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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 34, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Oversized coalitions in Central and Eastern Europe: a Qualitative Comparative Analysis by Niikawa, Sho. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p377-399, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOversized coalitions are not unusual in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), but there is less attention to the puzzle of why political parties seek to form them. Empirical studies of CEE often lack a systematic comparative perspective of the different mechanisms. Theoretically informed studies face a difficulty of the application to coalition games in CEE. To fill the gap, this article investigates pathways of oversized coalitions in CEE with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This study shows that multiple causal paths can be constructed by combined conditions relating to main hypotheses from coalition theory. The major findings are: (1) bargaining power concentration would have a contextual effect on oversized coalitions; (2) median in policy dimension(s) could be seen as a key concept to provide an explanation of the coalition pattern in CEE; and (3) bicameral and semi-presidential structure cannot be rejected as a combined factor for broader coalitions in CEE.; (AN 47155650)
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2.

The politics of unpredictability: Acc/secession of Crimea and the blurring of international norms by Berg, Eiki; Mölder, Martin. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p400-417, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on prominent recent episodes where Russia has put sovereignty, the obligation to refrain (O2R) from using force, and self-determination to the test. Most recently in the Crimean context, we see that Russia’s systematic instrumental use of these norms does not contest the norms as such, but as their application becomes more contingent and arbitrary, their meaning is nevertheless blurred. We additionally explore how other justifications were applied alongside self-determination, which were all linked to interference in the internal political processes of another state, facilitating secession and incorporating part of the territory of the latter. We introduce the concept of blurring and show how the production of floating signifiers has become Russia’s preferred strategy in the international war of interpretations. This politics of unpredictability has led Russia to act in self-defence unilaterally and outside of the framework of the United Nations (UN), going against not only some of its own declared principles while following others, but also further strengthening the discursive gap with the West.; (AN 47155651)
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3.

Explaining dissensus on the Bulgarian constitutional court by Bagashka, Tanya; Tiede, Lydia. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p418-439, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing original data, this study investigates the determinants of dissent on the Bulgarian Constitutional Court, which occurs frequently and is high by comparative standards. This analysis contributes to the debate on whether courts and judges are driven by policy motivations or legal doctrine by providing evidence from a constitutional court created after a democratic transition. Dissent is more likely when the court as a whole and individual judges decide controversial cases, and when the benefits of dissensus outweigh their costs. Additionally, judges’ individual characteristics related to prior careers in politics and their party alignment with the governing coalition drive dissent. The effect of judges’ alignment, however, is conditioned on the case outcome, suggesting that justices use dissent when it is politically expedient to do so.; (AN 47155652)
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4.

Party based Euroscepticism and EU domestic coordination: longitudinal analysis of central and eastern countries by Kaniok, Petr; Galušková, Johana. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p440-457, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with the positions of political actors on European Union (EU) issues and examines how these positions impact the coordination of the European agenda. Theoretically, the analysis is based on a model in which political actors maximise their preferences, as developed in rational-choice institutionalism. The authors use two dependent variables: “form of coordination”, which denotes the centralisation or decentralisation of systems; and “centre of coordination”, which indicates the location within government of the main coordinating body. They seek to explain: 1) party Euroscepticism and the degree of salience governments assign to their European agenda; and 2) other factors including party system fragmentation and political system decentralisation. The findings confirm the premise that party Euroscepticism and the salience of EU issues lead to the centralisation of coordination mechanisms. By contrast, the study refutes the hypothesis that the European agenda is externalised to the ministry of foreign affairs if the cabinet is a Eurosceptic one.; (AN 47155653)
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5.

Online supporter and registered sympathiser as alternatives to a regular party member by Cirhan, Tomas; Stauber, Jakub. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p458-482, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNew nearly member-less entrepreneurial parties formed in a top-down fashion are often electorally successful, which is possible within a wider environment, where members are not necessary for their existence and success. We analyse such parties’ membership strategies in detail in the two cases Czech VV and ANO, aiming to explain the mechanisms and logic behind their and other parties’ similar membership strategies. Our primary data indicate that full party members are not important for the studied parties electorally or financially. Secondly, the data demonstrate these parties’ preference for alternative party members – registered sympathisers and online supporters over full members, whose recruitment is highly restricted. We argue that such an organisational strategy is intentionally used to limit the impact of members on the internal functioning of parties.; (AN 47155654)
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6.

Activity of non-parliamentary opposition communities in social networks in the context of the Russian 2016 parliamentary election by Myagkov, Mikhail; Shchekotin, Evgeniy V.; Kashpur, Vitaliy V.; Goiko, Vyacheslav L.; Baryshev, Alexey A.. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p483-502, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to analyse the connection between the election to the Russian State Duma in September 2016 and the social network activity of members of the two non-parliamentary opposition groups: right-wing radicals and supporters of the opposition leader Alexei Navalny. For this purpose, the Right-Wing Online Activity Index and Navalny Supporters’ Online Activity Index were calculated. Then, using correlation analysis, relationships between the indices and the results of voting for political parties in the election to the State Duma were determined. As a result, the highest values of the Right-Wing and Navalny Supporters’ Online Activity Indices were registered in Moscow and St. Petersburg.; (AN 47155655)
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7.

Russian speakers in post-Soviet Latvia. Discursive identity strategy by Trupia, Francesco. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p503-507, 5p; (AN 47155656)
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8.

Putin’s war Against Ukraine: revolution, nationalism, and crime by Carroll, Jennifer J.. East European Politics, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p507-508, 2p; (AN 47155657)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 27, no. 1, February 2018

Record

Results

1.

Critical Success Factors in Transboundary Water Management: a US-EU Comparison by Suykens, Cathy. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p2-14, 13p; Abstract: In light of the increasing pressure on freshwater resources, good governance of rivers is key in meeting the challenges ahead. Integrated river basin management has been advocated both in the European Union and the United States. This paper will adopt a comparative approach to the analysis of river basin management by scrutinizing the legal regimes governing the Scheldt River in the EU and the Delaware River in the US. Based on these case studies, in combination with literature review, the article will set forth Critical Success Factors for integrated transboundary river basin management.; (AN 45169261)
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2.

Large-scale Water-related Innovative Renewable Energy Projects and the Habitats and Birds Directives: Legal Issues and Solutions by van Hees, Sander. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p15-36, 22p; Abstract: This article discusses two legal issues that relate to the conflict between the interest of protecting habitats and species under the Habitats and Birds Directives, versus the interest of promoting the use of innovative water-related renewable energy, with regard to the quota in the Renewable Energy Directive. These legal issues are: first, the possible conflict between the protection rules of the Habitats and Birds Directive on the one hand and the Renewable Energy Directive on the other hand, and second, the lack of integration between the Renewable Energy Directive and the derogation clauses of the Habitats and Birds Directives. Tidal stream energy is used as a case study to show the practical relevance of the legal issues for the large-scale deployment of innovative water-related renewable energy techniques. The final sections discuss solutions to the legal issues. These are first, the application of adaptive management in combination with mitigation or phased deployment, in order to deal with uncertainty, and second, the introduction of detailed renewable energy plans per Member State in order to increase integration between the Habitats and Birds Directives and the Renewable Energy Directive. The final sections also discuss the applicability of the findings of this article to other innovative water-related renewable energy sources such as wave energy and salinity gradient energy (blue energy).; (AN 45169262)
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3.

Book Review: Energy, Governance and Sustainability Jordi Jaria I. Manzano, Nathalie Chalifour and Louis J. Kotze , Editors, IUCN Academy of Environmental Law Series, Edward Elgar, 2016. by Furszyfer, Dylan. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p37-44, 8p; (AN 45169263)
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4.

Books for Review European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p45-45, 1p; (AN 45169264)
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3

European Security
Volume 27, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Regional security cooperation reinvented: Western Balkans counterterrorism initiative by Đorđević, Vladimir; Klemenc, Jelka; Kolářová, Ivana. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p415-433, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that the Western Balkans Counterterrorism Initiative (WBCTi), originally a Slovenian proposal of late 2014, represents an efficient form of regional security cooperation, particularly when regional EU integration is considered. The Initiative that was accepted by the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the EU in late 2015 is the first of its kind. It is aimed at both incorporating and integrating all forms of international assistance that concern increasing the capacity to prevent and combat terrorism, violent extremism, and radicalisation leading to terrorism. Additionally, it is directed at decreasing duplication of actions by international actors and raising levels of efficiency of security cooperation and reform. This article analyses the Initiative by focusing on its structure and claiming that its specific framework represents an innovative approach establishing a fully functional regional structure outlining EU-Western Balkans security cooperation.; (AN 47344653)
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2.

The motivation of European Union mediation in civil conflicts by Scalera, Jamie E.; Wiegand, Krista E.. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p434-452, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the EU has expanded its common security focus in the 1990s, this important regional organisation has become the most frequent mediator in low-level civil conflicts worldwide. Under what conditions is the European Union (EU) likely to become involved in mediation in civil conflicts? Is the participation in mediation only explained by the EU's bias toward its near abroad, or is the EU more strategic? Some scholars have suggested that the EU's regional bias for its near abroad is the key explanation for the onset of EU mediation, but we propose that the reality of EU mediation presents a more nuanced story. We posit three explanations based on mediator bias: regional bias, economic bias, and normative bias. Overall, we argue that the EU will mediate in civil conflicts that are in its near abroad, but also where the EU has economic bias and where the EU can exercise its normative power in highly intractable conflicts. We test our hypotheses using statistical analysis of the UCDP low-level civil conflicts data from 1993 to 2004 and Civil War Mediation data from 1974 to 2005. We find strong support for our hypotheses, determining key factors that reveal the EU's strategic onset of mediation.; (AN 47344654)
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3.

From revolution to reform and back: EU-Security sector reform in Ukraine by Jayasundara-Smits, Shyamika. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p453-468, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity Sector Reform (SSR) is an important element of the EU’s external intervention toolkit. In an increasingly uncertain global security environment, the EU has currently stepped up its SSR endeavours. However, success of these efforts largely depends on the EU’s capabilities in navigating complex context-specific challenges. In particular the EU needs to be able to simultaneously address the functional and normative-societal imperatives that underpin SSR. This article considers the case of the EU’s ongoing SSR mission to Ukraine – the European Union Advisory Mission (EUAM). It asks, what are the unique context-specific challenges faced by EUAM in Ukraine? How do these challenges influence the EU’s ability to satisfy both the normative-societal imperative of SSR through the EUAM? This article mainly relies on secondary data, and applies a “Whole of Society” approach to conflict prevention and peacebuilding (WOS). Amidst a situation of ongoing multiple armed conflicts and EU-Russian relations of mutual dependence, a key finding is that the mandate of the mission has become more narrow and exclusive by sacrificing vertical coherence and the normative-societal imperative. We recommend EUAM adopt a more “revolutionary” approach to SSR, by adhering to key SSR normative principles so that the mission can overcome the challenges of the unique reform environment of Ukriane. This will also make it able to contribute more meaningfully to the wider reform process in an effective and sustainable manner.; (AN 47344655)
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4.

Taking production relations seriously: the role of defence firms in armaments cooperation by Kurc, Caglar; Oktay, Sibel. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p469-489, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCoordinating defence-industrial relations towards harmonising and facilitating procurement policies, production processes and the joint operability of their member-states’ national defence sectors, International Armaments Organisations (IAOs) play an important role in armaments cooperation. How can we explain their institutional development? Existing literature tackles this question using International Relations theories to mid-range theories of institutions and integration. However, they adopt overly state-centric viewpoints, assume actor interests as given, and disregard the changes in the global economic landscape that constitute the backdrop of armaments cooperation. In response, we shift the focus onto a key group of actors: the defence firms. Using a Neo-Gramscian Historical Materialist approach, we investigate how the globalisation of the defence market has created a transnational defence-industrial class in Europe, and demonstrate how its economic interests have fundamentally shaped the institutional frameworks of European IAOs. We focus on the Organisation for Joint Armaments Cooperation (OCCAR) and the European Defence Agency (EDA) to illustrate our argument. Our conclusions have implications for the study of armaments cooperation, particularly highlighting how the economic nature of this policy domain necessitates a closer look at the global and regional production relations, and the agency of the defence firms.; (AN 47344656)
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5.

Is European NATO reallyfree-riding? Patterns of material and non-material burden-sharing after the Cold War by Jakobsen, Jo. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p490-514, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes European NATO free-ride on America? This article uses a mixed-methods approach to explore developments after the Cold War. I investigate both “material” measures, such as military expenditure and troop numbers, and a “non-material” indicator that draws on survey data of the public’s willingness to fight for their country. Results and conclusions are not univocal. On the one hand, European NATO members have generally reduced their military spending (relative to GDP), abolished conscription and downsized their military forces. Their citizens’ self-reported willingness to fight has also been quite low after the Cold War, in particular in states that host US military bases. On the other hand, some of these developments can surely be explained by a decrease in threat perceptions in Europe. Trends changed markedly after Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea, which moved many allies – in particular new NATO member states – to increase their defence efforts.; (AN 47344657)
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6.

Transatlantic burden sharing: suggesting a new research agenda by Zyla, Benjamin. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p515-535, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCurrent studies on NATO burden sharing are only able to show some weak statistical trends between selective variables; they are unable to explain and show why this trend exists and why it occurred at particular times (or not). This is due to the dominant deductive and hypothesis testing research designs that prevent researchers to produce richer causal explanations or intersubjective understandings of how states, for example, construct and assign meaning to burdens or what forms of social representation, values, norms and ideals influence the making of (national) burden sharing decisions. Thus, we charge, the literature needs to adopt an eclecticist approach to studying NATO burden sharing – that is to combine rationalist with sociological approaches and methodologies highlighting the importance of intersubjective meanings and the role of social forces, norms, beliefs, and values. The article lays out what such a research programme might look like and how one could operationalise it.; (AN 47344658)
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7.

The New politics of energy security in the European Union and beyond. States, markets, institutions by Mavromati, Ioanna. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p536-537, 2p; (AN 47344659)
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8.

The political economy of European security by Oikonomou, Iraklis. European Security, October 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 4 p537-540, 4p; (AN 47344660)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 30, no. 3, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

School textbooks, peace and conflict: an introduction by Ide, Tobias; Kirchheimer, Jakob; Bentrovato, Denise. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p287-294, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe aim of this article, and of the special issue it introduces, is to claim a more prominent role for the analysis of school textbooks when studying peace and conflict. School textbooks can contribute to several core discussions in this research field because they are indicators of dominant political knowledge, have privileged access to a large audience, and are objects of peace and conflict processes themselves. We reflect how the analysis of school textbooks has already contributed significantly to peace and conflict studies and outline avenues for further research.; (AN 46223351)
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2.

The making of the (Il)legitimate citizen: the case of the Pakistan Studies textbook by Emerson, Ann. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p295-311, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper is intended to contribute to the widening literature on the complicated links between education, the state and violence. It also builds on previous analyses of Pakistan Studies textbooks, and utilises notions of citizenship to illuminate inequalities and the theoretical lens of cultural violence. To do this, I present an in-depth analysis of the Pakistan Studies Textbook for Secondary Classes used in government schools in Islamabad Capital Territory. This textbook analysis was conducted as part of a case study of one girls’ secondary school in 2014 which linked citizenship education to Galtung's 1990 violence triangle. I also demonstrate through classroom observations of the case study school the power that the textbook holds as the voice of authority in the classrooms in which it is used. The analysis is situated it in the broader historical context of the process of nation building. I illustrate the specific ways the textbook contributes to the narrative of exclusion of some Pakistanis from equal citizenship which has the potential to normalise violence against excluded groups.; (AN 46223352)
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3.

Japanese history textbook controversy at a crossroads?: joint history research, politicization of textbook adoption process, and apology fatigue in Japan by Fukuoka, Kazuya. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p313-334, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTJapan’s kyōkasho mondai(history textbook controversy) is at a crossroads. This article tries to exemplify it through the analysis of three issue areas at three levels (international, domestic, and societal). Internationally, the study looks into the failure of much anticipated joint history writing projects with China (2006–2010) and South Korea (2002–2005, 2007–2010). Domestically, this study problematises the recent politicisation of the textbook adoption system through the analysis of the Yokohama and Tokyo cases. The article also discusses the role of Nippon Kaigi(The Japan Conference), an influential rightist lobbying group, in this process. In this conjunction, at the societal level, there seems to have been the growing sense of frustration and resignation with China / South Korea among the Japanese public (i.e. apology fatigue). All these suggest that there has been an underlying change in the landscape of history textbook controversy in Japan, which also cogently shows the on-going practical difficulty in building trustworthy relationships between Japan and China / South Korea. This study tries to offer a contextual understanding about the underlying conditionsfor (and, hence, the changing societal expectations about) textbook production, content and reception.; (AN 46223353)
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4.

Mediating transitional justice: South Africa’s TRC in history textbooks and the implications for peace by Bentrovato, Denise; Wassermann, Johan. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p335-351, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTransitional justice (TJ) and education have recently evolved into key areas of concern in processes of recovery undergone by societies emerging from violent conflict. Referencing the particular case of post-apartheid South Africa, this article investigates the distinct role of school textbooks as mediators of TJ in order to shed light on the under-researched interconnections between these fields. Its analysis of how South Africa’s history textbooks engage with the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission explores the discursive and pedagogical strategies they adopt as they deal with this high-profile TJ mechanism. The article’s theorisation will consider textbooks’ possible dual function as both instruments and indicators of broader post-conflict transformation by assessing the possibilities offered by a pedagogical model of TJ education involving history textbooks as ‘heteroglossic spaces’ and as ‘mediators of multivocal discourses’.; (AN 46223354)
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5.

Teaching peace in the midst of civil war: tensions between global and local discourses in Sri Lankan civics textbooks by Bentrovato, Denise; Nissanka, Marie. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p353-372, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on Sri Lanka, this article complements existing research on the adoption of global norms and discourses around peace education by illuminating the tensions between global and local demands in a multicultural society torn by conflict. In analysing a series of donor-funded official civics textbooks issued during the civil war, it identifies textbooks as sites of the conflictual ‘hybridisation’ of the liberal peacebuilding paradigm and the challenge to it posed by local interests and sensibilities. The analysis of the discourses around ‘good citizenship’ in Sri Lankan textbooks elucidates a case of the political co-optation of donor-driven agendas, traceable in the uneasy blend of a traditional and a global model of citizenship education simultaneously embracing and undermining liberal ideals of peacebuilding through emphases and silences that may risk compromising national reconciliation. The textbook discourses which enact these processes construct notions of social cohesion around civic virtues, frame rights as privileges earned through compliance and gratitude towards authoritative institutions, promote understandings of peace and conflict which highlight individual responsibility while obscuring systemic violence, and affirm social justice, democracy and human rights while evading the realisation of these ideals in practice.; (AN 46223355)
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6.

Deconstructing resistance towards textbook revisions: the securitisation of history textbooks and the Cyprus conflict by Christodoulou, Eleni. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 3 p373-393, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates Greek Cypriot ‘discourses of resistance’ to potential revisions of history textbooks as part of a wider peace education process. Although changing history textbooks towards a more inclusive and pluralistic narrative is arguably a necessary step for a sustainable peace, efforts to do so have met with strong resistance and ultimately failed. Existing studies have illuminated the problematic historical content of these textbooks and often point towards the controversies raised, but rarely do they offer an in-depth analysis of these discourses abouttextbooks. This study seeks to fill this gap by deconstructing these ‘discourses of resistance’ to reach a deeper understanding of why this aspect of peacebuilding has failed. Empirical findings through an analysis of interviews, policy documents, newspapers, speeches and circulars indicate a pronounced link between education and security, which has until recently remained at the periphery of peacebuilding research. Discourses of resistance present changes to history textbooks as a betrayal and threat to the nationalist struggle, a process I argue constitutes the securitisationof history textbooks.; (AN 46223356)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 18, no. 4, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bernstein, Steven; Hoffmann, Matthew; Weinthal, Erika. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p1-3, 3p; (AN 47068418)
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2.

Renegotiating the Columbia River Treaty: Transboundary Governance and Indigenous Rights by Cohen, Alice; Norman, Emma S.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p4-24, 21p; Abstract: This article builds on regional environmental governance (REG) scholarship to explore alternatives to conventional transboundary agreements. Specifically, we use two narratives to tell the story of one river variously known as Wimahl, Nich’i-Wàna, or Swah’netk’qhu, and, more recently, the Columbia River. We suggest that the state-led narrative of the signing and implementation of the 1964 Columbia River Treaty has obscured Indigenous narratives of the river—a trend replicated in most scholarship on transboundary environmental agreements more broadly. In exploring these narratives, we: situate the silencing of Indigeneity in the 1964 Columbia River Treaty; highlight the reproduction and amplification of that silence in the relevant literature in the context of strengthened Indigenous rights; and explore what a multilateral—as opposed to binational—approach to environmental agreements might offer practitioners and scholars of REG.; (AN 47068411)
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3.

Worlding the Study of Global Environmental Politics in the Anthropocene: Indigenous Voices from the Amazon by Inoue, Cristina Yumie Aoki. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p25-42, 18p; Abstract: Many socioenvironmental struggles around the globe involve trying to protect the disappearance of other “worlds.” Along with biological diversity, human languages, traditions, understandings, and the intimate relationships between peoples and their lands are under attack through various forms of colonization, capital expansion, or simply the globalization of lifeways. Scholars of international relations have recently come to appreciate that the world is made up of many worlds, and that great pressures threaten to reduce its diversity. This work has been essential for understanding the struggle of maintaining many worlds on a single Earth. Such scholarship has yet to penetrate fully studies of global environmental politics (GEP). This article extends such sensitivity and scholarly effort to GEP by dialoguing with Indigenous ways of knowing. It argues that Indigenous struggles are struggles for the survival of many worlds on one planet and that we could learn from this. The intention is not to generalize Indigenous knowledge but rather to make a call for engagement. Through Creative Listening and Speaking, a worldist methodology, the article focuses on the Yanomami’s forest-world and presents a few perspectives to illustrate how relational ontologies, stories of nonhierarchical and dialogical divinities, make ways of knowing and being from which we could learn how to relate to the Earth as equals.; (AN 47068410)
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4.

Constructing Rights of Nature Norms in the US, Ecuador, and New Zealand by Kauffman, Craig M.; Martin, Pamela L.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p43-62, 20p; Abstract: Governments around the world are adopting laws granting Nature rights. Despite expressing common meta-norms transmitted through transnational networks, rights of Nature (RoN) laws differ in how they answer key normative questions, including how to define rights-bearing Nature, what rights to recognize, and who, if anyone, should be responsible for protecting Nature. To explain this puzzle, we compare RoN laws in three of the first countries to adopt such laws: Ecuador, the US, and New Zealand. We present a framework for analyzing RoN laws along two conceptual axes (scope and strength), highlighting how they answer normative questions differently. The article then shows how these differences resulted from the unique conditions and processes of contestation out of which each law emerged. The article contributes to the literature on norm construction by showing how RoN meta-norms circulating globally are infused with differing content as they are put into practice in different contexts, setting the stage for international norm contestation.; (AN 47068412)
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5.

International Water Cooperation and Environmental Peacemaking by Ide, Tobias; Detges, Adrien. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p63-84, 22p; Abstract: Proponents of the environmental peacemaking approach argue that environmental cooperation has the potential to improve relations between states. This is because such cooperation facilitates common problem solving, cultivates interdependence, and helps to build trust and understanding. But as of now, very few cross-case studies on environmental peacemaking exist. Furthermore, much of the available literature understands peace in negative terms as the mere absence of acute conflict. This article addresses both shortcomings by studying the impact of international water cooperation on transitions toward more peaceful interstate relations. To do so, we combine information on positive water-related interactions between states with the peace scale, a recent data set measuring the degree of positive and negative peace between states. For the period 1956–2006, we find that a higher number of positive, water-related interactions in the previous ten years makes a shift toward more peaceful interstate relations more likely. This is particularly the case for state pairs that are not in acute conflict with each other.; (AN 47068409)
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6.

The Shifting Context of Sustainability: Growth and the World Ocean Regime by Jacques, Peter J.; Lobo, Rafaella. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p85-106, 22p; Abstract: To better understand how regimes select norms and how sustainability concepts are used and change, we conduct a quantitative content analysis of important documents specifically related to a critical Earth system, the “World Ocean.” Using the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization’s State of the World’s Fisheries and Aquaculturereports from 1995 to 2016, we find that economic norms have always been dominant, and the use of sustainability concepts has become increasingly growth oriented. Discourses of restraint, relevant to principles of sustainability, are virtually absent. Growth is the central driving concern for the World Ocean Regime, a noncodified, economistic regime that governs the oceans. We conclude that the norms of sustainability have been selected for fitness with the neoliberal political–economic order and a totalizing ideology of growth, and that sustainability concepts are used as a mask to legitimize extractivist goals that are actually not sustainable.; (AN 47068417)
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7.

Environmental Mobilities: An Alternative Lens to Global Environmental Governance by Boas, Ingrid; Kloppenburg, Sanneke; van Leeuwen, Judith; Lamers, Machiel. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p107-126, 20p; Abstract: This article explores the relations between movement, the environment, and governance through the cases of cruise tourism, plastics in the oceans, and environmental migration. It does so by means of a mobilities perspective, which has its origins in sociology and geography. This perspective shifts the analytical focus toward mobilities and environmental problems to understand their governance, as opposed to starting with governance, as many global environmental governance studies do. We coin the term environmental mobilitiesto refer to the movements of human and nonhuman entities and the environmental factors and impacts associated with these. Environmental mobilities include movements impacting on the environment, movements shaped by environmental factors, and harmful environmental flows, as we illustrate by means of the three cases. We demonstrate how zooming in on the social, material, temporal, and spatial characteristics of these environmental mobilities can help illuminate governance gaps and emerging governance practices that better match their mobile nature. In particular, a mobilities lens helps to understand and capture environmental issues that move, change form, and fluctuate in their central problematique and whose governance is not (yet) highly or centrally institutionalized.; (AN 47068413)
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8.

Wildlife Crime: Politics, People, and Prevention by Moreto, William. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p127-131, 5p; (AN 47068414)
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9.

Book Review by Boyd, David R.. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p132-134, 3p; (AN 47068419)
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10.

Book Review by Pearse, Rebecca. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p134-136, 3p; (AN 47068415)
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11.

Book Review by Kandikuppa, Sandeep. Global Environmental Politics, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p136-138, 3p; (AN 47068416)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 2, no. 1, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Institutional Linkages in International Society: Polar Perspectives by Young, Gran R.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p1-23, 23p; (AN 46191312)
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2.

Preliminary Material Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 46191280)
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3.

Preliminary Materials Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 pi-i, 1p; (AN 46191287)
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4.

Preliminary Material Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 pi-i, 1p; (AN 46191296)
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5.

Preliminary Material Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 pi-i, 1p; (AN 46191304)
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6.

Preliminary Material Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 pi-i, 1p; (AN 46191311)
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7.

A Multilateral Approach to Curbing Proliferation of Weapons Know-How by Schweitzer, Glenn E.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p25-41, 17p; (AN 46191313)
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8.

Prospects for Self-Determination of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Questions of Law and Practice by Lee Van Cott, Donna. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p43-64, 22p; (AN 46191314)
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9.

Breaking the Security Council Restructuring Logjam by Russett, Bruce; Russett, Bruce; Russett, Bruce. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p65-80, 16p; (AN 46191315)
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10.

United Nations Relations with the United States: The UN Must Look Out for Itself by Washburn, John L.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p81-96, 16p; (AN 46191316)
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11.

North-South Environmental Bargaining: Ozone, Climate Change, and Biodiversity by Sell, Susan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p97-118, 22p; (AN 46191317)
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12.

Strengthening Compliance with International Environmental Accords: Preliminary Observations from a Collaborative Project by Harold K., Jacobson; Harold K., Jacobson. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p119-148, 30p; (AN 46191281)
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13.

Negotiating Institutional Reform: The Uruguay Round, the GATT, and the WTO by Stiles, Kendall. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 1 p119-148, 30p; (AN 46191318)
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14.

Reflecting on the Past and Contemplating the Future by Javier Pérez de, Cuéllar. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p149-170, 22p; (AN 46191282)
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15.

Sovereignty and International Security: Challenges for the United Nations by Makinda, Samuel M.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p149-168, 20p; (AN 46191305)
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16.

What Difference Does Culture Make in Multilateral Negotiations? by Mingst, Karen A.; Mingst, Karen A.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p169-188, 20p; (AN 46191306)
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17.

Overcoming the Somalia Syndrome—“Operation Rekindle Hope?” by Thomas G., Weiss. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p171-187, 17p; (AN 46191283)
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18.

Implementation of Comprehensive Peace Agreements: Staying the Course in El Salvador by Alvaro de, Soto; Alvaro de, Soto. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p189-203, 15p; (AN 46191284)
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19.

Rethinking the “New Regionalism” in the Context of Globalization by Mittelman, Tames H.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p189-213, 25p; (AN 46191307)
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20.

The New Multilateralism and Nonproliferation: Bringing In Domestic Politics by Etel, Solingen. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p205-227, 23p; (AN 46191285)
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21.

The Organization of American States: Restructuring Inter-American Multilateralism by Thérien, Tean-Philippe; Thérien, Tean-Philippe; Thérien, Tean-Philippe. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p215-239, 25p; (AN 46191308)
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22.

REVIEW ESSAY by W. Andy, Knight. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 2 p229-253, 25p; (AN 46191286)
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23.

Home-Word Bound: Women's Place in the Family of International Human Rights by Rao, Arati. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p241-260, 20p; (AN 46191309)
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24.

Learning to Learn: Improving International Governance by Haas, Peter M.; Haas, Peter M.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p255-284, 30p; (AN 46191288)
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25.

Political Space and Westphalian States in a World of “Polities”: Beyond Inside/Outside by Ferguson, Yale H.; Ferguson, Yale H.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 2 p261-287, 27p; (AN 46191310)
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26.

The UN Security Council at Fifty: Midlife Crisis or Terminal Illness? by Seara-Vazquez, Modesto. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p285-296, 12p; (AN 46191289)
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27.

Peace and Security: Prospective Roles for the Two United Nations by Inis L., Claude Jr.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p289-298, 10p; (AN 46191297)
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28.

The UN and Human Rights at Fifty: An Incremental but Incomplete Revolution by Forsythe, David P.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p297-318, 22p; (AN 46191290)
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29.

The Future of United Nations Peacekeeping and Enforcement: A Framework for Policymaking by Robert, Johansen. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p299-333, 35p; (AN 46191298)
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30.

The Future Role of Japan Within the UN by Simai, Mihály. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p319-338, 20p; (AN 46191291)
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31.

Thinking About the Future of the UN System by Chadwick F., Alger. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p335-360, 26p; (AN 46191299)
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32.

Lessons of Somalia for Future Multilateral Humanitarian Assistance Operations by Enrico, Augelli; Enrico, Augelli. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p339-365, 27p; (AN 46191292)
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33.

UN Conferences: Media Events or Genuine Diplomacy? by Jacques, Fomerand. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p361-375, 15p; (AN 46191300)
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34.

What Is Global Governance? by Finkelstein, Lawrence S.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p367-372, 6p; (AN 46191293)
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35.

Panarchy and Other Norms for Global Governance: Boutros-Ghali, Rosenau, and Beyond by Sewell, James P.; Sewell, James P.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p373-382, 10p; (AN 46191294)
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36.

Global Governance and the “New” Political Conditionality by Peter, Uvin; Peter, Uvin. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p377-400, 24p; (AN 46191301)
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37.

Index to Volume 1 Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 1 Issue: Number 3 p383-384, 2p; (AN 46191295)
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38.

The Failure of U.S. Foreign Aid: An Examination of Causes and a Call for Reform by Denis J., Sullivan. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p401-415, 15p; (AN 46191302)
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39.

Index to Volume 2 Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, July 2018, Vol. 2 Issue: Number 3 p417-418, 2p; (AN 46191303)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 13, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bicchi, Federica; Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; (AN 44263242)
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2.

Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations by Duquet, Sanderijn. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p21-40, 20p; Abstract: When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the euin third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eulaw in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eumember state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.; (AN 44263243)
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3.

Does the Flag Still Follow Trade? Agency, Politicization and External Opportunity Structures in the Post-Lisbon System of euDiplomacy by Smith, Michael H.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p41-56, 16p; Abstract: This article focuses on the past and present of the European Union’s system of diplomacy, and asks whether the changes initiated by the Lisbon Treaty have really transformed that system. The Lisbon Treaty promised to transform the situation in which ‘the flag followed trade’ and give a primary role to the diplomacy of politics and security. Using arguments based on the location of agency, the politicization of economic diplomacy and the logic of external opportunity structures, the article argues that the transformation has not taken place, and that euexternal action remains essentially a hybrid construct in which economic diplomacy plays a central role. Such a situation has important implications for eudiplomacy in third countries and for the character of the eu’s diplomatic representation, especially when it comes to the demand expressed in the eu’s 2016 Global Strategy for ‘joined up’ or closely coordinated external action.; (AN 44263244)
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4.

Neither Fish nor Fowl. How euDelegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington by Maurer, Heidi; Maurer, Heidi. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p57-74, 18p; Abstract: This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid euforeign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eudelegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eudelegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably euambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in euforeign policy-making.; (AN 44263245)
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5.

euExternal Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of euDiplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine by Baltag, Dorina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p75-96, 22p; Abstract: The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eudelegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eudiplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the euand cooperating with eumember states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eudelegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eudiplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the euin these countries.; (AN 44263247)
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6.

Coordination between the euMember States’ Embassies and the euDelegation in Turkey: A Case of European Diplomatic Representation by Terzi, Özlem. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses how the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty have influenced the performance of the euDelegation in Ankara and the relationship between the euDelegation, member states’ embassies and Turkish government during times of crisis. Based on numerous interviews, the article analyses how European diplomacy conducted by the euDelegation and eumember states’ embassies functions in three categorically different situations: 1) a political crisis in the host country; 2) an international crisis involving a neighbouring region to the host country; and 3) negotiations between the host government and the euon an issue important for eumember states, against the background of a stalled accession process. Based on an investigation of the relationship of the euDelegation, eumember states’ embassies and Turkey in those three distinct contexts, the article sheds light on the opportunities and constraints of the new way of European diplomatic representation.; (AN 44263246)
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7.

The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations? by Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p117-135, 19p; Abstract: This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eudelegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eumember states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eudelegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.; (AN 44263248)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 34, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Spies and scholars in the United States: winds of ambivalence in the groves of academe by Johnson, Loch K.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p1-21, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSpies and scholars in the United States have had a close, largely hidden, relationship. Both professions are in the business of information acquisition. Spies, though, work for the government, while the allegiance of most scholars is to independent research and teaching. Moreover, spy organizations view students as potential hires; in contrast, scholars are likely to see students as young charges placed in their hands to educate and prepare for lives of consequence. One school of thought argues that, since spies and scholars are both citizens, they should work together in partnership: sharing knowledge to improve the intelligence product, training and recruiting students, warning of radical activities on campus. A second school counters that the university is meant to be a pure and open place, dedicated to unbiased learning and free of government ties – especially entanglements with secret agencies. Campuses can find themselves torn between the two schools, caught up in a swirl of practical and moral issues that lead to a sense of ambivalence about the proper relationship between the academy and a nation’s secret services.; (AN 47253852)
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2.

Coming in from the cold: bringing the Intelligence and Security Committee into Parliament by Defty, Andrew. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p22-37, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe establishment of the Intelligence and Security Committee (ISC) in 1994 for the first time allowed British parliamentarians access to intelligence agency staff and records. However, as a committee of parliamentarians, but not a parliamentary committee, the ISC was a constitutional anomaly. In 2013, significant reforms reconstituted the ISC as a parliamentary committee, with enhanced powers and an expanded mandate. Drawing on interviews with ISC members and detailed examination of committee business, this article examines the impact of recent reforms. It argues that while reform has had a significant impact on the committee, in a number of respects it remains strongly constrained by government.; (AN 47253853)
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3.

Placebo scrutiny? Far-right extremism and intelligence accountability in Germany by Hillebrand, Claudia. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p38-61, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe post-9/11 era has seen a proliferation of special, or one-off parliamentary inquiries into intelligence. This article examines the question of what quality such inquiries can achieve, exploring the scandal surrounding the case of the German far-right terrorist group National Socialist Underground (NSU). The article introduces a theoretical framework, with remit, rigor and reception as the key pillars of analysis. While special inquiries are often seen as a way of overcoming imperfections of the traditional accountability system, they can also create a placebo effect – an illusion of accountability which allows intelligence services to go uncontrolled under a blanket of democracy.; (AN 47253854)
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4.

What do judges say on the protection of intelligence secrets? by Lefebvre, Stéphane. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p62-77, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article discusses the role of the discourse of law in legitimizing the protection of intelligence secrets. It draws on examples from the United Kingdom and the United States to illustrate rhetorical regularities with respect to the need to protect intelligence officers, agents, sources and methods, the effectiveness of intelligence agencies, international intelligence relationships and the effects of a mosaic of disclosed information. It concludes that judges produce specialized knowledge on state secrecy that plays a part in shaping the understanding of state secrecy in society.; (AN 47253855)
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5.

Seeing things differently: contrasting narratives of British and German photographic intelligence during the Second World War by Caddell, Joseph W.. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p78-94, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis study examines Anglo-American narratives of British and German photographic intelligence (PI) in Europe during the Second World War. According to these narratives, Germany relegated PI to tactical and operational applications; by contrast, Britain performed these same functions but also made strategic use of the discipline. This paper reevaluates how British and German PI actually differed. It further examines whether each side’s successes and failures were within the ‘agency of agencies’ – how much did PI successes and failures directly result from intelligence organizations’ choices and actions? Finally, this paper identifies implications of these narratives for comparative intelligence studies and historiography.; (AN 47253856)
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6.

The trouble with (supply-side) counts: the potential and limitations of counting sites, vendors or products as a metric for threat trends on the Dark Web by Jardine, Eric. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p95-111, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany national security threats now originate on the Dark Web. As a result of the anonymity of these networks, researchers and policymakers often use supply-side data (i.e. the number of sites) as a threat metric. However, the utility of these data depends upon the underlying distribution of users. Users could be distributed uniformly, normally or in a power law across Dark Web content. The utility of supply-side counts varies predictably based upon the underlying distribution of users. Yet, the likelihood of each distribution type varies inversely with its utility: uniform distributions are most useful for intelligence purposes but least likely and power law distributions are least useful but occur most commonly. Complementing supply-side counts with demand-side measures can improve Dark Web threat analysis, thereby helping to combat terrorism, criminality and cyberattacks.; (AN 47253857)
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7.

From cold to cyber warriors: the origins and expansion of NSA’s Tailored Access Operations (TAO) to Shadow Brokers by Loleski, Steven. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p112-128, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow did the National Security Agency (NSA) adopt the practice of hacking? This paper explores how NSA confronted the digital age by focusing on arguably NSA’s key organizational innovation as a microcosm of these broader changes: the Office of Tailored Access Operations (TAO). This paper develops a pragmatist model of organizational change showing how the practice of hacking became a practical solution to deal with the problems posed by a globally networked world through TAO’s case history. TAO’s aggressive expansion by developing a scalable Computer Network Exploitation (CNE) architecture was designed to keep NSA relevant in the twenty-first century.; (AN 47253858)
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8.

Project Abstract: an Anglo-American intelligence operation in 1947 to recover guided weapon technical documentation buried in Germany by Mills, James; Johanson, Graeme. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p129-148, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn early 1947, American intelligence organisations learned that there were hidden collections of technical documentation that pertained to World War II German guided weapon development that were not recovered by Allied investigators in 1945. A joint Anglo-American intelligence operation was initiated in February of that year, dubbed ‘Project Abstract’ by the Americans, to recover the caches. Project Abstract was a concerted effort by British and American scientific and technical intelligence experts to round up the last material remains of the World War II guided weapon programmes at the renowned experimental and testing establishments at Peenemünde in northern Germany.; (AN 47253859)
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9.

Hong Kong in the global Cold War by Wood, John Robert. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p149-153, 5p; (AN 47253860)
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10.

A history of British elections since 1689 by Jones, J. Graham. Intelligence & National Security, January 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 1 p154-155, 2p; (AN 47253861)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 94, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Grey is the new black: covert action and implausible deniability by Cormac, Rory; Aldrich, Richard J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p477-494, 18p; Abstract: For hundreds of years, states have sought to intervene in the affairs of others in a surreptitious manner. Since the professionalization of intelligence services in the aftermath of the Second World War, this behaviour has become known as covert action, which—for generations of scholars—has been defined as plausibly deniable intervention in the affairs of others; the sponsor's hand is neither apparent nor acknowledged. We challenge this orthodoxy. By turning the spotlight away from covert action and onto plausible deniability itself, we argue that even in its supposed heyday, the concept was deeply problematic. Changes in technology and the media, combined with the rise of special forces and private military companies, give it even less credibility today. We live in an era of implausible deniability and ambiguous warfare. Paradoxically, this does not spell the end of covert action. Instead, leaders are embracing implausible deniability and the ambiguity it creates. We advance a new conception of covert action, historically grounded but fit for the twenty-first century: unacknowledged interference in the affairs of others.; (AN 45836807)
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2.

Geopolitics and the political right: lessons from Germany by Klinke, Ian. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p495-514, 20p; Abstract: In recent years, the Anglo-American media landscape has pondered over an old problem: that of German hegemony in Europe. At the heart of this debate lies the question of geopolitics. Is Germany, deliberately or by accident, a regional hegemon, and do its political elites seek to reorganize Berlin's neighbours into a pan-European architecture that prioritizes Germany's national interest? This question is not as straightforward as it may sound, not least because geopolitical thought was long a taboo in Germany, due to its influence on the formulation of National Socialist ideology in the 1920s. This article thus seeks to answer this question by focusing not on the often sanitized statements of political leaders but on the ideas of think-tankers, journalists, political advisers and public intellectuals, many of whom have had a significant influence on the formulation of German foreign policy. The article argues that, while geopolitical ideas were long confined to the right-wing margins of the political spectrum, they are now much more prevalent in the political mainstream. As Germany's relations with the United States and Russia have gradually soured, this new German geopolitics has once again become preoccupied by the notion of Germany as a central power.; (AN 45836808)
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3.

What authoritarianism is … and is not:∗a practice perspective by Glasius, Marlies. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p515-533, 19p; Abstract: This article highlights three main problems with current conceptualizations of authoritarianism: they constitute a negative or residual category, focus excessively on elections and assume that authoritarianism is necessarily a state-level phenomenon. Such ‘regime classifications’ cannot help us comment intelligently on public concerns that politicians like President Rodrigo Duterte, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister Viktor Orban or President Donald Trump are essentially ‘authoritarian’ leaders. This article proposes that, in order to provide political scientists with better tools to distinguish between contemporary threats to democracy and interpretations imbued by left-liberal prejudice, authoritarianism studies must be reoriented towards studying authoritarian as well as illiberal practicesrather than the fairness of national elections alone. The article defines and illustrates such practices, which exist in authoritarian, democratic and transnational contexts. Comparative analysis of authoritarian and illiberal practices will help us understand conditions in which they thrive and how they are best countered.; (AN 45836809)
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4.

The geography and geopolitics of the renminbi: a regional key currency in Asia by Hasegawa, Masanori. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p535-552, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the potential for and geopolitical implications of the renminbi (RMB) emerging as an Asian key currency. Most analysts assume that for the RMB to become a dominant international currency, China must implement full-scale financial liberalization. However, this might not hold true in Asia, even if it does on the global level. China could enhance the RMB's role as a store of value and reduce the RMB's weakness in liquidity. Additionally, if three conditions are met almost contemporaneously, the RMB is very likely to become a regional key currency(RKC) in Asia—even without full-scale liberalization—within the next ten to twenty years. These conditions are: moderate diplomacy by China, continuing economic growth in China and new economic distress in the United States. The potential that these conditions can all be met is not necessarily low. If the RMB did become an RKC in Asia, it would have significant geopolitical implications. It would limit the US' use of seigniorage and US bonds to sustain its military deployment capabilities, it would weaken the US' ability to apply financial sanctions and it would increase China's ability to use economics strategically. These changes would undermine US prestige and increase China's political influence, destabilizing Asian security.; (AN 45836805)
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5.

The innovation imperative: technology and US–China rivalry in the twenty-first century by Kennedy, Andrew B.; Lim, Darren J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p553-572, 20p; Abstract: International Relations scholars have long recognized that technology plays a critical role in power transitions, but the field lacks a framework to understand how technology and innovation strategies generate rivalry between dominant and rising states. With an empirical focus on contemporary United States–China relations, this paper addresses that gap. We identify the ‘innovation imperative’ that drives rising states to pursue technological modernity, and highlight two ways in which this pursuit can challenge the strategic interests of the dominant state. First, the dominant state experiences a significant impairment of its security environment: negative security externalities. Second, the dominant state experiences a threat to its preferred international order: negative order externalities. We further explain how the dominant state responds to the negative externalities generated by the rising state's pursuit of innovation. By theorizing the technological rivalry between rising and dominant states, we move beyond the traditional focus on military conflict in power transitions and offer new insight into the current dynamics in US–China relations.; (AN 45836816)
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6.

China challenges global governance? Chinese international developmen finance and the AIIB by Hameiri, Shahar; Jones, Lee. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p573-593, 21p; Abstract: Many observers of international politics detect a growing Chinese challenge to the rules-based, liberal international order. In particular, some saw Beijing's recent creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as a threat to existing organizations governing international development financing. This article broadly concurs with more sanguine accounts emphasizing the AIIB's similarity to existing multilateral development banks. However, we go further by arguing that the full extent of China's challenge to global governance cannot be understood without reference to the ongoing transformation of the Chinese party-state: the contested fragmentation, decentralization and internationalization of state apparatuses. These processes mean that the AIIB is just one institution among many in China's messy international development financing field—alongside policy and commercial banks, functional ministries, provincial governments and state-owned enterprises. Contestation among these agencies will shape China's real challenge to global economic governance, which will often be significant, yet unintended and non-strategic, in nature.; (AN 45836779)
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7.

China's clear and present conundrum on the Korean peninsula: stuck between the past and the future by Yang, Xiangfeng. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p595-611, 17p; Abstract: In tackling the current nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula, President Donald Trump has invested—especially before the dramatic turn of events since early 2018—a great deal of political capital in President Xi Jinping in the hopes that he might rein in North Korea, China's traditional ally. However, expecting Beijing to ‘solve’ the problem is unrealistic. Chinese thinking on North Korea—as reflected in policy positions and domestic debates—has been marred by inconsistencies and overcaution and it is now further complicated by the intensifying geopolitical competition with the United States, which also embroils, to a varying degree, South Korea and Taiwan. Beijing has been strenuously walking a fine line between pressing Pyongyang and averting a war, all the while watching its back, particularly with regard to Taiwan and the South China Sea. Beijing's risk aversion over North Korea and its security competition with the US has led it into a geopolitical conundrum from which there is no clear exit.; (AN 45836790)
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8.

The intra-GCC crises: mapping GCC fragmentation after 2011 by Bianco, Cinzia; Stansfield, Gareth. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p613-635, 23p; Abstract: If shared security perceptions were the foundation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 2011 might be analysed as the watershed year in which the GCC began to fragment from within. Both the 2014 and 2017 intra-GCC crises were manifestations of conflicting security perceptions, formed across the GCC countries in and since 2011. Through an in-depth analysis of the events and of the subsequent reaction of the GCC governments in terms of discourse and foreign policy, we distinguish three different categories of conceptualization. First, the governments of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates perceived domestic protests as an ‘intermestic’ threat—triggered by the intersection of the international and domestic levels. Second, the leaders of Oman and Kuwait conceptualized protests in their countries as manageable domestic insecurity, rather than as fully-fledged externally orchestrated events—arguably because they did not perceive a direct danger to their stability and legitimacy. Finally, it can be argued that the government of Qatar did not see any real danger in the protests but instead viewed them as an opportunity to expand Doha's regional influence, arguably at Riyadh's expense. Unpacking the fundamental factors shaping such perceptions is the key to finding the appropriate framework for analysing GCC security in the future.; (AN 45836781)
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9.

Martin Wight Memorial Lecture Trust and distrust in Russia: the heritage of the October Revolution re-examined by Hosking, Geoffrey. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p637-644, 8p; Abstract: Zones of violence are spaces in which violence against other human beings becomes normal; they are characterized as places where primal trust in institutions and rules has been lost. While Jörg Baberowski initially used this concept to refer to Nazi Germany, I assert that its lessons are just as applicable to the Soviet Union, especially during the 1930s. In order to demonstrate this, I highlight how, already in tsarist Russia, institutions and communities had been shaken up by the processes of industrialization and urbanization. Moreover, when the Bolsheviks came to power they aimed to further weaken the symbolic systems and destroy the institutions—thus the existing bulwarks of habitual trust were enfeebled or eliminated. Universal distrust was now the modus operandi of the entire system, which simultaneously demanded total trust in the Party. This demonstrates why Soviet society developed the way that it did. The use of violence as a political tool became simply routine: shoot first, ask questions afterwards. In this milieu everyone became fearful and distrustful—a hyper-vigilant, paranoid outlook burnt itself into the whole structure of society, lasting right to the end of the Soviet Union and even after.; (AN 45836791)
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10.

The debatable land: spies, secrets and persistent shadows∗ by Herrington, Lewis. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p645-655, 11p; Abstract: In recent years, the British and American governments have declassified vast volumes of previously secret files. They have also taken a greater interest in public understanding, by assisting films, sponsoring official histories and permitting intelligence chiefs to write memoirs, thereby providing yet more research material for the booming field of intelligence studies. In his book review essay, I consider some of the more important new books on intelligence. They offer timely, realistic and balanced analyses and show that skilled research allows us to make conclusion about these secret organizations with greater confidence than we might have suspected. But they also show us that some of the key questions remain fiercely debated. Moreover, while more information about western intelligence agencies is welcome, it exacerbates a growing problem: we know more and more about a few famous services like the CIA, and comparatively less about intelligence services elsewhere in the world. The spies of the global South remain very much in the shadows.; (AN 45836810)
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11.

Researching emotions in International Relations: methodological perspectives on the emotional turn by Yorke, Claire. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p657-658, 2p; (AN 45836806)
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12.

Posthuman dialogues in International Relations; The emancipatory project of posthumanism by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p658-660, 3p; (AN 45836786)
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13.

The New Deal: a global history by Lucas, Scott. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p660-661, 2p; (AN 45836815)
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14.

The everyday Cold War: Britain and China, 1950–1972 by Gibbon, Luke. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p661-663, 3p; (AN 45836793)
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15.

The women in blue helmets: gender, policing, and the UN's first all-female peacekeeping unit; Equal opportunity peacekeeping: women, peace, and security in post-conflict states by Basu, Soumita. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p663-665, 3p; (AN 45836800)
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16.

Corruption and misuse of public office by Bentley, David. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p665-666, 2p; (AN 45836782)
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17.

American grand strategy and east Asian security in the twenty-first century by Pardo, Ramon Pacheco. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p666-667, 2p; (AN 45836799)
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18.

The art of creating power: Freedman on strategy by Cohen, Eliot A.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p667-668, 2p; (AN 45836798)
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19.

Japan, South Korea, and the United States nuclear umbrella: deterrence after the Cold War by Campbell, Joel. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p668-670, 3p; (AN 45836802)
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20.

After austerity: welfare state transformation in Europe after the Great Recession by Leitão, António. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p670-671, 2p; (AN 45836785)
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21.

The Panama Papers: breaking the story of how the rich and powerful hide their money by Walsh-Führing, Marcus. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p671-672, 2p; (AN 45836796)
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22.

Windfall: how the new energy abundance upends global politics and strengthens America's power by Braunstein, Juergen. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p673-674, 2p; (AN 45836814)
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23.

Brexit and British politics; Brexit and beyond: rethinking the futures of Europe by Bogdanor, Vernon. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p674-675, 2p; (AN 45836801)
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24.

Europe since 1989: a history by Auer, Stefan. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p676-677, 2p; (AN 45836795)
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25.

Scorched earth: Stalin's reign of terror by Wood, Andrew. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p677-679, 3p; (AN 45836775)
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26.

Russian–European relations in the Balkans and Black Sea region: Great Power identity and the idea of Europe by Molchanov, Mikhail. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p679-680, 2p; (AN 45836789)
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27.

The Naqab Bedouins: a century of politics and resistance by Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p680-682, 3p; (AN 45836776)
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28.

Tribes and global jihadism by St John, Ronald Bruce. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p682-683, 2p; (AN 45836804)
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29.

Beyond the Arab Cold War: the international history of the Yemen civil war, 1962–68 by Watkins, Eric. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p683-684, 2p; (AN 45836783)
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30.

The Horn of Africa: state formation and decay by Slim, Hugo. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p684-686, 3p; (AN 45836792)
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31.

The fabric of peace in Africa: looking beyond the state; Coping with crisis in African states by Vines, Alex. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p686-688, 3p; (AN 45836780)
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32.

Our time has come: how India is making its place in the world by Hall, Ian. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p688-689, 2p; (AN 45836788)
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33.

Everything under the heavens: how the past helps shape China's push for global power by Remer, Scott. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p689-691, 3p; (AN 45836784)
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34.

China–Japan relations after World War Two: empire, industry and war, 1949–1971 by Brown, James D. J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p691-692, 2p; (AN 45836812)
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35.

Chinese nuclear proliferation: how global politics is transforming China's weapons buildup and modernization by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p692-693, 2p; (AN 45836803)
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36.

Directorate S: the C.I.A. and America's secret wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan 2001–2016 by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p694-695, 2p; (AN 45836778)
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37.

A rift in the earth: art, memory, and the fight for a Vietnam War memorial by Ryan, David. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p695-696, 2p; (AN 45836811)
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38.

Política exterior Brasileña: oportunidades y obstáculos para el Paraguay [Brazilian foreign policy: opportunities and obstacles for Paraguay] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p697-698, 2p; (AN 45836777)
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39.

Regional environmental cooperation in South America: processes, drivers and constraints by Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p698-699, 2p; (AN 45836797)
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40.

Latin America and the Asian giants: evolving ties with China and India; China's strategic partnerships in Latin America: case studies of China's oil diplomacy in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, 1991–2015 by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 p699-701, 3p; (AN 45836813)
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41.

Contributors International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 piii-vi, 4p; (AN 45836787)
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42.

Abstracts International Affairs, May 2018, Vol. 94 Issue: Number 3 pvii-xi, 5p; (AN 45836794)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 31, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Challenging the “Lone Wolf” Phenomenon in an Era of Information Overload by Barnea, Avner. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p217-234, 18p; (AN 45155187)
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2.

Squabbling Siloviki: Factionalism Within Russia’s Security Services by Meakins, Joss I.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p235-270, 36p; (AN 45155188)
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3.

The Changing Islamic State Intelligence Apparatus by Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p271-288, 18p; (AN 45155192)
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4.

MI5’s Tradecraft Before the First World War by Northcott, Chris. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p289-311, 23p; (AN 45155191)
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5.

Evaluating Ghana’s Intelligence Oversight Regime by Obuobi, Patrick Peprah. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p312-341, 30p; (AN 45155190)
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6.

The Ethics of Research in Intelligence Studies: Scholarship in an Emerging Discipline by Goldman, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p342-356, 15p; (AN 45155193)
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7.

The Yom Kippur War, Dr. Kissinger, and the Smoking Gun by Rom, Rami; Gilat, Amir; Sheldon, Rose Mary. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p357-373, 17p; (AN 45155189)
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8.

Can a Tunnel Become a Double Agent—For the Soviets? by Macrakis, Kristie. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p374-386, 13p; (AN 45155197)
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9.

Creating the New Czar by Rubin, Michael. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p387-395, 9p; (AN 45155198)
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10.

The Cold War Odyssey of a Soviet Illegal by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p395-400, 6p; (AN 45155194)
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11.

Diplomatic Talks with a Balkan Dictator by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p401-408, 8p; (AN 45155196)
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12.

GCHQ Déjà Vu by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p409-414, 6p; (AN 45155195)
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13.

Cyber War or Monkey Business? by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p415-419, 5p; (AN 45155201)
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14.

Once More into Laos by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p419-425, 7p; (AN 45155202)
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15.

Ukraine’s Perilous Future by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p426-428, 3p; (AN 45155200)
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16.

Getting Things Wrong Again by Dujmovic, Nicholas. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p429-431, 3p; (AN 45155199)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 23, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: The EUas International Mediator – Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives by Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian; Bergmann, Julian. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p157-176, 20p; Abstract: In this introductory article of the special issue, we examine European Union (EU) mediation practice and identify different conceptual and empirical perspectives from which it can be analyzed. We present different understandings of mediation in research and practice a definition and conceptual clarification of EUmediation practice, and offer a definition that covers mediation efforts and mediation support activities. Then, the institutional architecture for EUmediation activities is presented. Next, the focus of this special issue is examined and research questions that have not yet been sufficiently addressed in existing research of EUforeign policy and mediation are discussed. Based on these questions, we offer several fruitful avenues for studying EUmediation: examining the drivers of EUmediation, EUmediation roles and strategies, and EUmediation effectiveness. Finally, we provide an overview of the contributions to this special issue is presented.; (AN 45705298)
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2.

The EUas a Multi-Mediator: The Case of the Democratic Republic of Congo by Davis, Laura. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p177-198, 22p; Abstract: In the 1990s, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) experienced complex wars involving local, national and regional combatants and conflict drivers, which formally ended in 2002. Violence continued and the government and rebel groups negotiated a series of peace deals, most recently in 2013. The European Union (EU) has been engaged in the DRCsince the 1990s. This article proposes a model for conceptualizing EUmediation engagement within the conflict and process contexts, and the necessary capabilities for different types of EUmediation. It uses the DRCcase study to examine how different EUcapabilities were engaged in various peace processes which addressed multiple layers of a complex situation, and also engaged with other external actors in a multilateral environment. It concludes that the EUcan be conceptualized as a multi-mediator and identifies the necessary capabilities for this.; (AN 45705299)
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3.

EUMediation in Egypt: The Limits of Reactive Conflict Management by Pinfari, Marco. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p199-217, 19p; Abstract: This article reviews EU’s mediation attempts in Egypt between 2011 and 2013. After presenting the main challenges and opportunities of EUmediation in the Middle East-North Africa (MENA) neighborhood, EUinterventions in Egypt are discussed in relation to the 25 January 2011 revolution, during the presidency of Mohammed Morsi, and after the 3 July 2013 coup d’état, focusing specifically on the choice of mediation styles and their timing. It is argued that three contextual conditions that are typical of the crises that erupt during failed democratic transitions – their fast pace, their eminently domestic nature and significant power asymmetries between the main parties involved – exacerbate the structural problems that the EUfaces when intervening in countries that are not current or potential candidates for accession. The analysis of EUmediation styles during Egypt’s transition provides a critical perspective on EU’s foreign policy making after the Treaty of Lisbon.; (AN 45705300)
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4.

Creating Cinderella? The Unintended Consequences of the Women Peace and Security Agenda for EU’s Mediation Architecture by Haastrup, Toni. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p218-237, 20p; Abstract: In 2000, the United Nations (UN) launched the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda by adopting Security Council Resolution 1325. The agenda, among other things, called for the greater inclusion of women in peace negotiation practices and structures. While the European Union (EU) has made commitments to implementing the WPSagenda, the literature has not yet captured the institutional dynamics of the EUas it seeks to translate the WPSagenda into reality. This article takes stock of this hitherto excluded area of research. It argues that mediation is the ‘Cinderella’ of the EU’s peace and security institution because it has been ignored as a site for the implementation of the WPSagenda with important implications. Using a feminist institutionalist framework, the article shows the ways in which institutional practices of change aimed at including the new perspectives prompted by the WPSagenda lead to unintended gendered consequences.; (AN 45705301)
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5.

Same Table, Different Menus? A Comparison of UNand EUMediation Practice in the Kosovo-Serbia Conflict by Bergmann, Julian. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p238-257, 20p; Abstract: This article compares UNand EUmediation practice in the Kosovo-Serbia conflict. It proposes a conceptual framework to analyze mediation effectiveness and its conditions and applies it to the UN-led Kosovo Status Talks in Vienna (2006–2007) and the ongoing EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina (since 2011). The EU’s relatively high degree of effectiveness compared to the UNeffort can be partly explained by the application of a strategy of manipulation, drawing on the EU’s strong leverage vis-à-vis both sides; partly by pointing to the conflict context which has been more favorable to mediation since 2011. At the same time, the analysis reveals that EUmediation has not led to any changes concerning Serbia’s stance toward the recognition of Kosovo’s independence. The continuing non-resolution of the conflict demonstrates the limits of the EU’s manipulative mediation approach and points to a substantial dilemma of EUmediation.; (AN 45705302)
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6.

Missing the Muscles? Mediation by Conditionality in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Richter, Solveig. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p258-277, 20p; Abstract: In October 2009, the European Union, in conjunction with the United States, launched a high-level mediation effort in Butmir, Bosnia and Herzegovina, to reform the political structure of the state. Since 2005, the constitution which was included in the Dayton Peace Accord has been widely perceived as dysfunctional. In two negotiation rounds, the EUand the USput a comprehensive proposal on the table and showed strong leverage. However, the talks ended without a tangible result. To explain this failure, a theoretical model is developed based on both mediation and Europeanization literature to explore mediation by conditionality as a type of ‘directive mediation’ in a systematic way. Contrary to the argument that the EUlacked muscle, it is argued that pre-conditions for political conditionality were not fulfilled and strong leverage proved ineffective and counterproductive. These results question conditionality as an effective mediation strategy when state-building is contested between local parties.; (AN 45705303)
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7.

EUMediation Practices in Ukraine during Revolutions: What Authority as a Peacemaker? by Natorski, Michal. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p278-298, 21p; Abstract: This article compares two different experiences of EUengagement in mediation in Ukraine: the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Euromaidan crisis in 2013–2014. This comparison reflects two different outcomes of EUmediation practices under similar circumstances of political conflict between domestic political actors. The changing degree of collective EUauthority recognized by other actors is the main driver behind varying EUmediation practices and outcomes. Authority conferred on the EUas a collective actor represents the legitimacy of its power, resources and competence to conduct mediation. However, such authority is always circumscribed by crisis-specific circumstances and volatile configurations of forces. Therefore, differing degrees of authority explain shifts in the effectiveness of EUmediation. To capture the authority of EUmediators in specific crisis situations, this article employs and interprets firsthand accounts of the experiences of actors directly involved in mediation.; (AN 45705304)
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8.

Perceptions of the EU’s Role in the Ukraine-Russia and the Israel-Palestine Conflicts: A Biased Mediator? by Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole; Elgström, Ole. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p299-318, 20p; Abstract: This article focuses on how the European Union’s (EU) mediation activities during the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine conflicts are perceived by local elites. Our analysis is based on recent interviews with decision makers in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine. Consistent with this special issue, we investigate perceptions of EUroles, strategies and effectiveness. We suggest that the EU’s relation to the parties may affect their perceptions of EUconflict mediation efforts. Specifically, we expect that the EUis perceived as a biased mediatorin both cases due to perceived close relations to one or more conflict parties. However, contrary to our expectations and widespread assumption in mediation theory, while such a bias exists, we found it is notperceived as a main cause of EUineffectiveness. Other factors, including the prominence of other mediators and internal EUdisunity, are perceived as more detrimental to EUefficacy.; (AN 45705305)
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9.

Motives, Roles, Effectiveness and the Future of the EUas an International Mediator by Niemann, Arne; Niemann, Arne; Niemann, Arne. International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p319-330, 12p; Abstract: This article concludes this special issue on the European Union as international mediator that set out to advance our theoretical and empirical knowledge about EUmediation. Providing a comprehensive reflection of EUmediation activities and the diverse settings where they take place, this concluding article identifies some connection points between the articles and discusses their findings on the motives/drivers, roles/strategies, effectiveness and institutional capacities of EUmediation. It discusses the implications of these findings for policymaking, focusing on the conditions for EUmediation effectiveness, the advantages of the multi-layered nature of EUmediation and the need for flexible adaptation of mediation strategies. Finally, the article sets the scene for future research endeavors on EUmediation by identifying three future research avenues that focus on the politics, domestic effects and comparative advantage of the EUas international mediator.; (AN 45705306)
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10.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, April 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 2 p331-331, 1p; (AN 45705308)
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12

International Organization
Volume 72, Supplement 2, 2018

Record

Results

1.

Reviewers International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 pv-vii, 3p; (AN 45536997)
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2.

INO volume 72 issue 2 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 pb1-b4, 4p; (AN 45536998)
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3.

INO volume 72 issue 2 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 45537007)
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4.

The Global Diffusion of Law: Transnational Crime and the Case of Human Trafficking by Simmons, Beth A.; Lloyd, Paulette; Stewart, Brandon M.. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p249-281, 33p; Abstract: AbstractIn the past few decades new laws criminalizing certain transnational activities have proliferated: from money laundering, corruption, and insider trading to trafficking in weapons and drugs. Human trafficking is one example. We argue that criminalization of trafficking in persons has diffused in large part because of the way the issue has been framed: primarily as a problem of organized crime rather than predominantly an egregious human rights abuse. Framing human trafficking as an organized crime practice empowers states to confront cross-border human movements viewed as potentially threatening. We show that the diffusion of criminalization is explained by road networks that reflect potential vulnerabilities to the diversion of transnational crime. We interpret our results as evidence of the importance of context and issue framing, which in turn affects perceptions of vulnerability to neighbors' policy choices. In doing so, we unify diffusion studies of liberalization with the spread of prohibition regimes to explain the globalization of aspects of criminal law.; (AN 45537003)
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5.

The International Politics of Incomplete Sovereignty: How Hostile Neighbors Weaken the State by Lee, Melissa M.. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p283-315, 33p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some countries fail to govern their territory? Incomplete domestic sovereignty, defined as the absence of effective state authority over territory, has severe consequences in terms of security, order, economic growth, and human well-being. These negative consequences raise the question of why such spaces remain without effective authority. While the international relations literature suggests that state weakness persists because of an absence of war and the comparative politics literature treats political underdevelopment as the consequence of domestic factors that raise the costs of exercising authority, these views are incomplete. I argue that hostile neighbors weaken state authority over territory through a strategy of foreign interference. Foreign interference in domestic sovereignty is a powerful instrument of statecraft that can yield domestic and foreign policy benefits. I investigate the effects of hostile neighboring states through a cross-national, within-country statistical analysis utilizing a novel indicator of state authority, and pair this analysis with a qualitative case study of Malaysian subversion of the Philippines in the 1970s. Together, this evidence shows how this international factor is an underappreciated yet important contributor to weak state authority even after accounting for domestic factors. The study's conclusions challenge our understanding of the effects of international politics on internal political development.; (AN 45537005)
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6.

Forum Isolation: Social Opprobrium and the Origins of the International Law of Internal Conflict by Mantilla, Giovanni. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p317-349, 33p; Abstract: AbstractWhy have states created international laws to regulate internal armed conflicts? This article is the first to theorize the emergence and design of these international rules, focusing on Common Article 3 to the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Drawing on original multicountry archival research, I develop the mechanism of forum isolationto explain the origins of Common Article 3, demonstrating the importance of social opprobrium pressure to explain why Britain and France switched from staunch opposition to support and leadership in 1949. Specifically, forum isolation pressured these European empires to concede andto react strategically behind the scenes, saving face and safeguarding their security interests by deliberately inserting ambiguous language in the text of Common Article 3. This move later facilitated states' avoidance of this rule in many conflict cases.; (AN 45537002)
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7.

Is the Good News About Law Compliance Good News About Norm Compliance? The Case of Racial Equality by Búzás, Zoltán I.. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p351-385, 35p; Abstract: AbstractThe most important international human rights norms are legalized or codified in international treaty law. Yet pernicious practices at odds with these norms endure and sometimes even increase after legalization. According to conventional wisdom, this is because agents commit to but do not comply with international law and the underlying norms. I develop a theory of evasion to explain why norm violations persist even when states technically comply with the law. Because legalization transposes social norms into international law imperfectly, it creates gaps between laws and underlying norms. Because of these norm-law gaps, legality and normative appropriateness will diverge. States caught between opposing pressures from pro-violation and pro-compliance groups exploit this gap through what I call evasion—the intentional minimization of normative obligations that technically complies with international law but violates underlying norms. I demonstrate the theory's empirical purchase in the cases of the French expulsion of Roma immigrants and the Czech school segregation of Roma children. Under the cover of technical compliance with the law, these states violated the norm of racial equality. The argument cautions that the good news about law compliance is not necessarily good news about norm compliance, broadens our understanding of norm violators' agency, and has practical implications for human rights advocacy.; (AN 45537008)
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8.

Deals with the Devil? Conflict Amnesties, Civil War, and Sustainable Peace by Dancy, Geoff. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p387-421, 35p; Abstract: AbstractDo legal amnesties for combatants help end civil wars? International policy experts often take it for granted that amnesties promote negotiated settlements with rebels. However, a large number of amnesties are followed by continued fighting or a return to the battlefield. What, then, are the factors that make amnesties effective or ineffective? In this article I use a disaggregated data set of all amnesties enacted in the context of internal war since 1946 to evaluate a bargaining theory of amnesties and peace. Testing hypotheses about conflict patterns using models that account for selection, I find that (1) only amnesties passed following conflict termination help resolve civil wars, (2) amnesties are more effective when they are embedded in peace agreements, and (3) amnesties that grant immunity for serious rights violations have no observable pacifying effects. These policy-relevant findings represent a new breakthrough in an ossified “peace versus justice” debate pitting security specialists against global human rights advocates.; (AN 45537001)
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9.

Self-Enforcing Power Sharing in Weak States by Roessler, Philip; Ohls, David. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p423-454, 32p; Abstract: AbstractPower sharing, in which elites from rival societal groups agree to share control of the central government, is a key source of domestic peace, enabling states to escape devastating cycles of exclusion and civil war. Yet the conditions giving rise to inclusive governance are not well understood. In contrast to existing scholarship that emphasizes the importance of external third-party mediation or strong formal institutions, we point to the structural roots of power sharing in which political inclusion stems from the distribution of societal power and the balance of threat capabilities it produces. Only when both the ruling group and a given rival group possess strong mobilizational capabilities, such that each could credibly threaten to recapture state power if excluded from the central government, does self-enforcing power sharing emerge. A strong rival induces the ruler to commit to power sharing and to reluctantly accept coup risk over civil war risk. The ruling group's own threat capabilities, in turn, constrain rivals from trying to convert their share of power into absolute power. Supported by extensive quantitative and qualitative evidence with particular reference to weak states in sub-Saharan Africa, we shed light on the conditions under which the distribution of violence within a state underwrites a peaceful and productive equilibrium. In doing so, we rethink how scholars approach the study of civil war. Rather than conceiving of it in terms of effective resistance, we model civil war as a contest for state power shaped by groups’ capabilities to project force in the capital.; (AN 45536999)
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10.

Globalizing the Supply Chain: Firm and Industrial Support for US Trade Agreements by Osgood, Iain. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p455-484, 30p; Abstract: AbstractFrom 1960 to 2000, manufacturing supply chains became global. To what extent has this growth in offshore outsourcing and foreign direct investment affected industrial attitudes toward trade liberalization? Using data on public positions of US firms and trade associations on all free trade agreements since 1990, I show that foreign direct investment (FDI) and input sourcing are the primarydrivers of support for trade liberalization. Direct import competition and export opportunities play a secondary role in shaping support for free trade agreements. This work therefore adds to the literature on the politics of globalization by providing systematic evidence of a link between global supply chains and industrial preferences, and by developing a new model of the determinants of industrial attitudes toward trade.; (AN 45537000)
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11.

Dynamics of Political Protests by Klein, Graig R.; Regan, Patrick M.. International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 p485-521, 37p; Abstract: AbstractThe links between protests and state responses have taken on increased visibility in light of the Arab Spring movements. But we still have unanswered questions about the relationship between protest behaviors and responses by the state. We frame this in terms of concession and disruption costs. Costs are typically defined as government behaviors that impede dissidents’ capacity for collective action. We change this causal arrow and hypothesize how dissidents can generate costs that structure the government's response to a protest. By disaggregating costs along dimensions of concession and disruption we extend our understanding of protest behaviors and the conditions under which they are more (or less) effective. Utilizing a new cross-national protest-event data set, we test our theoretical expectations against protests from 1990 to 2014 and find that when protesters generate high concession costs, the state responds in a coercive manner. Conversely, high disruption costs encourage the state to accommodate demands. Our research provides substantial insights and inferences about the dynamics of government response to protest.; (AN 45537004)
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12.

Contributors International Organization, 2018, Vol. 72 Issue: Number 2 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 45537006)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 25, no. 5, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Engaging Ethnographic Peace Research: Exploring an Approach by Millar, Gearoid. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p597-609, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs has been thoroughly rehearsed in the literature, the failures of the liberal peace model of post-conflict intervention have given rise to a ‘local turn’ in peace research. This in turn has refocused attention away from the motivations and practices of international actors towards local ownership and ‘buy-in’, and the importance of culture, context, and ‘the Everyday’. There is a mismatch, however, between the methodological skills among peace researchers today, and the new imperative to explore local and everyday understandings, perceptions, and experiences of conflict, transition, and peace. For this reason a number of scholars have recently emphasized the importance of incorporating ethnographic methods and an anthropological imagination into peace research. However, at this point, and as evidenced in the contributions to this special issue, there are many challenges to such incorporation which must be acknowledge and addressed if the ethnographic approach is to fulfil its early promise to add empirical substance to the local turn. The contributing authors each address different challenges to conducting Ethnographic Peace Research (EPR) in post-conflict contexts and, as this introduction argues, they evidence clearly the variety of questions yet to be answered while suggesting different ways ethnographic approaches can be incorporated into peace research.; (AN 46578462)
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2.

Visiting the Tiger Zone – Methodological, Conceptual and Ethical Challenges of Ethnographic Research on Perpetrators by Williams, Timothy. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p610-629, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is a methodological, conceptual and ethical reflection on challenges and opportunities afforded to ethnographic researchers in the field when working with perpetrators of mass violence and their motivations. Departing from a research project on the motivations of former cadres of the Khmer Rouge and fieldwork conducted on this topic in Cambodia, various possible approaches to conducting such ethnographic research are discussed, focusing on long-term stays in the community, frequent visits and building networks in the community, and repeat individual visits to select people without embedding oneself as a researcher in the community. For each of these approaches their distinct strengths and limitations are considered in light of various methodological, conceptual and ethical challenges encountered by the author in the field. As such, this article does not suggest specific methodological developments but offers a critical reflection of how various approaches to an ethnography of perpetrators can variously deal with these challenges.; (AN 46578463)
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3.

With Soymilk to the Khmer Rouge: Challenges of Researching Ex-combatants in Post-war Contexts by Hennings, Anne. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p630-652, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis contribution suggests how to identify and deal with ex-combatants in (un)peaceful post-war environments from a methodological perspective. While it is obvious that large-Nstudies or standardized interviews fall too short to depict post-war dynamics and related conflict risks, ethnographic methods face numerous challenges, too. First, the identification of and access to former combatants may prove to be difficult. Often being stigmatized or perceived as outlaws they may not wish to get in touch with ‘outsiders’, like academics. Second, researchers need to be careful not to worsen the status of ex-combatants and at the same time make sure to maintain a trustful relationship with the rest of the community. Moreover, certain ethics apply when addressing sensitive war or contemporary issues (e.g. land grabs), even more, if there is a lack of amnesty. I aim at critically discussing questions of trust, legitimacy, networks, the necessity of ‘going local’, as well as logistics that can exacerbate dealing with ex-combatants or even pose a threat to researchers. Before concluding, I briefly delineate dilemmas related to the researcher’s role and her responsibility for field assistants. The article largely draws on my extensive ethnographic fieldwork experience in Cambodia and ethnographic literature on (post-)war settings.; (AN 46578464)
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4.

Ethnographic Peace Research: The Underappreciated Benefits of Long-term Fieldwork by Millar, Gearoid. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p653-676, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile Peace Studies has always incorporated different research methodologies, large-N quantitative methods and state-level findings have dominated the literature and had most influence on policy and practice. Today, however, the limitations of peace interventions are commonly identified with the institutional, state-centric, and technocratic approaches associated with such limited understandings and their resultant policies. This paper argues, therefore, that the inability of these methods to examine local experiences of conflict, transition, and peace in diverse sociocultural settings contributes to inadequate policy formation and, thus, to problematic interventions. Indeed, the recent ‘local turn’ and its focus on the everyday, resistance, hybridity, and friction demands research that can better interpret local experiencesof conflict, transition, and peace and, thereby, discover more locally salient practice. While this paper argues that an Ethnographic Peace Research (EPR) agenda must be central to such efforts, it also argues against applying the ethnographic label to work that is more suitably described as qualitative (site visits, interviews, focus groups, etc.). The paper argues that long-term fieldwork and close engagement with the subjects of peacebuilding must be required within any EPR agenda. The underappreciated benefits of such fieldwork are illustrated with examples from research in northern Sierra Leone.; (AN 46578465)
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5.

Suspicion and Ethnographic Peace Research (Notes from a Local Researcher) by Macaspac, Nerve Valerio. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p677-694, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, I focus upon the notion of suspicion as a lens to better understand the distinct challenges that local researchers from the Global South encounter in ethnographic fieldwork when studying peace and peacebuilding in the context of active armed conflict within their countries. Over the last decade, scholars have increasingly deployed ethnographic approaches to better understand peacebuilding, devoting careful attention to local actors and processes that shape the practices and outcomes of international peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict environments in the Global South. While this local turn in Peace Research has led towards a renewed awareness of the challenges in ethnographic fieldwork in situations of war, armed conflict and political violence, most of the conversations in the emergent Ethnographic Peace Research (EPR) literature focus upon and draw from the experiences of researchers from the Global North who conduct ethnographic research in the Global South. Begging to be considered in the EPR literature are the experiences of local researchers from the Global South who are immersed in ethnographic research in their countries, and what these experiences tell us about the differential politics in ethnographic research.; (AN 46578466)
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6.

Critiquing Anthropological Imagination in Peace and Conflict Studies: From Empiricist Positivism to a Dialogical Approach in Ethnographic Peace Research by Lottholz, Philipp. International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p695-720, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article seeks to show how the ethnographic peace research agenda can benefit from long-standing discussions in the anthropological literature. It sets out by arguing that the ‘anthropological imagination’ apparent in recent debates in peace and conflict studies is informed by an empiricist positivism that conceives of ethnography as a data-gathering tool. By drawing insights from the ‘writing culture’ and ‘Third World feminism’ debates, I will show how such empiricism was challenged and partly done away with in favour of new dialogical and collaborative approaches to knowledge production. In the second part, focussed on the context of the Kyrgyz Republic in Central Asia, I will illustrate the limits and blind spots of the prevalent empiricist approach to studying peace and conflict by showing how discourses and imaginaries of a ‘culture of peace’, tolerance and multiculturalism conceal forms of exclusion, marginalization and hidden conflict. I will show how my own collaborative research sheds light on community security practitioners’ efforts to understand and tackle security challenges. This practico-discursive analysis exemplifies how critical ethnographic peace research can help to uncover patterns of conflict management, post-conflict governmentality, and the construction and ‘othering’ of group identities.; (AN 46578467)
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7.

Corrigendum International Peacekeeping, October 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 46578468)
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14

International Relations
Volume 32, no. 3, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

The thermonuclear revolution and the politics of imagination: realist radicalism in political theory and IR by van Munster, Rens; Sylvest, Casper. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p255-274, 20p; Abstract: Both within political theory and International Relations (IR), recent scholarship has reflected on the nature and limits of political realism. In this article, we return to the thermonuclear revolution and the debates it spurred about what was real and possible in global politics. We argue that a strand of oppositional and countercultural thinking during this period, which we refer to as realist radicalism, has significant theoretical and practical relevance for current scholarship on political realism. Indeed, debates during the thermonuclear revolution speak to questions about the nature of realism and whether it is possible to develop a realism that is attuned to progressive or emancipatory ambitions. By focusing mainly on two radical American intellectuals – C. Wright Mills and Lewis Mumford – we show how their responses to the thermonuclear, superpower standoff challenged conventional understanding of realism and utopianism. By harnessing the concept of the imagination, they called into question pre-existing conceptions about politics and reality. The contribution of the article is twofold. First, we argue that realist political theory and IR should pay more attention to thinkers that are not conventionally regarded as canonical but whose writings and politics interrogated the limits and potential of political realism. Second, we demonstrate that the work of such public intellectuals and their calls for cultivating the imagination connect directly to current debates about political realism, including its statist bend and its (purported) conservatism.; (AN 46441081)
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2.

Climate justice and human rights by Schapper, Andrea. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p275-295, 21p; Abstract: Climate change as well as climate policies can have adverse effects on the human rights of certain population groups – and can exacerbate situations of injustice. As it stands today, the human rights regime is not set to sufficiently address these situations of climate injustice. In this article, I suggest a systematization of the normative climate justice literature that can be used as an analytical framework to evaluate current developments in human rights law and policy, and their potential to diminish inter-national, intra-societal and inter-generational climate injustice. I argue that further advancing procedural and substantive human rights obligations and corresponding enforcement mechanisms constitute one important way of establishing climate justice practices. Moreover, I suggest that the normative climate justice literature can be fruitfully used in International Relations to evaluate policy developments at the intersection between climate change and other policy fields.; (AN 46441083)
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3.

A master institution of world society? Digital communications networks and the changing dynamics of transnational contention by Lemke, Tobias; Habegger, Michael W. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p296-320, 25p; Abstract: In English School theory, the putative change from an international society of states to a world society of individuals is usually associated with the diffusion of a benign form of cosmopolitanism and the normative agenda of solidarism. Consequently, the notion that world society might enable alternative expressions of transnational politics, independent from international society, remains underdeveloped. Drawing on the literature of contentious politics and social movements, this article challenges orthodox accounts and suggests that the global proliferation of digitally mediated linkages between individuals and nonstate actors constitutes a fundamental challenge to traditional dynamics of interstate communication in the form of the diplomatic system. This provides an opportunity to reconceptualize world society as an alternative site of politics distinct from mainstream international society and generative of its own logic of communication, mobilization, and action. The 2011 events in Egypt and the ongoing digital presence of the so-called Islamic State are used to demonstrate how massive increases in global interaction capacity are transforming the pathways for political contention and collective mobilization worldwide.; (AN 46441086)
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4.

Bargaining in asymmetric crisis by Steiner, Barry H. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p321-342, 22p; Abstract: Diplomacy, defined as formal communication and bargaining between states, is subject to limits that diplomatic theory must demarcate and understand. This article compares state incentives and disincentives (including rejection of negotiation as well as refusal to concede) affecting the decision whether to negotiate in six cases of interstate crisis between militarily unequal antagonists. While it has been argued that asymmetric powers are more likely to reach negotiating agreement than their symmetric counterparts, with weaker states doing surprisingly well, that finding is questioned here in the crisis context. For example, the militarily inferior antagonist, attracted to diplomacy as an alternative to war, might well anticipate inferior results from direct negotiations. The weaker antagonist’s unwillingness in these cases to negotiate with a strong opponent suppressed diplomacy, but great power support for the weaker side, and the stronger power’s lack of war readiness, added to the stronger antagonist’s willingness to negotiate.; (AN 46441082)
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5.

A human rights tragedy: strategic localization of US foreign policy in Colombia by Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p343-365, 23p; Abstract: How and to what extent do ideas and political discourses shape bilateral cooperation between a powerful state and its weaker ally? Why do weaker states act in ways that diverge from the expectations and preferences of the powerful state despite the contractual agreement borne out of bilateral cooperation? Drawing perspectives from constructivism and principal–agent framework, this article provides a conceptual-interpretative analysis of post-9/11 counterterror cooperation of the US government with Colombia – America’s long-standing ally in the region. The case study shows that the provision of security is not only conceived in the domestic levels but also produced in the transnational sphere; that security provision is not only a materially oriented political activity but also an ideational-discursive exchange where political actors legitimize and facilitate interstate cooperation; and, finally, that the power of dominant states is not only produced from within them but strategically reconstituted by weaker powerful states.; (AN 46441084)
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6.

France and the responsibility to protect: a tale of two norms by Staunton, Eglantine. International Relations, September 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 3 p366-387, 22p; Abstract: Although France has been a key actor of human protection since the 1980s, the existing literature often adopts an Anglo-Saxon focus or concentrates on states which have been reluctant to see international norms of human protection develop. As a consequence, it overlooks France’s central role in the development of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which can be seen as the leading norm of human protection today. In turn, the growing influence R2P has had on France’s conception and practice of human protection – and on its foreign policy more generally – remains unexplored. This article is the first of its kind to correct these oversights by examining France’s relationship to R2P from its emergence till date. It argues that to do so, we need to analyse the evolving relationship of two interconnected – yet distinct – norms: France’s domestic norm of human protection on the one hand, and the international norm of R2P on the other. It builds on the constructivist literature to offer a theoretical framework that allows the study of this tale of two norms and draws upon elite interviews of key actors such as Gareth Evans and Bernard Kouchner to provide a unique understanding of France’s relationship to R2P. Through this tale of two norms, the article reshapes our understanding of both R2P and France’s past and current foreign policy. In addition, it contributes to the literature on norm diffusion, in particular by deepening our understanding of how domestic and international norms interplay.; (AN 46441085)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 43, no. 2, Fall 2018

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p3-6, 4p; (AN 46962418)
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2.

The Power of Nations: Measuring What Matters by Beckley, Michael. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p7-44, 38p; Abstract: Power is the most important variable in world politics, but scholars and policy analysts systematically mismeasure it. Most studies evaluate countries’ power using broad indicators of economic and military resources, such as gross domestic product and military spending, that tally their wealth and military assets without deducting the costs they pay to police, protect, and serve their people. As a result, standard indicators exaggerate the wealth and military power of poor, populous countries, such as China and India. A sounder approach accounts for these costs by measuring power in net rather than gross terms. This approach predicts war and dispute outcomes involving great powers over the past 200 years more accurately than those that use gross indicators of power. In addition, it improves the in-sample goodness-of-fit in the majority of studies published in leading journals over the past five years. Applying this improved framework to the current balance of power suggests that the United States’ economic and military lead over other countries is much larger than typically assumed, and that the trends are mostly in America's favor.; (AN 46962420)
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3.

What Explains Counterterrorism Effectiveness? Evidence from the U.S. Drone War in Pakistan by Mir, Asfandyar. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p45-83, 39p; Abstract: For years, the U.S. government has been waging counterterrorism campaigns against al-Qaida and other armed groups in safe havens and weak states. What explains the effectiveness of such campaigns? The variation in effectiveness may result from differences in select tactical, organizational, and technological capabilities of the counterterrorism state and its local partner, captured by the concept of the Legibility and Speed-of-Exploitation System (L&S). Empirical studies, including novel fieldwork data, on the U.S. drone war in Pakistan's Waziristan region from 2004 to 2014 reveal the influence of the L&S on targeted groups. From 2004 to 2007, a lack of U.S. counterterrorism capabilities aligning with the L&S allowed both al-Qaida and the Pakistan Taliban to build their operational infrastructure, expand their bases, engage in extensive recruitment drives, and broker important local alliances. In contrast, as the United States made substantial improvements in the L&S from 2008 to 2014, the campaigns against both groups became increasingly effective. Both al-Qaida and the Pakistan Taliban experienced sustained reductions in operational capabilities, losses of bases, and high desertion rates; they also faced growing political challenges, including from within their own organizations. These findings contrast with the view that counterterrorism offers short-term gains at best and is counterproductive at worst.; (AN 46962416)
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4.

Conflict and Chaos on the Korean Peninsula: Can China's Military Help Secure North Korea's Nuclear Weapons? by Mastro, Oriana Skylar. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p84-116, 33p; Abstract: Is China likely to intervene if war breaks out on the Korean Peninsula, and if so, does Beijing have the willingness and capabilities to deal safely with North Korea's nuclear program? Securing and destroying Pyongyang's nuclear weapons would be the United States’ top priority in a Korean contingency, but scholars and policymakers have not adequately accounted for the Chinese military's role in this mission. China's concerns about nuclear security and refugee flows, its expanding military capabilities to intervene, and its geopolitical competition with the United States all suggest that China is likely to intervene militarily and extensively on the Korean Peninsula if conflict erupted. In this scenario, Chinese forces would seek to gain control of North Korea's nuclear facilities and matériel. For the most part, China has the capabilities to secure, identify, and characterize North Korean nuclear facilities, though it exhibits weaknesses in weapons dismantlement and nonproliferation practices. On aggregate, however, Chinese troops on the peninsula would be beneficial for U.S. interests and regional security. Nevertheless, to mitigate the risks, the United States should work with China to coordinate their movements in potential areas of operation, share intelligence, and conduct combined nuclear security training.; (AN 46962417)
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5.

Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation by Kocher, Matthew Adam; Lawrence, Adria K.; Monteiro, Nuno P.. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p117-150, 34p; Abstract: Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.; (AN 46962419)
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6.

Would U.S. Leaders Push the Button? Wargames and the Sources of Nuclear Restraint by Pauly, Reid B.C.. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p151-192, 42p; Abstract: Why since 1945 have nuclear weapons not been used? Political scientists have cited five basic reasons: deterrence, practicality, precedent, reputation, and ethics. Scholars attempting to weight these factors face a dearth of empirical data. Declassified records of political-military wargames played by U.S. policymakers, however, open up new avenues for theory testing. An investigation of the willingness of U.S. “strategic elites”—experts with experience in diplomatic or military strategy—to use nuclear weapons in a sample of twenty-six political-military wargames reveals that elite players were reluctant to cross the nuclear threshold against both nuclear-armed and nonnuclear-armed adversaries. The only uses of nuclear weapons in the sample occurred in two wargames with nuclear adversaries. Players’ arguments for restraint in the wargames invoked reputational aversion: decisionmakers feared the opprobrium they would face if they used nuclear weapons. Wargame records also strongly support the power of deterrence and basic practicality—whether conventional weapons could accomplish the same goals—as reasons for widespread hesitation to use nuclear weapons. Precedent and ethical aversions to using nuclear weapons were less common. Finally, players also demonstrated some conformity to what they thought the president expected of them.; (AN 46962415)
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7.

Correspondence: Neoclassical Realism and Its Critics by Fiammenghi, Davide; Rosato, Sebastian; Parent, Joseph M.; Taliaferro, Jeffrey W.; Lobell, Steven E.; Ripsman, Norrin M.; Narizny, Kevin. International Security, Fall 2018, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p193-203, 11p; (AN 46962414)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 53, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Normative and Civilisational Regionalisms: The EU, Russia and their Common Neighbourhoods by Makarychev, Andrey. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe contours of regionalism in a wider Europe are shaped by two dominant actors, the European Union (EU) and Russia, which often have divergent visions of the regional landscapes in a vast area constituting their common neighbourhood. The EU can be characterised as the promoter of normative regionalism, while Russia generates different forms of civilisational regionalism. Russia’s emphasis on the civilisational underpinnings of its regional integration model paves the way for two different strategies: one based on liberal imitation and replication of EU experiences in order to strengthen Russia’s position in the global neoliberal economy, and another grounded in illiberal contestation of the normative premises of the EU with the purpose of devising an ideologised alternative to the liberal West.; (AN 46159211)
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2.

Why do Authoritarian Leaders do Regionalism? Ontological Security and Eurasian Regional Cooperation by Russo, Alessandra; Stoddard, Edward. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p20-37, 18p; Abstract: AbstractCollective ontological security refers to the psychological human need to be part of a stable collective identity. Populations expect leaders to help meet these ontological needs and support those that do. In the Eurasian region, Russian and Kazakh presidents have used regional cooperation efforts as, among other objectives, an elite-led strategy of ontological security building and reinforcement. This is especially important as national identities were contested and weak after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Focusing on ontological security presents a novel research perspective on Eurasian regionalism and offers a new (but complementary) explanation for both autocratic regional cooperation and conflict.; (AN 46159212)
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3.

Bureaucratic Authority and Mimesis: The Eurasian Economic Union’s Multiple Integration Logics by Staeger, Ueli; Bobocea, Cristian. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p38-54, 17p; Abstract: AbstractRegional economic integration in the post-Soviet space stands in a complex relation with the European Union’s integration process. Multiple competing internal logics of integration, as well as the EU model are drivers of Eurasian regionalism. The Eurasian Economic Union illustrates how bureaucracies mobilise their technocratic authority in a process of mimesis that reconciles multiple internal and external integration logics: selective learning from the EU and successful incorporation of internal integration logics produce an organisational design and output that member states support to varying extents.; (AN 46159213)
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4.

Regionalism as You Like It? Armenia and the Eurasian Integration Process by Delcour, Laure. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p55-69, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThough the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union was expected to translate into deeper integration, uncertainties and flaws in the rule-making process create loopholes that are then exploited by domestic actors with a view to pursuing their own goals. Thus, processes of rule development and adoption entail a variety of subtle differences also involving translation, adjustment and adaptation. This brings strong nuances into the prevailing picture of ‘hard regionalism’, and instead suggests the development of a malleable integration process.; (AN 46159214)
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5.

The Paradox of Weakness in European Trade Policy: Contestation and Resilience in CETA and TTIP Negotiations by De Bièvre, Dirk. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p70-85, 16p; Abstract: AbstractOver the last decade, trade negotiations with Canada and the United States met with considerable resistance from non-governmental organisations (NGO). Moreover, the negotiation mandates given to the European Commission were so broad as to include topics falling under so-called mixed competence of the EU and the member states, necessitating not only ratification by the EU Council of Ministers and the European Parliament, but also member states’ parliaments. At some point, these two factors almost seemed to paralyze the EU as a trade negotiator. In the end, however, the EU concluded an agreement with Canada, renegotiated its agreement with Mexico (while also concluding agreements with Singapore and Japan amongst others), while negotiations with the US were suspended. Three factors can account for this puzzling combination of apparent incapacity and blockage and surprising resilience of EU trade policymaking. First, the NGO contestation campaigns did not muster pan‐European but rather only varying degrees of support. Second, in addition to scrutiny by the European Parliament, consensus decision-making in the Council fosters accommodation of the demands of all member states. This leads to a low degree of negotiating autonomy on the part of the European Commission, yet large bargaining power for the European Union, as long as the other side wants agreement. Finally, a recent ruling by the Court of the EU facilitated the decoupling of agreements on portfolio investment and investment arbitration (one of the most difficult hurdles), from all other matters of trade and regulatory cooperation, making it easier to reach agreement.; (AN 46159215)
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6.

Reshaping Cultural Heritage Protection Policies at a Time of Securitisation: France, Italy, and the United Kingdom by Foradori, Paolo; Giusti, Serena; Lamonica, Alessandro Giovanni. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p86-101, 16p; Abstract: AbstractIn the context of the increasing securitisation of cultural heritage, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom have reacted differently to the recent wave of iconoclasm perpetrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and similar radical groups and terrorist organisations. With cultural heritage now discursively identified as a security concern, the three states enacted security practices to deal with the newly emerged security threats. All three cases show a tight association between the protection of cultural heritage, development and security policies. State-driven cultural heritage protection policies continue to be designed around the notion of multilateral cooperation, although innovative forms of public-private multilateralism and civil-military cooperation are increasingly being introduced.; (AN 46159216)
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7.

Geopolitics of Nuclear Hypertrophy. America, the Bomb and the Temptation of Nuclear Primacy by Stefanachi, Corrado. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p102-117, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe United States’ grand strategy has consistently been marked by a distinct tendency toward nuclear hypertrophy. Especially the inherent difficulties in extending deterrence to its allies and friends, compounded by the geopolitical characteristics of the US as an unassailable ‘insular’ fortress off Eurasia, have generated, rather paradoxically, a strong incentive for Washington to pursue a wide margin of nuclear superiority, if not nuclear primacy. This has implied, in turn, the deployment of redundant arsenals, robust counterforce capabilities and even a ballistic missile defence. Significantly, not even the Obama administration, though solemnly committed to nuclear disarmament, abstained from embracing a very ambitious modernisation program of American nuclear forces.; (AN 46159217)
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8.

“Upholding the Correct Political Direction”. The PLA Reform and Civil-Military Relations in Xi Jinping’s China by Dossi, Simone. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p118-131, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe military reform launched in late 2015 has significant implications for China’s civil-military relations. One of the stated goals of the reform is to “uphold the correct political direction” by strengthening party control over the People’s Liberation Army. This has been achieved by centralising power over the PLA in the hands of the Central Military Commission, while at the same time centralising power within the Commission in the hands of its Chairman. This dual centralisation of power might considerably change the way in which the ‘conditional compliance’ model of civil-military relations works in Xi Jinping’s China.; (AN 46159218)
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9.

The Political Cost-Effectiveness of Private Vessel Protection: The Italian Case by Cusumano, Eugenio; Ruzza, Stefano. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p132-148, 17p; Abstract: AbstractItaly has traditionally been wary of private providers of security. Still, private military and security companies (PMSCs) have recently started to play an important role in protecting Italian merchant vessels, eventually replacing the military vessel protection detachment units (VPDs) provided by the Italian Navy. Drawing on neoclassical realism, the increasing involvement of PMSCs in protecting Italian merchant ships is presented as an attempt to reduce the political costs associated with the use of military personnel abroad, epitomised by the arrest of two Italian Navy fusiliers by Indian authorities in February 2012.; (AN 46159219)
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10.

In Search of an American Grand Strategy in East Asia by Mariani, Lorenzo. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p149-150, 2p; (AN 46159220)
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11.

Recent publications by Stabile, Andrea Aversano; Fersini, Giuseppe; Luchian, Mihaela; Mascolo, Federico. International Spectator, July 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 3 p151-155, 5p; (AN 46159221)
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