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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 34, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Explaining attitudes to secret surveillance in post-communist societies by Svenonius, Ola; Björklund, Fredrika. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p123-151, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article seeks to explain public attitudes to secret surveillance. Secret surveillance, for example wiretapping by intelligence agencies, is a controversial activity that affects fundamental civil liberties in any democratic system. Several large research projects have recently attempted to explain how people form opinions about surveillance in general. Thereby privacy concerns and institutional trust are often highlighted. In this article, we argue that earlier research uses a too narrow definition of attitudes to surveillance and that secret surveillance is particularly sensitive due to its opaque character. We introduce a two-dimensional concept that focuses on rationalistic and emotional responses to surveillance. Drawing on new data from three post-communist societies – Estonia, Poland, and Serbia – we show how institutional trust is mainly responsible for explaining acceptanceof secret surveillance, but not how one feelsabout it. Instead, it is the level of ontological insecurity and privacy concerns that explains this second dimension. The results are theorised and implications for future research are discussed.; (AN 45413022)
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2.

Explaining the pattern of Russian authoritarian diffusion in Armenia by Roberts, Sean; Ziemer, Ulrike. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p152-172, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literature dealing with the international dimensions of authoritarianism suggests that regional hegemons may exploit linkage and leverage to counter democracy and diffuse authoritarian ideas and practices. However, there is a need for more research on whether authoritarian diffusion is actually happening, including the circumstances under which linkage and leverage are translated (or not) into policy convergence. This article addresses these shortcomings by examining the high-value case of Armenia – a country with growing levels of dependence on Russia following its rejection of the European Union’s Association Agreement in 2013 and accession to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. Drawing on a combination of original elite and expert interviews, this article argues that although there is evidence of Russian authoritarian diffusion, there is limited evidence of policy convergence. Instead, material incentives and concerns over legitimacy continue to privilege democratic norms and make the costs of Russian-style restrictive legislation prohibitive for incumbents.; (AN 45413021)
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3.

Post-war voters as fiscal liberals: local elections, spending, and war trauma in contemporary Croatia by Glaurdić, Josip; Vuković, Vuk. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p173-193, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis study exposes post-war voters’ fiscal liberalism using individual-level and aggregate-level data covering a decade and a half of local electoral competition in post-war Croatia. Aggregate-level analysis shows Croatian voters’ fiscal liberalism to be conditional on their communities’ exposure to war violence: greater exposure to violence leads to greater support for fiscally expansionist incumbents. Individual-level analysis, on the other hand, shows post-war voters’ fiscal liberalism as rooted in their different levels of war-related trauma: more feelings of war-related trauma lead to greater economic expectations from the government. Our analysis also shows that voters’ war-conditioned preferences for fiscally expansionist incumbents show little sign of abating over time – a testament to the challenge presented by post-war recovery, and to the impact war exerts on political life long after the bloodshed has ended.; (AN 45413020)
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4.

Latgale and Latvia’s post-Soviet democracy: the territorial dimension of regime consolidation by Pridham, Geoffrey. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p194-216, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe state of centre-periphery relations reflects on the “depth” of democratic consolidation. This is tested by applying the territorial dimension of democratisation, a neglected theme in regime change studies, utilising the “partial regimes” approach, one especially justified with regard to regions disaffected with regime change. This approach is applied to the Latvian region of Latgale with a four-point analysis, looking in turn at the structural/institutional, intermediary actors, the socio-political and the external. Contrary to received opinion, it is found that, despite a pattern of socio-economic deprivation and continuing resentment towards Riga, systemic loyalty and societal stability there are fairly strong, that centre-periphery relations are essentially centripetal and that counter pressures from neighbouring Russia have had a limited effect.; (AN 45413024)
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5.

“Guardian of the international order”? NATO’s contested identity, the discourses of Secretaries General, and the Ukraine crisis by Böller, Florian. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p217-237, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the role of NATO Secretaries General within the transatlantic security community in the wake of the 2014 Ukraine crisis. Drawing on a social constructivist perspective, the comparative discourse analysis of Rasmussen and Stoltenberg offers important insights regarding the role of a non-governmental actor in transatlantic relations. So far, research on transatlantic relations rarely investigated the discourses of NATO Secretaries General. The analysis shows that despite increased attention toward collective defence, both Secretaries General argued for an alliance, which is engaged not only in regional but also global affairs. As Eastern European NATO allies, especially Poland and the Baltic states, embrace divisive notions of the alliance’s self and perceived threats, the security community’s collective identity remains contested.; (AN 45413025)
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6.

Secret police files from the Eastern bloc. Between surveillance and life writing by Zavatti, Francesco. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p238-239, 2p; (AN 45413023)
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7.

Between justice and stability: the politics of war crimes prosecutions in post-Milošević Serbia by Christofis, Nikos. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p239-241, 3p; (AN 45413026)
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8.

Assessing European neighbourhood policy by Matrakova, Marta; Wolfschwenger, Johann. East European Politics, April 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p241-242, 2p; (AN 45413027)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 27, no. 1, February 2018

Record

Results

1.

Critical Success Factors in Transboundary Water Management: a US-EU Comparison by Suykens, Cathy. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p2-14, 13p; Abstract: In light of the increasing pressure on freshwater resources, good governance of rivers is key in meeting the challenges ahead. Integrated river basin management has been advocated both in the European Union and the United States. This paper will adopt a comparative approach to the analysis of river basin management by scrutinizing the legal regimes governing the Scheldt River in the EU and the Delaware River in the US. Based on these case studies, in combination with literature review, the article will set forth Critical Success Factors for integrated transboundary river basin management.; (AN 45169261)
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2.

Large-scale Water-related Innovative Renewable Energy Projects and the Habitats and Birds Directives: Legal Issues and Solutions by van Hees, Sander. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p15-36, 22p; Abstract: This article discusses two legal issues that relate to the conflict between the interest of protecting habitats and species under the Habitats and Birds Directives, versus the interest of promoting the use of innovative water-related renewable energy, with regard to the quota in the Renewable Energy Directive. These legal issues are: first, the possible conflict between the protection rules of the Habitats and Birds Directive on the one hand and the Renewable Energy Directive on the other hand, and second, the lack of integration between the Renewable Energy Directive and the derogation clauses of the Habitats and Birds Directives. Tidal stream energy is used as a case study to show the practical relevance of the legal issues for the large-scale deployment of innovative water-related renewable energy techniques. The final sections discuss solutions to the legal issues. These are first, the application of adaptive management in combination with mitigation or phased deployment, in order to deal with uncertainty, and second, the introduction of detailed renewable energy plans per Member State in order to increase integration between the Habitats and Birds Directives and the Renewable Energy Directive. The final sections also discuss the applicability of the findings of this article to other innovative water-related renewable energy sources such as wave energy and salinity gradient energy (blue energy).; (AN 45169262)
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3.

Book Review: Energy, Governance and Sustainability Jordi Jaria I. Manzano, Nathalie Chalifour and Louis J. Kotze , Editors, IUCN Academy of Environmental Law Series, Edward Elgar, 2016. by Furszyfer, Dylan. European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p37-44, 8p; (AN 45169263)
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4.

Books for Review European Foreign Affairs Review, February 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p45-45, 1p; (AN 45169264)
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3

European Security
Volume 27, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

“Gendering” European security: policy changes, reform coalitions and opposition in the OSCE by Jenichen, Anne; Joachim, Jutta; Schneiker, Andrea. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.; (AN 44997334)
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2.

European security and early warning systems: from risks to threats in the European Union’s health security sector by Bengtsson, Louise; Borg, Stefan; Rhinard, Mark. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p20-40, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article critically examines a poorly understood aspect of the European security landscape: early warning systems (EWSs). EWSs are socio-technical systems designed to detect, analyse, and disseminate knowledge on potential security issues in a wide variety of sectors. We first present an empirical overview of more than 80 EWS in the European Union. We then draw on debates in Critical Security Studies to help us make sense of the role of such systems, tapping into conceptual debates on the construction of security issues as either “threat” or “risk” related. Finally, we study one EWS – the Early Warning and Response System for infectious diseases – to understand how it works and how it reconciles risk – versus threat-based security logics. Contrary to assumptions of a clear distinction between risk- and threat-based logics of security, we show that EWSs may serve as a “transmission belt” for the movement of issues from risk into threats.; (AN 44997335)
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3.

Transatlantic cooperation on terrorism and Islamist radicalisation in Africa: the Franco-American axis by Rye Olsen, Gorm. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p41-57, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTransatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems – the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” – produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems.; (AN 44997336)
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4.

Identity and anxiety: Germany’s struggle to lead by Karp, Regina. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAt a time when calls for German leadership abound, we need to ask what kind of leadership Berlin is likely to offer. This paper builds on scholarship that presumes identity as an essential precondition for orderly social life. My focus is on how identity is secured through ontological security-seeking. Ontological security theory reveals how Germany is responding to rising calls for leadership in Europe and beyond and traces these responses to an increasingly stressed identity narrative. It explains both Germany’s reluctance to lead and, being pressed to lead, how leadership is legitimated through discursive adaptation. Whether “leading from the center” or exercising “servant leadership”, ontological security theory exposes the specific interactions between a national self-narrative and a rapidly changing environment. I show how these interactions challenge Germany’s identity and its ability to adapt; how they cause ontological anxiety, and how the scope and direction of adaptation to structural change account for the kind of leadership Germany is able to offer. What we observe is a determined effort to position the country between a traditional culture of restraint that can no longer meet Germany’s responsibilities and a position of hegemony that speaks of self-serving behaviour and dominance.; (AN 44997340)
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5.

The military dimension of Russia’s connection with Europe by Baev, Pavel K.. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p82-97, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Russian challenge to the European security system is internal rather than external, because despite all the political efforts at distancing Russia from Europe, the indivisibility remains undiminished. The underlying assumption for Russia’s course is that the West is in irreversible decline, and the conclusion about the dissolution of the West-controlled world order is established in the key doctrinal documents. Instead of passively waiting for this meltdown to develop, it makes perfect sense for the Russian leadership to accelerate it pro-actively, using various levers, including military force. Moscow acts on the assumption that its “unconventional” methods could yield results only if augmented by military threats, against which the Europeans cannot master convincing counter-argument. The imperative to sustain and update credibility of these threats necessitates allocation of greater share of available resources to military build-up, which clashes with economic rationale of reducing this burden in the situation of protracted stagnation.; (AN 44997338)
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6.

The force of relationships: the influence of personal networks on the market for force by Petersohn, Ulrich. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p98-113, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the 1990s, military support and security services in hostile environments have been increasingly traded on the market for force. Surprisingly, how exchange is organised on the market for force remains predominantly focused on the neoclassical model, which assumes anonymous exchange, and sellers compete through price and quality of product for customers. However, the model seems to be incomplete as it describes some empirical patterns, yet not others. Why are service backgrounds clustered together and why do specific nationalities dominate the market in the Iraq and Afghanistan war? Why are they not distributed evenly as price and quality competition would suggest? The argument here is that social factors need to be taken in to account, i.e. personal relationships. The logic being that sellers and customers trade through existing relationships, and familiarity is the dealmaker, rather than price. The article takes on the challenge to develop a sociological conceptualisation of the market able to integrate both logics. Finally, the approach is put to the test on the labour market for Western security operators. The results demonstrate that personal relationships play a significant role to explain exchange on the market for force, yet co-existence with the neoclassical logic.; (AN 44997339)
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7.

The European Union and the Use of Military Force by Meyer, Christoph. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p114-115, 2p; (AN 44997337)
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8.

Theorising NATO. New perspectives on the Atlantic Alliance by Maglione-Grant, Silvia Francesca. European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p115-117, 3p; (AN 44997341)
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9.

Corrigendum European Security, January 2018, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p118-118, 1p; (AN 44997342)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 30, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Responsibility to Protect and the question of attribution by Aistrope, Tim; Gifkins, Jess; Taylor, N. A. J.. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p1-15, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the problem of attribution in the context of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) intervention through an analysis of the Syrian chemical weapons attack of 2013. We argue that R2P advocates can be confronted by a crisis dynamic where the political momentum for military intervention runs ahead of independent verification and attribution of mass atrocity crimes. We contrast the political momentum for intervention with the technical process of independent attribution and show that the sort of independent evidence that would ideally legitimize an R2P intervention was unavailablewhen there was political momentum for action. Conversely, the information that wasavailable (which inevitably informed the political momentum for action) was largely produced by state intelligence organizations – or a potentially briefed media – and shaped by the interests and priorities of its end users. While understandable in the face of the ‘extreme’, we suggest that the mobilization of political momentum by R2P advocates entails significant dangers: first, it risks undermining the integrity of R2P if evidence is later discredited and second, it risks amplifying the perception that states sometimes exploit humanitarian pretexts in pursuit of other strategic ends.; (AN 45038361)
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2.

When conquest would have paid: domestic mobilization and political constraints in the Thai-Cambodian border conflict 2008–2011 by Jenne, Nicole. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p17-36, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn recent decades, a lack of state capacity has been seen as a major threat to international security. This article disagrees by making a simple claim: states that lack the capacity to go to war compromise to avoid it. I develop the argument using insights from the discipline of International Relations and military studies and probe its plausibility with a single case study, the Thai-Cambodian border conflict during 2008–2011. Based on data from field research in the two countries, I use Peter Liberman's framework to argue that this is a case when conquest would have paid for Thailand. Yet, a lack of domestic capacity created trade-offs, fear of instability and reduced confidence in a military strategy, which together explain why large-scale armed conflict was avoided by both sides. The findings have potential implications for how we think about international security today.; (AN 45038362)
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3.

Rising powers and security: a false dawn of the pro-south world order? by Ghimire, Safal. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p37-55, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInteractions of rising powers and established powers and their implications in peacebuilding and security remain underexplored in existing literature. This paper aims to explore inferences of the behaviour of Brazil, China and India in peacebuilding and security, their contention and cooperation with the US and European powers, and implications for the global south. It analyses their interactions in the light of democratic peace propositions, adhered to by established powers, and the regional security complex theory pertinent to the ascendancy of new powers. Though liberal countries are co-opting emerging actors, the responses of rising powers to international security issues appear inconsistent and unpredictable. With increasing material capabilities, rising powers have been creating a patron–client relationship with conflict-affected states, because of which this article disconfirms possibilities of a sometimes anticipated pro-south world order.; (AN 45038360)
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4.

The Ankara consensus: the significance of Turkey's engagement in sub-Saharan Africa by Donelli, Federico. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p57-76, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAlthough research has examined the Turkish agenda for Africa since 2002, few studies have considered Turkey's uniqueness compared to other extra-regional actors. This study is an attempt to analyze and conceptualize the characteristics, benefits, challenges, and limits of Turkey's policy toward the region. This article argues that the characteristics of the Turkish agenda toward sub-Saharan Africa have made Turkey a non-traditional actor in the region, following a novel paradigm of sustainability development: the Ankara consensus. The effects of this model will continue to shape the decisions, policies, and perceptions of the Turkish political elite vis-à-vis Africa and, by extension, the Global South for the foreseeable future.; (AN 45038363)
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5.

The high-energy planet by Karlsson, Rasmus. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p77-84, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA key part of the ecomodern discourse of a ‘Good Anthropocene’ is the vision of a ‘high-energy planet’ characterized by universal access to modern energy. Recognizing the crucial historical role that rising energy consumption has played in driving social transformations, ecomodernists imagine a future with substantial global equality of opportunity powered by clean and abundant energy. Whereas traditional environmental thinking has advocated land-intensive distributed forms of renewable energy, ecomodernists have argued that such technologies are fundamentally incompatible with a world in which 7–10 billion people can live modern lives. Instead, ecomodernists believe that only breakthrough innovation can overcome the current political and cultural polarization surrounding climate change and provide a unifying pathway towards climate stability. Yet, resurging populism and nationalism, but also the statist frame of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change process, make such a future unlikely as rich countries remain focused on meeting their own domestic emissions targets rather than decarbonizing the global economy as a whole. As a consequence, overall political polarization is bound to increase as radical environmental voices will call for ever harsher demand-side reductions while technocratic elites may come to see solar radiation management as the only feasible way of preventing an irreversible destabilization of the climate system.; (AN 45038365)
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6.

Truth commissions: memory, power, and legitimacy by Snyder, Kristin Lynn. Global Change, Peace & Security, January 2018, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 1 p85-86, 2p; (AN 45038364)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 18, no. 2, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Global Environmental Politics of Food by Clapp, Jennifer; Scott, Caitlin. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p1-11, 11p; (AN 45608046)
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2.

Mega-Mergers on the Menu: Corporate Concentration and the Politics of Sustainability in the Global Food System by Clapp, Jennifer. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p12-33, 22p; Abstract: The agricultural input industry has become more concentrated in the wake of recently announced corporate mergers in the sector. This article examines the environmental implications of corporate concentration in the agricultural input sector and outlines the challenges of establishing effective international policy and governance on this issue. The article makes two arguments. First, corporate concentration matters for food system sustainability. Consolidation in the global seed and agro-chemical industries has been deeply entwined with the rise of industrial agriculture, which has been associated with a host of environmental problems including an increase in agro-chemical use and the loss of agricultural biodiversity. Second, although corporate concentration has important sustainability implications, there is little recognition of the potential connection between these issues in international governance measures. The article outlines a number of factors that discourage the development of policy and governance on these issues, including the lack of a clear scientific consensus on how best to promote sustainable agriculture; the weak and fragmented nature of regulatory frameworks and institutions that oversee competition policy and food system sustainability; the power of agribusiness firms to influence policy outcomes; and the complex and distanced nature of the underlying drivers of corporate concentration in the sector.; (AN 45608048)
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3.

The Global Politics of the Business of “Sustainable” Palm Oil by Dauvergne, Peter. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p34-52, 19p; Abstract: The palm oil industry is increasingly certifying its activities as “sustainable,” “responsible,” and “conflict-free.” This trend does not represent a breakthrough toward better governance, this article argues, but primarily reflects a business strategy to channel criticism toward “unsustainable” palm oil, while promoting the value for protecting rain forests of corporate social responsibility, international trade, industrial production, and industry-guided certification. Illegalities and loopholes riddle certification in Indonesia and Malaysia, the two main sources of certified palm oil; at the same time, palm oil imports are rising in markets not demanding certification. Across the tropics, oil palm plantations linked to deforestation and human rights abuses are continuing to expand as companies navigate weak governance rules, and as sales shift across markets and inside global supply chains. Theoretically, this analysis advances the understanding of why and how the power of business is rising over the narratives and institutions of global agricultural governance.; (AN 45608050)
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4.

Governing Food and Agriculture in a Warming World by Newell, Peter; Taylor, Olivia; Touni, Charles. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p53-71, 19p; Abstract: Understanding how, why, and whether the trade-offs and tensions around simultaneous implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals are resolved both sustainably and equitably requires an appreciation of power relations across multiple scales of governance. We explore the politics and political economy of how the nexus around food, energy, and water is being governed through initiatives to promote climate-smart agriculture (CSA) as it moves from the global to the local. We combine an analysis of how these interrelationships are being governed (and ungoverned) by key global institutions with reflection on the consequences of this for developing countries that are being targeted by CSA initiatives. In particular, we look at Kenya as a country heavily dependent on agriculture, but also subject to some of the worst effects of climate change and which has been a focus for a range of bilateral and multilateral donors with their preferred visions of CSA. We draw on strands of literature in global environmental politics, political ecology, and the political economy of development to make sense of the power dynamics that characterize the multiscalar politics of how CSA is translated, domesticated, and operationalized in practice.; (AN 45608041)
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5.

The Global Environmental Politics and Political Economy of Seafood Systems by Campling, Liam; Havice, Elizabeth. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p72-92, 21p; Abstract: This article situates seafood in the larger intersection between global environmental governance and the food system. Drawing inspiration from the food regimes approach, we trace the historical unfolding of the seafood system and its management between the 1930s and the 2010s. In doing so, we bridge global environmental politics research that has studied either the politics of fisheries management or seafood sustainability governance, and we bring seafood and the fisheries crisis into food regimes scholarship. Our findings reveal that the seafood system has remained firmly dependent on the historical institutions of national seafood production systems and, particularly, on the state-based regulatory regimes that they promulgated in support of national economic and geopolitical interests. As such, seafood systems contribute to a broader, historicized understanding of the hybrid global environmental governance of food systems in which nonstate actors depend heavily upon, and in fact call for the strengthening of, state-based institutions. Our findings reveal that the contemporary private ordering of seafood governance solidifies the centrality of state-based institutions in the struggle for “sustainable” seafood and enables the continued expansionary, volume-driven extractivist logics that produced the fisheries crisis in the first place.; (AN 45608047)
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6.

Sustainably Sourced Junk Food? Big Food and the Challenge of Sustainable Diets by Scott, Caitlin. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p93-113, 21p; Abstract: Sustainable diets are an increasingly debated policy concept to address many of the environmental, social, and economic issues in the food system. The role of ultraprocessed foods in sustainable diets has received less attention than meat, dairy, and eggs but is deserving of examination given the high environmental impacts and negative health outcomes resulting from consumption of these foods. Big Food companies that make ultraprocessed foods have focused their attention on sustainable sourcing as a significant sustainability strategy. This article argues that sustainable sourcing as a central strategy for Big Food firms has implications for the achievement of sustainable diets. First, sustainable sourcing lends legitimacy to specific discourses of sustainability that align with a growth imperative. Second, it perpetuates weak and fragmented governance, which can enhance the legitimacy of Big Food when participating in coordination efforts. These dynamics of sustainable sourcing are important for consideration given the legitimacy claims of these companies, which situate them as a key part of the solution in working toward food security and sustainability.; (AN 45608044)
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7.

Beekeepers Versus Biotech: Commodity Characteristics and Regulatory Interdependence in the Global Environmental Politics of Food by Starobin, Shana M.. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p114-133, 20p; Abstract: This article examines the unexpected outcomes in a puzzling new empirical case—the success of a coalition of small-scale beekeepers, indigenous peasant social movements, and NGOs in thwarting a multinational biotechnology firm’s efforts to commercialize genetically modified (GM) soy in Mexico. Sparked by news of pending EU rules for honey imports “contaminated” with GM pollen grains, beekeepers and their allies leveraged a transnational regulatory focusing event to downscale the forums for contestation of Mexican transgenic policy to subnational levels—where actors vested in regionally valuable honey production became pitted against actors promoting the national commercialization of GM soy across Mexico. The coalition’s success not only depended on an effective political and legal strategy, as might be expected, but hinged crucially on the unique characteristics of the traded commodities themselves—honey and soy. The case reveals the complex socioecological, market, and regulatory dynamics at play in the cultivation of crops and commodities for consumption and sale into local and global markets. Going beyond the actors and interests involved, the case shows how the physical characteristics of commodities act as constraints to the set of possible institutional alternatives to effectively redress policy problems. Regulations contrived with focal commodities in mind, like soy, can have significant spillover effects to more peripheral commodities, like honey, and the interactions and interdependencies shared among commodities in natural and human systems may in fact foster new windows of opportunity for producers to pursue policy change and innovation at multiple levels of governance.; (AN 45608043)
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8.

Ghosts and Things: Agriculture and Animal Life by Weis, Tony. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p134-142, 9p; Abstract: This article makes a case for centering animal life in conceptions of environmental, agrarian, and dietary change. It begins with a brief discussion of the extinction spasm and defaunation and suggests that envisaging landscapes of animal “ghosts” might help to evoke the ecological impoverishment this entails. Landscapes of ghosts are then set against the soaring populations of animals in industrial livestock production, stressing both the extensive biophysical implications and the intensive interspecies relations of these systems, in which individual animals can be seen to be reduced to little more than fungible “things.” The core argument is that the fast-changing conditions of both wild and domesticated animals, and their interrelationships, are an important and often underappreciated aspect of global agrarian, and efforts to confront this course are fundamental to prospects for a more sustainable world.; (AN 45608042)
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9.

Toward Multipurpose Agriculture: Food, Fuels, Flex Crops, and Prospects for a Bioeconomy by Bastos Lima, Mairon G.. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p143-150, 8p; Abstract: Each day, agriculture becomes more highly integrated into an increasing number of industries. Agriculture has never been only about food; cotton, tobacco, and other nonfood agricultural commodities (not to speak of spices and luxury foods, such as sugar and coffee) have for centuries been important to livelihoods and the economy. Yet, thanks to developments in biotechnology, the scope of agriculture is broadening quickly, and it may expand significantly in the coming years.; (AN 45608045)
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10.

Change and Resilience in Melanesian Societies by Wu, Fengshi. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p151-155, 5p; (AN 45608049)
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11.

Book Reviews by Allan, Jen Iris. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p156-158, 3p; (AN 45608040)
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12.

Book Reviews by Iozzelli, Laura. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p158-160, 3p; (AN 45608051)
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13.

Book Reviews by Minguet, Angèle. Global Environmental Politics, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p160-162, 3p; (AN 45608052)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 24, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Value Clash: Civil Society, Foreign Funding, and National Sovereignty by Steinberg, Gerald; Wertman, Becca. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-10, 10p; (AN 44582776)
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2.

Banning the Bomb: Inconsequential Posturing or Meaningful Stigmatization? by Egeland, Kjølv. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p11-20, 10p; (AN 44582777)
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3.

The FIFA Scandal and the Distorted Influence of Small States by Bishop, Matthew Louis; Cooper, Andrew F.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p21-40, 20p; Abstract: The Fédération Internationale de Football Association, the international body that governs soccer, became engulfed in a massive corruption scandal in 2015. Yet despite its global audience, financial influence, and cultural importance, the sport's governance has received little attention in political science or international studies. This article showcases how FIFA represents an important site for analyzing global governance by demonstrating how the contemporary scandal is primarily an outcome of the idiosyncratic structures of the organization itself, with a particular pattern of incentives generated for a set of actors commonly overlooked in the literature. It explains how soccer bureaucrats from smaller countries—Switzerland, Qatar, and Trinidad and Tobago are deployed as illustrations—have regularly outmaneuvered their larger and more conventionally powerful counterparts. Smallness does not, therefore, imply a lack of power within global governance: it is rather mediated by context and novel forms of agency.; (AN 44582775)
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4.

ASEAN and Regional Responses to the Problem(s) of Land Grabbing by Gilson, Julie. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p41-60, 20p; Abstract: Popularly represented as the phenomenon of “land grab,” changes in the acquisition, exploitation and significance of land across the world encapsulate myriad needs, motivations, and strategic ambitions. What is becoming clear is that these diverse burgeoning twenty-first-century phenomena in the name of land increasingly define and structure many of the decisions made by states and international institutions today. Despite being one of the most pressing regional and international problems of the current era, however, the issue of land grab is not on the agenda of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Member states of this association have acknowledged the transboundary effects of many contemporary phenomena and work together to alleviate security concerns and enhance collective economic opportunities, and yet they face both institutional and cognitive barriers to any attempts to address collectively the problems related to land grabbing. This article aims to examine the contemporary political space navigated and contested within ASEAN and to define the problems inherent in finding a collective action solution to this complex dynamic set of issues.; (AN 44582778)
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5.

Regional Governance and Global Governance: Links and Explanations by Kacowicz, Arie M.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p61-79, 19p; Abstract: This article examines the possible links between regional governance and global governance from a regional perspective. It presents and develops a typology of linkages that include: (1) irrelevance; (2) conflict; (3) cooperation; and (4) harmonic relations. Moreover, it suggests three alternative explanations to make sense of the linkages as a function of the nature of the issue area of regional and global governance, the role of pivotal states, and the importance of ideational factors and the diffusion of norms. It succinctly refers to the Latin American experience as an illustration of the nexus between regional governance and global governance in a comparative perspective.; (AN 44582770)
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6.

Exploring the Role of Alternative Energy Corporations in Ethical Supply Chains and Corporate Peacebuilding by Ralph, Natalie; Hancock, Linda. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p81-102, 22p; Abstract: A paradigmatic shift from carbon-intensive to alternative and renewable energy prompts the question of whether lessons learned in one era are forgotten in the next. Carbon-intensive industries (oil, gas, and coal) have not performed well on mitigating negative impacts on host community conflict, but alternative energy corporate actors can learn from them. Focusing on alternative energy companies, and specifically companies in supply chains for new-generation lithium-ion battery systems, this article illustrates companies' connections to conflict minerals and critical materials, and how a corporate peacebuilding strategy can address a company's impacts on conflict whether on the ground or through the supply chain. Companies reframing their corporate social responsibility to corporate peacebuilding, which includes peacemaking, are better prepared for expanding international conflict minerals and critical materials governance and emerging action on resource sustainable governance.; (AN 44582772)
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7.

Applying Universal Jurisdiction to Civil Cases: Variations in State Approaches to Monetizing Human Rights Violations by Roper, Steven D.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p103-118, 16p; Abstract: The principle of universal jurisdiction allows a state to exercise jurisdiction over a category of cases when the state has no connection by territory, nationality, or other interest with the parties. While the concept of universal jurisdiction is not new, it has been almost exclusively applied to criminal matters. There has been relatively little focus on the application of universal jurisdiction in the civil sphere as a means for victims to seek judgments and compensation for serious violations of human rights. This article examines the theoretical distinction made by courts in the application of universal jurisdiction to civil cases and explores why the emerging norm of universal jurisdiction has been focused almost exclusively on criminal matters. The article surveys the status of universal civil jurisdiction in US and European courts, examines how jurisdiction is limited by courts, and assesses the arguments for and against a civil basis of universal jurisdiction.; (AN 44582774)
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8.

Global Labor and the Arab Uprisings: Picking Winners in Tunisia and Egypt by Hartshorn, Ian M.. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p119-138, 20p; Abstract: International institutions, including the transnational advocacy network for labor and workers' issues, can influence labor institutions during transitions to and from democracy. Through rhetorical and material support, these institutions can shape labor's relationship to the state. This article addresses the activities of “global labor” in the recent transitions in Tunisia and Egypt, arguing that divergent strategies shaped incentives, expectations, and outcomes among workers and labor unions in each country.; (AN 44582773)
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9.

Lessons for Effective Governance: An Examination of the Better Work Program by Alois, Paul. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2018, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p139-157, 19p; Abstract: Recent decades have seen a proliferation of global multistakeholder initiatives that address “problems without passports,” but the effectiveness of these initiatives is debatable. This article discusses Better Work, an initiative that improves labor standards in the garment industry. It provides an overview of the program and discusses five lessons from Better Work that can be applied to other initiatives. These are: cooperation can be more effective than coercion; training complements the application of incentives; local ownership is critical for global initiatives; international organizations can anchor initiatives to prevent capture by powerful stakeholders; and multinational corporations can be responsible partners, but should not play a leading role.; (AN 44582771)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 13, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Bicchi, Federica; Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; (AN 44263242)
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2.

Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations by Duquet, Sanderijn. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p21-40, 20p; Abstract: When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the euin third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eulaw in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eumember state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.; (AN 44263243)
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3.

Does the Flag Still Follow Trade? Agency, Politicization and External Opportunity Structures in the Post-Lisbon System of euDiplomacy by Smith, Michael H.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p41-56, 16p; Abstract: This article focuses on the past and present of the European Union’s system of diplomacy, and asks whether the changes initiated by the Lisbon Treaty have really transformed that system. The Lisbon Treaty promised to transform the situation in which ‘the flag followed trade’ and give a primary role to the diplomacy of politics and security. Using arguments based on the location of agency, the politicization of economic diplomacy and the logic of external opportunity structures, the article argues that the transformation has not taken place, and that euexternal action remains essentially a hybrid construct in which economic diplomacy plays a central role. Such a situation has important implications for eudiplomacy in third countries and for the character of the eu’s diplomatic representation, especially when it comes to the demand expressed in the eu’s 2016 Global Strategy for ‘joined up’ or closely coordinated external action.; (AN 44263244)
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4.

Neither Fish nor Fowl. How euDelegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington by Maurer, Heidi; Maurer, Heidi. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p57-74, 18p; Abstract: This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid euforeign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eudelegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eudelegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably euambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in euforeign policy-making.; (AN 44263245)
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5.

euExternal Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of euDiplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine by Baltag, Dorina. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p75-96, 22p; Abstract: The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eudelegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eudiplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the euand cooperating with eumember states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eudelegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eudiplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the euin these countries.; (AN 44263247)
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6.

Coordination between the euMember States’ Embassies and the euDelegation in Turkey: A Case of European Diplomatic Representation by Terzi, Özlem. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p97-116, 20p; Abstract: This article analyses how the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty have influenced the performance of the euDelegation in Ankara and the relationship between the euDelegation, member states’ embassies and Turkish government during times of crisis. Based on numerous interviews, the article analyses how European diplomacy conducted by the euDelegation and eumember states’ embassies functions in three categorically different situations: 1) a political crisis in the host country; 2) an international crisis involving a neighbouring region to the host country; and 3) negotiations between the host government and the euon an issue important for eumember states, against the background of a stalled accession process. Based on an investigation of the relationship of the euDelegation, eumember states’ embassies and Turkey in those three distinct contexts, the article sheds light on the opportunities and constraints of the new way of European diplomatic representation.; (AN 44263246)
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7.

The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations? by Bicchi, Federica. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 13 Issue: Number 1 p117-135, 19p; Abstract: This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eudelegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eumember states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eudelegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.; (AN 44263248)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 33, no. 3, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Wirtz, James J.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p307-308, 2p; (AN 44997676)
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2.

William Friedman and Pearl Harbor by Sherman, David. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p309-323, 15p; Abstract: AbstractPearl Harbor was a seminal event for pioneering American cryptographer William Friedman and the subject of an analysis he wrote after retiring from government in the mid-1950s. While Friedman’s conclusions are not particularly innovative, the way in which he arrives at them is and also accounts for how he and his contemporaries were both surprised and not surprised by the Japanese attack.; (AN 44997677)
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3.

Reactions to David Sherman’s ‘William Friedman and Pearl Harbor’ Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p324-336, 13p; (AN 44997680)
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4.

Restructuring structured analytic techniques in intelligence by Chang, Welton; Berdini, Elissabeth; Mandel, David R.; Tetlock, Philip E.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p337-356, 20p; Abstract: AbstractStructured analytic techniques (SATs) are intended to improve intelligence analysis by checking the two canonical sources of error: systematic biases and random noise. Although both goals are achievable, no one knows how close the current generation of SATs comes to achieving either of them. We identify two root problems: (1) SATs treat bipolar biases as unipolar. As a result, we lack metrics for gauging possible over-shooting—and have no way of knowing when SATs that focus on suppressing one bias (e.g., over-confidence) are triggering the opposing bias (e.g., under-confidence); (2) SATs tacitly assume that problem decomposition (e.g., breaking reasoning into rows and columns of matrices corresponding to hypotheses and evidence) is a sound means of reducing noise in assessments. But no one has ever actually tested whether decomposition is adding or subtracting noise from the analytic process—and there are good reasons for suspecting that decomposition will, on balance, degrade the reliability of analytic judgment. The central shortcoming is that SATs have not been subject to sustained scientific of the sort that could reveal when they are helping or harming the cause of delivering accurate assessments of the world to the policy community.; (AN 44997678)
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5.

Big Data, intelligence, and analyst privacy: investigating information dissemination at an NSA-funded research lab by Swanson, Maureen H.; Vogel, Kathleen M.. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p357-375, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe Laboratory for Analytic Sciences (LAS) at North Carolina State University, funded by the National Security Agency, is a collaborative, long-term research enterprise focused on improving intelligence analysis using Big Data. In its work, LAS has recently begun dealing with the trade-off between the collection, storage, and use of large unclassified data-sets and analyst privacy. We discuss particular privacy challenges at LAS, analyze privacy principles in the life cycle of LAS unclassified data-sets, what intelligence analysts themselves think about these privacy concerns, and recommend possible best practices potentially applicable to LAS, as well as future Big Data laboratories and research centers that collaborate with intelligence communities.; (AN 44997679)
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6.

US intelligence and communist plots in postwar France by Perlman, Susan McCall. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p376-390, 15p; Abstract: AbstractIn 1946, as the cold war deepened and American officials grew alarmed by the prospect of a communist-dominated France, US intelligence analysts began to report rumors of mysterious ‘parachutages’ of unidentified containers over the French countryside. Alongside equally sensational stories about the resurrection of international brigades and discoveries of hidden arms caches, these reports seemed to provide definitive evidence for widely held beliefs about communist intentions to seize power. This article investigates these claims and reveals the influence of a transnational network of informants hoping to stoke fears of revolutionary activity in order to encourage US involvement in postwar France.; (AN 44997683)
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7.

Fusing algorithms and analysts: open-source intelligence in the age of ‘Big Data’ by Eldridge, Christopher; Hobbs, Christopher; Moran, Matthew. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p391-406, 16p; Abstract: AbstractIn the age of ‘Big Data’, the potential value of open-source information for intelligence-related purposes is widely recognised. Of late, progress in this space has increasingly become associated with software that can expand our ability to gather, filter, interrelate and manipulate data through automated processes. The trend towards automation is both innovative and necessary. However, techno-centric efforts to replace human analysts with finely crafted algorithms across the board, from collection to synthesis and analysis of information, risk limiting the potential of OSINT rather than increasing its scope and impact. Effective OSINT systems must be carefully designed to facilitate complementarity, exploit the strengths, and mitigate the weaknesses of both human analysts and software solutions, obtaining the best contribution from both. Drawing on insights from the field of cognitive engineering, this article considers at a conceptual level how this might be achieved.; (AN 44997684)
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8.

The other hidden hand: Soviet and Cuban intelligence in Allende’s Chile by Gustafson, Kristian; Andrew, Christopher. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p407-421, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThe role of Soviet and Cuban covert activities in Allende’s Chile has not been given sufficient consideration. This paper outlines the significant actions that the KGB and the Cuban DGI undertook there, showing that both organizations played important roles in both operating directly against the CIA and by supporting local actors. The results of their efforts, however, may have been negative to Allende’s coalition by focusing on factional or ideological interests. A broad array of sources is brought together to shed light on this historical gap. The result is a new paradigm in which we can consider this dramatic period.; (AN 44997681)
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9.

British open source intelligence (OSINT) and the Holocaust in the Soviet Union: persecution, extermination and partisan warfare by Wheatley, Ben. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p422-438, 17p; Abstract: AbstractWhere does British open source intelligence (OSINT) fit into the intelligence debate surrounding Allied knowledge of the Holocaust? In particular what can this source of intelligence tell us in regards to the opening of the extermination phase of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union? Were the Allies conclusions being falsely influenced by their own OSINT analysts? Or conversely did OSINT provide further evidence (alongside SIGINT decodes) that the Nazis were now committing mass genocide. This article explores these questions by examining the FRPS/FORD OSINT reports from the civilian ruled territories of (and those intended for) the ReichskommissariateOstland and Ukraine.; (AN 44997682)
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10.

The ‘Sword and Shield of the Party’: how the Vietnamese People’s Public Security Forces portray themselves by Grossheim, Martin. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p439-458, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper shows that since the beginning of the reform period in 1986 the regime in Hanoi has taken great pains to create the image of the state having legitimate and, indeed, heroic security organs that acted as the ‘saviors of the Vietnamese revolution’ and still serve as the ‘shield and sword’ of the Vietnamese Communist Party. I argue that while previously the socialist state used to regard the history of its security organs as top secret, over the last few years, a huge amount of resources have been mobilized to actively propagate a sacred and romanticized image of the security apparatus.; (AN 44997685)
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11.

Islam in South Asia: the Deobandis and the current state of Pakistan by Bennett-Jones, Owen; Hughes, R. Gerald. Intelligence & National Security, April 2018, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p459-465, 7p; (AN 44997686)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 93, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Contentious borders in the Middle East and North Africa: context and concepts by Del Sarto, Raffaella A.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p767-787, 21p; Abstract: The recent upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have exerted pressure on the regional state system and its borders. Exploring the altered nature and function of borders in a comprehensive and theory-informed manner, together with their domestic, regional and international implications, is long overdue. As a starting point to this endeavour, this article provides the historical context to the problem of contested borders in the MENA region since the formation of the modern state system in the region until today. While problematizing a number of key concepts, the article proposes to analyse the currently contentious nature of many MENA borders by considering the often deeply conflicting configuration of state authority, legitimacy and territoriality over time; the Arab uprisings mark the most recent of a series of critical junctures. Developments at the international, regional and domestic levels are considered while attention is paid to their intersection. The article concludes by raising the question of whether prevailing conceptualisations of the state and its borders are adequate for a real understanding of past and present developments in the region, suggesting that alternative or additional approaches may be helpful.; (AN 42850302)
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2.

States and sovereignty in the Middle East: myths and realities by Fawcett, Louise. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p789-807, 19p; Abstract: To many observers the Middle East state system since the Arab uprisings stands at a critical juncture, displaying contradictory patterns of fragility and durability. The uprisings, which started late in 2010, were revolutionary in their initial impact, but beyond Tunisia, it is the counter-revolutionary movement which has proved more durable. However, the region has witnessed regime changes alongside intense levels of popular mobilization, violence and transnational activism. The results have been highly destabilizing, resulting in challenges, not only to regimes, but to the very sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. This, in turn, has contributed to a shifting regional power balance and repeated episodes of external intervention. Some commentators have argued that the whole regional system, always fragile and contested, is finally undergoing radical transformation; others point to its resilience. This article evaluates the latest wave of instability and its consequences for Middle Eastern states, their sovereignty and regional order, introducing themes and discussions taken up in other articles in this special issue. It argues that despite recent upheavals (and multiple predictions to the contrary), the Middle East system of states and borders will likely remain intact—at least in the medium term. This does not mean that states are necessarily ‘strong’ in a Weberian sense or that sovereignty at different levels is uncontested, but that continuity—state survival and border preservation—is likely to prevail over major change.; (AN 42850305)
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3.

The changing borders and borderlands of Syria in a time of conflict by Vignal, Leïla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p809-827, 19p; Abstract: This article aims at a better understanding of the changing nature of borders in warring Syria. Contrary to much media commentary, the Syrian uprising and the subsequent conflict have not been about territorial claims. In 2011, the borders of Syria were de facto pacified and, with the important exception of the border with Israel, were accepted as the legitimate boundaries of the Syrian state. This, however, does not contradict the fact that the unfolding of the Syrian uprising has had deep transformative effects on the borders of the country. Their nature, functions and management have significantly evolved since the uprising first broke out. In 2017, these borders no longer delineate a coherent territory under the control of a unique and somehow cohesive actor: the state. The ongoing territorial and political fragmentation of the country into territories controlled by different armed parties has given rise to multiple forms of control over the Syrian border that reflect the outcome of the armed confrontation. This article analyses the transformations of the borders from the outer boundaries of a state that exercises its sovereignty over its territory and delivers state functions and public goods to its citizens to a spatial envelope in which competing internal legitimacies operate. It also explores the new dynamics of the borders in relation with Syria's neighbours and the international order.; (AN 42850310)
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4.

Turkey's post-2011 approach to its Syrian border and its implications for domestic politics by Okyay, Asli S.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p829-846, 18p; Abstract: This article examines the implications of the post-2011 conflict in Syria for the relationship between Turkey's shifting border politics and its domestic politics, focusing on the period until mid-2015. The analysis demonstrates that two factors explain the shifts in Turkey's border management modalities in this period. These factors were: first, Turkey's aspiration to enhance its regional influence through a power reconfiguration in post-conflict Syria, in which the Assad regime would be replaced by a predominantly Islamist power elite; second, its concern about its territorial integrity and centralized nation-state model, which it tried to safeguard by impeding the emergence of a Kurdish state, or governance structure with increased autonomous powers and expanded territorial control. Power reconfigurations over the course of the conflict and newly arising threats emanating from the neighbouring civil war also had significant implications for Turkey's border management patterns. Embedded within a highly interconnected region that has also been increasingly structured in ethno-sectarian terms, instrumentally shifting border politics gave rise to a high degree of contestation in the domestic sphere, and contributed to the reinforcement of ethnic and sectarian identity boundaries permeating society and politics in Turkey. The case of Turkey is significant in understanding the overall impact of the post-2011 political transition processes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) on border politics, on the degree of interdependence between domestic and international politics, on the links between state borders and identity boundaries, and on state-society relations.; (AN 42850309)
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5.

Contesting borders? The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan's de facto state by Jüde, Johannes. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p847-863, 17p; Abstract: The Kurds are the largest territorially concentrated ethnic group in the world without its own nation state. However, the Iraqi Kurdish population has been striving to establish its own political order for more than two decades and, in northern Iraq, a markedly developed de facto state has emerged. Iraqi Kurdistan has established a considerable degree of autonomy and domestic sovereignty, which is particularly impressive considering the current state of its parent state Iraq. This success is puzzling, when considered alongside the most prominent theory of state formation, which argues that it is war that makes states. War does not explain the Kurdish state-making process. Rather, it has been a major setback for the Iraqi Kurds after 1991. This suggests an alternative theory of state formation, which argues that social coalitions of key elites can account for successful state-building. This article argues that the social coalition of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which sustained state-building in northern Iraq, emerged and stabilized because of external incentives. Demonstrating unity in front of the international community, and particularly in front of Iraqi Kurdistan's main sponsors, the US and Turkey, has resulted in large flows of revenue for the two parties. The case of Iraqi Kurdistan, therefore, allows for conclusions both on the potential and on the limitations of externally-promoted state-building coalitions. These insights are also relevant for debates on international state-building.; (AN 42850311)
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6.

Border management in an era of ‘statebuilding lite’: security assistance and Lebanon's hybrid sovereignty by Tholens, Simone. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p865-882, 18p; Abstract: International border management strategies have become the favoured practice to counter global threats, notably terrorism, migration flows and ‘weak states’. This article shows how border security assistance is translated and has political consequences in contexts where sovereignty is contested. It first offers a new conceptualization of contemporary security assistance as a form of ‘statebuilding lite’. These practices are void of comprehensive strategies for broader security governance, and are decentralized, pragmatic and ad hoc. The modus operandi is one whereby each donor develops its own niche, and directly supports specific agencies in the target state. Secondly, the article demonstrates how these tendencies play out in the one of the most important contemporary cases. Assistance to Lebanon since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war is particularly revealing, since Lebanon has received large numbers of Syrian refugees crossing its borders; witnessed rekindling of sectarian violence; and harbours Hezbollah, whose military operations in support of the Assad regime in Damascus draws Lebanon directly into the Syrian conflict. The ensuing situation, where vast amounts of security assistance reach Lebanon's many security agencies in complex ways, can best be described as a security assistance ‘bonanza’. In a micro-study of how the Lebanese Army, police, intelligence and customs agencies have engaged with an EU border management project, the article analyses how discourses of ‘integration’ have encountered the hybrid Lebanese context. It asserts that in the absence of a domestic political strategy, the state reverts back to basic modes of security-driven governance, aided by the readily available security assistance by actors with primarily strategic priorities. Drawing on the case of Lebanon allows us to fundamentally re-think how contemporary security assistance is practiced, and permits conceptualizations of global–local security linkages in a post-national world.; (AN 42850331)
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7.

Approaching borders and frontiers in North Africa by Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p883-896, 14p; Abstract: Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.; (AN 42850325)
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8.

The practice and culture of smuggling in the borderland of Egypt and Libya by Hüsken, Thomas. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p897-915, 19p; Abstract: This article looks at smuggling among the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin in the borderland of Egypt and Libya. Smuggling is understood as a transgressive economic practice that is embedded in the wider social, political and cultural connectivity of the Awlad ‘Ali. This connectivity transgresses state borders, collides with conceptions of state sovereignty, territory and citizenship. In addition, it has a greater historical depth than the respective post-colonial states, and is in many respects more vital than these. During the regimes of Gaddafi and Mubarak the economic productivity and political stability in the borderland was based on the shared sovereignty between politicians and cross border traders of the Awlad ‘Ali and the Egyptian and Libyan state. During and after the Arab spring and particularly in the subsequent civil war in Libya local non state sovereignties that operate across borders have gained significant empowerment and relevance. The article argues that shared sovereignty between state and non-state formations, between centres and peripheries, and between the national and the local level, is a central feature of the real practice of African governance and borderland economies.; (AN 42850319)
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9.

Borders and sovereignty in Islamist and jihadist thought: past and present by Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p917-935, 19p; Abstract: This article explores how Islamists and jihadists have framed issues pertaining to sovereignty, borders, as well as political and religious identity, over the last century. At a time when the territorial delimitations of several Arab countries seem more fickle than ever, it is necessary to address how Islamists and jihadists view the historical and contemporary aspects of borders and sovereignty. The Islamists, on the one hand—whose aim is creating a caliphate—have had to deal with unexpected realities, turning inevitably to some extent of reform of their original revolutionary ambition. The jihadists, on the other hand, while remaining committed to an armed struggle to unify Muslims worldwide, do not advocate for any action other than global insurrection. By focusing on the writings and discourses of major Islamist and jihadist leaders, it thus appears that the study of borders and sovereignty is indispensable to understanding the similarities and differences between the two ideologies. In addition, the study of borders and sovereignty allows for predicting developments in the region that largely pertain to the desire to achieve (jihadists) or amend (modern Islamists) the original revisionist design. It appears that borders, territory and sovereignty prove to be significant constraints for both Islamists and jihadists. Evidently, both Islamists and jihadists have reacted in diverging ways to the political and cultural realities that stand against their founding ideology—with certain Islamist movements having thus nationalized their doctrine, while jihadists still remain eager to achieve their original ambition.; (AN 42850297)
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10.

States, boundaries and sovereignty in the Middle East: unsteady but unchanging by Zartman, I. William. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p937-948, 12p; Abstract: States in the Middle East are real states, not yet Weberian and Westphalian, hard rather than strong states in most cases, with few cases of collapse after the Arab Spring. This article develops this idea, by discussing how their aspiring sovereignty over territory with established, if permeable, boundaries is likely to pursue its efforts at consolidation; only the Kurds and the Palestinians militate for a new sovereign entity of their own, with little success after decades of efforts and sympathy. Boundaries are remarkably stable, even often demarcated; challenges arise withinthe states for control, rather than between states, and at most decentralization in a few states may bring greater self-rule to ethnic groups. The challenge of regional order is not the creation of new boundaries, but the division of the region into a Shi'a Fatal Crescent against a Sunni north and south, both riven by state identity.; (AN 42850285)
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11.

The Mediterranean and its migrants: porous policy for a porous border by Spencer, Claire. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p949-956, 8p; Abstract: The Mediterranean Sea has traditionally been seen as a transit route rather than a border zone, yet the upsurge in migration from the Mediterranean's southern shores into Europe in recent years has given rise to a new array of policing, monitoring and humanitarian missions in and around the Mediterranean Basin. Stretching far into Europe's and Africa's hinterlands,  an ‘industry’ of smugglers, traffickers and border guards has grown up around circumventing or protecting the barriers and border regimes that now exist on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea. This article reviews recent works charting the diverse and far-reaching phenomenon of migration over the past decade, and the implications of the Mediterranean's ‘borderlands’ for a European policy on migration that is still seeking coherence.; (AN 42850301)
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12.

The paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey: Islam, illiberal democracy and republicanism by Göl, Ayla. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p957-966, 10p; Abstract: When the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi—AKP) first came to power in 2002, Turkey was described as a shining example of ‘the only Muslim democracy’ in the Middle East. The AKP has remained in power since then. While some hailed it as the so-called ‘Turkish model’, many have been rather sceptical about an ideological ‘hidden agenda’ of the AKP leadership to Islamize Turkish politics. Nevertheless, a stable Turkey under the pro-Islamic AKP rule was perceived as essential to improving relations between the West and the Muslim world. Within the last two decades, under Erdoğan's leadership it has become clear that a western model of ‘liberal democracy’ will probably not be the final destination of Turkey's path, but just one of many possible exits. What went wrong under the AKP governance, causing a promising ‘Turkish model’ to turn into authoritarian rule with the rise of illiberal democracy? While the three books under review have different emphases and address different questions, all of them offer timely insights into understanding this pressing question in both Turkish and Middle Eastern politics. They all seem to broadly agree that Turkey under AKP rule has undergone a metamorphosis in three stages: the ‘economic miracle’, combined with pseudo-democratization (2002–7); the phase of ‘regime change’ (2007–11) and, finally, the rise of authoritarianism and Islamo-nationalism (2011–15). Based on these insights, it is possible to argue that this metamorphosis has led to the paradoxes of ‘new’ Turkey, which I will attempt to highlight and explore in this review article. I identify three paradoxes: the persistency of Islam, combined with nationalism (Islamo-nationalism), in state-society relations; the impacts of Turkey–EU relations and reforms on the democratization process; and the future of republicanism in Turkey. I conclude by arguing that the rise of Erdoğan's authoritarianism combined with illiberal democracy at home will have serious implications for Turkish foreign policy.; (AN 42850294)
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13.

The globalization of international society by Albert, Mathias. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p967-968, 2p; (AN 42850290)
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14.

Foucault and the modern international: silences and legacies for the study of world politics by Fougner, Tore. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p968-969, 2p; (AN 42850328)
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15.

How statesmen think: the psychology of international politics by Devlen, Balkan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p969-970, 2p; (AN 42850318)
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16.

Decolonization: a short history by Murray, Christopher. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p970-972, 3p; (AN 42850292)
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17.

The Armenians in modern Turkey: post-genocide society, politics and history by Cheterian, Vicken. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p972-973, 2p; (AN 42850306)
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18.

Naked diplomacy: power and statecraft in the digital age and The future of #diplomacy* by Spence, Jack. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p973-975, 3p; (AN 42850330)
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19.

Crisis and institutional change in regional integration by Leite, Alexandre Cesar Cunha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p975-976, 2p; (AN 42850293)
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20.

Deliberation across deeply divided societies: transformative moments by Kaplanova, Patricia. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p976-977, 2p; (AN 42850313)
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21.

Intelligence security in the European Union: building a strategic intelligence community by Plater-Zyberk, Henry. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p977-978, 2p; (AN 42850296)
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22.

Quality peace: peacebuilding, victory, and world order by Jester, Natalie. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p978-979, 2p; (AN 42850298)
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23.

Gaining currency: the rise of the renminbi by Kamel, Maha. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p979-981, 3p; (AN 42850308)
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24.

The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy by Prontera, Andrea. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p981-982, 2p; (AN 42850323)
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25.

Burn out: the endgame for fossil fuels* by Aczel, Miriam R.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p982-983, 2p; (AN 42850314)
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26.

Oil booms and business busts: why resource wealth hurts entrepreneurs in the developing world by Wanvik, Tarje I.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p984-985, 2p; (AN 42850304)
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27.

The great derangement: climate change and the unthinkable by Kedia, Shailly. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p985-986, 2p; (AN 42850307)
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28.

The politics of crisis in Europe* by Toje, Asle. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p986-988, 3p; (AN 42850289)
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29.

A history of the Iraq crisis: France, the United States, and Iraq, 1991–2003 by Hardy, Roger. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p988-989, 2p; (AN 42850315)
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30.

Iran's nuclear program and international law: from confrontation to accord* by Bentley, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p989-990, 2p; (AN 42850316)
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31.

Islamic politics, Muslim states, and counterterrorism tensions by Shaffer, Ryan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p991-992, 2p; (AN 42850312)
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32.

Ivory: power and poaching in Africa by Lawson, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p992-994, 3p; (AN 42850317)
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33.

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram by Wilén, Nina. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p994-995, 2p; (AN 42850286)
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34.

Islam and democracy in Indonesia: tolerance without liberalism by Brown, Katherine. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p995-996, 2p; (AN 42850303)
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35.

Pakistan: courting the abyss by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p997-998, 2p; (AN 42850299)
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36.

Choices: inside the making of India's foreign policy by Kumar, Pavan. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p998-999, 2p; (AN 42850291)
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37.

Hong Kong in the shadow of China: living with the leviathan* by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p999-1000, 2p; (AN 42850287)
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38.

Contributors International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 piii-v, 3p; (AN 42850327)
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39.

Abstracts International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 pvii-xiii, 7p; (AN 42850329)
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40.

Cambodia votes: democracy, authority and international support for elections 1993–2013 by Copeland, Matthew P.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1000-1002, 3p; (AN 42850321)
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41.

The president's book of secrets: the untold story of intelligence briefings to America's presidents from Kennedy to Obama* by Wirtz, James J.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1002-1003, 2p; (AN 42850320)
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42.

Enemies known and unknown: targeted killings in America's transnational wars by Archambault, Emil. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1003-1004, 2p; (AN 42850288)
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43.

The Marshall Plan and the shaping of American strategy by Farese, Giovanni. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1004-1006, 3p; (AN 42850295)
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44.

Afterimages: photography and U.S. foreign policy by Ryan, David. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1006-1007, 2p; (AN 42850322)
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45.

Euforia e fracasso do Brasil Grande: política externa e multinacionais brasileiras da era Lula [Euphoria and failure of Grand Brazil: foreign policy and Brazilian multinationals in the Lula era] by Burges, Sean W.. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1007-1009, 3p; (AN 42850324)
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46.

The Salvador option: the United States in El Salvador, 1977–1992 by Chrimes, Philip. International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1009-1010, 2p; (AN 42850300)
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47.

Books reviewed July 2017 International Affairs, July 2017, Vol. 93 Issue: Number 4 p1011-1011, 1p; (AN 42850326)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 31, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Challenging the “Lone Wolf” Phenomenon in an Era of Information Overload by Barnea, Avner. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p217-234, 18p; (AN 45155187)
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2.

Squabbling Siloviki: Factionalism Within Russia’s Security Services by Meakins, Joss I.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p235-270, 36p; (AN 45155188)
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3.

The Changing Islamic State Intelligence Apparatus by Wege, Carl Anthony. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p271-288, 18p; (AN 45155192)
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4.

MI5’s Tradecraft Before the First World War by Northcott, Chris. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p289-311, 23p; (AN 45155191)
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5.

Evaluating Ghana’s Intelligence Oversight Regime by Obuobi, Patrick Peprah. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p312-341, 30p; (AN 45155190)
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6.

The Ethics of Research in Intelligence Studies: Scholarship in an Emerging Discipline by Goldman, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p342-356, 15p; (AN 45155193)
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7.

The Yom Kippur War, Dr. Kissinger, and the Smoking Gun by Rom, Rami; Gilat, Amir; Sheldon, Rose Mary. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p357-373, 17p; (AN 45155189)
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8.

Can a Tunnel Become a Double Agent—For the Soviets? by Macrakis, Kristie. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p374-386, 13p; (AN 45155197)
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9.

Creating the New Czar by Rubin, Michael. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p387-395, 9p; (AN 45155198)
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10.

The Cold War Odyssey of a Soviet Illegal by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p395-400, 6p; (AN 45155194)
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11.

Diplomatic Talks with a Balkan Dictator by Leighton, Marian K.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p401-408, 8p; (AN 45155196)
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12.

GCHQ Déjà Vu by West, Nigel. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p409-414, 6p; (AN 45155195)
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13.

Cyber War or Monkey Business? by Wirtz, James J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p415-419, 5p; (AN 45155201)
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14.

Once More into Laos by Clark, J. Ransom. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p419-425, 7p; (AN 45155202)
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15.

Ukraine’s Perilous Future by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p426-428, 3p; (AN 45155200)
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16.

Getting Things Wrong Again by Dujmovic, Nicholas. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, April 2018, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 2 p429-431, 3p; (AN 45155199)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 23, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

New Elements for Introducing Symmetry in the Middle East Peace Process by Zartman, I. William. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p1-7, 7p; Abstract: This issue contains an examination of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations with an effort to break through the deadlock strategically. It analyzes the past record of failure and addresses the basic problem of asymmetry. Despite the solutions that have been advanced for all the specific issues, it is the forward-looking matter of trust that is the impediment to productive negotiations. The declaration of a Palestinian state and its recognition by the international community are now the basic elements necessary to break the asymmetry of the parties. A second element – allegedly favored by the Trump administration – is to reduce a symmetry by enlarging the playing field to include surrounding states, as proposed in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative.; (AN 44965714)
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2.

The Kerry Peace Initiative in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: When Hope and Good Intentions Are Not Enough by Schiff, Amira. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p8-41, 34p; Abstract: This article examines the factors that contributed to the failure of the last major effort, which was carried out by usSecretary of State John Kerry, to facilitate a Final Status Agreement to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The analysis is based on an understanding that every effort to resolve this intractable conflict, even if unsuccessful, is worthy of examination, which can yield interesting observations and insights that may inform future attempts to find a solution. As President Trump’s administration makes intensive efforts to broker an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement, and the usMiddle East negotiation delegation shuttles intensively between the parties and between major regional actors to explore the possibility of renewing official negotiations, this seems like an opportune time to review the major factors that affected the outcome of the previous peace talks.; (AN 44965715)
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3.

Getting the Job Done: Bolstering American Mediation on Palestine. An Israeli Plan for American Mediation of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by Golan, Galia. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p42-68, 27p; Abstract: Inasmuch as the 2015 Israeli elections brought to power a Netanyahu-led coalition even more ideologically opposed to the creation of a Palestinian state than the previous coalitions, the absence of political will to reach agreement would appear to prejudge the outcome of any future negotiations should they take place. For this reason, recommendations to improve American mediation efforts remain in the realm of theory, but nevertheless may provide useful suggestions for the more basic step of returning the sides to serious negotiations.; (AN 44982070)
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4.

“Going for Broke” on Palestine by Steiner, Barry H.. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p69-96, 28p; Abstract: This article, a corrective to long-time frustration experienced by the United States in mediating Israel-Palestine differences, argues for American recognition of a Palestinian state to reach a two-state solution. Recognition, though not even-handed, constitutes legitimate mediation, as confronting one or another primary antagonist can be a useful mediation strategy. Though Israel is likely to object to usrecognition of Palestine, analysis suggests the objection is not likely to lead to a break in Israel-American relations, which would jeopardize the valued Israel-American alliance. Recognition as a fallback option is recommended for the Trump administration’s way forward in mediating the conflict.; (AN 44965716)
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5.

Beyond Exacerbating Asymmetry and Sustaining Occupation: An Alternative Approach for United States Intervention in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by Salem, Walid. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p97-123, 27p; Abstract: Third party mediation is critical in pushing forward a new peace process that is based on Israeli and Palestinian compliance in fulfilling previous agreements, including an Israeli freeze on settlements. The freeze will be part of a transformative constructionist process that will allow both sides to negotiate from a more symmetrical position. It will also create more trust among the Palestinians by communicating that Israeli intentions are not about grabbing their land while discussing peace.; (AN 44965717)
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6.

Mediating among Mediators: Building a Consensus in Multilateral Interventions by Spitka, Timea. International Negotiation, January 2018, Vol. 23 Issue: Number 1 p125-154, 30p; Abstract: The conditions under which multilateral international intervention are effective in ending a violent conflict is a critical question for scholars and practitioners. Scholarly studies have demonstrated the importance of a united intervention but have been in disagreement over the effectiveness of neutral versus partisan intervention. This article examines the conditions under which mediators construct a consensus on the type of intervention process. What are the factors that enable a consensus on a neutral versus a partisan intervention? Distinguishing between four types of international intervention processes – united-neutral, united-partisan, divided-partisan, and divided neutral and partisan intervention – this article argues that it is a united intervention, whether united partisan or united-neutral, that contributes to creating leverage on conflicting parties to end a conflict. The article examines consensus building among mediators within two divergent case studies: Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina.; (AN 44965718)
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12

International Organization
Volume 71, Supplement 1, 2017

Record

Results

1.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41781832)
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2.

INO volume 71 Supplement 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pf1-f4, 4p; (AN 41781838)
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3.

The Behavioral Revolution and International Relations by Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Haggard, Stephan; Lake, David A.; Victor, David G.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS1-S31, 31p; (AN 41781836)
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4.

Contributors International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 41781841)
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5.

Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality by Rathbun, Brian C.; Kertzer, Joshua D.; Paradis, Mark. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS33-S60, 28p; Abstract: AbstractPsychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicuslook like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.; (AN 41781834)
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6.

How Attachments to the Nation Shape Beliefs About the World: A Theory of Motivated Reasoning by Herrmann, Richard K.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS61-S84, 24p; Abstract: AbstractIf competing beliefs about political events in the world stem largely from information asymmetries, then more information and knowledge should reduce the gap in competing perceptions. Empirical studies of decision making, however, often find just the reverse: as knowledge and the stakes in play go up, the beliefs about what is happening polarize rather than converge. The theory proposed here attributes this to motivated reasoning. Emotions inside the observer shape beliefs along with information coming from the outside world. A series of experiments embedded in a national survey of Americans finds that a primary driver of the beliefs someone forms about globalization, other countries, and the politics in the Middle East is how strongly they attach their social identity to the United States. Attachment produces more intense positive and negative emotions that in turn shape the interpretation of unfolding events and lead norms to be applied in an inconsistent fashion. People, in effect, rewrite reality around their favored course of action, marrying the logic of appropriateness to their own preferences. Beliefs, consequently, are not independent of preferences but related to them. Motivated reasoning, while not consistent with rational models, is predictable and can lead to expensive mistakes and double standards that undermine liberal internationalism.; (AN 41781837)
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7.

Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest? by Rho, Sungmin; Tomz, Michael. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS85-S108, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.; (AN 41781830)
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8.

Resolve, Time, and Risk by Kertzer, Joshua D.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS109-S136, 28p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do some actors in international politics display remarkable persistence in wartime, while others “cut and run” at the first sign of trouble? I offer a behavioral theory of resolve, suggesting that variation in time and risk preferences can help explain why some actors display more resolve than others. I test the theory experimentally in the context of public opinion about military interventions. The results not only help explain why certain types of costs of war loom larger for certain types of actors but also shed light on some of the behavioral revolution's contributions more broadly.; (AN 41781839)
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9.

Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics by Bayram, A. Burcu. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS137-S163, 27p; Abstract: AbstractWhy are some politicians guided by a sense of obligation toward international law but others are not? Why do some politicians have a social as opposed to an egoistic preference over compliance with international legal rules? Existing approaches largely assume that the structural features of the compliance environment shape preferences. As a result, they neglect the heterogeneity across decision makers' subjective beliefs in the legitimacy of international law, which is critical for explaining who exhibits a sense of obligation and has a non-egoistic preference for compliance. Drawing upon a large body of psychological research on social identity and influence, I argue that obligation toward international law has a behavioral foundation shaped by cosmopolitan social identity. Using data from an original survey of German politicians that includes two compliance experiments, I show that politicians with a high degree of cosmopolitanism are driven by a sense of legal obligation that results in a social preference for compliance while those low on cosmopolitanism lack the same sense of normative respect. Replicated in a second experimental study conducted with a convenience sample, my results indicate that strategic rationality in compliance applies, but only to a particular set of actors. By illuminating the psychological underpinnings of obligation toward international law, this study contributes to a richer understanding of compliance preferences and builds a bridge between instrumental and normative models.; (AN 41781840)
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10.

Rising Power on the Mind by Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS165-S188, 24p; Abstract: AbstractA prominent explanation of war claims that international conflict can result when shifts in bargaining power induce the declining power to behave aggressively today because the rising power cannot credibly commit to not behave aggressively tomorrow. This paper asks whether individuals respond to shifting power in ways assumed by these models. Rather than use abstract laboratory-based bargaining games as in other work, I use vignettes describing the United States in an international bargaining situation to explore the microfoundations of power transitions models empirically. The vignettes vary whether the individual is a member of a declining or a rising power and whether there are previous public commitments to the status quo division of territory. Subjects propose a response the United States should make and then explain their decision in their own words. I apply new methods for analyzing these open-ended responses. Consistent with predictions from the behavioral literature, I find important asymmetries in behavior across these conditions as well as substantial heterogeneities in individuals' motivations for their decisions. The results of the experiments suggest potential ways that power-transition models should be refined to have a firmer behavioral basis.; (AN 41781842)
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11.

Emotions and the Micro-Foundations of Commitment Problems by Renshon, Jonathan; Lee, Julia J.; Tingley, Dustin. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS189-S218, 30p; Abstract: AbstractWhile emotions are widely regarded as integral to the “behavioral approach” to International Relations (IR), a host of fundamental problems have delayed the integration of affective influences into traditional models of IR. We aim to integrate affect by focusing on commitment problems, a body of work that contains strong theoretical predictions about how individual decision makers will and should act. Across two lab experiments, we use a novel experimental protocol that includes a psychophysiological measure of emotional arousal (skin conductance reactivity) to study how individuals react to changes in bargaining power. While we find support for one key pillar of IR theory—individuals do reject offers when they expect the opponent's power to increase—we also find that physiological arousal tampers with individuals’ ability to think strategically in the manner predicted by canonical models. Our follow-up experiment mimics the elements of institutional solutions to commitment problems and finds support for their efficacy on the individual level. Our novel findings suggest that when individuals face large power shifts, emotional arousal short-circuits their ability to “think forward and induct backwards,” suggesting that emotionally aroused individuals are less prone to commitment problems.; (AN 41781829)
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12.

No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making by Saunders, Elizabeth N.. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS219-S247, 29p; Abstract: AbstractDespite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient—the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.; (AN 41781831)
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13.

The Micro-Foundations of International Relations Theory: Psychology and Behavioral Economics by Stein, Janice Gross. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS249-S263, 15p; Abstract: AbstractAlmost forty years ago, a small group of scholars drew on cognitive psychology to explain anomalous patterns of behavior by leaders on issues of international security. Although it made significant contributions to theory and research, that scholarship did not diffuse broadly into the field. Drawing on concepts in psychology and behavioral economics, research that uses new methods is now producing a wave of scholarship in international relations exemplified by the work in this special issue. Analysis of the use of prospect theory over the last three decades identifies the scope conditions that enable the predictions of rational choice and psychological theories. These scope conditions motivate the focus on the heterogeneity of decision makers that is at the core of current contributions. Future research will move beyond the now-sterile debate between rational choice and psychology.; (AN 41781833)
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14.

Research Bets and Behavioral IR by Powell, Robert. International Organization, April 2017, Vol. 71 Issue: Number Supplement 1 pS265-S277, 13p; Abstract: AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.; (AN 41781835)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 25, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Conspicuous Absence of Class and Privilege in the Study of Resistance in Peacebuilding Contexts by Iñiguez de Heredia, Marta. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p325-348, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAttention to everyday forms of resistance in the liberal peace debates has provided a more sophisticated critique of peacebuilding but the concept of resistance remains limited. The paper argues that this is because leading approaches to resistance coming out the hybridity literature lack an account of class and privilege. These approaches have done a superficial application of the frameworks they were drawing on, primarily those of Michel De Certeau and James Scott. Resistance has been conceived as an international–local and liberal–non-liberal contention. The conclusion is that while the study of resistance is welcomed, this research agenda is limited and depoliticizing. Critics of hybridity have addressed similar points, taking issue with the account of the local, the lack of historicity and the reification of liberal norms. However, in seeing these problems as stemming from the everyday framework, they too have misread the importance of class and privilege therein. The article shows that Certeau and Scott have much to contribute to understanding peacebuilding processes by sustaining a sociological historicist and practice-based account of resistance as embodied in subordinate subjects. This has the potential to politicize, historicize and decolonize the liberal peace critique and to contribute to studying resistance in IR more generally.; (AN 45474412)
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2.

Social Capital Made Explicit: The Role of Norms, Networks, and Trust in Reintegrating Ex-combatants and Peacebuilding in Liberia by Kilroy, Walt; S. A. Basini, Helen. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p349-372, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDisarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) is fundamental in remaking post-war relationships. This article draws on two sets of field research data from Liberia to highlight the role of social capital in shaping DDR outcomes. The way reintegration is communicated and implemented can have a direct impact on all three elements of social capital: promoting norms, developing social networks, and building (or undermining) relationships and trust. These components of social capital are directly influenced by reintegration, while also feeding back into how reintegration progresses and is experienced. More specifically, new and existing networks used by ex-combatants as a way to navigate the post-war environment are an important element of social capital, as it goes through all kinds of distortions and transformations. These networks are important for the survival strategies at work, especially when there are shortcomings in the DDR process. Finally, a further layer is suggested: that social capital is a factor mediating how reintegration contributes (or not) to peacebuilding as a whole.; (AN 45474413)
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3.

High Risk or Low Risk: Screening for Violent Extremists in DDR Programmes by Richards, Joanne. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p373-393, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTProgrammes of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) are increasingly implemented in contexts of violent extremist conflict. In such settings, DDR practitioners may need to distinguish between ex-combatants who can be safely reintegrated into civilian life, and ex-combatants who are likely to present a danger to the community in terms of violent and/or extremist re-offending. To help practitioners make this assessment, this paper explores how risk assessment tools used by psychologists in criminal justice settings may be adapted to screen for violent extremist offenders in DDR programmes. The findings suggest that the method of structured professional judgment (SPJ) can be used to assess the risk that individual ex-combatants will re-offend upon return to civilian life. By extension, SPJ can also: (1) help practitioners to understand what type of deradicalization and disengagement programming former members of extremist groups may require and (2) contribute to decisions concerning the release of ex-combatants from prisons and transitional DDR centres.; (AN 45474415)
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4.

The Spatial Concentration of Peacekeeping Personnel and Public Health During Intrastate Conflicts by Reeder, Bryce W.. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p394-419, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literature on the effectiveness of peacekeeping has been focused almost exclusively on conflict mitigation. This article expands the scope of this literature by developing a theory that explains how the presence of peacekeeping forces improves population health during periods of intrastate conflict. The argument is put forth that because civil conflict violence clusters geographically it undermines the herd immunity critical-mass threshold. This, in turn, leads to increased infection rates and a tragic surge in preventable deaths. Peacekeepers, because they target conflict ‘hot spots’ locally, put an end to this cycle and assist in the restoration herd immunity. Using a unique measure of peacekeeping that accounts for the area of the conflict zone, the empirical models uncover a positive relationship between peacekeeping forces and immunization rates, as vaccination rates increase when peacekeepers are deployed into violent conflicts. These findings suggest that peacekeeping missions have the potential to reduce the public health costs imposed by internal conflicts.; (AN 45474416)
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5.

Peacekeeping's Digital Economy: The Role of Communication Technologies in Post-conflict Economic Growth by Martin-Shields, Charles P.; Bodanac, Nicholas. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p420-445, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPeacekeeping operations, mandated through the United Nations and regional bodies, play an increasingly diverse role in the economic development of post-conflict countries. A key way that missions can use their administrative capacity to support economic recovery is developing effective technology use and acquisition strategies in host countries, which is a peacekeeping-wide policy goal outlined in the high-level Performance Peacekeeping report. Our paper introduces the theoretical channels through which missions’ use of information communication technologies (ICTs) can support local economic development in post-conflict settings, making a theoretical argument that draws on both the literature on ICTs in peacekeeping and in economic development. We specify a Cobb–Douglas model that describes the potential impact of peacekeeping mission-led ICT investment on longer term economic development in combination with statistics on mission technology spending and internet use in host countries, providing a formal scaffold for our theoretical argument. Using this model and data in combination with a case study of the Central African Republic-based United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic mission, we argue that peacekeeping missions should use their purchasing power and stabilizing influence to attract value-added technology investment to support economic development.; (AN 45474414)
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6.

Information Processing Challenges in Peacekeeping Operations: A Case Study on Peacekeeping Information Collection Efforts in Mali by Duursma, Allard. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p446-468, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInformation analysts are often hindered by uncertainty, complexity, ambiguity, and equivocality when trying to support peacekeeping operations. This article puts forward a conceptual framework that explains what each of these information challenges entails and how uncertainty, complexity, ambiguity, and equivocality hamper peacekeeping efforts. To assess the conceptual value of linking these information challenges to peacekeeping efforts, this article zooms in on the information support system within the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), though other cases are also considered. The peacekeeping information collection and analysis efforts in Mali illustrate that peacekeeping missions ideally should be equipped with the capacity to overcome information challenges related to uncertainty and complexity in order to support the tactical and operational level of peacekeeping missions. In order to understand decision-making context and support the strategic level, it is also important that information analysts within peacekeeping mission can reduce information challenges related to ambiguity and equivocality. The importance of understanding the decision-making context speaks to the emphasis on sequenced mandates in the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations (HIPPO) report. In order to timely adjust the mandate of a peacekeeping mission, the leadership of a peacekeeping mission needs to be alerted of any changes in the decision-making context.; (AN 45474418)
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7.

Security sector reform in conflict-affected countries: the evolution of a model by Baker, Bruce. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p469-470, 2p; (AN 45474417)
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8.

Protection of Civilians by Proust, Aurélie; Swift, Larry. International Peacekeeping, May 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p471-474, 4p; (AN 45474419)
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14

International Relations
Volume 32, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

US grand strategy after the Cold War: Can realism explain it? Should realism guide it? by Walt, Stephen M. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p3-22, 20p; Abstract: This article uses realism to explain past US grand strategy and prescribe what it should be today. Throughout its history, the United States has generally acted as realism depicts. The end of the Cold War reduced the structural constraints that states normally face in anarchy, and a bipartisan coalition of foreign policy elites attempted to use this favorable position to expand the US-led ‘liberal world order’. Their efforts mostly failed, however, and the United States should now return to a more realistic strategy – offshore balancing – that served it well in the past. Washington should rely on local allies to uphold the balance of power in Europe and the Middle East and focus on leading a balancing coalition in Asia. Unfortunately, President Donald Trump lacks the knowledge, competence, and character to pursue this sensible course, and his cavalier approach to foreign policy is likely to damage America’s international position significantly.; (AN 44883457)
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2.

Still ‘the human thing’? Technology, human agency and the future of war by Coker, Christopher. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p23-38, 16p; Abstract: Is war beginning to escape human control? Thucydides tells us the war is one of the things that makes us definitively human; but how long will this continue to be the case as our relationship with technology continues to develop? Kenneth Waltz’s book Man, the State and Waraffords one way of answering that question. So too does Nikolaas Tinbergen’s framework for understanding human behaviour and Bruno Latour’s Actor–Network Theory (ANT). The main focus of this article is the extent to which we will diminish or enhance our own agency as human beings, especially when we come to share the planet with an intelligence higher than our own.; (AN 44883454)
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3.

Actorness and trade negotiating outcomes: West Africa and the SADC Group in negotiations for Economic Partnership Agreements by Hulse, Merran. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p39-59, 21p; Abstract: In 2014, the EU concluded Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with several African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) regions. These EPAs represent some of the most advanced examples of interregional cooperation. Yet, the outcomes of EPA negotiations are not the same across all regions. This article investigates differences in negotiated outcomes and argues that regional actorness – the ability of regions to become identifiable, to aggregate the interests of member states, to formulate collective goals and to make and implement decisions – influences regions’ ability to navigate interregional trade negotiations. In a comparison of the actorness and negotiated outcomes of West Africa and the SADC EPA Group, the article shows that actorness matters for international negotiations: regions with higher levels of actorness can negotiate better outcomes even under conditions of stark power asymmetry.; (AN 44883456)
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4.

Unipolarity’s unpeacefulness and US foreign policy: consequences of a ‘coherent system of irrationality’ by Karkour, Haro L. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p60-79, 20p; Abstract: Drawing on Hans J. Morgenthau, this article argues that a key contributor to the unpeacefulness of the post–Cold War unipolar order was the irrationality of US foreign policy. Post–Cold War US foreign policy was irrational in that it failed to base its strategy on the prudent evaluation of the empirical facts in the social and political context in which it was formulated. Instead, it reinterpreted reality in terms of a simplistic picture of the world as accepted by US policymakers a priori, and sought the use of military force as the sole national security strategy to impose the inviolability of the ideals entailed in this picture. This turned post–Cold War US foreign policy into a self-contradictory endeavour as far as the results were concerned: not only did it confuse desirable for essential interests in standardising the enemy – whether Milosevic, Saddam or Qaddafi – to fit the a priori categorisation, but it also opened a gap between the desirable and the possible. For one thing such an irrational post–Cold War US foreign policy failed to accommodate or annul was the empirical reality of conflicting interests in the social and political contexts upon which it sought to impose its a priori picture. This resulted in consequences that were untenable from the standpoint of US objectives and international peace and security, contributing, overall, to the unpeacefulness of the post–Cold War unipolar order.; (AN 44883452)
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5.

Security privatisation at sea: Piracy and the commercialisation of vessel protection by Cusumano, Eugenio; Ruzza, Stefano. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p80-103, 24p; Abstract: In 2011, the growing number of pirate attacks prompted several flag states to authorise the use of armed guards aboard vessels. Despite facing the same threat, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Italy have adopted three distinct approaches to securing their merchant ships, ranging from the exclusive use of private security companies (PSCs) to the employment of military personnel only. This article conducts a congruence testing of the main theoretical explanations for the use of PSCs on land against UK, Dutch and Italian vessel protection policies. By relying on sequencing as a technique for theoretical synthesis, we develop a multicausal explanation of states’ vessel protection arrangements, showing the varying influence of functionalist, ideational, organisational and political drivers of security privatisation at different phases of the policy process.; (AN 44883460)
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6.

Global justice: Shaped rather than found by Shapcott, Richard. International Relations, March 2018, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 1 p104-123, 20p; Abstract: This article argues that global egalitarian accounts of global justice are insufficient and inappropriate to the task of thinking globally about justice. This article argues that the most pervasive approaches to cosmopolitanism, and in particular global egalitarian accounts, are of limited utility because they assume the existence of suitable preconditions which are absent, in particular the lack of a global reflective equilibrium. In so doing, they ignore the requisite precondition for their own thought to be either persuasive or possible as a basis for genuine conduct or institutional reform. This article argues that the task for cosmopolitan thought is to think about how cosmopolitanism can in the words of Richard Rorty be ‘shaped rather than found’ and what that would mean for how we construct accounts of global justice and other pressing cosmopolitan issues. It concludes that developing a theory of global justice requires at least a theoretical engagement with non-Western political thought.; (AN 44883455)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 42, no. 4, Spring 2018

Record

Results

1.

Editors' Note International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p3-3, 1p; (AN 45511951)
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2.

Summaries International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p5-8, 4p; (AN 45511950)
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3.

Why America's Grand Strategy Has Not Changed: Power, Habit, and the U.S. Foreign Policy Establishment by Porter, Patrick. International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p9-46, 38p; Abstract: Why has U.S. grand strategy persisted since the end of the Cold War? Despite shocks such as the 2008 global financial crisis and the costs of the war in Iraq—circumstances that ought to have stimulated at least a revision—the United States remains committed to a grand strategy of “primacy.” It strives for military preponderance, dominance in key regions, the containment and reassurance of allies, nuclear counterproliferation, and the economic “Open Door.” The habitual ideas of the U.S. foreign policy establishment, or the “Blob,” make U.S. grand strategy hard to change. The United States' military and economic capabilities enable the U.S. government to pursue primacy, but the embedded assumptions of the Blob make primacy the seemingly natural choice. Thanks to the Blob's constraining power, alternative grand strategies based on restraint and retrenchment are hardly entertained, and debate is narrowed mostly into questions of execution and implementation. Two cases—the presidency of Bill Clinton and the first year of the presidency of Donald Trump—demonstrate this argument. In each case, candidates promising change were elected in fluid conditions that we would expect to stimulate a reevaluation of the United States' commitments. In each case, the Blob asserted itself successfully, at least on the grand strategic fundamentals. Change in grand strategy is possible, but it would require shocks large enough to shake the assumptions of the status quo and a president willing to be an agent of change and prepared to absorb the political costs of overhauling Washington's traditional design.; (AN 45511946)
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4.

Do U.S. Drone Strikes Cause Blowback? Evidence from Pakistan and Beyond by Shah, Aqil. International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p47-84, 38p; Abstract: Many analysts argue that U.S. drone strikes generate blowback: by killing innocent civilians, such strikes radicalize Muslim populations at the local, national, and even transnational levels. This claim, however, is based primarily on anecdotal evidence, unreliable media reports, and advocacy-driven research by human rights groups. Interview and survey data from Pakistan, where, since 2004, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has launched more than 430 drone strikes, show little or no evidence that drone strikes have a significant impact on militant Islamist recruitment either locally or nationally. Rather, the data reveal the importance of factors such as political and economic grievances, the Pakistani state's selective counterterrorism policies, its indiscriminate repression of the local population, and forced recruitment of youth by militant groups. Similarly, trial testimony and accounts of terrorists convicted in the United States, as well as the social science scholarship on Muslim radicalization in the United States and Europe, provide scant evidence that drone strikes are the main cause of militant Islamism. Instead, factors that matter include a transnational Islamic identity's appeal to young immigrants with conflicted identities, state immigration and integration policies that marginalize Muslim communities, the influence of peers and social networks, and online exposure to violent jihadist ideologies within the overall context of U.S. military interventions in Muslim countries.; (AN 45511947)
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5.

U.S.-China Rivalry in Southeast Asia: Power Shift or Competitive Coexistence? by Shambaugh, David. International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p85-127, 43p; Abstract: U.S.-China comprehensive competition is currently playing out on an increasingly global scale. The competition's primary locus is the vast Indo-Asia-Pacific region, and it is centered in Southeast Asia. The United States and China each possess comparative advantages in the region. Beijing's advantages are predominantly economic and diplomatic, whereas Washington's are more multifaceted. Although the Barack Obama administration's “pivot” significantly raised the U.S profile in Southeast Asia, China has also expanded its presence and influence. The two powers are increasingly locked in a classic strategic competition, but the pervasive media narrative in the region holds that China is gaining the upper hand. While this gravitation toward Beijing has become a popular meme, it is not empirically accurate—as the United States still possesses substantial overall advantages. Still, the regional balance is dynamic, and the United States needs to remain comprehensively engaged—or else the balance of influence will default to China. At present, the Sino-American competition in Southeast Asia is not (yet) acute and zero-sum. Therefore, the two powers should be able to manage their tensions, limit their rivalry, and practice competitive coexistence.; (AN 45511944)
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6.

Active Denial: Redesigning Japan's Response to China's Military Challenge by Heginbotham, Eric; Samuels, Richard J.. International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p128-169, 42p; Abstract: The growth of Chinese military power poses significant challenges to Japan. China's military spending, which was half that of Japan's in 1996, is now three and a half times as large. Japan has taken a range of measures to buttress its military forces and loosen the restrictions on their operations, but much remains to be done. Most important, Tokyo needs to reexamine its strategy to maximize Japan's deterrent leverage. Of the three general approaches to conventional deterrence—punishment, forward defense, and denial—Japan's best option is to shift to a denial strategy. Such a strategy, built around a resilient force that can survive attack and attrite an encroaching adversary, can make the risks to a potential attacker unacceptably high. In Japan's case, such a strategy would leverage the inherent dangers that Beijing would face in contemplating a prolonged war against Japan and its U.S. ally. The strategy, updated to reflect the imperatives of air and maritime warfare in the precision strike era, would require a high level of dispersion and mobility and might therefore be labeled “active denial.” Adopting an active denial strategy would buttress Japan's defense and deterrent capability while reducing first-strike incentives and improving crisis stability.; (AN 45511945)
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7.

Markets or Mercantilism? How China Secures Its Energy Supplies by Lind, Jennifer; Press, Daryl G.. International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p170-204, 35p; Abstract: Since oil began fueling the global economy, governments have employed policies of “energy mercantilism” to secure access to this key input. Critics of these policies claim they are unnecessary because oil can be acquired on global markets. Countries such as China that engage in energy mercantilism are thus neither enhancing their energy security nor threatening others' access to oil. These critics, however, misunderstand the logic of energy mercantilism, which is rooted in the economics and business literatures on supply chain management. Firms and states are correct to worry about access to critical supplies under four conditions: imperfect contracting, supplier collusion, geographic concentration, and high risk of conflict. All of these conditions plague the oil industry. Likewise, the energy mercantilist policies that critics deride are analogous to the strategies that firms adopt to protect their supply chains. China's steps to ensure access to oil have enhanced its energy security and reduced U.S. coercive options toward Beijing. More broadly, the unfolding competition over energy access highlights the lingering power of mercantilism, even in this age of economic globalization and the apparent triumph of market liberalism.; (AN 45511948)
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8.

Index to International SecurityVolume 42 (Summer 2017–Spring 2018) International Security, Spring 2018, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p205-207, 3p; (AN 45511949)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 53, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Liberal Order and its Contestations. A Conceptual Framework by Alcaro, Riccardo. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p1-10, 10p; (AN 44999003)
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2.

Diversity Management: Regionalism and the Future of the International Order by Grevi, Giovanni. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p11-27, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe ongoing redistribution of power on the international stage points to a more decentred international system featuring a multiplication of governance arrangements. A larger range of pivotal countries have the capacity and the confidence to pursue different priorities, a development that questions the prevalent post-Cold War expectation that the liberal international order would grow both wider and deeper. The central challenge for the future of the international order is managing diversity in ways that minimise conflict and leverage the benefits of interdependence. The evolution of regionalism and regional orders will be a critical dimension of the realignment of power, interests and normative agendas at the global level. Both more competition and more cooperation are likely to take place at the regional level, with the mix changing in different parts of the world. Provided that it is not merely a cover for coercive hegemonic aspirations and that it is designed to complement other levels of cooperation, regionalism can play an important role in preventing a more polycentric world from becoming a more fragmented and unstable one.; (AN 44999001)
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3.

Present at the Destruction? The Liberal Order in the Trump Era by Peterson, John. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p28-44, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe election of Donald Trump in 2016 sent shock waves across political classes globally and prompted debates about whether his ‘America first’ agenda threatened the liberal international order. During his first year in office, Trump seemed determined to undermine the hallmarks of the liberal international order: democracy, liberal economics and international cooperation. So, are we witnessing the emergence of a “post-liberal” and “post-American” era? Four sources of evidence help frame – if not answer – the question: history, the crisis of liberal democracy, Trump’s world view, and the power of civil society (globally and nationally) to constrain any US President. They yield three main judgements. First, continuity often trumps change in US foreign policy. Second, the liberal international order may have been more fragile pre-Trump than was widely realised. Third, American power must be put at the service of its own democracy if the US is to become the example to the world it used to be.; (AN 44999002)
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4.

The EU and the Global Order: Contingent Liberalism by Smith, Michael H.; Youngs, Richard. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p45-56, 12p; Abstract: AbstractPoliticians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order.; (AN 44999005)
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5.

Global Reordering and China’s Rise: Adoption, Adaptation and Reform by Breslin, Shaun. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p57-75, 19p; Abstract: AbstractWhile much of the debate over the implications of China’s rise tends to dichotomise around either status quo or revisionist predictions, the reality seems to lie somewhere in between. In broad terms, China has embraced multilateral forms of cooperation and governance. This does not mean, however, that it is satisfied with the distribution of power in many international institutions, or some of the norms and principles that underpin them. This has resulted in a reformist position, with China increasingly willing to offer its own supplementary alternatives. China’s rise has also provided an important economic alternative to dealing with the West, and considerably undermined the ability of others to establish their preferences and world views. China’s lack of commitment to democracy and the external promotion of human rights remains a key reason why some analysts remain unconvinced about the long-term ambitions of an illiberal actor in a global liberal order.; (AN 44999006)
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6.

Russia’s Neorevisionist Challenge to the Liberal International Order by Romanova, Tatiana. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p76-91, 16p; Abstract: Abstract A conventional opinion is that Russia is trying to destroy the liberal international order. Russia indeed defies it, but also justifies its foreign policy with the liberal order’s normative frameworks and reproaches the West for not standing up to these norms. Moreover, Moscow does not present any alternative vision. Russia complains about the internal contradictions of the liberal order: sovereignty vs. intervention, pluralism vs. universality, US hegemony vs. equality and democracy, although it also exploits these contradictions. In fact Russia demands an adjustment of the liberal order rather than its eradication and should, therefore, be classified as a neorevisionist power. Two elements underlie Russia’s at times aggressive foreign policy conduct. The first one, its feeling of being ill-accommodated in the present order, predefines the direction of the policy. The second, the prioritisation of foreign policy over domestic reforms, explains the intensity of Russian discontent and its occasional aggressive manifestations. Russia’s domestic consensus regarding its foreign policy, including views on the liberal international order, facilitates this aggressiveness. Three policy conclusions can be drawn: acknowledging that Russia uses the inherent contradictions of the liberal international order opens up possibilities for dialogue and an eventual overcoming of the crisis; the survival and strengthening of the liberalorder depends on its embrace of all major players, including Russia, and hence, the need for some adjustments to the order itself; and finally such adjustments presuppose Russia’s readiness to shoulder responsibility for the (reformed) liberal international order.; (AN 44999004)
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7.

India’s Role in a Liberal Post-Western World by Saran, Samir. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p92-108, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAfter a period of significant gains, achieved largely through the establishment of institutions that promoted international liberalism, the global order today finds itself at a crucial juncture. Rising inequality, the proliferation of nationalist politics, technology-induced disruptions and the resurgence of zero-sum geopolitics, are all beginning to shake the foundations of the global governance architecture built assiduously over the past 70 years. It is clear that the liberal order, as it is frequently referred to, will not be able to sustain its influence in the 21stcentury unless it finds new torchbearers in Asia, where politics and economics are scripting a story very different from that of post-war Europe. To some, it is evident that India, which has successfully combined economic growth with its own liberal traditions, will indeed be the heir to and guarantor of this system as an emerging and leading power.; (AN 44999008)
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8.

Lost in Transition: The Liberal International Order in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus by Delcour, Laure. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p109-121, 13p; Abstract: AbstractWhile espoused by the newly independent states after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the liberal order has not taken root in interstate relations and is now openly contested in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus. However, the challenges presented (primarily by Russia) to the international order also trigger growing contestation, in several Eastern European and South Caucasus countries, of an existing regional order premised on Russian hegemony. Therefore, the picture that emerges from these multiple contestations is not an alternative regional order, but rather overlapping orders in a fragmented region.; (AN 44999009)
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9.

The Middle East’s Troubled Relationship with the Liberal International Order by Salem, Paul. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p122-137, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe Middle East has had a complex relationship with the so-called liberal international order. Many peoples and elites of the region welcomed the promise, and promises, of the liberal order after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and sought to integrate into it; for other peoples and elites, there have been negative reactions and resistance to it. Today, a majority of countries are integrated, at least nominally, into the global order, while some are decidedly still in systemic challenge with it. The Middle East has also had difficulty in cohering as a region; the condition today is one of collapsed regional order and proxy conflict.; (AN 44999007)
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10.

Order and Contestation in the Asia-Pacific Region: Liberal vs Developmental/Non-interventionist Approaches by Stubbs, Richard. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p138-151, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe United States/European-inspired liberal international order has long been challenged in the Asia-Pacific. During the Cold War years, Washington sponsored a developmental, state-interventionist order to contain the threat from Asian communism. This developmental order persisted even as the end of the Cold War allowed the US to promote a liberal regional order. Moreover, after the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the US was increasing constrained by its post-9/11 preoccupation with the Middle East, the rise of China, its responsibility for the Great Recession of 2008-09 and the infighting that consumed Washington. While elements of a liberal order can be found in the Asia-Pacific today, they must continue to contend with non-interventionist and developmental values still found in the region.; (AN 44999010)
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11.

Contestation and Transformation. Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order by Alcaro, Riccardo. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p152-167, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe liberal international order, the inseparable mix of US geopolitical power and ideational project of organising international relations along normative frameworks such as internationalism, institutionalism and democracy, is reeling under the pressure of profound systemic changes such as greater interconnectedness and multipolarity. Predictions abound that increasing great power competition, most visibly at play in geographical areas of contested orders, will eventually tear it down. However, even if major actors – the US included – display a selective, irregular and often instrumental commitment to the liberal order, they are still repositioning themselves in that order and not outside of it. In addition, conflict is not the default outcome of order contestation, as hybrid forms of governance are possible even in troubled regions. No doubt, the world of tomorrow will be less American-shaped and less liberal, but transformation is a more plausible future than collapse for the liberal order.; (AN 44999013)
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12.

Fragile Europe by Jones, Erik. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p168-171, 4p; (AN 44999011)
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13.

Tales from a Post-Dollar World. How America’s Growing Deficit and a Euro-Renminbi Axis Could Accelerate the Demise of the Greenback by Casarini, Nicola. International Spectator, January 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p172-176, 5p; (AN 44999012)
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