign policy practice at times of crisis by Bremberg, Niklas. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p423-441, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Arab uprisings of 2011 put into question previously held understandings about the stability of authoritarian regimes in North Africa as well as the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with countries in its southern neighbourhood. Despite early calls on behalf of the EU to change its policies, the Union’s responses in the early stages seemed mostly characterised by continuity. This article claims that certain dispositions and background knowledge developed over several decades vis-à-vis EU’s Mediterranean policies served as a baseline from which EU officials and diplomats acted. Drawing on insights from practice approaches, the article argues that the practical understandings on what the EU can (and cannot) do vis-à-vis partner countries in North Africa create a kind of power politics of practical dispositions. The article focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy - the EU’s flagship initiative - and builds on a unique set of data that combine policy documents and interviews with about 30 EU officials and national diplomats from before and after the Arab uprisings. In this way, it illustrates how practice relates to change in that even though the EU’s responses drew on an established repertoire of practice, enacting it in a new context opened up new possibilities for action.; (AN 40332802)
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4.

The practice of burden sharing in European crisis management operations by Mérand, Frédéric; Rayroux, Antoine. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p442-460, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIf a European organisation decides to deploy a military force in Mali or a police mission in Afghanistan, member states probably believe that collective security is a public good that benefits them all. But who will lead the mission? Who will staff it? Who will pay for it? Who will risk casualties? While rational-choice theorists expect little burden sharing, constructivists expect a great deal more insofar as normative pressures are brought to bear on governments. The problem is that it is hard to find countries that systematically eschew their responsibilities or, contrariwise, systematically contribute their fair share out of a sense of moral obligation. In this article, we analyse burden sharing as an anchoring practice, shedding light on the social logic of burden sharing rather than abstract interests or norms. Established after the end of the Second World War, the field of European security has given birth to a “community of security practice” around the more or less routine task of determining national contributions to crisis management operations. Based on interviews with practitioners from the UK, France, Germany, Norway and Ireland, we analyse the impact of intersubjectivity, power and strategic culture on the practice of burden sharing.; (AN 40332801)
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5.

Europe under occupation: the European diplomatic community of practice in the Jerusalem area by Bicchi, Federica. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p461-477, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation.; (AN 40332803)
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6.

European security as practice: EU–NATO communities of practice in the making? by Græger, Nina. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p478-501, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEuropean security is at a critical juncture and many have called for a more coherent and efficient response, involving both the EU and NATO. However, the primary tool for EU–NATO cooperation, “Berlin Plus”, has been stuck in a political quagmire since the mid-2000s, making a lot of scholars to conclude that this cooperation is obsolete and outdated. This article is challenging this view by analysing a range of informal but regular interaction patterns that have emerged. Using practice theory, it sheds new light on and explores how EU and NATO staff at all levels engage in informal practices on various sites in headquarters in Brussels and in field operations. A study of EU–NATO cooperation as practice focuses on the everyday, patterned production of security as well as what makes action possible, such as (tacit) practical knowledge and shared “background” knowledge (education, training, and experience). The article also discusses the extent to which shared repertoires of practice may evolve into loose communities of practice that cut across organisational and professional boundaries.; (AN 40332805)
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7.

The making of a diplomat: the case of the French Diplomatic and Consular Institute as an identity workspace by Baylon, Donoxti. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p502-523, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the creation of the Diplomatic and Consular Institute by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and conceptualises this new professional school of diplomacy as an “identity workspace” following the analysis of a cohort’s learning experience. This article aims to spark a debate from a practice perspective on diplomatic training as offered by Ministries of Foreign Affairs in Europe.; (AN 40332806)
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8.

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy by Chelotti, Nicola. European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p524-541, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brussels-based) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states’ positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats’ conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On the whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent.; (AN 40332804)
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9.

Editorial Board European Security, October 2016, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40332807)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 29, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

China: the Party, the Internet, and power as shared weakness by Navarria, Giovanni. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe spreading application of digital networks throughout China’s social, economic and political structures exposes the Communist Party to new weaknesses that are increasingly exploited by citizens and used by them to contest and restrain its power monopoly. The Party successfully counters these trends by employing alternative web tactics. To make sense of this dynamic, the paper proposes a new concept of power as shared weakness (ruò shì jūn zhān de lì liàng). The term refers to the inability of actors (from the most powerful to the least powerful) to exercise full control over the digitally networked environment in which they operate.; (AN 41134194)
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2.

The emergence of private security governance. Assessing facilitating conditions in the case of Somali piracy by Staff, Helge. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p21-37, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFacing the threat of Somali piracy, private actors have created a private security governance framework by both issuing and implementing standards as well as offering operative security solutions through armed guards. Which conditions have facilitated this provision of private security? The present article approaches this research question in two innovative ways: Theoretically, by deriving four conditions from the literature on private climate governance and applying them to the security realm; and empirically, by analyzing the activities of Private Military and Security Companies and the shipping industry in the case of Somali piracy based on a series of semi-structured interviews. Thus, the article contributes to the literature on private security in at least two ways: it provides an extensive understanding of private security incorporating operative and regulative elements and it uses insights about private governance from a more developed field in order to understand private security governance more systematically. The article concludes that all four conditions prominent in the literature on climate change – risk perception, involvement of capital markets, governmental inability, and commodification – can successfully be applied to the case of Somali piracy and explain the emergence and dynamic of private security governance.; (AN 41134193)
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3.

Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance by Dalby, Simon; Moussavi, Zahra. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p39-55, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGeopolitics, climate change and environmental security operate in complicated and sometimes directly conflictual ways. Driven in part by national policies of food self-sufficiency in response to economic sanctions imposed on Iran by American and European policies, the destruction of one of the world’s largest inland lakes raises questions about the interaction of multiple forms of security, and in particular how securitizations by various actors interact at a number of scales. Lake Urmia in North Western Iran has rapidly dwindled in the last decade, a result of unsustainable water extractions to irrigate growing agricultural production of apples and other horticultural products. Clearly assumptions that security is additive across sectors and scales is not the case here as elsewhere, but the Urmia Lake episode emphasizes that they are in fact frequently operating at cross-purposes; national security strategies may compromise other forms of security quite directly. Blaming climate change, and possibly the deliberate use of climate modification techniques for the lake’s demise adds a key dimension to securitization discussions. This matters for security studies more generally now because climate change is increasingly being introduced as a macrosecuritization in international politics.; (AN 41134197)
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4.

Iraq’s struggle with de-Ba`thification process by Keskin Zeren, Aysegul. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p57-76, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTVetting/lustration/purging is one of many transitional justice mechanisms, designed for addressing the atrocities of a former regime, restoring peace, providing justice and engendering unity and reconciliation. It specifically aims to purify the public sphere of former regime members or of people who lack integrity. de-Ba`thification of Iraq is one of the latest transitional justice mechanism that can be examined under this category. The process of de-Ba`thification holds lessons and provides valuable insight into policy-making well beyond the Iraqi context. This article presents a detailed analysis of the implementation of de-Ba`thification process in Iraq and a number of lessons to be learned/relearned by policy-makers. Data gathering involves in-depth and formal interviews with the designers and implementers of de-Ba`thification project including Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) administrator and advisors; Higher National de-Ba`thification Commission (HNDBC) and Accountability and Justice Commission (AJC) members; other US and Iraqi officials.1; (AN 41134196)
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5.

What explains the success of preventive diplomacy in Southeast Asia? by Huan, Amanda; Emmers, Ralf. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p77-93, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInter-state preventive diplomacy (PD) has mostly been regarded as successful in Southeast Asia as evidenced by the absence of inter-state armed conflict. This success has generally been credited to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Yet, in terms of addressing specific crises, the paper argues that three factors are critical to the success of inter-state PD in Southeast Asia: the level of great power interest in particular disputes, the perceived legitimacy of the PD actor, and the nature of the agreement being sought. Great power interference complicates strategic calculations and is therefore likely to make it harder for PD attempts to succeed. Reversely, the critical involvement of the United Nations as a PD-doer and negotiator helps de-escalate violence in interstate disputes in Southeast Asia. The paper applies these factors to understand why the East Timor and the Preah Vihear Temple cases were successful exercises of PD while PD, in regard to the South China Sea dialogue, has so far only produced limited results.; (AN 41134195)
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6.

Should companies be involved in peacemaking, or mind their own business? by van Dorp, Mark. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p95-102, 8p; (AN 41134198)
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7.

Protest: a cultural introduction to social movements by Marcelli, Andrea Mattia. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2017, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p103-105, 3p; (AN 41134199)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 16, no. 4, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Toward the Green Comfort Zone: Synergy in Environmental Official Development Assistance by Park, Jeongwon Bourdais. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p1-11, 11p; Abstract: This forum article discusses environmental official development assistance (ODA), the official aid allocated for the purpose of making environmental improvements in recipient countries, focusing on the affinity between the changing ODA rules and the patterns of green aid activities at a global level. It explores the question of how far ODA rules and principles can consistently accommodate the interface between aid and the environment, through examining the changing ODA principles reflected in the outcome of the Fourth High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness (HLF4), held in Busan in 2011–2012. This article argues that the shifting emphasis and the subsequent laxness in ODA norms may increasingly facilitate donor-oriented green-labeled projects that, in turn, create and reinforce a negative synergy with an undesirable aid modality. If ODA in this field were better managed, it could serve as a significant tool for improving the quality of life through environmental protection in poorer countries.; (AN 40534094)
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2.

Splitting the South: China and India’s Divergence in International Environmental Negotiations by Stokes, Leah C.; Giang, Amanda; Selin, Noelle E.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p12-31, 20p; Abstract: International environmental negotiations often involve conflicts between developed and developing countries. However, considering environmental cooperation in a North-South dichotomy obscures important variation within the Global South, particularly as emerging economies become more important politically, economically, and environmentally. This article examines change in the Southern coalition in environmental negotiations, using the recently concluded Minamata Convention on Mercury as its primary case. Focusing on India and China, we argue that three key factors explain divergence in their positions as the negotiations progressed: domestic resources and regulatory politics, development constraints, and domestic scientific and technological capacity. We conclude that the intersection between scientific and technological development and domestic policy is of increasing importance in shaping emerging economies’ engagement in international environmental negotiations. We also discuss how this divergence is affecting international environmental cooperation on other issues, including the ozone and climate negotiations.; (AN 40534097)
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3.

Investor-State Arbitration in Domestic Mining Conflicts by Williams, Zoe Phillips. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p32-49, 18p; Abstract: International investment agreements (IIAs) give conflicts between mining companies and communities a transnational dimension, allowing investors to sue a state before an IIA tribunal. While investor-state disputes related to extractive industries arise from a wide range of state actions, an important subset are triggered by domestic conflicts between anti-mining groups and foreign companies. How does arbitration affect anti-mining movements? I argue that IIAs limit the government’s responsiveness to domestic pressure, reducing the ability of domestic nonstate actors to influence policies governing the extractive industry. However, it cannot be assumed that states would support these groups even without investor pressure; IIAs only have this effect when anti-mining groups are able to change the state’s preference toward the investment.; (AN 40534088)
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4.

Energy Technology, Politics, and Interpretative Frames: Shale Gas Fracking in Eastern Europe by Goldthau, Andreas; Sovacool, Benjamin K.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p50-69, 20p; Abstract: This article explores competing interpretive frames regarding shale gas in Bulgaria, Poland, and Romania. These countries face the choice of embracing shale gas as a potential revolutionizing domestic source of energy, against the backdrop of Russia serving as the dominant gas supplier. This makes them interesting cases for studying how policy narratives and discourses coalesce around a novel technology. The findings, which are based on sixty-six semistructured research interviews, point to differing and indeed competing frames, ranging from national security, environmental boons to economic sellout and authoritarianism, with different sets of institutions sharing those frames. This suggests that enhancing energy security by way of deploying novel energy technologies such as shale gas fracking is not simply a function of resource endowments and technological progress. Instead, it is the result of complex dynamics unfolding among social stakeholders and the related discursive processes, which eventually will determine whether—or not—shale gas will go global.; (AN 40534095)
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5.

Leadership and the Energiewende: German Leadership by Diffusion by Steinbacher, Karoline; Pahle, Michael. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p70-89, 20p; Abstract: The German energy transition—or Energiewende—stands out globally as one of the most prominent and widely discussed plans to transform an energy system. However, the ways in which Germany can and does promote the diffusion of its model remain to be systematically reviewed. Aiming at closing this gap, this article develops an analytical framework for “leadership by diffusion” and applies it to the Energiewende. We find that, while Germany’s aim of gaining followers has led to it becoming a highly active leader, a comprehensive strategy for effective leadership is still to emerge. Tapping the full potential of Energiewende leadership will require bundling existing initiatives and strengthening the availability of information on this transformation in the making. At the domestic level, the implementation of the Energiewende in Germany will need to consider the policy model’s abilities to trigger innovation and generate knowledge and lessons that can facilitate policy action elsewhere.; (AN 40534096)
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6.

Ecosystem Service Commodification: Lessons from California by Schmitz, Marissa Bongiovanni; Kelly, Erin Clover. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p90-110, 21p; Abstract: In 2013 the state of California launched a cap-and-trade program with a groundbreaking protocol for improved forest management (IFM), providing a framework to monetize carbon sequestration in managed forests. Through in-depth interviews and document review, this research examines California's IFM program development as a case study in stakeholder-engaged ecosystem commodification. We consider how diverse, vested-interest actors contested rival program design options by using the familiar narratives of ecological modernization, green governmentality, and civic environmentalism. The results reveal the benefits and complexities of delegating methodological design to stakeholders who seek direct participation in the market, and highlight the challenges of balancing multiple program objectives, including environmental benefits, legitimacy and market reception, and landowner participation potential. This research provides a unique window into the complex process of forest-offset program design and offers broader lessons for ecosystem markets currently being designed and implemented globally.; (AN 40534087)
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7.

Framing Climate Change Loss and Damage in UNFCCC Negotiations by Vanhala, Lisa; Hestbaek, Cecilie. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p111-129, 19p; Abstract: How does an idea emerge and gain traction in the international arena when its underpinning principles are contested by powerful players? The adoption in 2013 of the Warsaw International Mechanism on Loss and Damage as part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) puzzled observers, because key state parties, such as the United States, had historically opposed the policy. This article examines the roles of frame contestation and ambiguity in accounting for the evolution and institutionalization of the “loss and damage” norm within the UNFCCC. The article applies frame analysis to the data from coverage of the negotiations and elite interviews. It reveals that two competing framings, one focused on liability and compensation and the other on risk and insurance, evolved into a single, overarching master frame. This more ambiguous framing allowed parties to attach different meanings to the policy that led to the resolution of differences among the parties and the embedding of the idea of loss and damage in international climate policy.; (AN 40534091)
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8.

Power and Authority in Global Climate Governance by van der Ven, Hamish. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p130-135, 6p; (AN 40534093)
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9.

Steinberg, Paul. 2015. Who Rules the Earth? How Social Rules Shape Our Planet and Our Lives.Oxford: Oxford University Press. by Schroeder, Heike. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p136-137, 2p; (AN 40534089)
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10.

Webster, D. G. 2015. Beyond the Tragedy in Global Fisheries. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press by Ásgeirsdóttir, Áslaug. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p138-139, 2p; (AN 40534092)
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11.

Mirumachi, Naho. 2015. Transboundary Water Politics in the Developing World. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. by Kantel, Anne J.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p139-141, 3p; (AN 40534090)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 22, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Women, Peace, and Security: Are We There Yet? by Labonte, Melissa; Curry, Gaynel. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p311-319, 9p; (AN 39752994)
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2.

Pay the Polluter: Why South Korea and Japan Should Fund Abatement in China by Richey, Mason; Daewon, Ohn. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p321-330, 10p; (AN 39752987)
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3.

What Happened to the Responsibility to Rebuild? by Keranen, Outi. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p331-348, 18p; Abstract: While significant obstacles to the realization of the Responsibility to Protect in practice remain, it has nonetheless made considerable progress in transforming from an idea to an emerging norm. At the same time, however, its sister component, the Responsibility to Rebuild has elicited less scholarly and policy attention. The lack of attention to rebuilding responsibilities has been made all the more urgent by the violent aftermath of the first protection intervention in Libya in 2011. Against this backdrop, the article examines the way in which the Responsibility to Rebuild is understood and operationalized, with reference to Libya and Côte d'Ivoire, theaters of two recent protection interventions. The conceptual evolution of the Responsibility to Rebuild reveals a distinct shift toward a more statist understanding of the rebuilding phase; what was initially considered a part of the wider international protection responsibility has come to be viewed as a domestic responsibility. This recalibration of the responsibility to rebuild stems from the concept's association with the reactive element of R2P as well as from the changes in the wider normative environment. The more statist understanding of rebuilding responsibilities has manifested itself not only in the emphasis on domestic ownership of the rebuilding process in the wake of protection interventions, but also in the reconceptualization of the wider international Responsibility to Rebuild as a narrower responsibility to assist in building the capacity of the state subjected to protection intervention. This has been problematic in policy terms as the attempt to build capacity through the standard state-building measures has resulted at best in negative peace and at worst in armed violence.; (AN 39752993)
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4.

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and Legitimacy in Global Health Governance by Harman, Sophie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p349-368, 20p; Abstract: The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation brings to light the legitimacy problem with global philanthropy. The legitimacy problem here is twofold: first, with regard to the criteria used to assess the presence or absence of legitimacy in global governance; and, second, how analysis of legitimacy does not fully account for how we understand the legitimate basis of rule drawn from private wealth. This article begins to address this lacuna by analyzing the legitimacy of an actor that wields considerable authority in the field of global health politics and has growing prominence in contemporary global governance, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.; (AN 39752991)
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5.

A Catalyst for Cooperation: The Inter-Agency Standing Committee and the Humanitarian Response to Climate Change by Hall, Nina W. T.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p369-387, 19p; Abstract: Climate change is predicted to lead to an increasing frequency of natural disasters and humanitarian emergencies, yet scholars have not examined how the humanitarian community is responding to this issue. This article examines its initial engagement with the climate change regime and finds it was remarkably coordinated. Humanitarian agencies coauthored submissions to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and the leaders of major humanitarian organizations spoke on co-organized panels on the humanitarian perils of climate change. In fact, the overarching trend was cooperation, not competition, among humanitarian agencies. This is an intriguing finding as it runs counter to the dominant account of a humanitarian marketplace in which actors are constantly competing for resources. Instead, this article suggests that the Inter-Agency Standing Committee played a significant role in mobilizing and coordinating humanitarian organizations' initial efforts. It highlights how and to what extent institutionalized cooperation between international organizations enables further cooperation in new issue areas and regimes. Scholars of international organizations, global environmental politics, and humanitarianism will be interested in how cooperation emerged in the humanitarian regime and shaped subsequent interaction with the climate change regime.; (AN 39752985)
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6.

Voting Cohesion of the BRICS Countries in the UN General Assembly, 2006–2014: A BRICS Too Far? by Hooijmaaijers, Bas; Keukeleire, Stephan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p389-407, 19p; Abstract: In July 2014 during the sixth BRICS summit, the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa launched the Fortaleza Declaration and Action Plan, suggesting a further intensification and institutionalization of their cooperation in the field of foreign policy, including within the framework of the United Nations. This article examines the extent to which the intensification of BRICS cooperation in the field of foreign policy is reflected in their voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. It presents an original dataset of the degree of voting cohesion among the five BRICS countries. It demonstrates that, overall, there is no significant increase in the degree of voting cohesion since the start of the consultations in the BRIC framework in 2006.; (AN 39752984)
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7.

The World Bank as a Development Teacher by Bazbauers, Adrian. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p409-426, 18p; Abstract: The World Bank has been widely critiqued as a source of development norms. Yet one aspect of its activities has received relatively little academic attention: the socialization of development norms through training programs. This article addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing changes in the curricula, pedagogy, and methodology of the Economic Development Institute and the World Bank Institute—the teaching and learning arm of the World Bank. The article argues that, unlike the coercive nature of World Bank loan conditionality, the two teaching institutes have operated quietly in the background attempting to persuasively habitualize and naturalize member country participants into accepting particular understandings of and approaches to development as best practice and common sense. It concludes that the institutes have been active in the creation of toolkits used to socialize individuals into accepting and following World Bank development norms.; (AN 39752992)
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8.

The International Politics of South-South Trade by Scott, James. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p427-445, 19p; Abstract: South-South trade has become a core component of the contemporary trade debate, but the idea of using preferential trade agreements among developing countries to foster industrialization and diminish dependence on the North has a long history. This article examines the North-South and South-South politics surrounding two efforts to operationalize this idea—the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations Among Developing Countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Global System of Trade Preferences Among Developing Countries within the UN Conference on Trade and Development. It argues that the rich world has been somewhat obstructive in these efforts, but ultimately the primary cause for the weakness of these agreements is traced to failure by the Global South to make good on the rhetoric surrounding economic cooperation and South-South solidarity. Lessons from this history must be learned if current efforts to extend the GSTP are to bring greater benefits, particularly to the least developed.; (AN 39752990)
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9.

Book Reviews Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2016, Vol. 22 Issue: Number 3 p447-451, 5p; (AN 39752988)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 31, no. 7, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Why do analysts use structured analytic techniques? An in-depth study of an American intelligence agency by Coulthart, Stephen. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p933-948, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis article presents findings from the first publicly available survey generalizable to an intelligence agency to explore why analysts use structured analytic techniques (SATs). Mandated by the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (2004), SATs are simple methodologies supposed to make analysis more transparent and, hopefully, valid. Despite the US government’s investment in training thousands of analysts, there is no solid evidence on how often or why analysts actually use SATs. A survey of 80 analysts and nine follow-up interviews at the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research reveals a simple, but important, truth: implementing the techniques requires training and compelling evidence they will improve analysis. Other factors, most notably the amount of time pressure an analyst experiences, were not significantly related with the use of the techniques despite anecdotal accounts and conjecture from the literature. Future research should examine other intelligence agencies to cross-validate these findings. If these findings hold in other cases, intelligence agencies should focus on reforming and incorporating evidence into the training process.; (AN 40351630)
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2.

Pearl Harbor and Midway: the decisive influence of two men on the outcomes by McDermott, Rose; Bar-Joseph, Uri. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p949-962, 14p; Abstract: AbstractBeginning with the attack on Pearl Harbor, the war in the Pacific was a largely losing campaign for the Americans until the Battle of Midway, on 4–5 June 1942. The American ability to predict this Japanese attack the second time around served as the turning point for the war in the Pacific. And the story of how the Americans turned a catastrophic failure into an impressive cryptological achievement involved the story of one man, Joe Rochefort, convincing another man, Admiral Chester Nimitz who commanded the Pacific Fleet, that he could trust his analysis of the intelligence he compiled and analyzed.; (AN 40351631)
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3.

When Casey’s blood pressure rose: a case study of intelligence politicization in the United States by Hänni, Adrian. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p963-977, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article contributes to the debate on the politicization of intelligence with a case study of a major attempt of politicization that so far largely escaped academic attention: the Special National Intelligence Estimate on the Soviet Union’s role in international terrorism produced by the US Intelligence Community in spring 1981. Despite direct and indirect manipulation by members of President Reagan’s Cabinet, this case differs from those usually discussed in a decisive way – politicization failed. Based on the empirical analysis, a theoretical model of intelligence politicization is introduced that extends Joshua Rovner’s oversell model, which can explain why policymakers demand intelligence support but is insufficient due to its exclusive focus on the consumers of intelligence, by integrating the incentives of intelligence producers and specifying the determinants of whether politicization succeeds or fails.; (AN 40351632)
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4.

Policy neutrality and uncertainty: an info-gap perspective by Ben-Haim, Yakov. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p978-992, 15p; Abstract: AbstractReducing uncertainty is a central goal of intelligence analysis. 'Reducing uncertainty' can mean (1) reduce ignorance or ambiguity or potential for surprise in describing situations or intentions, or (2) reduce adverse impacts of ignorance, ambiguity or surprise on decision outcomes. We make two claims. First, the second meaning needs greater attention in intelligence analysis. Uncertainty itself isn't pernicious, but adverse impact of surprise is. Some policy options are less vulnerable to uncertainty than others. These less vulnerable (i.e. more robust) options can tolerate more uncertainty. Analysts should identify policy options that are robust to uncertainty. Second, reducing the impact of uncertainty requires awareness of policymakers' goals. This needn't conflict with analysts' policy neutrality. Tension between neutrality and involvement arises in economics, engineering, and medicine. The method of info-gap robust-satisficing supports decision making under uncertainty in these and other disciplines. Implications for intelligence analysis are explored in this paper. We discuss the assessment of Iraqi WMD capability in 2002.; (AN 40351633)
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5.

Spies and Scientologists: ASIO and a controversial minority religion in Cold War Australia, 1956–83 by Doherty, Bernard. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p993-1010, 18p; Abstract: AbstractAmong all the controversial New Religious Movements to emerge since the Second World War, the Church of Scientology has arguably been subject to more scrutiny by domestic and international intelligence agencies than any other non-Islamic alternative religious group. While owing to the nature of intelligence gathering scholarly accounts of this have often been one-dimensional and brief, the situation in Australia resulting from the Archives Act1983 has meant that historians of both intelligence agencies and new religions now have access to a significant amount of documentation illustrating the interactions between the Church of Scientology and the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO) for the period from 1956 to 1983. This period witnessed vacillating fortunes for the Church of Scientology which saw it become the subject of legislative bans in three Australian state jurisdictions during the late 1960s, as well as it launching a high profile, but ultimately unsuccessful, legal case against ASIO in 1979. While never considered a serious security risk by ASIO, the Church of Scientology played a minor role in a number of important events in the history of ASIO particularly during the 1970s, including participating in a wider activist campaign which sought to curtail ASIO’s operations during this period and making submissions to the first Royal Commission into the Australian Intelligence Services under Justice Robert Marsden Hope.; (AN 40351635)
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6.

Editorial Board Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 pebi-ebi; (AN 40351644)
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7.

The US Government and the Italian coup manqué of 1964: the unintended consequences of intelligence hierarchies by Faini, Matteo. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1011-1024, 14p; Abstract: AbstractIn the summer of 1964, Italian security forces and the President of the Republic attempted to remove the US-backed Italian center-left government. The attempt did not succeed, but the threat to do so was used to curtail the government’s reformist program. This article shows that the State Department and the CIA misunderstood the plans of the Italian President and security officers, dismissing the possibility of a forceful removal of the center-left, despite having a long-standing hierarchical relationship with Italian intelligence. US officials failed because of poor analytic tradecraft and because of two unintended consequences of international intelligence hierarchies: an excessive reliance on liaison over penetrations and the increased freedom of maneuver of Italian intelligence when faced with multiple, competing principals.; (AN 40351634)
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8.

Intelligence gathering and the relationship between rulers and spies: some lessons from eminent and lesser-known classics by Musco, Stefano. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1025-1039, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper aims to examine the relevance of intelligence gathering as an essential prerequisite for any political or military decision, and the resulting special relationship between rulers and spies, through a theoretical comparison between renowned classics and niche literature on strategy, literature, philosophy and political science belonging to several periods and historical contexts. Findings suggest that criticism on intelligence does not concern its utility, but rather the reliability of the sources, the obstacles presented by intelligence gathering and the ethics of spying. Spies are often described as ‘ramifications’ of the ruler, to whom they are tied by a special relationship of trust, rooted in a spirit of sacrifice, adequate remuneration and honours.; (AN 40351636)
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9.

‘Standing on the shoulders of giants’: diversity and scholarship in Intelligence Studies by Van Puyvelde, Damien; Curtis, Sean. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1040-1054, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis study takes stock of the field of Intelligence Studies thanks to a quantitative review of all the articles published in the two main journals in the field: Intelligence and National Securityand the International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence. Particular attention is paid to the diversity of the authors publishing in these two journals and the evolution of the issues they discuss. Publications in the field are widely authored by males based in the United States and the United Kingdom who write about Western intelligence and security organizations. Recent years have seen a slight diversification in the field but further efforts will be necessary to develop a more eclectic body of researchers and research on intelligence and national security.; (AN 40351640)
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10.

Stalin’s Englishman: the lives of Guy Burgess by Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1055-1056, 2p; (AN 40351637)
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11.

Fighting EOKA: the British counter-insurgency campaign on Cyprus, 1955–1959 by Thomas, Martin. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1057-1058, 2p; (AN 40351639)
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12.

NPIC: seeing the secrets, growing the leaders by W. Caddell, Joseph. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1058-1061, 4p; (AN 40351638)
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13.

The secret war between the wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s by Pennington, Christopher. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1061-1063, 3p; (AN 40351641)
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14.

The secret world: behind the curtain of British intelligence in World War II and the Cold War by Erskine, Ralph. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1063-1064, 2p; (AN 40351642)
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15.

Gabrielle Petit: the death and life of a female spy in the First World War by Huckestein, Erika. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1064-1066, 3p; (AN 40351643)
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16.

Constructing Cassandra: reframing intelligence failure at the CIA, 1947–2001 by Charters, David. Intelligence & National Security, November 2016, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 7 p1066-1069, 4p; (AN 40351645)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 92, no. 5, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

TOC – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pi-i, 1p; (AN 39921010)
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2.

Editorial Board – Issue Information International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 39921011)
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3.

Contributors International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 39921012)
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4.

Abstracts International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 pvii-xii, 6p; (AN 39921013)
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5.

A gendered human rights analysis of Ebola and Zika: locating gender in global health emergencies by DAVIES, SARA E.; BENNETT, BELINDA. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1041-1060, 20p; Abstract: Globally gender remains a key factor in differing health outcomes for men and women. This article analyses the particular relevance of gender for debates about global health and the role for international human rights law in supporting improved health outcomes during public health emergencies. Looking specifically at the recent Ebola and Zika outbreaks, what we find particularly troubling in both cases is the paucity of engagement with human rights language and the diverse backgrounds of women in these locations of crisis, when women‐specific advice was being issued. We find the lessons that should have been learnt from the Ebola experience have not been applied in the Zika outbreak and there remains a disconnect between the international public health advice being issued and the experience of pervasive structural gender inequalities among those experiencing the crises. In both cases we find that responses at the outbreak of the crisis presume that women have economic, social or regulatory options to exercise the autonomy contained in international advice. The problem in the case of both Ebola and Zika has been that leaving structural gender inequalities out of the crisis response has further compounded those inequalities. The article argues for a contextual human rights analysis that takes into account gender as a social and economic determinant of health.; (AN 39920974)
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6.

Off‐road policing: communications technology and government authority in Somaliland by HILLS, ALICE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1061-1078, 18p; Abstract: Prompted by the trend to see information and communications technology (ICT) as a tool for capacity building, this article asks whether the use of ICT has—or can—recast centre–periphery relations in a hybrid country such as Somaliland. Taking as its departure point Herbst's observation that a fundamental problem confronting African leaders concerns how to extend or consolidate authority over sparsely settled lands, it uses recent developments in Somaliland's coast guard and immigration police to assess ICT's contribution to changing security provision in remote and coastal areas. This allows for an analysis of Somaliland's law enforcement framework, the relationship between its politics and practice, the practical application of its coercive resources, and the Silanyo government's priorities and preference for consensus and co‐existence whenever security imperatives allow. It suggests that ICT can be a desirable operational tool or a variable in existing power networks, but that it does not represent a new mode of security governance. ICT's potential to connect Somaliland's government and populace, and politics and practice, is for now minimal, but identifying the ways in which security actors such as coast guards actually use ICT allows for a more accurate assessment of the variables shaping centre–periphery relations. Contrary to Herbst's observation, the Silanyo government does not need to overtly or systematically extend, consolidate or exert its authority in remote and coastal areas. Spatial metaphors such as centre–periphery help to clarify the situation, but the significance invested in them reflects western rationalities, rather than Somali realities.; (AN 39920971)
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7.

UK cyber security and critical national infrastructure protection by STODDART, KRISTAN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1079-1105, 27p; Abstract: This article is intended to aid the UK government in protecting the UK from cyber attacks on its Critical National Infrastructure. With a National Cyber Security Centre now being established and an updated National Cyber Security Strategy due in 2016, it is vital for the UK government to take the right approach. This article seeks to inform this approach by outlining the scope of the problems Britain faces and what action the UK government is taking to combat these threats. In doing so, it offers a series of recommendations designed to further help mitigate these threats, drive up cyber resiliency and aid recovery plans should they be required. It argues that complete engagement and partnership with private sector owner–operators of Critical National Infrastructure are vital to the success of the government's National Cyber Security Strategy. It makes the case that for cyber resiliency to be fully effective, action is needed at national and global levels requiring states and private industry better to comprehend the threat environment and the risks facing Critical National Infrastructure from cyber attacks and those responsible for them. These are problems for all developed and developing states.; (AN 39920976)
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8.

The Paris Agreement and the new logic of international climate politics by FALKNER, ROBERT. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1107-1125, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews and assesses the outcome of the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP‐21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in Paris in December 2015. It argues that the Paris Agreement breaks new ground in international climate policy, by acknowledging the primacy of domestic politics in climate change and allowing countries to set their own level of ambition for climate change mitigation. It creates a framework for making voluntary pledges that can be compared and reviewed internationally, in the hope that global ambition can be increased through a process of ‘naming and shaming’. By sidestepping distributional conflicts, the Paris Agreement manages to remove one of the biggest barriers to international climate cooperation. It recognizes that none of the major powers can be forced into drastic emissions cuts. However, instead of leaving mitigation efforts to an entirely bottom‐up logic, it embeds country pledges in an international system of climate accountability and a ‘ratchet mechanism’, thus offering the chance of more durable international cooperation. At the same time, it is far from clear whether the treaty can actually deliver on the urgent need to de‐carbonize the global economy. The past record of climate policies suggests that governments have a tendency to express lofty aspirations but avoid tough decisions. For the Paris Agreement to make a difference, the new logic of ‘pledge and review’ will need to mobilize international and domestic pressure and generate political momentum behind more substantial climate policies worldwide. It matters, therefore, whether the Paris Agreement's new approach can be made to work.; (AN 39920978)
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9.

Washington's failure to resolve the North Korean nuclear conundrum: examining two decades of US policy by FARAGO, NIV. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1127-1145, 19p; Abstract: More than two decades of nuclear dialogue between the United States and North Korea have not prevented Pyongyang from conducting four nuclear tests and building up a nuclear weapons arsenal. Putting the blame for the failure of this dialogue solely on Pyongyang ignores the hesitancy and confusion of US policy. Historical evidence suggests that the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations consistently failed to prioritize their objectives and adopted an impatient and uncompromising negotiating strategy that contributed to this ongoing non‐proliferation fiasco. Identifying US policy mistakes at important crossroads in the dialogue with Pyongyang could help to prevent similar mistakes in the future. In this regard, the following analysis suggests a new approach towards Pyongyang based on a long‐term trust‐building process during which North Korea would be required to cap and then gradually eliminate its nuclear weapons in return for economic assistance and normalization of relations with the United States. Importantly, the United States might have to resign itself to North Korea's keeping an independent nuclear fuel cycle under supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as to accepting South Korea's request to independently enrich uranium and pyroprocess spent nuclear fuel. This would be a more favourable alternative to allowing North Korea to continue accumulating nuclear weapons. Moreover, if the United States continues on the Obama administration's failed policy path, then there is a better than even chance that the Korean Peninsula may slide into a nuclear arms race.; (AN 39920977)
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10.

City networks: breaking gridlocks or forging (new) lock‐ins? by ACUTO, MICHELE; RAYNER, STEVE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1147-1166, 20p; Abstract: There is today a global recognition that we live in an ‘urban age’ of near‐planetary urbanization where cities are at the forefront of all sorts of agendas. Yet little attention is offered to the active role of cities as political drivers of the urban age. There might today be more than two hundred ‘city networks’ globally, with thousands of para‐diplomatic connections actively defining relations between cities, international organization and corporate actors. This actively networked texture of the urban age shapes all areas of policy and, not least, international relations, and holds much promise as to possible urban solutions to global challenges. Based on an overview of a representative subset of this mass of city‐to‐city cooperation (n=170), this article illustrates the landscape of city networking, its issue areas and institutional shapes, and its critical features. As we argue, city networks today are faced by a crucial challenge: while trying to overcome state‐centric ‘gridlocks’ cities are, at the same time, building both political–economic as well as very material ‘lock‐ins’. We need to pay serious attention to this impact of city diplomacy in international affairs, developing a greater appreciation of the path dependencies and responsibilities this diplomatic activity purports.; (AN 39920970)
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11.

The framework nation: can Germany lead on security? by ALLERS, ROBIN. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1167-1187, 21p; Abstract: Can Germany lead on security? This article aims to address this question by looking at recent German contributions to European defence cooperation. In 2013 Germany introduced the Framework Nations Concept (FNC) as a systematic and structured approach towards joint capability development. The concept relies on the idea that bigger nations take the overall responsibility for coordinating the contributions of smaller partners in a capability package. The framework nation model as such is not new but the initiative has been welcomed as a potential game changer in European defence cooperation and as confirmation of Germany's commitment to NATO. In light of the Ukraine crisis, measures to adapt NATO and to strengthen the European pillar of the alliance have become more urgent. Allies and partners increasingly want Germany to extend its role as Europe's dominant economic and financial power to matters of security and defence. The framework nation model allows Germany to take international responsibility, while avoiding debates about leadership and hegemony. Moreover, as a framework nation, Germany can advance flexible cooperation among a smaller number of allies without undermining its commitment to multilateralism. But the FNC initiative also raises further questions: what is the added value of the framework nation model compared to similar formats; what should be the place of smaller groupings in the evolving Euro‐Atlantic security architecture; and how reliable is Germany in the role of a lead nation?; (AN 39920972)
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12.

The many faces of a rebel group: the Allied Democratic Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo by TITECA, KRISTOF; FAHEY, DANIEL. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1189-1206, 18p; Abstract: This article discusses the case of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It shows how a variety of actors that have opposed the ADF group have framed the rebels to achieve a range of political and economic objectives, or in response to organizational and individual limitations. The DRC and Ugandan governments have each framed ADF in pursuit of regional, international and national goals separate from their stated desires to eliminate the armed group. The UN stabilization mission in Congo's (MONUSCO) understanding of the ADF was influenced by organizational limitations and the shortcomings of individual analysts, producing flawed assessments and ineffective policy decisions. Indeed, the many ‘faces’ of ADF tell us more about the ADF's adversaries than they do about the rebels themselves. The article shows how the policies towards the ADF may not be directly related to defeating a rebel threat, but rather enable the framers (e.g. DRC and Ugandan governments) to pursue various political and economic objectives, or lead the framers to pursue misguided operational plans (e.g. MONUSCO). In doing so, the article highlights more broadly the importance of the production of knowledge on conflicts and rebel groups: the way in which a rebel group is instrumentalized, or in which organizational structure impact on the understanding of the rebel group, are crucial not only in understanding the context, but also in understanding the interventions on the ground.; (AN 39920973)
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13.

Institutionalization, path dependence and the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship by XU, RUIKE. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1207-1228, 22p; Abstract: One of the remarkable phenomena in post‐Cold War world politics is the persistence of the Anglo‐American special relationship (AASR) in spite of recurrent announcement of its death by pessimists. Current scholarship on Anglo‐American relations largely draws on interests and sentiments to explain the persistence of the AASR, ignoring other important contributing factors such as institutionalization. This article is the first to give serious consideration to the role of institutionalization in influencing the persistence of the AASR. By using the concept of path dependence, this article argues that the high‐level institutionalization in Anglo‐American intelligence, nuclear and military relations plays a seminal role in contributing to the persistence of the AASR in the post‐Cold War era. The institutionalized intelligence relationship is exemplified by the relationship between the UK's Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) and the US's National Security Agency (NSA), which is underpinned by the UKUSA Agreement. The institutionalized nuclear relationship is exemplified by a variety of Joint Working Groups (JOWOGs), which is underpinned by the 1958 Mutual Defence Agreement. The institutionalized military relationship is exemplified by routinized military personnel exchange programmes, regular joint training exercises and an extremely close defence trade partnership. The high‐level institutionalization embeds habits of cooperation, solidifies interdependence and consolidates mutual trust between the UK and the US in their cooperation on intelligence, nuclear and military issues.; (AN 39920975)
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14.

Continuity and change in Angola: insights from modern history by VINES, ALEX. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1229-1237, 9p; Abstract: Angola may be entering a pivotal moment, triggered by persistently low oil prices and its president José Eduardo dos Santos (the world's second longest‐serving president) signalling that he may step down in 2018. Will this result in continuity or change? This review article of six books on modern Angola shows that since 1820, significant dips in international commodity prices have marked moments of lasting political change in the country. They also show that the history of Angolan nationalism is one of deep divisions and that political loyalty and support were often more about survival or ambition than about ideology and ethnicity. Throughout modern Angolan history personalities, such as Agostinho Neto, Jonas Savimbi and José Eduardo dos Santos, have also played a critical role in determining the country's fortunes. The single greatest foreign influence on Angola might be Cuba's ‘internationalist solidarity’ of sending up to five per cent of its population to Angola between 1976 and 1991 in support of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). Over a decade later, the Chinese also found that the MPLA government determined their partnership. This review article examines the strength of Angolan agency and how the drivers of change are complex, determined by personality politics, geopolitics, prestige, solidarity, cost–benefit analysis and timing.; (AN 39920979)
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15.

The Cambridge history of the Second World War by WARNER, GEOFFREY. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1239-1247, 9p; Abstract: Following on from earlier three‐volume histories of the Cold War and the First World War, Cambridge University Press completes a trilogy with this detailed treatment of the Second World War. Multi‐authored in the Cambridge tradition, the individual chapters cover a wide range of events and topics and the 81 contributors, mainly but not exclusively from the United Kingdom and the United States, include both scholars who have already established a reputation in the subject as well as those who are in the process of doing so. Perhaps the greatest strength of the volumes is the treatment given to what may be loosely referred to as the Pacific War. No one who uses them properly is going to have any doubts about the nature and importance of the struggle between Japan and its opponents between 1937 and 1945, and it is particularly encouraging to note the use of Chinese and Japanese sources by the authors, when so many English‐language books on the subject cite none. The principal weakness of the enterprise is its division into an unnecessarily complicated series of topics, which is not always adhered to by the authors and which often compels the unfortunate reader to skip backwards and forwards, not only within but between volumes. Despite this flaw, however, this remains an important contribution to the history of the Second World War and will need to be consulted by any serious student of the subject for many years to come.; (AN 39920980)
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16.

Before anarchy: Hobbes and his critics in modern international thought. By Theodore Christov by Spence, J. E.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1251-1252, 2p; (AN 39920982)
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17.

Terrorism and the right to resist: a theory of just revolutionary war. By Christopher J. Finlay by Bentley, David. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1252-1254, 3p; (AN 39920981)
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18.

The intelligence war in Latin America, 1914–1922. By Jamie Bisher by Plater‐Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1254-1255, 2p; (AN 39920984)
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19.

A Korean conflict: the tensions between Britain and America. By Ian McLaine by Warner, Geoffrey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1255-1256, 2p; (AN 39920983)
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20.

Between Samaritans and states: the political ethics of humanitarian INGOs. By Jennifer Rubenstein by Collinson, Sarah. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1256-1258, 3p; (AN 39920989)
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21.

After violence: transitional justice, peace, and democracy. By Elin Skaar, Camila Gianella Malca and Trine Eide by Nelaeva, Galina A.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1258-1260, 3p; (AN 39920992)
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22.

Legitimate targets? Social construction, international law and US bombing. By Janina Dill by Hoffmann, Alvina. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1260-1261, 2p; (AN 39920988)
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23.

Political culture, political science and identity politics: an uneasy alliance. By Howard J. Wiarda by Pervez, Muhammad Shoaib. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1261-1262, 2p; (AN 39920990)
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24.

Rising powers and multilateral institutions. Edited by Dries Lesage and Thijs Van de Graaf by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1262-1263, 2p; (AN 39920991)
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25.

The hacked world order: how nations fight, trade, maneuver, and manipulate in the digital age. By Adam Segal: Internet wars: the struggle for power in the 21st century. By Fergus Hanson by Nocetti, Julien. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1263-1266, 4p; (AN 39920987)
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26.

Atomic anxiety: deterrence, taboo and the non‐use of U.S. nuclear weapons. By Frank Sauer by Rosert, Elvira. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1266-1267, 2p; (AN 39920985)
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27.

US missile defence strategy: engaging the debate. By Michael Mayer by Boothby, W. H.. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1268-1268, 1p; (AN 39920986)
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28.

Global inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization. By Branko Milanovic by Campanella, Edoardo. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1269-1270, 2p; (AN 39920993)
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29.

Accommodating rising powers: past, present, and future. Edited by T. V. Paul by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1270-1272, 3p; (AN 39920994)
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30.

The global governance of climate change: G7, G20, and UN leadership. By John J. Kirton and Ella Kokotsis by Torney, Diarmuid. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1272-1273, 2p; (AN 39920995)
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31.

Britain's Europe: a thousand years of conflict and cooperation. By Brendan Simms by Oliver, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1273-1274, 2p; (AN 39920997)
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32.

The lure of technocracy. By Jürgen Habermas. Translated by Ciaran Cronin by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1275-1276, 2p; (AN 39920998)
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33.

Mes chemins pour l’école [My pathways for education]. By Alain Juppé: Pour un État fort [For a strong state]. By Alain Juppé: Cinq ans pour l'emploi [Five years for employment]. By Alain Juppé by Dungan, Nicholas. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1276-1278, 3p; (AN 39920996)
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34.

Russia, Eurasia and the new geopolitics of energy: confrontation and consolidation. Edited by Matthew Sussex and Roger E. Kanet by German, Tracey. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1278-1279, 2p; (AN 39921000)
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35.

Pluralism by default: weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics. By Lucan Way by Gould‐Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1279-1280, 2p; (AN 39921001)
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36.

On Stalin's team: the years of living dangerously in Soviet politics. By Sheila Fitzpatrick by Stan, Marius. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1281-1282, 2p; (AN 39920999)
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37.

The Gulf states in international political economy. By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen by Nonneman, Gerd. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1282-1284, 3p; (AN 39921002)
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38.

South Africa's political crisis: unfinished liberation and fractured class struggles. By Alexander Beresford by Vandome, Christopher. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1284-1285, 2p; (AN 39921003)
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39.

Pakistan at the crossroads: domestic dynamics and external pressures. Edited by Christophe Jaffrelot by Willasey‐Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1286-1287, 2p; (AN 39921004)
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40.

China's strong arm: protecting citizens and assets abroad. By Jonas Parello‐Plesner and Mathieu Duchâtel by Fulton, Jonathan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1287-1288, 2p; (AN 39921006)
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41.

When China goes to the Moon… By Marco Aliberti by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1288-1289, 2p; (AN 39921005)
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42.

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne by Maini, Tridivesh Singh. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1289-1291, 3p; (AN 39921007)
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43.

United States law and policy on transitional justice: principles, politics, and pragmatics. By Zachary D. Kaufman by Hurd, Hilary. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1291-1292, 2p; (AN 39921008)
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44.

The unquiet frontier: rising rivals, vulnerable allies, and the crisis of American power. By Jakub J. Grygiel and A. Wess Mitchell by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1292-1294, 3p; (AN 39921009)
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45.

Books reviewed September 2016 International Affairs, September 2016, Vol. 92 Issue: Number 5 p1295-1295, 1p; (AN 39921014)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 29, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

The “Professionalization” of Intelligence Analysis: A Skeptical Perspective by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p643-676, 34p; (AN 39364984)
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2.

Operations-Driven Intelligence: Is the Shirt on Backwards? by Mendosa, Julie A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p677-699, 23p; (AN 39364985)
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3.

IC Data Mining in the Post-Snowden Era by Lahneman, William J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p700-723, 24p; (AN 39364988)
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4.

The Essence of Non-Decision: CIA's Deferral of Declassifying JFK-Era Documents by Barrett, David M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p724-737, 14p; (AN 39364987)
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5.

The Recipe for Think Tank Success: The Perspective of Insiders by Nicander, Lars. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p738-759, 22p; (AN 39364986)
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6.

Intelligence Ethics: A Critical Review and Future Perspectives by Vrist Ronn, Kira. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p760-784, 25p; (AN 39364990)
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7.

The Unresolved Mystery of ELLI by Tyrer, William A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p785-808, 24p; (AN 39364989)
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8.

Sputnik 2 by Chapman, Robert D.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p809-812, 4p; (AN 39364991)
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9.

Keeping the New Tsar at Bay by Rubin, Michael. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p813-819, 7p; (AN 39364993)
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10.

Muzzling the Russian Media Again by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p820-826, 7p; (AN 39364995)
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11.

Russia’s Apparent Quest for Stability by Lukes, Igor. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p826-831, 6p; (AN 39364994)
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12.

The Diarist Spy by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p832-835, 4p; (AN 39364992)
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13.

The Pope as Secret Agent? by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p836-840, 5p; (AN 39364997)
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14.

One Scholar’s View of the Cold War’s End by Smith, Michael Douglas. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p841-845, 5p; (AN 39364998)
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15.

Tolkachev Evidence Still Skimpy by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p846-848, 3p; (AN 39364996)
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16.

Index for Volume 29 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2016, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 4 p849-856, 8p; (AN 39364999)
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12

International Organization
Volume 70, no. 2, 2016

Record

Results

1.

Reviewers International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 pv-vii, 3p; (AN 38689598)
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2.

INO volume 70 issue 2 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 38689602)
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3.

INO volume 70 issue 2 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 38689600)
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4.

Organizational Ecology and Institutional Change in Global Governance by Abbott, Kenneth W.; Green, Jessica F.; Keohane, Robert O.. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p247-277, 31p; Abstract: AbstractThe institutions of global governance have changed dramatically in recent years. New organizational forms—including informal institutions, transgovernmental networks, and private transnational regulatory organizations (PTROs)—have expanded rapidly, while the growth of formal intergovernmental organizations has slowed. Organizational ecology provides an insightful framework for understanding these changing patterns of growth. Organizational ecology is primarily a structural theory, emphasizing the influence of institutional environments, especially their organizational density and resource availability, on organizational behavior and viability. To demonstrate the explanatory value of organizational ecology, we analyze the proliferation of PTROs compared with the relative stasis of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). Continued growth of IGOs is constrained by crowding in their dense institutional environment, but PTROs benefit from organizational flexibility and low entry costs, which allow them to enter “niches” with limited resource competition. We probe the plausibility of our analysis by examining contemporary climate governance.; (AN 38689596)
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5.

Oil and Democracy: Endogenous Natural Resources and the Political “Resource Curse” by Brooks, Sarah M.; Kurtz, Marcus J.. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p279-311, 33p; Abstract: AbstractBy the end of the twentieth century, a scholarly consensus emerged around the idea that oil fuels authoritarianism and slow growth. The natural abundance once thought to be a blessing was unconditionally, and then later only conditionally, a curse for political and economic development. We re-examine the relationship between oil wealth and political regimes, challenging the conventional wisdom that such natural resource rents lead to authoritarian outcomes. We contend that most efforts to examine the causal linkages between natural resource abundance and political regime have been complicated by the likelihood that both democracy and oil revenue are endogenous to the industrialization processes itself, particularly in its developmentalist form. Our quantitative results, based on an analysis of global data from 1970 to 2006, show that both resource endogeneity and several mechanisms of intraregional regime diffusion are powerful determinants of democratic outcomes. Qualitative evidence from the history of industrialization in Latin America yields support for our proposed causal claim. Oil wealth is not necessarily a curse and may even be a blessing with respect to democratic development.; (AN 38689601)
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6.

Hungry for Change: Urban Bias and Autocratic Sovereign Default by Ballard-Rosa, Cameron. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p313-346, 34p; Abstract: AbstractWhat drives autocrats to default on their sovereign debt? This article develops the first theory of sovereign debt default in autocracies that explicitly investigates survival incentives of political actors in nondemocracies. Self-interested elites, fearful of threats to their tenure because of urban unrest, may be willing to endure the long-term borrowing costs that defaulting creates rather than risk the short-term survival costs of removing cheap food policies for urban consumers. I test my main claims that both urbanization and food imports should be associated with greater likelihood of autocratic default using panel data covering forty-three countries over fifty years, finding that autocracies that are more reliant on imported food and that are more urbanized are significantly more likely to be in default on their external sovereign debt. I emphasize the regime-contingent nature of these effects by demonstrating that they are reversed when considering democratic sovereign default. I also substantiate the mechanisms put forward in my theory through illustrative historical cases of sovereign debt default in Zambia and Peru, in which I demonstrate that fear of urban unrest in the face of rapidly increasing food prices did indeed drive autocratic elites to default on international debt obligations. In addition to providing the first political theory of debt default in autocracies, the article introduces two robust predictors of autocratic default that have been overlooked in previous work, and highlights the importance of urban-rural dynamics in nondemocratic regimes.; (AN 38689597)
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7.

Learning from the Battlefield: Information, Domestic Politics, and Interstate War Duration by Weisiger, Alex. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p347-375, 29p; Abstract: AbstractWhat drives leaders’ decisions about whether to continue or end an ongoing war? The private information explanation for war holds that leaders fight because they believe that doing so will advance national interests, and they settle hostilities when new information reduces their optimism about the possibility of long-term success. Yet significant theoretical disagreement exists about both the extent to which and the manner in which new information, especially battlefield information, promotes settlement. This article unpacks the logic of the informational mechanism, arguing that settlement will be more likely when there has been more extensive fighting and that countries are more likely to make concessions to end wars when battlefield results have deteriorated; short-term spikes in war intensity by contrast do not promote settlement. Moreover, building on work on leadership turnover and settlement, I show that leader replacement is sometimes part of the information-updating process, especially in autocracies: new leaders without political ties to the person in power at the start of the war are more likely both to come to power when war is going poorly and to end wars once in office. Tests of these arguments make use of new participant-level data on the timing of battle deaths for all Correlates of War interstate wars, which allows me to examine the effects of changing battlefield developments across a wide range of cases in a manner that was previously impossible.; (AN 38689599)
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8.

Judicial Independence and Political Uncertainty: How the Risk of Override Affects the Court of Justice of the EU by Larsson, Olof; Naurin, Daniel. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p377-408, 32p; Abstract: AbstractThere is broad agreement in the literature that international courts (ICs) make decisions with bounded discretion in relation to state governments. However, the scope of this discretion, and the determinants of its boundaries, are highly contested. In particular, the central mechanism in separation-of-powers models of judicial politics—the possibility of legislative override—has raised controversy. We argue that the uncertainty that judges face regarding the political reactions to their decisions has important and undertheorized implications for their behavior. On the one hand, cautious judges are likely to be attentive to signals that contain information about the probability of an unfavorable override. On the other hand, misjudgments of the political risks are likely to be made. Thus, the possibility of override is a significant factor affecting judicial behavior, but it is also a fairly blunt mechanism for balancing the independence and accountability of courts. The empirical study focuses on the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), which has long been at the center of theory development regarding the legalization of world politics and the rise of international courts. The results demonstrate a strong correlation between the CJEU's rulings and the political signals it receives, in a pattern that goes beyond legal merit, and that fits with the override mechanism. State governments are crucial parts of the broader audience that defines the political boundaries of judicial discretion.; (AN 38689595)
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9.

Deciding to Defer: The Importance of Fairness in Resolving Transnational Jurisdictional Conflicts by Efrat, Asif; Newman, Abraham L.. International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 p409-441, 33p; Abstract: AbstractThe cross-border movement of people, goods, and information frequently results in legal disputes that come under the jurisdiction of multiple states. The principle of deference—acceptance of another state's exercise of legal authority—is one mechanism to manage such jurisdictional conflicts. Despite the importance of deference in international law and cooperation, little is known about the causes of variation in its use. In this article, we develop a theory of deference that focuses on the role that domestic institutions and norms play in ensuring procedural and substantive fairness. We test this theory in an original data set concerning accession practices in the Hague Convention on International Child Abduction. Our findings offer considerable support for the idea that states evaluate partners on the likelihood that they can offer a fair legal process. Exploring empirically the efforts against parental child abduction, we offer a nuanced account of the link between domestic institutions and norms and international cooperation. This account suggests that greater attention should be paid to the use of deference as a mechanism to manage the conflicts posed by globalization.; (AN 38689604)
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10.

Contributors International Organization, 2016, Vol. 70 Issue: Number 2 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 38689603)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 23, no. 5, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

A European return to United Nations peacekeeping? Opportunities, challenges and ways ahead by Koops, Joachim A.; Tercovich, Giulia. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p597-609, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis introductory article outlines the main rationale of the Special Issue and places the topic of the so-called ‘European Return to United Nations Peacekeeping’ in the wider context of recent policy developments and conceptual discussions related to the literature on UN troop contributions. It then outlines some of the key findings of the nine case studies (Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom) included in this issue. The article concludes that despite a recent engagement of a group of European countries in the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), expectations of a large-scale ‘return of Europe’ to UN peacekeeping are premature. While the MINUSMA experience will certainly spark important discussions and developments related to the future of UN peacekeeping and Western contributions, European countries will continue to commit only selectively troops on a case-by-case basis and only if a wide range of facilitating factors align as much as they did in the Mali case.; (AN 40230261)
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2.

France: the unlikely return to UN peacekeeping by Tardy, Thierry. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p610-629, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFrench policy towards UN peacekeeping reflects the ambivalence of what France wants to achieve in the field of conflict management and through which institutional frameworks it prefers to work. On the one hand, France is greatly involved in the design and decision-making process of contemporary UN-led peacekeeping operations. On the other hand, after having been present in the field during the early 1990s, France underwent a major policy shift that led it to distance itself from UN operations. This chapter offers a narrative of French policy and perceptions vis-à-visthe virtues and limits of UN peacekeeping operations in the twenty-first century. It examines the French level of contributions, decision-making process, motivations and lessons learnt from past and current operations. It also analyses the dichotomy between the political role that France plays at the Security Council and its absence from UN-led operations. It seeks to determine how coherent this dichotomy is, its rationale, and how likely – and under what conditions – it will change in the near future, in particular through a hypothetical French return to UN-led peacekeeping operations.; (AN 40230262)
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3.

The United Kingdom and United Nations peace operations by Curran, David; Williams, Paul D.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p630-651, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) approach to United Nations (UN) peace operations and whether Britain is prepared politically, bureaucratically, financially, and militarily to increase its contributions to them. The article begins with an overview of UK engagement with UN peacekeeping since 1956 before discussing the political issues that govern British decisions about peacekeeping. The third section then assesses several challenges that would need to be addressed in order for the UK’s increased participation in UN missions to be effective. Finally, the article outlines the main factors pushing the UK towards greater engagement with UN peace operations, including opinions voiced by select domestic, international, and institutional audiences.; (AN 40230263)
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4.

Germany and United Nations peacekeeping: the cautiously evolving contributor by Koops, Joachim A.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p652-680, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines Germany’s past, present and future approach to UN peacekeeping, particularly in the context of a potential ‘European return to UN Peacekeeping’ and the country’s recent commitment to contribute to the Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). By applying a conceptual framework for assessing facilitating and inhibiting factors related to Germany’s past and current participation in UN peacekeeping operation, the article argues that core reasons for German troop contributions range from bilateral partnerships and multilateral pressures, to the role of individual policy entrepreneurs and inter-organizational aspects. Yet, Germany’s culture of restraint and public scepticism towards military operations act as important inhibiting factors. Most crucially, Germany has since the early 1990s pursued an instrumentalist approach to UN peacekeeping in order to strengthen its international profile within a discourse of ‘assuming more responsibility’, to advance ‘normalization’ in security affairs and to enhance internal political and external bilateral security cooperation schemes. Germany’s recent commitment to MINUSMA and its discourse will not result in a ‘big bang’ return to UN peacekeeping, but rather to selective commitments on a carefully assessed case-by-case basis.; (AN 40230264)
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5.

Italy and UN peacekeeping: constant transformation by Tercovich, Giulia. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p681-701, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTItaly was admitted to the United Nations (UN) in 1955. In a mix of ‘genetic multilateralism’ of Italian society and the ‘institutional multilateralism’ of the Italian Constitution, the UN soon acquired a central position in Italian foreign policy and Italian participation in the UN and its institutions became increasingly active. Italy is the top troop contributor to UN Peacekeeping operations among Western countries. Since the 1960s, Italy has participated in 33 UN Peacekeeping operations. The Italian commitment to the UN faced four main turning points: the launch of the UNOSOM II mission in Somalia (1992), the contribution to the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (1999), the involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq (2001–05), and the engagement with the UNIFIL II mission (2006). By providing an historical overview of Italy’s approach to UN Peacekeeping and explaining the different engagements and disengagements drive through the shift in the foreign policy priorities of the country and the influence of domestic factors; this article aims to answer to the following questions: ‘How much will Italy be willing to contribute to UN Peacekeeping in the future?’ and ‘Does Italy see other multilateral options (EU and NATO) as alternatives to the UN?’; (AN 40230266)
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6.

A Dutch return to UN peacekeeping? by van Willigen, Niels. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p702-720, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article covers the Dutch role in UN peacekeeping. The Netherlands has a long tradition of political and military involvement in UN peacekeeping. Like other European countries, its participation decreased considerably from the end of the 1990s onwards. The Dutch only ‘returned’ in 2014 when they delivered a substantial number of troops for the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in Mali. This article starts with putting Dutch participation in UN peacekeeping into an historical context. It continues with an analysis of the reasons for withdrawal and subsequently explores the obstacles and opportunities for a structural return. The article argues that the decision to participate in MINUSMA is mainly explained by national interests and domestic factors. More in particular, government coalition politics explains why the Netherlands sent troops to Mali. In that sense, the Dutch ‘return to UN peacekeeping’ was not part of a structural change in policy-making, but depended for a large part on domestic political dynamics.; (AN 40230265)
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7.

Europe’s return to UN peacekeeping? Opportunities, challenges and ways ahead – Ireland by Murphy, Ray. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p721-740, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper argues that Ireland has been a consistent contributor to peacekeeping since 1958 and examines how the nature of Irish participation has evolved. The maintenance of an effective UN forms a key objective of Irish foreign policy within which peacekeeping and a policy of military neutrality have come to play a central role. In 1993, Ireland revised the legal basis for participation. This brought about a fundamental change in policy, after which participation in peacekeeping not specifically of a police nature was permitted. Ireland displays evidence of both self-interest and altruism in relation to peacekeeping. Unlike many other European countries, it did not ‘withdraw’ from engagement during the 1990s. Despite greater clarity around decision-making processes in recent years, it is still difficult to discern a clear Irish policy strategy. Challenges identified for the future include the changing nature of UN peacekeeping, budget limitations and downsizing of the Defence Forces, legal obstacles to participation in non-UN approved missions, risk assessment, national caveats and a lack of clear doctrine.; (AN 40230267)
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8.

Denmark and UN peacekeeping: glorious past, dim future by Jakobsen, Peter Viggo. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p741-761, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDenmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the cold war because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark’s foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by the interest in supporting the Western great powers as well as an altruistic desire to improve United Nations Protection Force’s (UNPROFOR) dismal humanitarian record in Bosnia. This belief was also generated by the positive lessons learned from Denmark’s pioneering use of tanks in UNPROFOR. This tank deployment and subsequent participation in NATO and US-led missions created a new warrior identity. This identity and the Danish interest in maintaining a close relationship to NATO’s great powers make a major Danish return to UN peacekeeping unlikely.; (AN 40230268)
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9.

Sweden and the UN: a rekindled partnership for peacekeeping? by Nilsson, Claes; Zetterlund, Kristina. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p762-783, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn June 1993 Sweden contributed 1,041 soldiers to United Nations (UN) missions, making up some 1.5 per cent of the total number of UN troops. Two decades later, the picture looked very different. In June 2013 Sweden only deployed one person to UN-led peacekeeping operations, excluding military observers and staff officers. This article explains the shifts in Swedish contributions to UN peacekeeping. It does so by first providing a background to Swedish historically strong support for UN peacekeeping, examining Sweden’s policy of neutrality and non-alignment as well as sense of moral duty to champion a more equal world order. This is followed by a discussion on the sharp decline in Sweden’s participation from the mid-1990s and its underlying reasons, such as the desire to transform the Swedish Armed Forces. The ensuing section considers Sweden’s participation in UN peacekeeping today, which expanded with the deployment of Swedish peacekeepers to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) in Mali. Finally, possible future scenarios are outlined. While Sweden is expected to continue to resolutely support the UN and its efforts, international security developments, particularly those close to home, together with financial considerations will likely be decisive to Sweden’s future contributions to UN peacekeeping.; (AN 40230269)
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10.

Between self-interest and solidarity: Norway’s return to UN peacekeeping? by Karlsrud, John; Osland, Kari M.. International Peacekeeping, October 2016, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 5 p784-803, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNorway has been a firm supporter of, and contributor to, UN peacekeeping operations. However, while increasing its financial support since the end of the Cold War, Norway has significantly downscaled its troop contributions to the UN, focusing on NATO operations. Rather than interpreting this as lessened interest in the UN, we point out that support and commitment cannot be measured solely in numbers of troops deployed. Norway’s commitment to UN peacekeeping should be understood as part of its strategic culture, here read as a synthesis between self-interest and solidarity, and between the UN and NATO. This article details the institutional, political and material challenges and opportunities for renewed engagement in UN peacekeeping.; (AN 40230270)
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14

International Relations
Volume 30, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by Ziegler, Charles E; Evans, Gareth. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p259-261, 3p; (AN 39958867)
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2.

Critical perspectives on the Responsibility to Protect: BRICS and beyond by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p262-277, 16p; Abstract: The articles in this Special Issue derive from a conference on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) held under the auspices of the Center for American and Global Security at Indiana University–Bloomington, 15–16 May 2015. The studies in this issue variously explore the development of the R2P in the United Nations, assess the role of the International Criminal Court in bringing perpetrators of mass atrocities to justice, introduce a territorial dimension to R2P, and elucidate the current position of non-Western emerging countries, specifically the BRICS, on R2P. The most ardent advocates of the doctrine tend to be from the major English-speaking liberal democracies, although prominent African statesmen were also instrumental in promoting the concept. The Libyan experience prompted a reassessment of R2P, magnifying suspicions that the norm may be simply a Western strategy for enhancing influence and effecting regime change. The idea of state sovereignty as responsibility domestically, and the possibility of international assistance to regimes struggling to protect vulnerable populations, has widespread support in the non-Western world. Coercive measures against predatory regimes are not rejected wholesale, but the BRICS are suspicious of Western motives in advocating forcible intervention and justifiably skeptical that such interventions will do more good than harm.; (AN 39958864)
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3.

The origins and evolution of Responsibility to Protect at the UN by Ziegler, Charles E; Cater, Charles; Malone, David M. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p278-297, 20p; Abstract: This article situates the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept, later accepted by many as a principle, in the wider flow of events following on the end of the Cold War. Among the hallmarks of change in the United Nations (UN) Security Council as of the early 1990s, in stark contrast to the Council’s preoccupations during its first four decades of activity, was its growing attention to humanitarian considerations relating to conflict, its new willingness to tackle conflicts (mainly internal ones) it might have avoided earlier, and its willingness to experiment with new approaches to resolving them. Just as worries over terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction were to become dominant themes in its work, the humanitarian imperative also incrementally wove itself into the fabric of the Council’s decision-making. It is against this wider backdrop and that of several spectacular UN failures to prevent genocide and other mass humanitarian distress that UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Kofi Annan was impelled as of 1999 to look beyond existing international law and practice for a new normative framework, that while formally respecting the sovereignty of states nevertheless elevated humanitarian concerns and action to the level of an international responsibility to prevent the worst outcomes. Today R2P finds itself competing with other legal and diplomatic principles, but it remains a potent platform for advocacy and, at times, for action by the UN.; (AN 39958870)
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4.

Can the International Criminal Court contribute to the Responsibility to Protect? by Ziegler, Charles E; Schiff, Benjamin N. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p298-313, 16p; Abstract: The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm asserts that states have duties beyond their borders to help avoid, respond to, and prevent recurrence of circumstances that produce massive human rights violations. Actions undertaken to implement those duties can include aid, reform, or more muscular involvements. The need for such engagement implies that the target state’s government is losing or has lost its legitimacy. Labeling by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of a conflict as a ‘situation’ under its purview asserts that large-scale crimes are likely taking place for which individuals should be held accountable. This should trigger R2P considerations. However, the fit between R2P and the ICC is uncomfortable. Although the ICC may appear a useful tool for R2P, forays into the politics of R2P by the ICC are undertaken at its peril. Moreover, so far, the ICC has not clearly had positive effects upon conflict. While the ICC can be idealized as a contributor to R2P, coordination is formally non-existent and the Court’s protection effects are ambiguous.; (AN 39958862)
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5.

The spear point and the ground beneath: territorial constraints on the logic of Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Waters, Timothy William. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p314-327, 14p; Abstract: The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) faces considerable criticism, of both its inefficacy – its failure to describe an effective pathway around the obstacles to humanitarian intervention in the sclerotic global security system – and its overreach, especially the risk that it enables pretextual agendas of intervention and regime change. Yet neither defenders nor critics have paid much attention to another possibility or risk incumbent in R2P: the likelihood, once intervention is undertaken, that the interveners themselves will be involved in a conflict over territory, whose likely solutions will include, not simply regime change, but partition. The doctrine as we now have it, built thoroughly on a state-centric logic, does not engage with this question, and indeed there are strategic reasons for ignoring the issue: acknowledging such a quality would be too much for R2P’s supporters to admit or its critics to accept. But whatever our normative orientation toward this rising or stumbling doctrine, we ought to be clear about where taking it seriously is really likely to lead us: sooner or later – and more often than we might wish to acknowledge – R2P interventions will force us to confront the logic of partition.; (AN 39958871)
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6.

Harmonizing ‘Responsibility to Protect’: China’s vision of a post-sovereign world by Ziegler, Charles E; Kozyrev, Vitaly. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p328-345, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the recent evolution of China’s policies toward the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept in the context of a changing international environment. As an example of an emerging ‘non-Western’ alternative to the existing normative consensus, the Chinese perception of the norm reflects the nature of the ongoing new East–West divide and is derived from Beijing’s new vision of a future world order and China’s role in it. In 2001–2011, China supported R2P as a new mechanism to revise Western practices of humanitarian interventionism and to contribute to a changing multilateral global international legal order exemplifying China’s new status as a responsible ‘global citizen’. When the R2P norm was politicized by the West as part of its global democratic interventionist policies of 2005–2014, China’s predominantly globalist vision of the international rule of law was replaced by its predominantly security-driven approach. This perspective, while recognizing the ongoing globalization of sovereignty, calls for a ‘right balance between justice and interest’ by the international community and denies the traditional Western leadership in the norm-making process. The Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders believe that the future evolution of the R2P concept should meet China’s strategic interests, including its global order-forming and institution-building initiatives. Efforts to operationalize the R2P norm will have to take this factor into account.; (AN 39958863)
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7.

Russia on the rebound: using and misusing the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ziegler, Charles E. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p346-361, 16p; Abstract: Russian leaders consider the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) a Western liberal democratic norm that erodes sovereignty and threatens Russia’s great power status. They suspect the United States and Europe use R2P as a means of effecting regime changes that support their national interests, not as a purely altruistic effort to protect vulnerable populations. Having experienced state collapse, societal fragmentation, and a weakened foreign policy over the past two decades, Russia rejects the Western universalist interpretation of R2P in favor of a civilizational perspective that privileges the Kremlin’s interpretation of when intervention is or is not legitimate. A close analysis of domestic factors in Russian politics, combined with an understanding of Moscow’s newly confident approach to geopolitics, are needed to understand Russia’s position as one of the most vocal critics of the Responsibility to Protect.; (AN 39958865)
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8.

India and the Responsibility to Protect by Ziegler, Charles E; Ganguly, Sumit. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p362-374, 13p; Abstract: India, though a working democracy, has adopted an ambivalent stance toward the genesis and evolution of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. This article traces India’s views toward the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention, outlines its reactions toward the advent of the norm, and discusses India’s positions on the attempts to apply it to recent international crises. It then argues that India’s cautious support for the principle stems in part from concerns about its potential abuse in the hands of the great powers, post-colonial concerns about the diminution of the norm of state sovereignty, and finally, its own domestic vulnerabilities in the protection of human rights.; (AN 39958869)
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9.

Brazil and Responsibility to Protect: a case of agency and norm entrepreneurship in the Global South by Ziegler, Charles E; Stuenkel, Oliver. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p375-390, 16p; Abstract: This article questions the still broadly accepted notion that the global debate about Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is divided into a Western (or Northern) ‘pro-R2P’ camp and a non-Western (or Southern) ‘anti-R2P camp’. In the same way, the relatively broadly accepted assertion that R2P is a Western concept overlooks the important contributions developing countries have made in the creation of the norm. Brazil’s stance vis-à-vis R2P, analyzed in this article, is a powerful example of this reality, and the country has, in the past years, temporarily assumed leadership in the discussion about how to strengthen the norm. Paradoxically, Brazil’s move was widely seen as obstructionist. This points to a broader bias that tends observers not to grant non-Western powers the same agency in the creation of rules and norms. The ongoing multipolarization will force observers to correct this vision, as countries in the Global South such as China will be increasingly able to ‘act upon’ R2P, a capacity that so far has been reserved for established powers.; (AN 39958868)
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10.

South Africa and the Responsibility to Protect: from champion to sceptic by Ziegler, Charles E; Smith, Karen. International Relations, September 2016, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p391-405, 15p; Abstract: This article provides an overview of the South African government’s evolving position on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). While the country was an advocate of R2P in the run-up to the 2005 United Nations (UN) World Summit and the related idea of non-indifference in Africa, its conduct while serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and subsequent developments have raised questions about its continued commitment to these principles. In particular, Resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya proved to be a turning point. It is argued that while South Africa continues to support the broad idea of civilian protection, it is in favour of a consultative, regional approach and has become increasingly critical of what it views as the selective application and militarisation of the R2P. In trying to make sense of the apparent contradictions in South Africa’s position, it is necessary to situate the debate against the background of broader tensions in its foreign policy, particularly around the promotion of human rights. These, in turn, are linked to divergent and multiple foreign policy identities that the post-apartheid state is still coming to terms with.; (AN 39958866)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 41, no. 2, Fall 2016

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p3-6, 4p; (AN 40414068)
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2.

Separating Fact from Fiction in the Debate over Drone Proliferation by Horowitz, Michael C.; Kreps, Sarah E.; Fuhrmann, Matthew. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p7-42, 36p; Abstract: What are the consequences of drone proliferation for international security? Despite extensive discussions in the policy world concerning drone strikes for counterterrorism purposes, myths about the capabilities and implications of current-generation drones often outstrip reality. Understanding the impact of drones requires separating fact from fiction by examining their effects in six different contexts—counterterrorism, interstate conflict, crisis onset and deterrence, coercive diplomacy, domestic control and repression, and use by nonstate actors for the purposes of terrorism. Although current-generation drones introduce some unique capabilities into conflicts, they are unlikely to produce the dire consequences that some analysts fear. In particular, drone proliferation carries potentially significant consequences for counterterrorism operations and domestic control in authoritarian regimes. Drones could also enhance monitoring in disputed territories, potentially leading to greater stability. Given their technical limitations, however, current-generation drones are unlikely to have a large impact on interstate warfare. Assessing the consequences of drone proliferation has important implications for a range of policy issues, including the management of regional disputes, the regulation of drone exports, and defense against potential terrorist attacks on the homeland.; (AN 40414067)
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3.

You Can't Always Get What You Want: Why Foreign-Imposed Regime Change Seldom Improves Interstate Relations by Downes, Alexander B.; O'Rourke, Lindsey A.. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p43-89, 47p; Abstract: States frequently employ overt and covert foreign-imposed regime change (FIRC) to pursue their foreign policy interests. Yet there is little scholarship on the question of whether FIRCs improve relations between the states involved. In fact, most FIRCs either fail to reduce—or increase—the likelihood of militarized disputes between interveners and targets. Fundamentally, FIRC entails a principal-agent problem: foreign-imposed leaders rule over states with interests different from those of the intervener. Whereas the intervening state wants the new leader to pursue policies that reflect its interests, once in power, such leaders are focused on ensuring their political survival, a task that is often undermined by implementing the intervener's agenda. Foreign-imposed leaders who carry out the intervener's desired policies attract the ire of domestic actors. These domestic opponents can force the regime to reverse course or may even remove it from power in favor of leaders who are hostile to the intervener; in both cases, the result can be renewed conflict with the intervener. Rwanda's replacement of Mobutu Sese Seko with Laurent-Désiré Kabila in Zaire illustrates this problem.; (AN 40414064)
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4.

To Arm or to Ally? The Patron's Dilemma and the Strategic Logic of Arms Transfers and Alliances by Yarhi-Milo, Keren; Lanoszka, Alexander; Cooper, Zack. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p90-139, 50p; Abstract: How do great powers decide whether to provide arms to or form alliances with client states? This “patron's dilemma” revolves around a decision about how to best provide security to clients without becoming entrapped in unwanted conflicts. Strong commitments worsen the risk of entrapment, whereas weak commitments intensify fears of abandonment. This traditional alliance dilemma can be addressed through the provision of arms and alliances. Great power patrons primarily make such decisions on the basis of two factors: first, the extent to which the patron believes it and its client have common security interests; and second, whether the patron believes that its client has sufficient military capabilities to deter its main adversary without the patron's assistance. Patrons assess the degree of shared threat and the local balances of capabilities in determining whether to support their clients with arms, alliances, or both. As demonstrated in the U.S. provision of security goods to Taiwan and Israel during the Cold War, this strategic logic explains how great powers manage the patron's dilemma.; (AN 40414069)
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5.

Bargaining Away Justice: India, Pakistan, and the International Politics of Impunity for the Bangladesh Genocide by Bass, Gary J.. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p140-187, 48p; Abstract: This article expands the study of the politics of international criminal justice, restoring the crucial but overlooked case of Bangladesh, today the largest population confronting the aftermath of genocide. Bangladesh is one of the most important cases where the prosecution of war criminals was foiled, resulting in a disturbing impunity for one of the bloodiest incidents of the Cold War. Using unexplored declassified Indian government documents from archives in Delhi, this article uses detailed process-tracing to reveal for the first time why India and Bangladesh abandoned their plans to put accused Pakistani war criminals on trial after the 1971 war between India and Pakistan. In the face of Pakistani defiance, the Indian and Bangladeshi governments reluctantly bargained away justice in order to pursue their national security, with peacemaking with Pakistan proving more important than war crimes trials. This episode furthers the general understanding of both the causes and results of impunity for mass atrocities, while extending the study of international justice into Asia. Bangladesh's tragic experience shows the primacy of international security, while also tentatively suggesting that even when amnesty is necessary for peacemaking, it can leave a toxic legacy for future politics.; (AN 40414066)
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6.

Correspondence: Debating China's Rise and the Future of U.S. Power by Wang, William Z.Y.; Brooks, Stephen G.; Wohlforth, William C.. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p188-191, 4p; (AN 40414065)
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7.

Correspondence: Stability or Volatility across the Taiwan Strait? by Grossman, Derek; Lee, Sheryn; Schreer, Benjamin; Kastner, Scott L.. International Security, Fall 2016, Vol. 41 Issue: Number 2 p192-197, 6p; (AN 40414063)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 51, no. 3, July 2016

Record

Results

1.

Interview with Nathalie Tocci on the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy by Tocci, Nathalie. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p1-8, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy, “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe”, presented at the European Council on 24 June 2016 by Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission, was drafted by Nathalie Tocci, Deputy Director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and co-editor of The International Spectator. Given the importance of the document, we asked Nathalie for an interview and 18 foreign policy experts from around the world to comment on it.; (AN 40217473)
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2.

The EUGS: Realistic, but Not Too Modest, Please by Coelmont, Jo. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p9-11, 3p; (AN 40217472)
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3.

The Birth of a Global Strategy amid Deep Crisis by Conley, Heather A.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p12-14, 3p; (AN 40217474)
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4.

A Post-Brexit Global Strategy by Dassù, Marta; Menotti, Roberto. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p15-16, 2p; (AN 40217477)
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5.

Looking Forward in a Realistic Way: Will the EU Understand? by Flôres, Renato G.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p17-18, 2p; (AN 40217476)
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6.

The European Union Global Strategy: Good Ambitions and Harsh Realities by Grand, Camille. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p19-21, 3p; (AN 40217478)
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7.

The EU’s ‘Caoutchouc’ Strategy: Something for Everyone by van Ham, Peter. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p22-23, 2p; (AN 40217475)
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8.

The EUGS: New Concepts for New Directions in Foreign and Security Policy by Howorth, Jolyon. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p24-26, 3p; (AN 40217481)
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9.

The EU Should Promote Democracy in its Backyard or Face Long-term Insecurity by Kodmani-Darwish, Bassma. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p27-29, 3p; (AN 40217480)
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10.

The Owl of Minerva by Kortunov, Andrey. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p30-31, 2p; (AN 40217479)
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11.

The EUGS after Brexit: A View from India by Kumar, Radha. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p32-33, 2p; (AN 40217484)
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12.

Sadly, the EUGS Reads More like a Symptom of the Problem than Part of a Solution for Europe’s Deep Crisis by Maull, Hanns W.. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p34-36, 3p; (AN 40217483)
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13.

The EU Global Strategy: More Modest, Equally Challenging by Sidiropoulos, Elizabeth. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p37-39, 3p; (AN 40217485)
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14.

Ready for Adult Life? by Tsoukalis, Loukas. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p40-41, 2p; (AN 40217482)
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15.

Tokyo Wants a Stronger European Foreign Policy by Tsuruoka, Michito. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p42-44, 3p; (AN 40217487)
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16.

Pitfalls of the Global Strategy by Ulgen, Sinan. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p45-46, 2p; (AN 40217486)
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17.

Meeting the American Standard but Falling Short by Wright, Thomas. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p47-49, 3p; (AN 40217488)
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18.

A Realistic Strategy for Uncertain Times by Zaborowski, Marcin. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p50-51, 2p; (AN 40217491)
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19.

The EU Global Strategy after Brexit – A Chinese View by Hong, Zhou. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p52-54, 3p; (AN 40217490)
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20.

The Impending Water Crisis in the MENA Region by Joffé, George. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p55-66, 12p; Abstract: AbstractIn many respects the worsening water scarcity in the Middle East and North Africa has become an object-lesson in the water crisis facing the wider world as climate change becomes a reality. Although northern and southern temperate zones are likely to see increases in precipitation, the equatorial region will face increasing desertification as access to water declines in the face of continuing demographic growth. Competition over increasingly scarce resources will have major geopolitical and security implications and the Middle Eastern and North Africa region will act as a paradigm of what happens in a biome of water scarcity.; (AN 40217489)
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21.

Changing Hydropolitical Relations in the Nile Basin: A Protracted Transition by Tawfik, Rawia. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p67-81, 15p; Abstract: AbstractA new hydro-political order is emerging in the Nile Basin. Upstream riparian states have improved their bargaining power vis-à-vis downstream countries by adopting a common position in the negotiations over a new framework agreement to govern the utilisation of the Nile waters. Some upstream riparians have unilaterally constructed hydraulic projects that threaten Egypt’s hegemonic position in the basin, the most notable of which is the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Whether these developments will lead to a more equitable utilisation of water resources and a more cooperative order will depend on the policies of the riparian states, especially in the Eastern Nile. Respect of the Declaration of Principles on the GERD signed between Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan could help build trust between the three countries after years of tensions around the project. Beyond that, a basin-wide plan for the utilisation of water resources would not only maximise the benefits from the river and address the common challenges facing the basin, but also reduce the political costs of tensions on future projects.; (AN 40217492)
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22.

The Rebirth of Water as a Weapon: IS in Syria and Iraq by von Lossow, Tobias. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p82-99, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe so-called Islamic State (IS) has increasingly used water as a weapon in order to further its political and military aims in Syria and Iraq. In this water-scarce region, IS has retained water and cut off crucial supplies, flooded large areas as well as contaminated resources. The capture of large dams in the Euphrates and Tigris basin has made it possible to deploy the water weapon even more effectively and in a frequent, systematic, consistent and flexible manner. Measures to counter this weaponisation effectively have been limited to military means. However, several internal constraints create a dilemma for IS as its state-building ambitions conflict with the consequences of the weaponisation of water. The rebirth of using the water weapon in Syria and Iraq raises questions about protecting water infrastructures in conflict and post-conflict settings.; (AN 40217493)
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23.

Watershed or Powershed? Critical Hydropolitics, China and the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Framework’ by Middleton, Carl; Allouche, Jeremy. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p100-117, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe countries sharing the Lancang-Mekong River are entering a new era of hydropolitics with a growing number of hydropower dams throughout the basin. Three ‘powersheds’, conceptualised as physical, institutional and political constructs that connect dams to major power markets in China, Thailand and Vietnam, are transforming the nature–society relations of the watershed. In the process, new conditions are produced within which the region’s hydropolitics unfold. This is epitomised by the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation’ framework, a new initiative led by China that proposes programs on both economic and water resource development, and anticipates hydrodiplomacy via China’s dam-engineered control of the headwaters.; (AN 40217496)
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24.

The Watercourses Convention, Hydro-hegemony and Transboundary Water Issues by Gupta, Joyeeta. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p118-131, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2014 entry into force of the UN Watercourses Convention of 1997 could institutionalise water law globally, thereby countering hydro-hegemonic approaches. However, since the Convention is out of date; has been ratified by only 36, mostly downstream countries; does not require amendments of pre-existing treaties; and has no Conference of the Parties to ensure that it becomes a living treaty, its actual influence in addressing the evolving problems in transboundary river basins remains minimal. Nevertheless, it is not unimaginable that with an appropriate follow-up to this Convention, it could be converted into a living and relevant framework convention in the future.; (AN 40217494)
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25.

Reshuffling the Middle East: A Historical and Political Perspective by Kamel, Lorenzo. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p132-141, 10p; Abstract: AbstractThe Middle East is experiencing one of the darkest periods in its history and a new regional order is still far from being established. Yet, it appears increasingly clear that few matters will affect its developments more than the ongoing regional demographic dynamics. The region’s history and spatial background provide a framework for approaching these epochal shifts and critically examining the ‘ethnic stabilisation’ thesis, which interprets current demographic movements as a kind of normalisation of the region’s ‘original’ demographics. Instead of this ‘medievalization of the Middle East’, many people in the region are keen on ‘getting backinto history’ and ‘regaining possession’ of their multifaceted past: a powerful antidote to the geopolitical reductionism so popular nowadays.; (AN 40217495)
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26.

Ukraine: How Did We Get Here? by De Maio, Giovanna. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p142-143, 2p; (AN 40217497)
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27.

Enlarging Germany and the EU by Cameron, Fraser. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p144-145, 2p; (AN 40217499)
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28.

Recent Publications by Tonne, Gabriele. International Spectator, July 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 3 p146-153, 8p; (AN 40217498)
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