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RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

E - I

Journal titles: EAST EUROPEAN POLITICS --- INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR

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1

East European Politics
Volume 35, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Five years after: the role of international actors in the “Ukraine Crisis” by Wittke, Cindy; Rabinovych, Maryna. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p259-263, 5p; (AN 50803611)
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2.

The Minsk Agreements – more than “scraps of paper”? by Wittke, Cindy. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p264-290, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe implementation of the Minsk Agreements has been flawed and failure-prone, but they remain the key politico-legal frameworks of reference for addressing conflict transformation and settlement in East Ukraine. This article investigates how and why the Minsk Agreements’ troubled implementation has been shaped by typical or non- typical characteristics of contemporary internationalised and legalised peace agreements. It helps to unpack the Minsk Agreements’ “limbo between failing and the imperative of not failing”, leading to a discussion of ways to approach the negotiation and implementation of peace agreements from pragmatic perspectives beyond the binary distinction between success and failure.; (AN 50803612)
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3.

No way out? Opportunities for mediation efforts in the Donbas region by Landwehr, Jakob. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p291-310, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines why the Minsk II Agreement has been unsuccessful in achieving sustainable peace and focuses on the conflict mediators’ role in overcoming the stalemate. Based on negotiation theory, the underlying issues and circumstances before Minsk II and during the implementation process until 2019 are identified. The article postulates types of mediation leverage to overcome the stalemate. The findings reveal that United Nations peacekeepers could change the stalemate under certain conditions, whereas sanctions would be unlikely to critically influence the bargaining position, and increased United States involvement could have an impact on the conflict resolution.; (AN 50803613)
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4.

The stabilisation dilemma: conceptualising international responses to secession and de facto states by Relitz, Sebastian. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p311-331, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDe facto states challenge traditional concepts of statehood, the territorial integrity of their metropolitan states and the stability of the international system. This article argues that international organisations (IOs) and states face one major dilemma in their responses to such disputed entities and the protracted conflicts around them – the “stabilisation dilemma”. The stabilisation dilemma explains why the international community struggles to respond to unilateral secession and as a consequence acts ambiguously. By developing and applying this dilemma to Ukraine and beyond, this article contributes to the conceptualisation and better understanding of international responses towards (evolving) de facto states.; (AN 50803614)
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5.

EU's development policy vis-à-vis Ukraine after the Euromaidan: securitisation, state-building and integration by Rabinovych, Maryna. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p332-350, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on key trends in EU development policy regarding post-Euromaidan Ukraine against the background of the EU's commitment to the implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The trends considered include comprehensiveness of the policy response, stronger coordination and coherence, security-development nexus, and policy securitisation, as well as values in development policy. This article touches upon the interplay of the EU's foreign, security, and development policies in the Eastern Neighbourhood; the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the implementation of SDGs; and the role of development policy in the EU's Integrated Approach to External Conflicts and Crises.; (AN 50803615)
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6.

The project of Europe: a robust attempt to redefine Georgian identity by Gamkrelidze, Tamar. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p351-371, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article relates to the undertakings of the United National Movement (UNM) government that focus on the redefinition of political identity and are in line with the European project in the period of 2004–2012. The European project was introduced in Georgia by President Saakashvili and his government after assuming power in 2004. The study attempts to answer the following question: To what extent did the UNM government manage to revise Georgian political identity through the European project? The research demonstrates that within the framework the European project the UNM government targeted, ontological and normative notions of the cognitive structure of the Georgian identity, out of which normative principles were partially handled, while ontological content underwent substantial change. Hence, the impact of the European project is mixed but still considerable.; (AN 50803616)
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7.

Whose skin is in the game? Party candidates in the Czech Republic by Hájek, Lukáš. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p372-394, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTParty candidates are the essence of parties. They represent parties in public and importantly, bring them into office and power. Thus, I track more than 150,000 personally unique local elections party candidates in the Czech Republic between 1994 and 2018. The results show that the running party members usually compose 20–60% of parties' members. The average age of the party candidates often increases together with parties' ageing. During the last 25 years, the share of educated, and female party candidates rose notably. Finally, the research design allows tracking party-switching between the years of local elections.; (AN 50803617)
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8.

Soviet religious policy in Estonia and Latvia: playing harmony in the singing revolution by Ramet, Sabrina P.. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p395-396, 2p; (AN 50803618)
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9.

EU enlargement and civil society in the Western Balkans. From mobilisation to empowerment by Trupia, Francesco. East European Politics, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p396-399, 4p; (AN 50803619)
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2

European Foreign Affairs Review
Volume 24, no. 2, August 2019

Record

Results

1.

Foreword by O’Sullivan, David. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p1-2, 2p; (AN 50692787)
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2.

Broadening Soft Power in EU-US Relations by Schunz, Simon; Scott-Smith, Giles; Langenhove, Luk Van. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p3-19, 17p; Abstract: This article introduces the research problem and questions guiding the special issue, situating them  in the relevant academic context with references to the literature on soft power and its historical and contemporary relevance for the transatlantic relationship. Based on a reconceptualization of the notion of soft power in the context of ‘Transatlantica’, defined as the political and geographical space inhabited by the EU and the US, it provides an overview of the key insights of the research articles and synthesizes the findings emerging from the different policy domains studied in the special issue. It concludes by deriving the broader conceptual insights – in particular an expanded conception of soft power – as well as the normative, policy-relevant implications from these findings.; (AN 50692788)
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3.

Transatlantic Cultural Relations, Soft Power, and the Role of US Cultural Diplomacy in Europe by Scott-Smith, Giles. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p21-41, 21p; Abstract: This article considers the cultural relationship in the transatlantic space from the perspective of US cultural diplomacy. It interprets cultural diplomacy as the mobilization of soft power resources in the support of foreign policy goals, as distinct from the cultural relations pursued by non-state actors. During the second half of the twentieth century, a large-scale investment by US cultural diplomacy was aimed at developing and nurturing the cultural ties with Europe, as part of the wider integration of (Western, later also Eastern) Europe into a US-led world order. This involved combining the unique outreach possibilities provided by the appeal and excellence of US cultural producers with an anti-communist agenda that sought to reverse the negative perception of the United States as culturally ‘barren’. This effort declined following the end of the Cold War, since it was no longer considered important. The shock of 9/11 once again directed attention to how the US portrays itself abroad, reviving interest in cultural diplomacy and generating a wide range of programmes to (re-)engage with European publics, particularly minorities. The article begins by introducing the concept of cultural diplomacy, and examining its uses during the Cold War. It then evaluates the specific cultural tools that have been used to establish transatlantic connections in the wake of 9/11. It concludes by considering the growing significance of the ‘transnational transatlantic’ for developing goal-driven ties between the US and Europe across a range of issues.; (AN 50692789)
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4.

Diversity without Unity: The European Union’s Cultural Diplomacy vis-à-vis the United States by Schunz, Simon; Trobbiani, Riccardo. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p43-62, 20p; Abstract: This article examines how, to what extent and why the European Union (EU) engages in cultural diplomacy (CD) vis-à-vis the United States (US). While providing an empirical review of and conceptual reflection on the current state of the EU’s (including key Member States’ (MS’)) CD efforts vis-à-vis the US, it also strives to explain the forms of this activity. It finds that a complex, multi-level, multi-actor, multifaceted and multipurpose EU CD in the US currently exists, which displays ‘diversity without unity’ and faces several incoherencies. This finding can be explained primarily by a latent competition for attention between EU MS. The article concludes by reflecting on how a more coherent EU CD could be achieved, thereby helping to reinvigorate EU-US relations.; (AN 50692790)
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5.

Evolution of Science Diplomacy and Its Local-Global Applications by Berkman, Paul Arthur. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p63-79, 17p; Abstract: The unambiguous reality of human civilization is that we now are globally interconnected. This fact is revealed by ‘world wars’, which happened for the first time in the history of humankind only in the last century. In context, global human population size has grown more than 1000% since the advent of the nation-state with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. During this period, the influence of Science, Technology and Innovation (STI) has been expanding, certainly since the industrial revolution around 1800 when the human population reached 1 billion, accelerating to 8 billion people as we enter the next decade during our digital revolution. The challenges are on a planetary scale, as reflected further by concern about Earth’s climate, crossing the spectrum of sub-national to international jurisdictions with the nation-state at the centre. As an example, science diplomacy from the polar regions illustrates how transatlantic science relations are embedded into a global context. With hope and inspiration from the perspective of a practitioner and observer, the evolution of science diplomacy is shared herein with local-global applications as an international, interdisciplinary and inclusive (holistic) process, involving informed decision-making to balance national interests and common interests for the benefit of all on Earth across generations.; (AN 50692791)
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6.

The EU’s Approach to Transatlantic Science and Research Relations: Between ‘Laissez Faire’ and ‘Science Diplomacy’ by Prange-Gstöhl, Heiko. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p81-98, 18p; Abstract: This article assesses and explains the emergence, forms and extent of the EU-US science and research relations. It does so through the lens of ‘soft power’ since international cooperation in science and research is increasingly seen as an instrument of ‘soft power’ and a mechanism for improving international relations more generally. Drawing on the concept of ‘actorness’ I argue that the forms of engagement with the US are limited to a ‘laissez faire’ approach combined with elements of ‘science diplomacy’. However, there is no evidence that the EU uses science and research actively as a ‘soft power’ tool by trying to shape the behaviour of actors in order to push for policy outcomes the EU wants to see in other policy areas. As long as science and research policy in the EU is characterized by both a highly fragmented governance structure, and competitiveness and sovereignty concerns amongst Member States, the use of science and research as a ‘soft power’ tool in transatlantic relations remains uncharted territory.; (AN 50692792)
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7.

Higher Education Diplomacy in Transatlantic Relations: A US Perspective by Rumbley, Laura E.; Brajkovic, Lucia; Helms, Robin Matross. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p99-118, 20p; Abstract: From the US perspective, transatlantic relations in higher education have long been characterized by both strong affinities and substantial differences. The affinities turn on a series of perceived shared values between US and European higher education institutions. Diverging perspectives in relation to higher education in the United States and in Europe can be seen in relation to such matters as the degree to which higher education may be considered a public or private good, and with respect to questions of who should shoulder the costs of education. In the contemporary context, the forces of globalization serve to both foster and complicate transatlantic diplomatic engagement via higher education, as both competition and collaboration are elevated by globalization’s dynamics. Meanwhile, recent nationalistic and xenophobic political and social developments in both the US and across Europe represent major challenges to international and national dynamics and to diplomatic engagement via higher education. Ultimately, however, common support for democratic principles and practices seems to position the transatlantic relationship on privileged ground. We argue that there is an urgent need today for a dynamic ‘knowledge diplomacy’ movement by the higher education sectors on both sides of the Atlantic, as a means to ensure the sustainability of longstanding partnerships and to provide the framework for rational, mutually enriching debates to deal constructively with national and cultural differences across the Atlantic.; (AN 50692793)
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8.

Rhythms of Soft Power Influence and Transatlantic Higher Education Relations by Higgott, Richard; Boers, Elke. European Foreign Affairs Review, August 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p119-136, 18p; Abstract: This article looks at transatlantic educational relations as an element of cultural relations more generally. It begins by locating higher education within the context of EU cultural diplomacy (CD) and soft power and in a comparative transatlantic context. Based on a study of key historical components in the transatlantic relationship and dialogue in higher education, it then shows how higher education relations across the Atlantic are subject to what we describe as the ‘rhythms of soft power’. The article concludes that while CD in general, and higher education relations as a component of soft power in particular, might try to assist in the mitigation of prevailing politicosecurity and economic dynamics, it is going to be an uphill battle in an era in which we are witnessing at best a crisis and at worst the pending collapse of the liberal international order.; (AN 50692794)
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3

European Security
Volume 28, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Understanding EU crisis diplomacy in the European neighbourhood: strategic narratives and perceptions of the EU in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine by Chaban, Natalia; Miskimmon, Alister; O’Loughlin, Ben. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p235-250, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis Special Issue seeks to better understand the role of communication and perception in EU crisis diplomacy. In a recent Special Issue in this journal, Catarina Kinnvall, Ian Manners and Jennifer Mitzen argue that, “ … the greatest security challenge facing people across Europe is not physical, despite the threats of Putin and ISIS, but is a sense of fear and anxiety over their daily lives” [2018. Introduction to 2018 Special Issue of European Security: “Ontological (in)security in the European Union”. European security, 27 (3), 249–265]. We take an interdisciplinary approach to widen the scope of studies on European security and offer new avenues for further research into how citizens in the EU’s neighbourhood understand the security challenges they face and the role the EU plays in addressing these. Through this, we aim to bring theoretical and methodological innovation to understanding the role of the EU as an external actor.; (AN 51069083)
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2.

Normative power Europe and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: the EU’s peacebuilding narrative meets local narratives by Müller, Patrick. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p251-267, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article conceives the EU’s normative power in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a narrative that projects views of the international system, the EU’s identity as a peacebuilder, and its positions on specific conflict issues. Highlighting the importance of local narratives as cultural filters, this article argues that a high degree of alignment of local narratives with key elements of the EU’s normative power narrative facilitates positive images of the EU as a normative power in peacebuilding, whilst diverging local narratives tend to give rise to more critical views. Yet, the case of Palestine also shows that strong narrative alignment with the EU may encourage high expectations, resulting in critical views about inconsistencies between the EU’s normative aspirations and its actual foreign policy conduct.; (AN 51069084)
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3.

Narratives of the EU in Israel/Palestine: narrative “stickiness” and the formation of expectations by Miskimmon, Alister; O’Loughlin, Ben. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p268-283, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAnalysis of narrative can help identify the expectations actors hold about each other in international relations. This article triangulates a mix of elite interviews, media content analysis and an original Q-sort public opinion methodology to map the presence of narratives about EU relations among young Israelis and Palestinians. Our aim is not to explain the effects of EU public diplomacy in these countries. Instead we aim to identify the narrative “terrain” or conditions that the EU communicates to and with and, drawing on feminist and everyday narrative studies, to examine the role of affect and identity to explain why some narratives are more “sticky” than others in those societies. We find, first, a broad recognition that the EU’s capacity to act in international relations is necessary but limited in the face of greater challenges in the international system, and indeed, within the EU itself. We find, second, little evidence that young people radically reshape the narratives they encounter in their public spheres, but nevertheless some important divisions emerge that pose problems for how EU policymakers can communicate consistently without dismaying some citizens in third countries.; (AN 51069085)
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4.

The narratives behind the EU's external perceptions: how civil society and elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine “learn” EU norms by Sabatovych, Iana; Heinrichs, Pauline; Hobova, Yevheniia; Velivchenko, Viktor. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p284-303, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe EU's normative promotion is a keystone in the arch of its Foreign and Security Policy, reflected in establishing a “ring of friends” in its neighbourhood. However, the EU's normative impact in these countries is often hindered by domestic constraints. Conversely, deeper socialisation through persuasion and “learning” may advance towards the promotion of EU norms better. By tracing the “learning” component of the EU's external perceptions in its Eastern (Ukraine) and Southern (Israel and Palestine) neighbourhoods, this paper elaborates upon the receptiveness of EU norms. Considering the specific attention that the ENP draws towards the support of civil society, this paper focuses on “learning” narratives of EU norms among civil society elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine as the key targets of EU assistance – with a particular focus on various conceptualisations of learning in the learning process. Notwithstanding perceptions of the EU as a normative power, we find that the learning processes remain too complex to be captured within a single theoretical framework. Whereas communicative rationality implies learning about each other's identities through rational arguing, our analysis demonstrates that identity performance is one of the most emotive and crucial factors in perceptions of learning.; (AN 51069086)
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5.

Narrators’ perspectives: communicating the EU in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine in times of conflict by Chaban, Natalia; Knodt, Michèle; Liekis, Šarūnas; NG, Iverson. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p304-322, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe role of newsmakers as intermediaries in the shaping of external perceptions and reception of narratives advanced by different actors remains sparse in EU studies. This contribution fills this gap and addresses the personal images of the EU of newsmakers. We contribute to the understanding of those personal perceptions and their link to professional values of audience interest, newsworthiness and objectivity in reporting the EU. The article will demonstrate that all journalists perceive EU coverage in their respective locations are led by local priorities. Negative views of the EU as a weakening, biased, ineffective, elitist and arrogant actor are dominant. Arguably, they create conditions for the birth and dissemination of Euro-distant and even Euro-sceptic media narratives. The article will explain why this is the case while drawing on political/ideational and business/financial explanations.; (AN 51069087)
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6.

Ukraine’s journey to Europe: strategic macronarrative and conceptual metaphors by Morozova, Olena. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p323-340, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInformed by strategic narrative theorisation and cognitive metaphor theory refined and expanded, this paper analyses textual and pictorial instantiations of cognitive metaphors used to describe and explain the trajectory of Ukraine’s development and form a particular narrative of this movement. Both narrative and cognitive metaphor are considered as tools for navigating experience and serving to construe its subjective images. The study focuses on the ways these tools were used by Ukrainian print media (eight influential outlets) in 2016. The outcomes demonstrate how a coherent strategic macronarrative of Ukraine’s course of development emerges from metaphoric images that survive semiotic mode changes, alternating between textual and pictorial. The macronarrative is that of Ukraine on a hero’s journey towards the European Union – a journey with political and economic implications for both Ukraine and the EU.; (AN 51069088)
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7.

Ukrainian perspectives on the Self, the EU and Russia: an intersemiotic analysis of Ukrainian newspapers by Pshenychnykh, Anastasiya. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p341-359, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper contributes to our understanding of EU-Ukraine relations by examining intersemiotic communication – how words and images, or verbal and photographic semiotic layers and their interaction, combine in the representation of international affairs. The analysis focuses on Ukraine’s perspectives of Self, the EU and Russia as presented in Ukrainian media discourse, namely, in leading Ukrainian social and political newspapers (January-June, 2016). The article presents the results of applying the cognitive theory of perspectives to research the intersemiotic and mental image of Self and Other in four aspects: a vantage point, direction of scanning, perspectival distance, and perspectival mode. Based on that, I explain the main strategic narrative of the Ukrainian press about the EU, how it is sustained, and how the image of the EU becomes pronounced.; (AN 51069089)
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8.

New media and strategic narratives: the Dutch referendum on Ukraine – EU Association Agreement in Ukrainian and Russian Internet blogs by Zhabotynska, Svitlana; Velivchenko, Valentina. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p360-381, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses two confronting narratives authored by Ukrainian and Russian bloggers who reported the Dutch referendum held on 6 March 2016, and discussed Dutch citizens’ referendum vote on the Ukraine–EU Association Agreement. The considered narratives, addressed to the Ukrainian and Russian audiences respectively, are viewed as strategic because they specifically portray political actors of the referendum “drama” – the Netherlands, the European Union (EU), Ukraine and Russia. These actors are significant participants of European international relations, and their perceptions of one another are important for European security at the present time of critical diplomacy. In this paper, information about the DUTCH REFERENDUM obtained from the new media texts is regarded as a narrative-based political concept (NBPC).It is argued that this concept has different versions, or images that reflect the narrators’ biased perceptions imposed upon the public. Identification and comparison of such images require a particular methodology. Therefore, the objective of this paper is two-fold: to expose the two confronting versions of a strategically relevant political image, and to develop an authentic, interdisciplinary methodology for its analysis. The proposed methodology is informed by the ontology theory employed in cognitive science and cognitive linguistics.; (AN 51069090)
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9.

A view from the policy community: a new strategic narrative for Europe? by Leigh, Michael. European Security, July 2019, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p382-391, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReflecting on the results presented in articles in this special issue, European leaders should take greater account of external perceptions in crafting the European Union's strategic narrative and guiding its actions. Failure to do so has impaired external policies like the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. Leaders emerging from the Arab uprisings perceived the EU as complicit with their countries’ former anciens régimes and Russian leaders see EU support for democracy and the market economy in former Soviet states as duplicitous and instrusive. Awareness of such perceptions should be filtered into EU decision-making, without validating views that European officials and diplomats consider misleading.; (AN 51069091)
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4

Global Change, Peace & Security
Volume 31, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

The battle of the story: contesting the Indian government's narratives on the ‘Maoist menace’ by Brown, Chris. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p245-262, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn its battle with the Maoist movement, the Indian government has narrated the conflict as a contest between security and threat, development and poverty, and democracy and dictatorship. Using the concept of narrative power analysis, this article critically examines these narratives and the dominant assumptions underpinning them, probing the legitimacy and accuracy of the government’s confident claims and characterisations. I argue that a prevailing attitude has been nurtured which obligingly accepts the urgency of militaristic security, the need for neoliberal development and the benevolence of Indian parliamentary democracy. But in propagating these narratives, these highly contested ideas have been reduced to superficial concepts which, though touted as the solutions to the conflict, actually represent, in their superficiality, some of the fundamental injustices underpinning it.; (AN 50865200)
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2.

Sexual and gender-based violence: the case for transformative justice in Cambodia by Szablewska, Natalia; Jurasz, Olga. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p263-282, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to advance the idea of transformative justice by building on and expanding the notion of ‘justice’ beyond that traditionally offered by transitional justice discourse and practice. The need for a paradigm shift is warranted by the continued high levels of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), directed predominantly towards women, experienced in post-conflict contexts. Using the example of Cambodia, we argue that the scale of SGBV in a post-conflict country can be an indicator of the extent of ‘transformative’ change taking place, and, thus, of the success of transitional justice processes and democracy consolidation, particularly regarding gender equality. Gender equality is essential for democratisation, as democracy should be both a political and a social project. Thus, democracy- and peace-building efforts require challenging entrenched power hierarchies and deep-rooted gender inequality, of which SGBV is symptomatic.; (AN 50865201)
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3.

Disaster relief, international status and regional order: a case study of Typhoon Haiyan by Salmons, Richard. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p283-301, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInternational military cooperation in disaster relief has become a useful illustration of Asia-Pacific regional order building in action. This is because contemporary Asia-Pacific order-building involves constant renegotiation of the existing regional hierarchy, so that states engaging in disaster relief are also competing for international standing. We should expect that disaster cooperation establishes standing because it lets these states at once demonstrate material power, establish practical international ties, and build legitimacy. These are each key building-blocks of international order. A case study of the contributions of Japan and China in response to Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines in 2013 shows disaster responses mirroring patterns of status-seeking that have been highlighted in recent IR literature. Japan’s disaster contribution may have clarified and strengthened its role as a security partner in South-East Asia, while China has since worked to raise its profile as a provider of international humanitarian assistance.; (AN 50865202)
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4.

Happiness as a measurement and goal of peacebuilding by Özerdem, Alpaslan. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p303-322, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Global Peace Index (GPI) measures how ‘peaceful’ countries are, while the World Happiness Report (WHR) index measures how ‘happy’ their citizens are. But when compared side by side, the two sets of findings conspicuously do not match – apparently indicating that people who live in peace do not always live in happiness. To grapple with this interesting dissonance, let us assume that happiness is the ultimate goal in life – as proposed by the Benthamite philosophy – and that peace is therefore an instrumental good, much like health, freedom and autonomy. Once this is taken on principle, it follows that peacebuilding’s overall goal should be to make sure conflict-affected communities are happy. This paper investigates what the results of peacebuilding would look like if they were measured using the GPI and WHR at the same time. Using the former Yugoslavia countries as a case study, it asks whether these countries’ post-conflict experiences of peacebuilding can help explain their WHR and GPI results. The intention is to start a meaningful debate on what peacebuilding’s overall objective should be – and to examine whether the measurement of happiness could be a useful starting point.; (AN 50865203)
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5.

The humanitarian assistance dilemma explained: the implications of the refugee crisis in Tanzania in 1994 by Lung, Wen-Chin. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p323-340, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the good intention of humanitarian agencies, humanitarian assistance and relief aid exacerbated the humanitarian crisis in Tanzania during 1994. In the case of Tanzania, humanitarian assistance relieved belligerents’ burden of sustaining conflicts, created safe spaces for armed combatants, undermined local economies, bestowed legitimacy upon belligerents, and fed armed combatants. This situation hence posed the typical humanitarian assistance dilemma for humanitarian agencies. While most scholars and aid practitioners suggest that humanitarian agencies should withdraw their assistance in these contexts given aid's apparent negative impact, there is relatively little research that properly identifies different kinds of ethical constraints and moral dilemmas that have long challenged humanitarian agencies. Referencing the case of late twentieth-century Tanzania, this article contextualises the humanitarian assistance dilemma and systematically examines the ethical predicaments that surround it. Its analysis sheds light on moral quandaries that humanitarian agencies need to address in conflict situations.; (AN 50865204)
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6.

From demonisation to rapprochement: Abiy Ahmed’s early reforms and implications of the coming together of Ethiopia and Eritrea by Ylönen, Aleksi. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p341-349, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn July 2018, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a historic peace agreement. The emergence of new leadership in Ethiopia was key to the unprecedented coming together between the two countries. This piece briefly discusses Ethiopia-Eritrea relations, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s ascent to power and the reconciliation between the two counties. It contends that the agreement is likely to affect the domestic political landscape in each country, while also affecting inter-state relations in the Horn of Africa.; (AN 50865205)
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7.

Political dialogue in Côte d’Ivoire: a difficult, but exemplary task. Could the Ivory Coast become a role model of multi-dimensional reconciliation for other African nations? by Benedikter, Roland; Ouedraogo, Ismaila; Tsedze, William Mensa. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p351-360, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn Côte d’Ivoire, eight years after the civil war, initiatives for improving the conditions of a still-polarised society through parallel civil and political reconciliation mechanisms are underway. Institutionalised reconciliation commissions are flanked by new electoral alliances and the return of well-known players. All of these trajectories have the ability to further dialogue if they overcome narrow group interests and dedicate themselves to the greater good of the country, i.e. if they join forces, at least to some extent. Democratisation as a common goal will play a crucial role in every regard. If combined and successful, these initiatives could turn out to be exemplary for other Sub-Saharan African nations too – but only if everything goes extremely well, and all actors accept the teachings of the case and are willing to compromise on multiple levels, write Roland Benedikter, Ismaila Ouedraogo and William Mensa Tsedse.; (AN 50865206)
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8.

China-Oman relations and the Indian Ocean security dilemma by Legrenzi, Matteo; Lawson, Fred H.. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p361-366, 6p; (AN 50865207)
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9.

Securitising identity: the case of the Saudi state by Partrick, Neil. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p367-368, 2p; (AN 50865208)
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10.

East Asia's other miracle: explaining the decline of mass atrocities by Pattabi Raman, Sanjana. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p368-370, 3p; (AN 50865209)
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11.

Global security cultures by Alunni, Alice. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p370-371, 2p; (AN 50865210)
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12.

Vanguard of the imam: religion, politics, and Iran’s revolutionary guards by Alemzadeh, Maryam. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p371-373, 3p; (AN 50865211)
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13.

Peace photography by Nelson, Toby. Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p373-374, 2p; (AN 50865212)
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14.

Correction Global Change, Peace & Security, September 2019, Vol. 31 Issue: Number 3 p375-376, 2p; (AN 50865213)
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5

Global Environmental Politics
Volume 19, no. 2, May 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Hoffmann, Matthew; Bernstein, Steven; Weinthal, Erika. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p1-3, 3p; (AN 50198301)
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2.

Being There: International Negotiations as Study Sites in Global Environmental Politics by O’Neill, Kate; Haas, Peter M.. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p4-13, 10p; Abstract: This forum traces the emergence of international negotiations as study sites in the field of global environmental politics, from its early days until the present. It sets the scene for the research articles in this special section, outlining why their contributions are timely, and takes advantage of advances in methods and conceptual analysis. The articles in this special section suggest the value of direct observation and ethnography in driving conceptual innovation and understanding how power and influence are exercised in such settings (including by the traditionally powerless). In doing so, they encourage debate over and offer new insights into processes the GEP field has been studying for close to fifty years.; (AN 50198304)
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3.

Weighting the World: IPBES and the Struggle over Biocultural Diversity by Hughes, Hannah; Vadrot, Alice B. M.. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p14-37, 24p; Abstract: This article has two aims. The first is to provide an account of the struggle over the term biocultural diversityduring the intergovernmental approval of the first IPBES thematic assessment report. Second, in detailing this struggle, we aim to contribute to scholarship on global environmental negotiating processes and the place and power of knowledge within these by introducing the notion of a weighted concept. Our analysis starts with the observation that the emergence of new scientific terms through global assessments has the potential to activate political struggle, which becomes part of the social construction of the concept and may travel with it into other international negotiating settings. By analyzing the way in which the term biocultural diversityinitiated reaction from delegates negotiating the Summary for Policy Makers of the Pollination Assessment, we illuminate the distribution of authority or symbolic power to determine its meaning and place in the text. We suggest that the weighted concept enables us to explore the forms of knowledge underpinning political order and, in this case, unpack how biocultural diversity challenges the primacy of scientific knowledge by authorizing the place of indigenous knowledge in global biodiversity politics, which initiated attempts to remove or confine its usage in the text.; (AN 50198310)
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4.

Making Influence Visible: Innovating Ethnography at the Paris Climate Summit by Marion Suiseeya, Kimberly R.; Zanotti, Laura. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p38-60, 23p; Abstract: Although Indigenous Peoples make significant contributions to global environmental governance and were prominent actors at the 2015 Paris Climate Summit, COP21, they remain largely invisible in conventional, mainstream, and academic accounts of COP21. In this article, we adopt feminist collaborative event ethnography to draw attention to often marginalized and unrecognized actors and help make visible processes that are often invisible in the study of power and influence at sites of global environmental governance. Specifically, we integrate current approaches to power from international relations and political ecology scholarship to investigate how Indigenous Peoples, critical actors for solving global environmental challenges, access, navigate, and cultivate power at COP21 to shape global environmental governance. Through conceptual and methodological innovations that illuminate how Indigenous Peoples overcome structural and spatial barriers to engagement, this article demonstrates how attention to the politics of representation through pluralistic approaches to power can help expand the repertoire of possibilities for advancing global environmental governance.; (AN 50198306)
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5.

Deliberative Ecologies: Complexity and Social–Ecological Dynamics in International Environmental Negotiations by Pickering, Jonathan. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p61-80, 20p; Abstract: Theories of complex systems can yield valuable insights for understanding the increasingly intricate networks of actors, institutions, and discourses involved in international environmental negotiations. While analysis of regimes and regime complexes has shed light on macro-level structures and relationships in global environmental politics, systemic analysis has gained less traction in making sense of micro-level interactions—such as communicative exchanges among participants—that occur within the sites of negotiation and how those interactions shape (and are shaped by) the broader dynamics of governance systems. This article shows how the conceptual lens of “deliberative ecologies” can bridge these levels of analysis by integrating theories of deliberative systems with ideas from complexity theory and social–ecological systems analysis. Drawing on evidence from United Nations climate change and biodiversity conferences between 2009 and 2018, I show how methods such as discourse analysis and process tracing can help to apply a deliberative ecologies perspective and thereby advance understanding of how discourses and deliberative practices diffuse through negotiating sites and how deliberation interacts with the social–ecological dynamics of those sites.; (AN 50198305)
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6.

Using Negotiation Sites for Richer Collection of Network Data by Paterson, Matthew. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p81-92, 12p; Abstract: Global environmental governance (GEG) is widely recognized as particularly networked. And negotiation sites are sites not only of formal decision-making processes but also of intense networking by various actors. Use of formal social network analysis to analyze both networked governance and governance networks in global environmental politics has to date mostly rested on relatively easy-to-get data, such as membership in formal organizations or treaties. These analyses give useful broad-brush analyses to help think about the social structure of environmental governance, but relatively limited inferences can be drawn about key processes that network analysis can help understand, such as learning, diffusion, and other forms of institutional interaction. This article proposes how to advance the value of the method in the field by focusing on the personal networks of actors who make up the decision-making processes in GEG. Negotiation sites could thus become important sites for collection of data about these networks, through direct observation of interactions, intensive short interviews, and surveys, in particular.; (AN 50198303)
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7.

Catastrophic Climate Risk and Brazilian Amazonian Politics and Policies: A New Research Agenda by Pereira, Joana Castro; Viola, Eduardo. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p93-103, 11p; Abstract: Climate and deforestation impacts are jeopardizing the resilience of the Amazon rainforest, one of the key elements in the Earth’s climate system whose dieback may trigger catastrophic climate change. The potential degree of climate risk that the planet is facing, and current Brazilian Amazonian politics and policies, make it alarmingly conceivable that a tipping point will be crossed that leads to savannization of the forest. However, the social science research community has not yet acknowledged this possibility. A timely revision of the research agenda is needed to address this gap.; (AN 50198311)
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8.

Discourses of Resilience in the Climate Security Debate by Ferguson, Peter. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p104-126, 23p; Abstract: The language of “resilience” features prominently in contemporary climate security debates. While a basic definition of resilience is the capacity of a system to absorb recurrent disturbances so as to retain its essential structures, processes, and feedbacks, I argue that resilience is currently articulated in four distinct ways in climate security discourse. These are strategic resilience, neoliberal resilience, social resilience, and ecological resilience. Most analyses of resilience-based security discourses have hitherto been informed by Foucauldian notions of governing populations at a distance to ensure compliance with neoliberal norms. However, in the climate security field, neoliberal resilience discourses have achieved relatively little salience, while Foucauldian accounts are largely overdetermined, thus obscuring the multiple ways in which resilience is currently articulated. In this article, I identify these disparate resilience discourses through an analysis of recent US and UK government, international organization, nongovernmental organization, and academic climate security literature. I then analyze these discourses in terms of their basic discursive structure and degree of institutionalization to clarify how dominant climate security narratives construct understandings of security and insecurity in contemporary global environmental politics. While strategic articulations are currently most conspicuous, I argue that only social and ecological resilience support long-term human flourishing and ecosystem integrity.; (AN 50198307)
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9.

The Political Economy of Carbon Capture and Storage Technology Adoption by McLean, Elena V.; Plaksina, Tatyana. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p127-148, 22p; Abstract: Carbon sequestration through capture and storage in subsurface porous geologic formations is one potential method for mitigating the problem of climate change due to emission of anthropogenic CO2. In fact, in a world highly dependent on energy derived from hydrocarbons and coal, carbon capture and storage may represent the most promising approach to maintaining industrial development in the present period, while implementing other solutions that will deliver sustainable reductions in CO2emissions in the long run. Some countries have initiated pilot and large-scale projects to develop and improve carbon capture and storage technology, while others are slow to follow. What explains this variation? We develop a theory of the political economy of technology adoption to explore conditions under which countries are more likely to implement carbon capture and storage projects. We find that the likelihood of such projects depends on governments’ policy positions and industries’ research and development capacity. Data analysis of carbon capture and storage projects provides evidence in support of our theoretical expectations.; (AN 50198309)
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10.

Coal, Climate Justice, and the Cultural Politics of Energy Transition by Brown, Benjamin; Spiegel, Samuel J.. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p149-168, 20p; Abstract: In the wake of the Paris Agreement on climate change, promises to phase out coal-fired power have suggested cause for optimism around energy transition globally. However, coal remains entangled with contentious development agendas in many parts of the world, while fossil fuel industries continue to flourish. This article discusses these entanglements through a climate justice lens that engages the cultural politics surrounding coal and energy transition. We highlight how recent struggles around phasing out coal have stimulated renewed critical debates around colonialism, empire, and capitalism more broadly, recognizing climate change as an intersectional issue encompassing racial, gender, and economic justice. With social movements locked in struggles to resist the development or expansion of coal mines, power plants, and associated infrastructure, we unpack tensions that emerge as transnational alliances connect disparate communities across the world. Our conclusion signals the need for greater critical engagement with how intersecting inequalities are coded into the cultural politics of coal, and how this shapes efforts to pursue a just transition.; (AN 50198308)
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11.

Global Governance in the Age of the Anthropocene: Are Sustainable Development Goals the Answer? by Seyedsayamdost, Elham. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p169-174, 6p; (AN 50198302)
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12.

Book Review by Hickmann, Thomas. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p175-177, 3p; (AN 50198313)
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13.

Book Review by Bartley, Tim. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p177-179, 3p; (AN 50198314)
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14.

Book Review by Ranjan, Rajiv. Global Environmental Politics, May 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p179-181, 3p; (AN 50198312)
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6

Global Governance
Volume 25, no. 2, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

“We the Peoples” by Elliott, Lorraine. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p199-216, 18p; (AN 50462666)
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2.

The Legacy of Kofi Annan by Williams, Abiodun. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p217-221, 5p; (AN 50462667)
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3.

Kofi Annan’s Public Diplomacy by Mortimer, Edward. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p222-224, 3p; (AN 50462668)
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4.

Secretary-General Kofi Annan by Sorensen, Gillian. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p225-226, 2p; (AN 50462670)
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5.

The Origins of Kofi Annan’s Leadership by Krasno, Jean. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p227-230, 4p; (AN 50462669)
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6.

Global Democracy in Decline? by Heldt, Eugenia C.; Schmidtke, Henning. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p231-254, 24p; (AN 50462671)
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7.

Unintended Consequences of the Primacy of Politics in UNPeace Operations by Gauslå Engell, Troels; Lindskov Jacobsen, Katja. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p255-276, 22p; (AN 50462672)
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8.

Power in Global Nutrition Governance by Lie, Ann Louise. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p277-303, 27p; (AN 50462673)
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9.

Club Diplomacy in the Arctic by Burke, Danita Catherine. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p304-326, 23p; (AN 50462674)
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10.

Questioning the Criminal Justice Imperative by Cullen, Miriam. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, January 2019, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p327-350, 24p; (AN 50462675)
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7

Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Volume 14, no. 1-2, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: Debating Public Diplomacy by Melissen, Jan; Wang, Jian. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p1-5, 5p; (AN 50561261)
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2.

Soft Power and Public Diplomacy Revisited by Nye, Joseph S.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p7-20, 14p; (AN 50561262)
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3.

The Tightrope to Tomorrow: Reputational Security, Collective Vision and the Future of Public Diplomacy by Cull, Nicholas J.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p21-35, 15p; (AN 50561263)
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4.

Adapting Public Diplomacy to the Populist Challenge by Cooper, Andrew F.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p36-50, 15p; (AN 50561264)
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5.

Diasporas and Public Diplomacy: Distinctions and Future Prospects by Brinkerhoff, Jennifer M.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p51-64, 14p; (AN 50561265)
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6.

The Psychology of State-Sponsored Disinformation Campaigns and Implications for Public Diplomacy by Nisbet, Erik C.; Kamenchuk, Olga. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p65-82, 18p; (AN 50561266)
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7.

Public Diplomacy in the Digital Age by Bjola, Corneliu; Cassidy, Jennifer; Manor, Ilan. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p83-101, 19p; (AN 50561267)
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8.

Digital Diplomacy: Emotion and Identity in the Public Realm by Duncombe, Constance. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p102-116, 15p; (AN 50561268)
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9.

Culture, Cultural Diversity and Humanity-centred Diplomacies by Zaharna, R.S.. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p117-133, 17p; (AN 50561269)
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10.

Public Diplomacy and Hostile Nations by Wiseman, Geoffrey. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p134-153, 20p; (AN 50561270)
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11.

US Public Diplomacy and the Terrorism Challenge by Seib, Philip. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p154-168, 15p; (AN 50561271)
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12.

The China Model of Public Diplomacy and its Future by Zhao, Kejin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p169-181, 13p; (AN 50561272)
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13.

Political Leaders and Public Diplomacy in the Contested Indo-Pacific by Byrne, Caitlin. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, January 2019, Vol. 14 Issue: Number 1-2 p182-197, 16p; (AN 50561273)
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8

Intelligence and National Security
Volume 34, no. 7, Novembe 2019

Record

Results

1.

‘Words are cheaper than bullets’: Britain’s psychological warfare in the Middle East, 1945–60 by Bennett, Huw. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p925-944, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPsychological warfare, the use of propaganda to aid military operations, acquired prominence in British strategy in the early Cold War Middle East. This article argues planning made limited progress until the 1956 Suez crisis. Suez produced optimism about propaganda’s ability to address threats from Egypt, the USSR and the Yemen. In Oman, Aden and Cyprus, psychological warfare was practiced to demoralise enemies, bolster allies and counter smears about British conduct. Only mixed results ensued though, and doubts about the military’s involvement in propaganda lingered. Psychological warfare endured because it was a cheap option that might sometimes work, and could induce opponents to surrender rather than fight on.; (AN 51156013)
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2.

The dictators’ domino theory: a Caribbean Basin anti-communist network, 1947–1952 by Moulton, Aaron Coy. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p945-961, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article uncovers a Caribbean Basin anti-communist intelligence network independent of the U.S. government and the international Cold War. Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza, Honduran dictator Tiburcio Carías, and Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo characterized local democratic developments as communist threats to their regimes’ national security. With the 1947 Cayo Confites expedition and the 1948 Costa Rican Civil War, the military dictators coalesced into an informal network that increasingly shared intelligence. Joined by the Venezuelan military junta and Fulgencio Batista’s Cuban dictatorship, members nurtured a Caribbean Basin anti-communist domino theory characterising threats to one regime as a transnational danger to regional stability.; (AN 51156014)
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3.

The CIA’s mole in the Viet Cong: learning from a rare success by Nutt, Cullen G.. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p962-979, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat does it take to cultivate spies inside an adversary’s forces? I assess efforts by the United States and South Vietnam to penetrate the Viet Cong during the Vietnam War. I offer the first extended account of the United States’ most successful intelligence penetration of the conflict. After initial recruitment by South Vietnam, a mid-level Viet Cong cadre spied for the CIA from 1969 until the end of the war. U.S. experience in this episode and others in Vietnam points up a challenge. Local allies offer expertise in identifying potential informants. But prospective spies view U.S. intelligence as more trustworthy and legitimate than local agencies with dubious operational security.; (AN 51156015)
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4.

Developing theory on the use of intelligence by non-state actors: five case studies on insurgent intelligence by Strachan-Morris, David. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p980-984, 5p; (AN 51156016)
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5.

The use of intelligence by insurgent groups: the North Vietnamese in the Second Indochina War as a case study by Strachan-Morris, David. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p985-998, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe need to define intelligence is understandable because the secrecy surrounding it can almost make it appear too amorphous to study. In most definitions, the authors not only attempt to define what intelligence is but also who does it. Until recently the focus has been on the state with occasional focus on sub-state actors such as law enforcement agencies. After 9/11 there was a shift from the study of inter-state intelligence to the use of intelligence against non-state actors such as Al Qaeda. The literature still treated these non-state actors as something to be acted upon rather than intelligence actors in their own right. By examining the North Vietnamese use of intelligence during the Second Indochina War this article takes a step to redress that oversight. This article will discuss the North Vietnamese use of intelligence in the context of definitions of intelligence and intelligence actors and will use John Gentry’s proposed model of violent non-state actor intelligence as its analytical framework.; (AN 51156017)
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6.

Intelligence in a modern insurgency: the case of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal by Jackson, Paul. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p999-1013, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOutside some well-known movements like Al Qaeda, there is little understanding of how insurgent movements in the Global South gather, process and manage intelligence. This paper is based on fieldwork in Nepal with former members of the Maoist Army. The Maoists fought a secretive insurgency war for ten years, signing a peace agreement in 2006. Fieldwork involved former combatants, intelligence officers and Maoist cadres and analyses the intelligence methodology of the Maoist insurgency, placing this in to the context of Nepal Government operations. The Maoists benefited from poor opponents but they did establish an effective system of intelligence into operations.; (AN 51156018)
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7.

Loyalist supergrass trials: an opportunity for open source intelligence? by Monaghan, Rachel. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1014-1026, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the 1980s some thirty members of paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland both republican and loyalist, agreed to provide evidence against their former colleagues in return for a reduced sentence or immunity from prosecution, a new identity and life. Such individuals became commonly known as ‘supergrasses’. This article drawing on archival and documentary research explores the potential opportunity these supergrass trials provided for republican paramilitary groups to gather open source intelligence on their loyalist counterparts. It also tracks whether individuals named by loyalist supergrasses were subsequently targeted by opposing paramilitary groups on their acquittal or release from prison.; (AN 51156019)
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8.

Getting the right picture for the wrong reasons: intelligence analysis by Hezbollah and Hamas by Bitton, Raphael. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1027-1044, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses intelligence assessment as performed by Hezbollah and Hamas and similar Violent Non-State Actors (“VNSA”). VNSA’s seek to inflict the highest level of harm on adversary states without provoking full-scale wars, which they avoid due to military asymmetry. Improved intelligence regarding a state’s cost/benefit analysis of unleashing full-scale war thus enables VNSA’s to “safely” calibrate operations to maximize harm. Such efforts might prove error-prone for three reasons: the authoritarian structure characterizing VNSAs; psychological bias regarding both self and enemy; and a “transparency fallacy” concerning target states. Assessments of Hezbollah (2006) and Hamas (2014) serve as case studies.; (AN 51156020)
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9.

Insurgents’ intelligence network and practices during the Greek Civil War by Tantalakis, Evripidis. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1045-1063, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTJohn N. Gentry argues that Violent Non-State Actors, such as insurgencies or terrorist groups, use intelligence in three ways. First and foremost, they employ intelligence to plan physical military attacks and to protect themselves from penetration and attack by government forces. Secondly, they use counterintelligence in order to ensure the survival of the insurgency and preserve the faith of their members by enforcing ideological discipline. Finally, they use information operations to shape their operational environments. This article seeks to determine what type of intelligence the Greek insurgents employed during the civil war and whether this insurgency fits Gentry’s model.; (AN 51156021)
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10.

Techniques of covert propaganda: the British approach in the mid-1960s by Cormac, Rory. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1064-1069, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn early 2019, the British government declassified a tranche of Information Research Department files. Among them is a candid and concise overview of British thinking about covert propaganda, complete with a list of examples of British forgery operations. This short piece transcribes the briefing note and provides an introduction. The document sheds new light on UK covert action, but also talks to ongoing scholarly debates in Intelligence Studies and International Relations more broadly.; (AN 51156022)
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11.

‘Graveyard of empires’: geopolitics, war and the tragedy of Afghanistan by Fergusson, James; Hughes, R. Gerald. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1070-1084, 15p; (AN 51156023)
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12.

‘The enlightened prince and the wise general’: the history of Chinese intelligence by Hughes, R. Gerald; Chen, Kai. Intelligence & National Security, November 2019, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 7 p1085-1091, 7p; (AN 51156024)
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9

International Affairs (Oxford)
Volume 95, no. 3, May 2019

Record

Results

1.

Contributors International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p3-6, 4p; (AN 50388483)
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2.

Abstracts International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p7-12, 6p; (AN 50388484)
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3.

Hybrid interference as a wedge strategy: a theory of external interference in liberal democracy by Wigell, Mikael. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p12-12, 1p; Abstract: Please note that in the originally published version of the this article, the acknowledgements section was omitted. This has since been added to the online version of the article.; (AN 50388486)
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4.

The dynamics of dissent: when actions are louder than words by Stimmer, Anette; Wisken, Lea. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p515-533, 19p; Abstract: A profusion of international norms influences state behaviour. Ambiguities and tensions in the normative framework can give rise to contestation. While research on norm contestation has focused on open debates about norms, we identify a second type of norm contestation where norms are contested through particular forms of implementation. We therefore distinguish between contestation through words and actions, that is, discursive and behavioural contestation. Discursive contestation involves debates about the meaning and/or (relative) importance of norms. Behavioural contestation, by contrast, eschews such debates. Instead, different norm understandings become apparent in the different ways in which actors shape the implementation of norms. Despite being a potentially powerful mechanism of challenging and changing norms, behavioural contestation has fallen outside the purview of the literature in part because it frequently remains below the radar. The two forms of contestation overlap when the practices of behavioural contestation are brought to the attention of and discussed by the international community. Thus, discursive and behavioural contestation are not mutually exclusive but can happen at the same time, sequentially or independently of each other. This introduction to a special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairs, on ‘The dynamics of dissent’, develops the concept of behavioural contestation and outlines triggers and effects of this hitherto under-researched expression of dissent.; (AN 50388445)
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5.

China vs the WHO: a behavioural norm conflict in the SARS crisis by Kreuder-Sonnen, Christian. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p535-552, 18p; Abstract: This article studies a conflict over two competing norms in which the actors demonstrated incompatible positions not through arguments, but through actions. During the SARS crisis, China and the World Health Organization (WHO) entered a norm conflict over the precedence of sovereignty or global health security. Both resorted to behavioural, not discursive contestation: while the WHO practically but not rhetorically challenged the sovereignty norm by acting according to the norm of global health security, China—without openly acknowledging it—contravened the basic principles of global health security by acting according to the overlapping sovereignty norm. Why and with what consequences do actors choose to contest norms through actions rather than words? The article accounts for the resort to behavioural contestation by pointing to the strategic advantages it offers for furthering a contentious norm understanding without facing the social costs of making it explicit. It furthermore highlights that behavioural contestation may feed back into and change the odds of discursive contestation as its practical effects provide rhetorical resources to (de-)legitimate one or the other position. The propositions are illustrated in the interactions of China and the WHO during the SARS crisis and the subsequent norm development. This article forms part of the special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairson ‘The dynamics of dissent’, guest-edited by Anette Stimmer and Lea Wisken.; (AN 50388447)
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6.

Everyone wants (a) peace: the dynamics of rhetoric and practice on ‘Women, Peace and Security’ by True, Jacqui; Wiener, Antje. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p553-574, 22p; Abstract: ‘Women, Peace and Security’ (WPS) is not just any normative agenda: everyone wants a piece of it. WPS is characterized by unprecedented recognition by states at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the presence of multiple stakeholders, including its own transnational NGO network focused on the first Resolution, 1325. The high degree of participation from civil society in framing the norm from the outset—driving their own access to contestation—makes WPS relatively unique among global normative agendas. It is therefore a good case in which to examine the ‘dynamics of dissent’ and test the effects of discursive and behavioural contestation on normative change. The article seeks to advance the thriving literature on the UN WPS agenda and to further develop the exploratory approach to contestation, which evaluates normative progress based on increased access of all those affected by the norm to practices of norm validation. It maps norm contestation at distinct sites, reflecting a sequence of WPS events referenced at the 2015 UNSC open debate on WPS. It evaluates practices of contestation with regard to affected WPS stakeholders' access to political agency and assesses ‘whose practices’ affect norm change and transformative change in the WPS agenda. The authors conclude that the relative access of the wide range of stakeholders to the different repertoires and constellations of contestation affects the outcomes of WPS. They suggest that scholars should evaluate diverse practices of contestation and identify expanding spaces and choices for a variety of local, national and regional perceptions of gender-equal peace and security. This article forms part of the special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairson ‘The dynamics of dissent’, guest-edited by Anette Stimmer and Lea Wisken.; (AN 50388448)
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7.

Norm contestation in the digital era: campaigning for refugee rights by Hall, Nina. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p575-595, 21p; Abstract: Activists in the internet era are taking action through online petitions, twitter storms and by forming new digital advocacy organizations such as Campact, 38 Degrees and GetUp!. However, no International Relations (IR) scholarship has systematically examined the role of digital advocacy organizations in norm contestation. Digital advocacy organizations warrant study given their international reach, their large memberships, their longevity, their frequent campaigning activity and their claimed impact. This article focuses on the responses of three digital advocacy organizations in Australia, the UK and Ireland to the same external crisis: an increasing number of refugees worldwide. It asks: when and why did these organizations engage in behavioural norm contestation during the refugee crisis? Their use of behavioural contestation is a puzzle, given that digital advocacy organizations have low implementation power. The article draws on interviews with activists and experts, and finds that advocacy groups firstly use discursive contestation (debating the meaning and importance of norms), and then may engage in behavioural contestation (influencing the implementation of norms). Discursive contestation is less costly, and perceived to be less effective, than behavioural contestation. The article suggests that digital advocacy organizations can mobilize people online and offline, and IR scholars should examine this important source of power. This article forms part of the special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairson ‘The dynamics of dissent’, guest-edited by Anette Stimmer and Lea Wisken.; (AN 50388446)
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8.

Close cousins in protection: the evolution of two norms by Rhoads, Emily Paddon; Welsh, Jennifer. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p597-617, 21p; Abstract: The Protection of Civilians (PoC) in peacekeeping and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) populations from atrocity crimes are two norms that emerged at the turn of the new millennium with the aim of protecting vulnerable peoples from mass violence and/or systematic and widespread violations of human rights. To date, most scholars have analysed the discourses over the status, strength and robustness of both norms separately. And yet, the distinction between the two has at times been exceptionally fine. In this article, we analyse the constitutive relationship between PoC and R2P, and the impact of discursive and behavioural contestation on their joint evolution within the UN system and state practice over three phases (1999–2005; 2006–10; 2011–18). In so doing, we contribute to the International Relations literature on norms by illuminating ideational interplay in the dynamics of norm evolution and contestation. More specifically, we illustrate how actors may seek to strengthen support for one norm, or dimension of a norm, by contrasting it or linking it with another. Our analysis also reveals that while the two norms of R2P and PoC were initially debated and implemented through different institutional paths and policy frameworks, discursive and behavioural contestation has in more recent years brought them closer together in one important respect. The meaning ascribed to both norms—by representatives of states and institutions such as the United Nations—has become more state-centric, with an emphasis on building and strengthening the capacity of national authorities to protect populations. This meaning contrasts with the more cosmopolitan origins of R2P and PoC, and arguably limits possibilities for the external enforcement of both norms through any form of international authority that stands above or outside sovereign states. This article forms part of the special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairson ‘The dynamics of dissent’, guest-edited by Anette Stimmer and Lea Wisken.; (AN 50388452)
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9.

The end of the American century? Slow erosion of the domestic sources of usable power by Trubowitz, Peter; Harris, Peter. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p619-639, 21p; Abstract: Can the United States continue to shape international politics as it has done for the past 70 years, or is the era of US preponderance coming to an end? Most attempts to answer this question focus on the concept of relative power—that is, the balance of material capabilities between the US and its geopolitical competitors. From this perspective, the ‘American era’ will be over when rival powers are able to muster the military capability to counteract US ambitions on the world stage. In this article, we argue that the most pressing checks on US leadership come not from foreign competitors, but rather from domestic politics. While America's relative power as measured by its military arsenal vis-à-visthose of its rivals has held steady, its ‘usable power’ has declined. We attribute this decline in usable power to three domestic-level factors: the emergence of hyper-partisanship, the absence of a compelling strategic narrative, and the erosion of a social contract of inclusive growth. Our analysis suggests that US leaders will find it difficult to implement a programmatic grand strategy of any description—liberal internationalism, offshore balancing, retrenchment or even President Trump's ‘America First’ strategy—so long as domestic-level dysfunction goes unattended and until usable power is restored.; (AN 50388453)
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10.

Brave new world: debt, industrialization and security in China–Africa relations by Alden, Chris; Jiang, Lu. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p641-657, 17p; Abstract: China's ties with Africa are evolving into a multi-faceted relationship of increasing complexity. After nearly two decades of debt-financed infrastructure development, Beijing's exposure to African debt is reaching disquieting proportions with an estimated US$132 billion owed to China in 2016. Managing this new role as Africa's creditor poses uncomfortable questions for creditor and debtor alike. Concurrently, the quiet surge of Chinese investment in manufacturing in Africa is transforming local economies in ways that are beginning to alter the continent's position within the global economy. Finally, the proliferation of Chinese businesses and migrants across Africa is inspiring greater Chinese involvement in UN peacekeeping and private security initiatives.This article examines how these structural changes are challenging core practices and principles which guided China–Africa relations in its formative decades. For instance, under the banner of an alternative to western policies China promoted the absence of conditionalities attached to its concessional loans and grants. Equally, promotion of industrialization of African economies marks a key shift away from China's resource-centric engagement with the continent. And, in the case of security, Beijing's commitment to avoid intervention in domestic affairs is being set aside with implications for its principles, and ultimately status, in Africa.; (AN 50388478)
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11.

The rise, fall and resurgence of Nordic defence cooperation by Saxi, Håkon Lunde. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p659-680, 22p; Abstract: After the end of the Cold War the Nordic states gradually began to work together on military issues beyond UN peacekeeping operations, including in NATO operations, on training and education, as well as on armament development and acquisition. Between 2006 and 2013 these efforts reached their aspirational and rhetorical zenith, as the Nordic states agreed in principle to integrate their armed forces closely. The main catalyst was the conviction that small states could no longer maintain balanced and modern military forces on a purely national basis. The core countries in this integrationist experiment were Norway, Sweden and Finland. The integrationist idea soon faced insurmountable difficulties and expensive setbacks, leading to its quiet abandonment by early 2014. At approximately the same time, the Ukrainian crisis caused a change in the Nordic states' perception of Russia, from a difficult partner to a strategic challenger. The need to work together to meet Russia's revisionist challenge in the Nordic–Baltic region produced a resurgence in Nordic defence cooperation, focused on making the Nordic armed forces able to operate together in a crisis rather than full-blown defence integration. Nordic cooperation today serves as a complement to NATO, the EU and enhanced bilateral cooperation with the major Western states.; (AN 50388450)
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12.

Future Reserves 2020, the British Army and the politics of military innovation during the Cameron era by Bury, Patrick; Catignani, Sergio. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p681-701, 21p; Abstract: Since 2001 there has been an increase in the use of reserve forces in conflicts sparking a number of organizational transformations when it comes to reserves. In Britain, the Future Reserves 2020 (FR2020) transformation was a cornerstone of recent defence policy. Yet, the scholarly work on military innovations has ignored reserve forces. This article examines why and how the recent attempt to transform the British Army Reserve was undertaken, and analyses its outcome. In doing so, this article contributes a major new case-study to the literature focused on civilian-directed peacetime innovation and the impact of intra-party and intra-service politics upon it. Firstly, we originally examine how intra-party political motivations were the primary initiator of the innovation. Secondly, contrary to previous intra-service rivalry explanations, we argue that our case is a compelling example of intra-service rivalry between components rather than branches, and over manpower and organizational structure rather than technology and visions of victory. Finally, addressing the lack of theory in innovation studies, we show how the transformation followed post-Fordist principles to address its political, ideological and financial drivers. We conclude that numerous innovation processes can be operant at different times, and that FR2020 has been frustrated by the interaction between these processes.; (AN 50388451)
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13.

Peace in Afghanistan by Siddiqa, Ayesha. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p703-710, 8p; Abstract: The peace negotiations between the US government and the Taliban are being watched with a lot of caution in Afghanistan and around the world. While a deal will allow American troops to withdraw from the embattled country, there is a genuine worry in Afghan society about facilitating Taliban back into some form of power. The anxiety is partly because the Taliban cannot be neatly separated from other jihadi organizations like the Islamic State of Khorasan (IS-K), an offshoot of ISIS (the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) which developed in Afghanistan during 2014–15 when numerous Taliban groups and jihadists joined it from Afghanistan and Pakistan. It is not advisable to ignore the IS-K as just another militant organization, because its presence is linked with the significance of Khorasan in Islamic literature on apocalypse as the region which will contribute towards the final inter-civilizational war between Islam and evil. Even the Taliban may not be able to dissuade its younger generation from jihad, which is ingrained in the Islamic definition of a just war. The Taliban negotiating at Doha may not be able to guarantee the formula of controlled jihad that militant organizations in Pakistan, like Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, represent.; (AN 50388455)
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14.

On cultural diversity: international theory in a world of difference by Buzan, Barry. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p711-712, 2p; (AN 50388454)
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15.

Morality and responsibility of rulers: European and Chinese origins of a rule of law as justice for world order by Canihac, Hugo. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p712-714, 3p; (AN 50388449)
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16.

Rules for rebels: the science of victory in military history by Bellamy, Alex J.. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p714-715, 2p; (AN 50388456)
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17.

Appeasing Hitler: Chamberlain, Churchill and the road to war by Birch, John. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p715-716, 2p; (AN 50388475)
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18.

The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: a dynamic relationship; The working world of international organizations: authority, capacity, legitimacy by Salton, Herman T.. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p717-718, 2p; (AN 50388457)
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19.

Absorbing the blow: populist parties and their impact on parties and party systems by Becker, Jordan. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p718-719, 2p; (AN 50388480)
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20.

Principled spying: the ethics of secret intelligence by Lomas, Daniel. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p720-721, 2p; (AN 50388459)
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21.

Visual security studies: sights and spectacles of insecurity and war by Cooper-Cunningham, Dean. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p721-723, 3p; (AN 50388458)
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22.

From Byron to Bin Laden: a history of foreign war volunteers by Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p723-724, 2p; (AN 50388474)
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23.

Insider threats by Hobbs, Christopher. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p725-726, 2p; (AN 50388479)
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24.

The populist temptation: economic grievance and political reaction in the modern era by Subacchi, Paola. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p726-727, 2p; (AN 50388460)
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25.

The political economy of robots: prospects for prosperity and peace in the automated 21st century by Aggarwal, Nikita. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p727-728, 2p; (AN 50388481)
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26.

Artificial intelligence safety and security by Sanclemente, Gaudys L.. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p728-729, 2p; (AN 50388444)
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27.

EU security strategies: extending the EU system of security governance by Wong, Reuben. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p729-730, 2p; (AN 50388462)
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28.

Rival power: Russia in southeast Europe by Gould-Davies, Nigel. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p731-732, 2p; (AN 50388477)
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29.

The criminalisation of communism in the European political space after the Cold War by Iacob, Bogdan C.. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p732-734, 3p; (AN 50388461)
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30.

Ukraine and the art of strategy by Brinkley, Robert. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p734-735, 2p; (AN 50388482)
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31.

Moscow rules: what drives Russia to confront the West by Dewhirst, Martin. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p735-737, 3p; (AN 50388473)
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32.

Britain's pacification of Palestine: the British Army, the colonial state, and the Arab revolt, 1936–1939 by Hardy, Roger. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p737-738, 2p; (AN 50388464)
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33.

Revisiting the Arab uprisings: the politics of a revolutionary moment by Krasna, Joshua. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p738-739, 2p; (AN 50388465)
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34.

The Caliphate at war: the ideological, organisational and military innovations of Islamic State by Denselow, James. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p739-741, 3p; (AN 50388463)
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35.

Cyril Ramaphosa: the path to power in South Africa; Ramaphosa's turn: can Cyril save South Africa? by Vandome, Chris. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p741-742, 2p; (AN 50388472)
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36.

State failure in sub-Saharan Africa: the crisis of post-colonial order by Westcott, Nicholas. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p742-744, 3p; (AN 50388466)
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37.

Brokering peace in nuclear environments: U.S. crisis management in south Asia by Basrur, Rajesh. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p744-745, 2p; (AN 50388467)
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38.

Does ASEAN matter? A view from within by Kristensen, Rasmus Abildgaard. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p745-746, 2p; (AN 50388471)
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39.

The advocacy trap: transnational activism and state power in China by Campbell, Joel. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p747-748, 2p; (AN 50388476)
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40.

Power, perception and foreign policymaking: US and EU responses to the rise of China by Summers, Tim. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p748-749, 2p; (AN 50388442)
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41.

Plausible legality: legal culture and political imperative in the global war on terror by Hollis-Brusky, Amanda. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p749-750, 2p; (AN 50388468)
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42.

Unrivaled: why America will remain the world's sole superpower by Trigkas, Vasilis. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p750-752, 3p; (AN 50388443)
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43.

Corruption in Latin America: how politicians and corporations steal from citizens by Burges, Sean. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p752-753, 2p; (AN 50388469)
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44.

Blood of the earth: resource nationalism, revolution, and empire in Bolivia by Chrimes, Philip. International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p753-755, 3p; (AN 50388470)
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45.

Books reviewed May 2019 International Affairs, May 2019, Vol. 95 Issue: Number 3 p757-757, 1p; (AN 50388485)
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10

International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence
Volume 32, no. 4, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Selective SIGINT: Collecting Communications Intelligence While Protecting One’s Own by Gentry, John A.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p647-676, 30p; (AN 50727954)
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2.

Coalition Building, Cooperation, and Intelligence: The Case of Greece and Israel by Nomikos, John M.; Symeonides, A. Th.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p677-690, 14p; (AN 50727955)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=50727955&site=ehost-live

3.

All in Good Faith? Proximity, Politicization, and Malaysia’s External Intelligence Organization by Davies, Philip H. J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p691-716, 26p; (AN 50727956)
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4.

Transitional Justice and Intelligence Democratization by Matei, Florina Cristiana; de Castro García, Andrés. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p717-736, 20p; (AN 50727957)
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5.

Counterintelligence: An Asymmetric Warfighting Tool for the U.S. Navy by Melendez, Victor M.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p737-769, 33p; (AN 50727958)
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6.

Bricks and Mortar: Architecture and U.S. Domestic Security by Tromblay, Darren E.; Podulka, Richard D.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p770-780, 11p; (AN 50727959)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=50727959&site=ehost-live

7.

The Art of Agent Handling by Wippl, Joseph W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p781-789, 9p; (AN 50727960)
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8.

In the Wilderness of Counterintelligence: CIA, the Force, and the Leslie James Bennett Matter by Levy, David. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p790-804, 15p; (AN 50727961)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=50727961&site=ehost-live

9.

Developing a Conceptual Model of Intelligence Analysis by Borek, John J.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p805-828, 24p; (AN 50727962)
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10.

IJIC’s Second Era Ends, the Third Begins Soon by Valcourt, Richard R.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p829-832, 4p; (AN 50727963)
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11.

Doctor Zhivago: The Final Chapter by Fischer, Benjamin B.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p833-844, 12p; (AN 50727964)
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12.

A Skewed Perspective on Germany’s Intelligence Leadership by Adams, Jefferson. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p844-847, 4p; (AN 50727965)
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13.

The Costs of Hidden Involvements by Pringle, Robert W.. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p848-851, 4p; (AN 50727966)
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14.

Understanding Intelligence Analysis by Goldman, Jan. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p852-853, 2p; (AN 50727967)
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15.

Index for Volume 32 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, October 2019, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p854-860, 7p; (AN 50727968)
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11

International Negotiation
Volume 24, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Inclusive Peace Negotiations – From a Neglected Topic to New Hype by Paffenholz, Thania; Zartman, I. William. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-6, 6p; (AN 50562445)
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2.

A Representative Peace? Opposition Political Parties in Peace Negotiations by Ross, Nicholas. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p7-37, 31p; (AN 50562446)
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3.

A Global and Inclusive Agreement? Participation of Armed Actors in the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and Its Impact on Local Violence by Hellmüller, Sara. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p38-60, 23p; (AN 50562447)
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4.

Consequences of Excluding Armed Groups from Peace Negotiations: Chad and the Philippines by Ghais, Suzanne. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p61-90, 30p; (AN 50562448)
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5.

Enlarging the Negotiation Table with Business Sector Actors: Who, How and with What Effect? by Cuhadar, C. Esra. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p91-116, 26p; (AN 50562449)
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6.

Necessary but Insufficient: Civil Society in International Mediation by Jewett, Georgia. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p117-135, 19p; (AN 50562450)
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7.

The Strengths and Limitations of the Inclusion of Religious Actors in Peace Processes in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina by Kmec, Vladimir; Ganiel, Gladys. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p136-163, 28p; (AN 50562451)
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8.

Engaging the Next Generation: A Field Perspective of Youth Inclusion in Myanmar’s Peace Negotiations by Grizelj, Irena. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p164-188, 25p; (AN 50562452)
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9.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p189-189, 1p; (AN 50562453)
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10.

Reputation, Pressure and Concession-making in Claim Disputes by Kirisci, Mustafa; Greig, J. Michael. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p191-219, 29p; (AN 50568100)
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11.

The Philippines’ 1963 Mediation in the Borneo Confrontation by Lee, Su-Mi. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p220-239, 20p; (AN 50568101)
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12.

The Pre-negotiation of UN Human Rights Treaties: The Case of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities by Herro, Annie. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p240-265, 26p; (AN 50568102)
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13.

The Importance of Being Earnest (in Mediation): Rebel Group Structure, Leadership Turnover, and Success in Civil War Mediation by Keels, Eric. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p266-295, 30p; (AN 50568103)
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14.

Introducing an Agenda-based Measurement of Mediation Success: The Divergent Effects of the Manipulation Strategy in African Civil Wars by Duursma, Allard; Svensson, Isak. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p296-323, 28p; (AN 50568104)
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15.

Preparing for Brexit: Substance, Politics and Readiness in an International Re-negotiation by Darbishire, Owen. International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p324-353, 30p; (AN 50568105)
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16.

Future Issues of International Negotiation International Negotiation, January 2019, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 2 p355-355, 1p; (AN 50568106)
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12

International Organization
Volume 73, no. 1, 2019

Record

Results

1.

Mobilizing Market Power: Jurisdictional Expansion as Economic Statecraft by Kalyanpur, Nikhil; Newman, Abraham L.. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p1-34, 34p; Abstract: AbstractStates with large markets routinely compete with one another to shield domestic regulatory policies from global pressure, export their rules to other jurisdictions, and provide their firms with competitive advantages. Most arguments about market power tend to operationalize the concept in economic terms. In this paper, we argue that a state's ability to leverage or block these adjustment pressures is not only conditioned by their relative economic position but also by the political institutions that govern their markets. Specifically, we expect that where a state chooses to draw jurisdictional boundaries over markets directly shapes its global influence. When a state expands its jurisdiction, harmonizing rules across otherwise distinct subnational or national markets, for example, it can curtail a rival's authority. We test the theory by assessing how changes in internal governance within the European Union altered firm behavior in response to US extraterritorial pressure. Empirically, we examine foreign firm delisting decisions from US stock markets after the adoption of the Sarbanes–Oxley accounting legislation. The act, which included an exogenous compliance shock, follows the harmonization of stock market governance across various European jurisdictions. Econometric analysis of firm-level data illustrates that EU-based companies, which benefited from jurisdictional expansion, were substantially more likely to leave the American market and avoid adjustment pressures. Our findings contribute to debates on the role of political institutions in economic statecraft and suggest the conditions under which future regulatory conflicts will arise between status quo and rising economic powers.; (AN 47965543)
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2.

The IMF As a Biased Global Insurance Mechanism: Asymmetrical Moral Hazard, Reserve Accumulation, and Financial Crises by Lipscy, Phillip Y.; Lee, Haillie Na-Kyung. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p35-64, 30p; Abstract: AbstractA large literature has established that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is heavily politicized. We argue that this politicization has important consequences for international reserve accumulation and financial crises. The IMF generates moral hazard asymmetrically, reducing the expected costs of risky lending and policies for states that are politically influential vis-à-vis the institution. Using a panel data set covering 1980 to 2010, we show that proxies for political influence over the IMF are associated with outcomes indicative of moral hazard: lower international reserves and more frequent financial crises. We support our causal claims by applying the synthetic control method to Taiwan, which was expelled from the IMF in 1980. Consistent with our predictions, Taiwan's expulsion led to a sharp increase in precautionary international reserves and exceptionally conservative financial policies.; (AN 47965536)
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3.

Concession Stands: How Mining Investments Incite Protest in Africa by Christensen, Darin. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p65-101, 37p; Abstract: AbstractForeign investment in Africa's mineral resources has increased dramatically. This paper addresses three questions raised by this trend: do commercial mining investments increase the likelihood of social or armed conflict? If so, when are these disputes most prevalent? And, finally, what mechanisms help explain these conflicts? I show, first, that mining has contrasting effects on social and armed conflict: while the probability of protests or riots increases (roughly doubling) after mining starts, there is no increase in rebel activity. Second, I show that the probability of social conflict rises with plausibly exogenous increases in world commodity prices. Finally, I compile additional geo-spatial and survey data to explore potential mechanisms, including reporting bias, environmental harm, in-migration, inequality, and governance. Finding little evidence consistent with these accounts, I develop an explanation related to incomplete information—a common cause of conflict in industrial and international relations. This mechanism rationalizes why mining induces protest, why these conflicts are exacerbated by rising prices, and why transparency dampens the relationship between prices and protest.; (AN 47965540)
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4.

INO volume 73 issue 1 Cover and Back matter International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b8, 8p; (AN 47965542)
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5.

INO volume 73 issue 1 Cover and Front matter International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f3, 3p; (AN 47965535)
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6.

Protection Through Presence: UN Peacekeeping and the Costs of Targeting Civilians by Fjelde, Hanne; Hultman, Lisa; Nilsson, Desirée. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p103-131, 29p; Abstract: AbstractAre UN peacekeepers effective in protecting civilians from violence? Existing studies examine this issue at the country level, thereby making it difficult to isolate the effect of peacekeepers and to assess the actual mechanism at work. We provide the first comprehensive evaluation of UN peacekeeping success in protecting civilians at the subnational level. We argue that peacekeepers through their sizable local presence can increase the political and military costs for warring actors to engage in civilian targeting. Since peacekeepers’ access to civilian populations rests on government consent, peacekeepers will primarily be effective in imposing these costs on rebel groups, but less so for government actors. To test these conjectures we combine new monthly data on the location of peacekeepers with data on the location and timing of civilian killings in Africa. Our findings suggest that local peacekeeping presence enhances the effectiveness of civilian protection against rebel abuse, but that UN peacekeeping struggles to protect civilians from government forces.; (AN 47965539)
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7.

Until the Bitter End? The Diffusion of Surrender Across Battles by Lehmann, Todd C.; Zhukov, Yuri M.. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p133-169, 37p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do armies sometimes surrender to the enemy and sometimes fight to the bitter end? Existing research has highlighted the importance of battlefield resolve for the onset, conduct, and outcome of war, but has left these life-and-death decisions mostly unexplained. We know little about why battle-level surrender occurs, and why it stops. In this paper, we argue that surrender emerges from a collective-action problem: success in battle requires that soldiers choose to fight as a unit rather than flee, but individual decisions to fight depend on whether soldiers expect their comrades to do the same. Surrender becomes contagious across battles because soldiers take cues from what other soldiers did when they were in a similar position. Where no recent precedent exists, mass surrender is unlikely. We find empirical support for this claim using a new data set of conventional battles in all interstate wars from 1939 to 2011. These findings advance our understanding of battlefield resolve, with broader implications for the design of political-military institutions and decisions to initiate, continue, and terminate war.; (AN 47965541)
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8.

When Reporting Undermines Performance: The Costs of Politically Constrained Organizational Autonomy in Foreign Aid Implementation by Honig, Dan. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p171-201, 31p; Abstract: AbstractBureaucracies with field operations that cannot be easily supervised and monitored by managers are caught between two sources of dysfunction that may harm performance. The first source of dysfunction is straightforward: field workers can use operating slack and asymmetric information to their own advantage, thwarting an organization's objectives. The second source of dysfunction is often overlooked: attempts to limit workers’ autonomy may have deleterious effects, curbing agents’ ability to respond efficaciously to the environment. I find that the parliaments and executive boards to whom International Development Organizations (IDOs) are accountable differentially constrain IDO organizational autonomy, which in turn affects management's control of field agents. Tight management control of field agents has negative effects, particularly in more unpredictable environments. Attempts by politicians to constrain organizations in an effort to improve performance can sometimes be self-undermining, having net effects opposite those intended.; (AN 47965538)
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9.

Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books by Mitts, Tamar. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p203-224, 22p; Abstract: AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.; (AN 47965545)
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10.

A Two-Stage Approach to Civil Conflict: Contested Incompatibilities and Armed Violence by Bartusevičius, Henrikas; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 p225-248, 24p; Abstract: AbstractWe present a two-stage approach to civil conflict analysis. Unlike conventional approaches that focus only on armed conflict and treat all other cases as “at peace,” we first distinguish cases with and without contested incompatibilities (Stage 1) and then whether or not contested incompatibilities escalate to armed conflict (Stage 2). This allows us to analyze factors that relate to conflict origination (onset of incompatibilities) and factors that predict conflict militarization (onset of armed violence). Using new data on incompatibilities and armed conflict, we replicate and extend three prior studies of violent civil conflict, reformulated as a two-stage process, considering different estimation procedures and potential selection problems. We find that the group-based horizontal political inequalities highlighted in research on violent civil conflict clearly relate to conflict origination but have no clear association with militarization, whereas other features emphasized as shaping the risk of civil war, such as refugee flows and soft state power, predict militarization but not incompatibilities. A two-stage approach to conflict analysis can help advance theories of civil conflict, assess alternative mechanisms through which explanatory variables are thought to influence conflict, and guide new data-collection efforts.; (AN 47965537)
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11.

Contributors International Organization, 2019, Vol. 73 Issue: Number 1 piii-iv, 2p; (AN 47965544)
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13

International Peacekeeping
Volume 26, no. 4, August 2019

Record

Results

1.

Understanding Coherence in UN Peacekeeping: A Conceptual Framework by Rietjens, Sebastiaan; Ruffa, Chiara. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p383-407, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCoherence is a core objective in most multinational interventions and seems of particular relevance to UN peacekeeping missions with their increasing complexity and multidimensionality. Yet, coherence has rarely been studied empirically. We borrow the concept of ‘fit’ from organizational theory and use it to develop a conceptual framework to study coherence in peacekeeping operations. Fit is the degree of match between what is required by the mandate, on the one hand, and an institutional set-up and the implemented practices, on the other. We identify three relevant dimensions of fit to study coherence: strategic and organizational, cultural and human and operational fit. Our empirical material focuses on the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and in particular on the interplay between the intelligence components and the rest of the mission. We draw upon a large empirical dataset containing over 120 semi-structured interviews, field observations and participation in pre-deployment exercises and evaluation sessions. Our empirical analysis suggests that low level of fit across several dimensions leads to inertial and widespread frictions in the practice of peacekeeping and could potentially undermine peacekeeping effectiveness. Building on existing scholarship on micro-level approaches to peacekeeping, we hope to further the debate on organizational dynamics within peace operations.; (AN 50418925)
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2.

Heritage Protection as Stabilization, the Emergence of a New ‘Mandated Task’ for UN Peace Operations by Leloup, Mathilde. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p408-430, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe integration of new tasks like those of cultural and natural heritage management into the mandates of UN peace operations is usually presented as a burden, ‘a star on the top of the Christmas tree’ at a time of scarce human and budgetary resources for contemporary UN peace operations. Through a comparison of MINUSMA in Mali and MONUSCO in DRC, this article aims to demonstrate how, on the contrary, heritage management can bring consistency to the broader ‘stabilization’ mandate mainstreamed in UN peace operations. By creating new links between the seemingly dichotomous activities it encompasses, namely ‘support’ and ‘securization’ activities, this new type of mandated task can increase complementarity between civilian and military components of UN peace operations with regard to local population. As part of their stabilization mandates, both MINUSMA and MONUSCO were charged to protect heritage. Ultimately, the most decisive factor as to why heritage management created a virtuous circle in Mali and a vicious circle in DRC, seems to be the failure or the success on the part of peace operations to include local communities in the heritage management process, a task which is so far better performed by the civilian than by the military component.; (AN 50418926)
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3.

Emerging Power Liminality in Peacebuilding: Turkey’s Mimicry of the Liberal Peace by Kocadal, Özker. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p431-456, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInternational peacebuilding is no longer dominated by Western actors and their liberal peace framework, neither there is a full-fledged alternative formulated by emerging peacebuilding actors. In this paper, I first establish the relationship between the liminality of emerging powers and their mimicry of the liberal peace. Secondly, I distinguish three forms of mimicry in peacebuilding that stem from emerging power liminality: a discursive mimicry, a complete mimicry and a substantive mimicry. In the case of the discursive mimicry, there is a liberal peacebuilding discourse which is rarely substantiated with policies. The complete mimicry is when both the liberal discourse and the policies are mimicked, and the substantive mimicry is a genuine adaptation of the liberal peacebuilding by the emerging power. The case of Turkish peacebuilding is analysed to illustrate the tripartite distinction. I demonstrate that Turkey mimics solely the discourse of the democratic peace thesis, while there is a complete mimicry of the Western model in security sector reform. However, the Turkish civil society peacebuilding and Turkey’s approach to economic development substantively mimic their liberal peace counterparts. This article contributes to the critical literature on liberal peacebuilding by identifying the different forms of emerging actors’ mimicry of the liberal peace.; (AN 50418927)
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4.

Liberal Peace Implementation and the Durability of Post-war Peace by Mac Ginty, Roger; Joshi, Madhav; Lee, SungYong. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p457-486, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the correlation between the implementation of liberal peace provisions in peace accords and the duration of peace by drawing on data from the Peace Accords Matrix that comprises 34 comprehensive peace agreements signed in the post-Cold War period. Our key findings confirm that the duration of peace is improved when the liberal aspects of peace included in peace accords are implemented. In addition, the article examines peace duration in relation to UN peacekeeper deployment and mechanisms for peace accord verification – in an attempt to establish factors that enhance the duration of peace. Peacekeeping is found to have a positive impact, while verification mechanisms do not. The findings highlight the need to unpack and scrutinize more thoroughly the complex roles of liberal peacemaking.; (AN 50418928)
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5.

Brazilian Peacekeeping? Counterinsurgency and Police Reform in Port-au-Prince and Rio de Janeiro by Schuberth, Moritz. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p487-510, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBrazil’s role in UN peacekeeping operations has been subject to increasing attention from academics and policy makers alike. While some authors praise Brazil’s engagement in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) as a case of innovative South-South cooperation, others accuse Brazil of using Haiti as a ‘testing ground’ for repressive anti-gang tactics that have subsequently been introduced at home. This article challenges these two dominant views on Brazil’s role in Haiti. Based on a period of six months of fieldwork in Port-au-Prince and interviews with key Brazilian actors, the article draws a parallel between MINUSTAH’s military raids in gang-ruled neighbourhoods coupled with police reform in Haiti, on one hand, and the Pacifying Police Units (Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora) plus the accompanying UPP Social in Rio de Janeiro, on the other hand. It is argued that Brazil’s peacekeeping strategy, at home and abroad, is a mix of coercive and cooperative measures reminiscent of counterinsurgency (COIN) tactics already employed during the French colonial war in Algeria. Moreover, it is shown that policing techniques borrowed from the US are employed to ease the tension between carrots and sticks, notably so in the urban environment in which Brazilian peacekeeping is taking place.; (AN 50418929)
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6.

Peacebuilding: Understandings, Practice, and the Way Ahead by Holanda Maschietto, Roberta. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p511-517, 7p; (AN 50418930)
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7.

Realism Trumps Humanitarianism in Africa by White, Dean. International Peacekeeping, August 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p518-520, 3p; (AN 50418931)
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14

International Relations
Volume 33, no. 2, June 2019

Record

Results

1.

Continuity and change in international relations 1919–2019 by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Bain, William. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p132-141, 10p; Abstract: This article reflects on themes of continuity and change over the past century of international relations. In 1919 the victors of the First World War endeavoured to remake international relations by abolishing war and erecting institutional structures that were intended to promote a more just world order. The achievements and failures of this project can be discerned in overlapping patterns of continuity and change that portray a world that is at once old and new. The discourse of change tends to dominate thinking about international relations. Technological innovation, globalisation, and human rights, among other factors, cultivate the progressive ‘one-worldism’ of an interconnected global community of nations and peoples. But, evidence of change notwithstanding, much of contemporary international relations would be intelligible to persons who lived a century ago. International relations is still fundamentally about order and security, power and restraint, and freedom and equality. These patterns provide an important reminder that progress is possible but that international relations involves an open-ended project of continuous renovation and conservation.; (AN 50345751)
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2.

The promise and record of international institutions by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Brown, Chris. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p143-156, 14p; Abstract: In 1919 the attempt was made to reset the institutions governing international relations, with new patterns of expected behaviour and new international organisations. The key organisation, the League of Nations, effectively remains in place, albeit rebranded as the United Nations, but in 2019 great power relations have reverted to pre-1914 modes of conduct; attempts to extend the range of international institutions after the end of the Cold War have failed at the level of the central system. Outside of this central system, an extensive human rights regime, new notions of sovereignty and the development of international criminal law have produced a new set of institutions and expectations, an embryonic ‘global polity’ based on post-1945 European political experience and extending to democracies in Latin America and Africa. The rise of populism is placing strains on this global polity and the relations between this mode of doing international relations and that of the three major powers is also a source of tension – the fate of the liberal internationalist ideas set in train in 1919 remains in the balance.; (AN 50173325)
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3.

The international legal order 1919–2019 by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Nardin, Terry. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p157-171, 15p; Abstract: Despite repeated claims during the past century that the international legal order has been radically transformed, the contours of that order are in many ways the same in 2019 as they were in 1919. New laws govern international institutions, human rights, trade, and the environment and new institutions have emerged that affect how international law is interpreted and applied. War has lost legitimacy as a tool of foreign policy and individual responsibility for aggression and crimes against humanity has been affirmed. Yet these changes build on ideas and practices that may have been rudimentary but were not absent a century ago. Underlying them are persistent differences involving a shifting cast of old and new states as well as differences between local and universal ideals and between instrumental and noninstrumental conceptions of law. The traditional understanding of state sovereignty on which the international legal order rests has been qualified but not discarded, and its persistence confirms that the system it orders remains a system of states.; (AN 50173334)
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4.

Violence in international relations: The first and the last word by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Wight, Colin. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p172-194, 23p; Abstract: This article examines change and continuity in the function, role and moral judgement of violence in international relations. In terms of change, the conclusions are mostly pessimistic if the aim is the complete eradication of political violence. The control of violence, on the other hand, and the ability to hold those who employ it to increasing moral and legal standards is perhaps one of the most significant changes in international relations from 1919 to 2019. However, this does not mean that violence has been replaced or even transformed. Violence is constitutive of the political. It is the first and the last word in politics. This is the continuity of violence. Violence, of which war is only the most visceral expression, has not been transformed or replaced, but rather it has been displaced into legal systems, institutional orders and new forms of conflict. Inter-state war may be in decline, but intra-state conflict is rising. To develop this argument, the article argues that change can only be understood as change against a horizon of continuity.; (AN 50345749)
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5.

Global security hierarchies after 1919 by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Phillips, Andrew. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p195-212, 18p; Abstract: Since 1919, world leaders have sought to uphold and advance international order by sponsoring a succession of global security hierarchies, understood as authoritative arrangements that are global in scope and dedicated to mitigating international security challenges. These hierarchies have progressively broadened in the inclusivity of their security referents. Explicitly racist and civilizational answers to the question ‘security for whom’ have given way to more cosmopolitan visions of security hierarchy. The scope of the challenges these hierarchies have aimed to mitigate (‘security from what’) has also broadened, alongside the intrusiveness of the measures (‘security through which means’) licenced to manage them. The progression towards more inclusive, ambitious and intrusive global security hierarchies has nevertheless evolved in tension with the parallel globalization of both nationalism and the sovereign state system. These countervailing influences – in conjunction with the recent worldwide resurgence of illiberal forces – now threaten the prospective longevity of today’s United Nation (UN)-centric cosmopolitan global security hierarchy.; (AN 50173333)
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6.

‘Rise of the rest’: As hype and reality by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Zarakol, Ayşe. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p213-228, 16p; Abstract: The past decade has been characterised (among other things) by the emergence of a discourse about the ‘Rise of the Rest’. (Some) non-Western states have been described as ‘rising powers’ capable of agency in the international system and as potential partners for the West in global governance. This stands in contrast to a more traditional narrative that saw the non-West primarily as a source of international problems and a developmental project. Does this discursive shift signify a historic reversal in how the non-West understood by the West? The answer is complicated. In this article, I argue that the hype about ‘rising powers’ in Western policy circles following the Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2008 had little relation to an ‘objective’ analysis of actual structural shifts in favour of ‘the Rest’ and was more akin to a financial bubble, with speculation driving perceptions of ‘rising powers’. I also show that the ‘rising powers’ literature is better located within the broader (and long-standing) debate about the decline of the United States, and should be read more as a manifestation of American anxieties and hopes than as informing us about the choices or the motivations of the ‘rising powers’. Ironically, however, the Western hype nevertheless has helped along a structural shift that is under way, first by partly moulding reality in that direction (especially in the form of financial decisions), but more importantly by freeing non-Western powers (for better or worse) from their internalised cages of perceived inferiority and lack of agency in the modern international order.; (AN 50173335)
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7.

State, power and global order by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Rosenboim, Or. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p229-245, 17p; Abstract: This article examines the evolution of international thought through the notion of ‘political space’. It focuses on two important domains of international politics, the nation-state and the global, to reflect on spatial categories in the discipline of International Relations (IR). Since its inception, the concept of the nation-state has dominated mainstream IR theory. Yet an investigation of how international order has been theorized over IR’s first century shows that this era has also been defined by globalist visions of political order. Nowadays, globalization is sometimes seen as the apex of the historical interplay of particularity and universality. The progression towards global political and economic order, however, is today undermined by the resurgence of state-centric political nationalism which seeks to challenge the legitimacy of the global political space. By examining how past international thinkers including Alfred Zimmern, Barbara Ward, Hans Morgenthau, E. H. Carr and John Herz, imagined and interpreted the relations of space and politics in the national and global spheres, this article suggests that spatial thinking offers an insightful approach for theorizing international relations. The article argues that the global and national spaces attain their political meanings through divisions as well as interactions and connections. The focus on divisions, exemplified in the writings of Barbara Ward, helps to make sense of the modus operandi of power in the national and global political spaces by investigating differences, tensions and instability.; (AN 50173332)
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8.

Nationalism, nations and the crisis of world order by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Cox, Michael. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p247-266, 20p; Abstract: One hundred years ago, the first Department of International Politics was established at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, with the express purpose of seeking in Arnold Toynbee’s prophetic words (uttered many years later) – of breaking decisively with the ‘habit of nationalism’. As David Davies in the founding statement put it, by moving beyond ‘insular and vested prejudices … the shattered family of nations’ could be brought back together again and a new world order established. Yet as the history of the twentieth century showed – and the new century looks to be no nearer to realizing that original dream – nationalism has throughout continued to retain its power of mobilizing peoples and setting nation against nation. How and why this happened and with what consequences is the subject of this article.; (AN 50345748)
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9.

The moral aporia of race in international relations by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Lynch, Cecelia. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p267-285, 19p; Abstract: Drawing on recent scholarship on race, post-colonialism, and ethics in the field of international relations, I return to the ‘first debate’ in the field regarding realism versus liberalism to highlight how racialized international political practices a century ago shaped theoretical assumptions, deferrals, and absences in ways that continued to resonate throughout the century. In reviewing several prominent periods of the past 100 years, I argue that (a) a powerful, ongoing moral aporia regarding race has marked the practice of international politics and the study of international relations over the century, despite important challenges and (b) it is critically important for the field as a whole to confront both the aporia and these challenges to understand its own moral precarity and to dent ongoing racialized injustices.; (AN 50173329)
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10.

Technological change and international relations by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Drezner, Daniel W. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p286-303, 18p; Abstract: This article reflects on the role that technological change has played in the last century on international relations. It makes two main points. First, the relationship is reciprocal; while technological change has undeniable effects on international relations, the changing nature of world politics also affects the pace of technological change. Second, any technological change is also an exercise in economic redistribution and societal disruption. It creates new winners and losers, alters actor preferences, and allows the strategic construction of new norms and organizations. The nature of the technology itself, and the extent to which the public sector drives the innovation, generates differential effects on international relations. To demonstrate these arguments, special emphasis is placed on two important innovations of the last century for international relations: nuclear weapons and the Internet.; (AN 50173327)
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11.

Repertoires of statecraft: instruments and logics of power politics by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Goddard, Stacie E; MacDonald, Paul K; Nexon, Daniel H. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p304-321, 18p; Abstract: Issues involving ‘statecraft’ lie at the heart of most major debates about world politics, yet scholars do not go far enough in analyzing how the processes of statecraft themselves can reshape the international system. We draw on the growing relational-processual literature in international relations theory to explore how different modes of statecraft can help create and refashion the structure of world politics. In particular, we argue that scholars should reconceive statecraft in terms of repertoires.An emphasis on repertoires sheds light on a number of issues, including how statecraft influences patterns of technological innovation, the construction of institutional and normative orders, and the pathways through which states mobilize power in world politics.; (AN 50173328)
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12.

The sorcerer’s apprentice: Liberalism, ideology, and religion in world politics by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Jahn, Beate. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p322-337, 16p; Abstract: Despite repeated announcements of the end of ideology and the demise of religion during the twentieth century, both play a crucial role in world politics today. This disjuncture between theoretical expectations and historical developments has its roots in conventional conceptions of ideology. While the latter grasp the representativenature of ideology as an expression of historical forces and political interests, they miss its constitutiverole for modern politics. Based on an analysis of its historical origins and political implications, this article develops a new conception of ideology which accounts for the resilience and historical dynamics of ideological struggle. Like the sorcerer’s apprentice, I show, liberalism has called ideology into being but lost control of its own creation.; (AN 50173323)
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13.

Great illusions or great transformations? Human rights and international relations a hundred years on by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Dunne, Tim; Wheeler, Nicholas J. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p338-356, 19p; Abstract: Human rights have been in the practice of international relations, but they have not been central to academic thinking on International Relations (IR) for most of the century since the discipline became institutionalized in 1919. We suggest two related reasons for this relative neglect by the IR community. First, the US heartland of IR prioritized other institutions of international order during the 1950s and 1960s, primarily the balance of power, diplomacy, and arms control. Second, human rights were treated with suspicion by realists in particular given their view that morality in foreign policy was potentially disruptive of international order. If the emergent discipline of IR largely ignored the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, so did the rest of the world according to the revisionist history of human rights offered by Samuel Moyn. He challenges the idea that the birth of the regime was the culmination of a 150-year struggle that began in the minds of Enlightenment thinkers and ended with a new globalized framework of rights for all. While IR was slow to come to human rights, the pace in the last three decades has quickened considerably; the area of protecting the basic right of security from violence being a case in point, where several IR scholars have been pivotal in the development of action-guiding theory. Developing a critical theme in Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis 1919-1939, we consider whether these institutional developments represent great illusions or great transformations in international relations in Carr’s terms.; (AN 50345750)
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14.

International Relations: The Story So Far by Booth, Ken; Bain, William; Booth, Ken. International Relations, June 2019, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p358-390, 33p; Abstract: ‘The Story So Far’ is the conclusion of the first centenary Special Issue of the journal International Relations. The issue marks 100 years since the birth of the academic discipline of International Relations (IR), whose institutional moment was the endowment establishing the Department of International Politics at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, at the end of 1918, and its subsequent opening in April 1919. The collection of articles marking this unique event consists of reflections by a group of leading scholars on themes of continuity and change at the international level of world politics in that century. The present article considers these reflections in the context of problematising our attempts to understand the long history and complex dynamics of international relations.; (AN 50345752)
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15

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
Volume 16, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Essence of security communities: explaining ASEAN by Chang, Jun Yan. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p335-335, 1p; Abstract: Despite declaring the ASEAN Community to come into effect on 31 December 2015, ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by firstly identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian, the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently applying these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the ‘long peace’ of ASEAN seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause. Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies to the ‘security community’ concept in a Model IV critical security community formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is not truly comprehensive, its people are not emancipated, and its various domestic and transnational instabilities affect it adversely.; (AN 39853413)
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2.

Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India-Pakistan rivalry by Mohan, Surinder. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p371-371, 1p; Abstract: Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.; (AN 39853411)
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3.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? by Fung, Courtney J.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p409-409, 1p; Abstract: What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.; (AN 39853412)
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4.

Korea as green middle power: green growth strategic action in the field of global environmental governance by Blaxekjær, Lau. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p443-443, 1p; Abstract: In the field of global environmental governance South Korea stands out. Since 2005 it has been the initiator and central node in a majority of international networks and organizations promoting green growth</it>. Based on new theoretical approaches and empirical analysis, this article highlights the significance of Korea's middle power diplomacy in relation to green growth governance</it>, establishing it as a ‘Green Middle Power.’ Middle power analyses of Korea usually portray it as a regionally constrained and secondary actor in global governance. This article supplements middle power theory's behavioral approach with a strategic action</it> approach inspired by Bourdieu's practice theory, which it applies to an original database of >1,000 sources, 18 interviews, and 10 participatory observations. The article argues that Korea has become a primary actor in global environmental governance by demonstrating how Korea has established a sub-field of green growth governance through a wide range of strategic moves.; (AN 39853419)
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5.

The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the 'Special Relationship' for Australia by Wilkins, Thomas S.. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p477-477, 1p; Abstract: Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.; (AN 39853415)
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6.

The China Boom: Why China Will Not Rule the World Ho-fung Hung by Wan, Ming. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p521-521, 1p; (AN 39853416)
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7.

Regional Risk and Security in Japan: Whither the Everyday by Mukai, Wakana. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, September 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 3 p523-523, 1p; (AN 39853414)
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16

International Security
Volume 44, no. 1, Summer 2019

Record

Results

1.

Summaries International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p3-6, 4p; (AN 50686127)
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2.

How to Enlarge NATO: The Debate inside the Clinton Administration, 1993–95 by Sarotte, M.E.. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p7-41, 35p; Abstract: Newly available sources show how the 1993–95 debate over the best means of expanding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization unfolded inside the Clinton administration. This evidence comes from documents recently declassified by the Clinton Presidential Library, the Defense Department, and the State Department because of appeals by the author. As President Bill Clinton repeatedly remarked, the two key questions about enlargement were when and how. The sources make apparent that, during a critical decisionmaking period twenty-five years ago, supporters of a relatively swift conferral of full membership to a narrow range of countries outmaneuvered proponents of a slower, phased conferral of limited membership to a wide range of states. Pleas from Central and Eastern European leaders, missteps by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and victory by the pro-expansion Republican Party in the 1994 U.S. congressional election all helped advocates of full-membership enlargement to win. The documents also reveal the surprising impact of Ukrainian politics on this debate and the complex roles played by both Strobe Talbott, a U.S. ambassador and later deputy secretary of state, and Andrei Kozyrev, the Russian foreign minister. Finally, the sources suggest ways in which the debate's outcome remains significant for transatlantic and U.S.-Russian relations today.; (AN 50686123)
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3.

Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion by Farrell, Henry; Newman, Abraham L.. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p42-79, 38p; Abstract: Liberals claim that globalization has led to fragmentation and decentralized networks of power relations. This does not explain how states increasingly “weaponize interdependence” by leveraging global networks of informational and financial exchange for strategic advantage. The theoretical literature on network topography shows how standard models predict that many networks grow asymmetrically so that some nodes are far more connected than others. This model nicely describes several key global economic networks, centering on the United States and a few other states. Highly asymmetric networks allow states with (1) effective jurisdiction over the central economic nodes and (2) appropriate domestic institutions and norms to weaponize these structural advantages for coercive ends. In particular, two mechanisms can be identified. First, states can employ the “panopticon effect” to gather strategically valuable information. Second, they can employ the “chokepoint effect” to deny network access to adversaries. Tests of the plausibility of these arguments across two extended case studies that provide variation both in the extent of U.S. jurisdiction and in the presence of domestic institutions—the SWIFT financial messaging system and the internet—confirm the framework's expectations. A better understanding of the policy implications of the use and potential overuse of these tools, as well as the response strategies of targeted states, will recast scholarly debates on the relationship between economic globalization and state coercion.; (AN 50686126)
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4.

“We Have Captured Your Women”: Explaining Jihadist Norm Change by Ahmad, Aisha. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p80-116, 37p; Abstract: In recent years, jihadists across the world have transformed their gendered violence, shocking the world by breaking from prior taboos and even celebrating abuses that they had previously prohibited. This behavior is surprising because jihadists represent a class of insurgents that are deeply bound by rules and norms. For jihadists, deviating from established Islamist doctrines is no easy feat. What then explains these sudden transformations in the rules and norms governing jihadist violence? An inductive investigation of contemporary jihadist violence in Pakistan and Nigeria reveals a new theory of jihadist normative evolution. Data from these cases show that dramatic changes in jihadist violence occur when an external trigger creates an expanded political space for jihadist entrepreneurs to do away with normative constraints on socially prohibited types of violence. As these jihadist leaders capitalize on the triggers, they are able to encourage a re-socialization process within their ranks, resulting in the erosion of previously held taboos, the adoption of proscribed behaviors, and the emergence of toxic new norms.; (AN 50686128)
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5.

Cautious Bully: Reputation, Resolve, and Beijing's Use of Coercion in the South China Sea by Zhang, Ketian. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p117-159, 43p; Abstract: Since 1990, China has used coercion in its maritime territorial disputes in the South China Sea, despite adverse implications for its image. China is curiously selective in its timing, targets, and tools of coercion: China rarely employs military coercion, and it does not coerce all countries that pose similar threats. An examination of newly available primary documents and hundreds of hours of interviews with Chinese officials to trace the decisionmaking processes behind China's use and nonuse of coercion reveals a new theory of when, why, and how China employs coercion against other states, especially in the South China Sea. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the findings show that China is a cautious bully that does not use coercion frequently. In addition, when China becomes stronger, it tends to use military coercion less often, choosing instead nonmilitary tools. Moreover, concerns with its reputation for resolve and with economic cost are critical elements of Chinese decisionmaking regarding the costs and benefits of coercing its neighbors. China often coerces one target to deter others—“killing the chicken to scare the monkey.” These findings have important implications for how scholars understand states' coercive strategies and the future of Chinese behavior in the region and beyond.; (AN 50686122)
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6.

The End of War: How a Robust Marketplace and Liberal Hegemony Are Leading to Perpetual World Peace by Mousseau, Michael. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p160-196, 37p; Abstract: Permanent world peace is beginning to emerge. States with developed market-oriented economies have foremost interests in the principle of self-determination of all states as the foundation for a robust global marketplace. War among these states, even making preparations for war, is not possible, because they are in a natural alliance to preserve and protect the global order. Among other states, weaker powers, fearing those that are stronger, tend to bandwagon with the relatively benign market-oriented powers. The result is a powerful liberal global hierarchy that is unwittingly, but systematically, buttressing states' embrace of market norms and values, moving the world toward perpetual peace. Analysis of voting preferences of members of the United Nations General Assembly from 1946 to 2010 corroborates the influence of the liberal global hierarchy: states with weak internal markets tend to disagree with the foreign policy preferences of the largest market power (i.e., the United States), but more so if they have stronger rather than weaker military and economic capabilities. Market-oriented states, in contrast, align with the market leader regardless of their capabilities. Barring some dark force that brings about the collapse of the global economy (such as climate change), the world is now in the endgame of a five-century-long trajectory toward permanent peace and prosperity.; (AN 50686125)
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7.

Correspondence: Measuring Power in International Relations by Pomeroy, Caleb; Beckley, Michael. International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p197-200, 4p; (AN 50686124)
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8.

Erratum International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p200-200, 1p; (AN 50686129)
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9.

Reviewers for Volume 43 International Security, Summer 2019, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p201-203, 3p; (AN 50686130)
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17

International Spectator
Volume 54, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Talking Migration: Narratives of Migration and Justice Claims in the European Migration System of Governance by D’Amato, Silvia; Lucarelli, Sonia. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the last few years, migration has been at the centre of attention of the European public and policymakers, sparking an unprecedented debate on responsibilities and rights. This Special Issue presents a collection of European case studies analysing narratives of migration and their embedded justice claims. It focuses on the way national newspapers have covered and discussed key political events related to European politics and migration dynamics between 2014 and 2018. The results reveal an increasing normalisation of extreme and anti-immigrant claims in all cases. The only rather frequent counter-narrative is ‘humanitarian’, yet, it predominantly depicts migrants as victims, hence denying their subjectivity and actorness. There is an important correlation between the debates on migration and the European Union, as the so-called ‘crisis’ has strengthened the political debate on the EU in European countries. All in all, the dominant narratives on migration embed a Westphalian understanding of justice (justice as non-domination), while little attention is devoted to cosmopolitan justice claims (justice ad impartiality) and, much less, to ‘subjectivised cosmopolitan justice claims’ (justice as mutual recognition).; (AN 51057997)
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2.

Così è (se vi pare): Talking Migration to Italians by Ceccorulli, Michela. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p18-36, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe importance of the portrayal of reality in the press is well recognised, especially with respect to its capacity to affect public opinion. Articles on migration found in the Italian press with respect to four periods – the 2014 European Parliament elections; the end of the Mare Nostrum operation in the Mediterranean in 2014; the EU-Turkey Statement of March 2016; and an eventless week in 2016 – revealed five main narratives: solidarity, responsibility, state-centred (Westphalian), instrumental and humanitarian. Each of them had its own specificities, while all were informed by Italy’s condition as a frontline state with regard to migration – the EU’s gatekeeper – and its paradoxical state of living in a ‘permanent/potential emergency’, constantly torn by its inability to reconcile security and humanitarian needs. An understanding of justice as non-domination was the main result of the analysis carried out, while there was little reference to migrants’ human rights.; (AN 51057998)
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3.

The Migration Triangle: Narratives, Justice and the Politics of Migration in France by D’Amato, Silvia; Lavizzari, Anna. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p37-53, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLooking at the French approach to migration in four key political moments between 2014 and 2018, three main narratives can be seen as dominating the French debate on migration, namely the Westphalian, the humanitarian and the multilateral, each related to various justice claims. Surprisingly, a securitarian approach was not as dominant as expected. However, different justice claims were used to support various political interests, often in a clearly instrumental way. In France today, the politics of migration are still important for the country’s foreign policy and are not just a domestic issue.; (AN 51057999)
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4.

Positional Insecurity and the Hegemony of Radical Nationalism. Migration and Justice in the Hungarian Media by Melegh, Attila; Vancsó, Anna; Hunyadi, Márton; Mendly, Dorottya. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p54-71, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political language of radical nationalism, combined with the logic of justice as non-domination, has become hegemonic in the Hungarian press. The structural position and related discursive traditions of the country form the background against which migratory processes and their interpretations are examined in this article, making the analysis revealing also in regional terms. In the Hungarian case, alternative narrative frames and justice logics are linked to migration collapse in the face of a nationalist ‘freedom fight’ and efforts to create and preserve an ethnically and culturally homogenous nation – and Europe.; (AN 51058000)
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5.

Justice Claims in UK Media Narratives: Normative Orientations and EU Migration Governance by Bevitori, Cinzia; Zotti, Antonio. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p72-89, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is generally agreed that a massive influx of foreigners into a country is not only a social issue to be understood and managed, but also something that prompts strong sentiments and moral qualms. By associating the narratives that emerged recently in UK mainstream media, through which the British public ‘made sense of’ (im)migration, with specific conceptions of justice, it is possible to discern the normative premises of the country’s response to (exceptional) movements of people within the EU migration system of governance. Remarkably, while migration narratives hinge to a large extent on the need to ‘take back control’ and ‘defend’ a threatened nation, the EU proves to be a problematic, yet very salient component of Britain’s debate on immigration, which could continue even after the latter’s progressive detachment from the Union.; (AN 51058001)
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6.

From Humanitarian Needs to Border Control: Norwegian Media Narratives on Migration and Conceptions of Justice by Olsen, Espen D. H.; Grønning, Ragnhild. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p90-106, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMigration is a topic that has frequently been present in political debates and the mass media in recent years, especially following the European and EU migration and refugee crisis. Newspaper debates in Norway presented different narratives with different conceptions of global justice. Migration is by definition a cross-border issue that has a direct effect on the interests of states as well as individuals, therefore the question of global justice is highly relevant. Three core media narratives were present: the humanitarian, the statist, and the EU integration narrative, which particularly highlights Norway as an integrated non-member of the EU. In the humanitarian narrative, a notion of impartiality of universal individual rights was prevalent, while in the statist narrative and to some extent in the EU integration narrative, a territorial and state-oriented conception of justice as non-domination was visible. Concerns about human rights were prevalent mainly in matters far away from Norway, but less so when the so-called migration crisis hit Norway directly.; (AN 51058002)
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7.

The Pillars of Iranian-Russian Security Convergence by Divsallar, Abdolrasool. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p107-122, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite various analyses of the extent of Iranian-Russian rapprochement, questions still remain about its fundamental elements and its sustainability in the face of the conflicting interests of the two countries. Iran and Russia have pursued security convergence as a joint power maximisation policy, which can be better understood through Iran and Russia’s common feelings of ‘international misrecognition’ and ‘common threat perceptions’. These are the pillars of the nexus between them, explaining how the two countries have a shared understanding of their security environment and particularly how their mutual sense of insecurity has taken the lead in forging bilateral relations. As long as these pillars remain effective, existing limits to bilateral relations rooted in mistrust, disagreements and rivalries will not have significant effects on the convergence.; (AN 51058003)
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8.

Turkey’s Rapprochement with Russia: Assertive Bandwagoning by Đidić, Ajdin; Kösebalaban, Hasan. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p123-138, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite Russia’s increasing clout and assertiveness in its region, Turkey has chosen to improve its relations with Russia, rather than balance against it through its Western allies. Turkey’s unexpected strategic partnership with Russia is best seen as an example of bandwagoning for profit. It is an assertive bandwagoning with the objective of countering Kurdish separatism, an imminent problem in the Turkish ruling elite’s ranking of threat perceptions. The empowerment of Syrian Kurdish groups under the protection of the United States has moved Turkey closer to Russia. A long-term alliance between the two, however, depends on reconciliation of their differences which are deeply rooted in historical and geo-political factors.; (AN 51058004)
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9.

Saudi Arabia Looks East: Imperatives and Implications by Azad, Shirzad. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p139-152, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs a critical orientation in Saudi Arabia’s interactions with the outside world, ‘looking East’ has breathed new life into the Arab country’s rather mundane and modest foreign policy, long characterised by strong attachment to Western countries, the United States in particular. Despite their explicit intention not to replace pivotal Western allies with Asian partners, the Saudis have fostered closer connections to the East virtually in every area, covering politico-strategic, military, economic, technological, and cultural spheres. The Saudi looking-East drive has, moreover, dovetailed neatly with an equally salient approach among major Asian nations to advance their vastly expanding interests in important Middle East countries.; (AN 51058005)
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10.

Breaking the Spiral: Institutions and Italy’s Economic Malaise by Mokosch, Gunnar. International Spectator, July 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p153-155, 3p; (AN 51058006)
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