Skip to main content

NATO LIBRARY HOMEPAGE | NATO LIBGUIDES | CATALOG | MY ACCOUNT

NATO Multimedia Library: Journal Titles: A - D

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

A - D

Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

Go to List of all journal titles

1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 44, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction to the Armed Forces & Society Forum on Broadening the Perspective on Military Cohesion by Käihkö, Ilmari. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p563-570, 8p; Abstract: This Armed Forces & Societyforum concentrates on broadening the perspective on military cohesion. This introduction, and the five articles that it acts as a preamble to, argues for the need to widen the scope of the recent debate on military cohesion, which in part took place in this very journal. This debate narrowly focused on Western state militaries during the 20th and 21st centuries and even then on the microlevel. The articles in this issue contribute to this broadening by exploring military cohesion in non-Western or nonmodern contexts, as well as through new methods, thus individually and collectively suggesting new ways forward to further our understanding of military cohesion.; (AN 46393630)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393630&site=ehost-live

2.

Broadening the Perspective on Military Cohesion by Käihkö, Ilmari. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p571-586, 16p; Abstract: It is difficult to underestimate the importance of cohesion for armed groups or organizations specialized and engaged in organized violence. This article argues that the recent debate on military cohesion has been far too narrow as it focused on Western state militaries during the 20th and 21st centuries, and even then only on the microlevel. It is necessary to broaden the perspective in order to construct theories that encompass even the vast majority of armed groups—the non-Western, nonstate, and nonmodern. This article advocates two ways of doing so: the investigation of cases that belong to these three types and broadening analysis to two new levels of analysis—the meso-level of armed groups and the macro-level, which contains state and society. Cohesion is established through harmonizing these three levels, which necessitates including them in the analysis in the first place.; (AN 46393626)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393626&site=ehost-live

3.

Unity Under Allah? Cohesion Mechanisms in Jihadist Organizations in Africa by Hansen, Stig Jarle. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p587-605, 19p; Abstract: This article explores mechanisms fostering cohesion in jihadist organizations in relation to territorial presence. This article takes four types of territorial presence as its point of departure: (1) a clandestine network-based presence; (2) an accepted presence where the organization is tolerated by a state; (3) a semiterritorial presence, where the organization is allowed some control between phases of enemy offensives and withdrawals; and (4) a relatively permanent territorial presence, where the organization fully controls the territory in which it has bases. The article argues that each of these types of territorial presence opens up for different ways for organizations to create cohesion. Cohesion mechanisms thus vary according to type of territorial presence.; (AN 46393628)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393628&site=ehost-live

4.

Organized Armed Groups as Ruling Organizations by Haldén, Peter. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p606-625, 20p; Abstract: Previous studies of the cohesion of organized armed groups (OAGs) have made great progress, but they have mostly focused on units fighting for modern Western states. I argue that the study of OAGs that contain their own legitimacy requires a broadened theoretical framework. Such groups may be conceptualized as “ruling organizations” in Max Weber’s terminology. Examples of such groups range from early medieval warbands to modern militias and guerrillas. Members of ruling organizations obey commands for a combination of three reasons: rational, traditional, and charismatic—these in turn form the basis of the legitimacy of the organization. Pinpointing the foundations of obedience in a group provides us with another way of emphasizing weak points that we want to either target or reinforce. This study contributes theoretically to the study of cohesion by linking it to theories of legitimacy in political orders.; (AN 46393631)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393631&site=ehost-live

5.

Soldiers Without an Army? Patronage Networks and Cohesion in the Armed Forces of the DR Congo by Verweijen, Judith. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p626-646, 21p; Abstract: This article analyzes the effects of patronage networks on cohesion in the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It shows that while patronage networks provide support to individual military personnel, they undermine both peer and commander–subordinate bonding. They promote unequal service conditions and statuses and link these to extra-unit and extra-military forms of social identification, which are further reinforced by soldiers’ living and generating revenue among civilians. Furthermore, they impair meritocracy and frustrate the extent to which commanders live up to their subordinates’ expectations. As they fuel internal conflicts, often around revenue generation, and foster bad service conditions and distrust toward the political and military leadership, patronage networks also undermine institutional cohesion. The article concludes that cohesion formation in the FARDC follows different patterns than in well-institutionalized and well-resourced militaries. Given that cohesion impacts combat performance and norm enforcement, these findings are relevant for defense reform efforts and military cooperation.; (AN 46393620)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393620&site=ehost-live

6.

Primary Unit Cohesion Among the Peshmerga and Hezbollah by Nilsson, Marco. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p647-665, 19p; Abstract: This study analyzes the creation of primary unit cohesion among the Kurdish Peshmerga soldiers fighting the Islamic State in northern Iraq and among Hezbollah fighters active in Syria. For this comparative study, Kurdish soldiers were interviewed on three fronts outside Mosul, Erbil, and Kirkuk in February 2015 and May 2016, and Hezbollah fighters were interviewed in Lebanon in March 2016. In contrast to many studies’ depictions of unit cohesion as relating to shared experiences of training and battle, this study argues that the Kurdish soldiers also import into their units various ideas relating to Kurdish identity. These include ideas about nationalism and religion produced through discourses within the Kurdish military and society. However, Hezbollah seeks to minimize political damage in the multisectarian political context in Lebanon while conducting domestically contested military operations abroad. This has led to a downplaying of the sectarian aspects of the conflict, which could be imported from the Shia community to increase unit cohesion, and to an ideological framing of the conflict. The general ideas circulating in society and the political context therefore matter for the strategies that can be used to increase primary unit cohesion and soldiers’ fighting power.; (AN 46393629)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393629&site=ehost-live

7.

Conscientious Objection and the State: Contextualizing the Israeli Case by Livny, Adi. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p666-687, 22p; Abstract: The abundant writing on conscientious objection (CO) had kept one significant actor rather neglected—the state. Relatively unexplored is the question of how democracies shape their policies toward CO. This article wishes to address this gap, focusing in particular on states that maintain conscription, and examining what accounts for their different responses to CO. Based on the Israeli case study, while drawing on comparative insights from The Federal Republic of Germany and Switzerland during the Cold War, I argue that states’ treatment of CO depends primarily on the military’s status and the type of roles assigned to conscription. States in which these roles are mainly functional, and the military does not enjoy, accordingly, a high symbolic status will be more inclined to formally recognize CO than states in which the military fulfills civilian–social roles and enjoys a high symbolic status. Lack of recognition, however, does not necessarily imply harshness; states of the latter sort might nonetheless accommodate CO through unofficial means. Thus, when discussing the policy towards CO a distinction is ought to be made between accommodation and recognition.; (AN 46393625)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393625&site=ehost-live

8.

Citizen Support for Military Expenditure Post–9/11: Exploring the Role of Race, Ethnicity, and Place of Birth by Simon, Christopher A.; Lovrich, Nicholas P.; Liu, Baodong; Wei, Yehua Dennis. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p688-706, 19p; Abstract: Citizens adjust their perceptions of military expenditure based largely on their worldview, as defined by their race, ethnicity, ideology, gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and education. Worldview might also reasonably be impacted by nativity. We explore the relationship between nativity and public opinion about military expenditure. Native-born survey respondents are less likely to believe that military expenditures are excessive than those born abroad. Race, ethnicity, ideology, nativity, and confidence in the military are the most significant variables used in explaining attitudes about military expenditure. Interaction analysis carried out for this article and reported here demonstrates that Hispanic and Asian ethnicity impacts on public perception of military expenditure are significantly greater when factoring in the nativity of survey respondents. With a growing portion of non-native-born citizens joining the electorate, public opinion analyses regarding military expenditure should take into account nativity as well as SES, gender, race, ideology, education, and ethnicity when seeking to explain public opinion dynamics.; (AN 46393623)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393623&site=ehost-live

9.

Combating Sexual Assault With the Military Ethic: Exploring Culture, Military Institutions, and Norms-Based Preventive Policy by Bennett, John. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p707-730, 24p; Abstract: This article explores sexual assault within the military by focusing on the role of norms and institutional culture. This article asserts that poor impulse control is, in part, at the root of sexual assault offenses. The “military ethic,” however, provides a promising institutional means to stigmatize sexual assault and further acculturate service members into law-abiding norms. The military ethic exalts obedience and self-sacrifice. The military ethic is theorized as a norm that may challenge or alter the attitudes and characteristics underlying sexual assault. Additionally, the question of whether the military fosters an institutional “culture of rape” is analyzed. Research into offenders’ motives is discussed, with a focus on the significance of self-control in offending conduct. Research on the features of successful preventive programs is considered. The article concludes by proposing a norms-based preventive policy targeting offender attitudes and capitalizing on successful preventive programs.; (AN 46393624)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393624&site=ehost-live

10.

Discovering the Fault Lines in American Civil–Military Relations by Travis, Donald S.. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p731-747, 17p; Abstract: This essay is in response to Thomas Crosbie and Meredith Kleykamp’s article that investigates relationships between what they consider to be three fault lines in the American military profession: ethical lapses, expertise, and identity. As they explore the literature to contemplate how professionalism might help to prevent ethical lapses, they also seek to reveal relationships between lapses, military expertise, and identity. To enhance the relevance of their research, it is recommended that they examine ethical lapses more broadly. Their core subject is American civil–military relations, which is a complex, contentious, and often ambiguous topic. They can mitigate the ambiguity by developing a clear problem statement and a set of research assumptions. In addition, because not all lapses are treated the same, they can be categorized to identify more serious lapses, which will allow for a focused examination of institutional responses to the lapses. Also, integrating other academic approaches such as political science and history into their research will improve the theoretical and explanatory power of their investigation. Adopting these and other aspects of inquiry will support the testing of their six hypotheses and improve our understanding of the military profession.; (AN 46393622)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393622&site=ehost-live

11.

Ethical Lapses and the Military Profession: Three Problems and a Solution by Crosbie, Thomas; Kleykamp, Meredith. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p748-757, 10p; Abstract: In a recent issue of this journal, we published an article titled “Fault Lines of the American Military Profession”. Donald S. Travis subsequently wrote a Dipustatio Sine Fine rejoinder that raised a number of criticisms of our piece and suggested several ways forward. For our part, we detect three serious problems in Travis’s analysis and offer a single syncretic response. Our solution builds on the insights of Travis’s critique while avoiding the pitfalls of his specific line of reasoning. We conclude by urging others to continue to debate and research these very consequential and timely issues.; (AN 46393619)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393619&site=ehost-live

12.

Book Review: The allure of battle: A history of how wars have been won and lost by Mandel, Robert. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p758-759, 2p; (AN 46393621)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393621&site=ehost-live

13.

Book Review: Just war reconsidered: Strategy, ethics, and theory by O’Driscoll, Cian. Armed Forces & Society, October 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 4 p759-761, 3p; (AN 46393627)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46393627&site=ehost-live

 

2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 37, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Mobile pastoralism a century apart: continuity and change in south-eastern Kazakhstan, 1910 and 2012 by Ferret, Carole. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p503-525, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article challenges the ahistorical figure of the ‘steppe nomad’ by presenting some of the main characteristics of Kazakh nomadic pastoralism, which vary widely in time and space. It compares two ethnographic studies conducted a century apart in the same place in south-eastern Kazakhstan: a statistical survey from 1910 and an account of a transhumance in which the author took part in June 2012. Sedentary pastoralism now prevails in Kazakhstan, but a system of seasonal pastures endures in some areas. In Raĭymbek District (Almaty Province), vertical nomadism takes advantage of the altitudinal variations of vegetation and climate. This article demonstrates both the continuity of nomadic routes despite successive crises during the twentieth century, and considers the overall change from quasi-nomadism to quasi-sedentarism. This comparison a century apart also fosters dialogue between history and social anthropology through a dual synchronic approach, seeking to restore historicity to our understanding of pastoral nomadism.; (AN 46831858)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831858&site=ehost-live

2.

Critical social media information flows: political trust and protest behaviour among Kazakhstani college students by Bekmagambetov, Amanzhol; Wagner, Kevin M.; Gainous, Jason; Sabitov, Zhaxylyk; Rodionov, Adil; Gabdulina, Bagysh. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p526-545, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn political regimes where traditional mass media are under state control, social networking sites may be the only place where citizens are exposed to and exchange dissident information. Despite all the attempts, complete control of social media seems to be implausible. We argue that the critical information that people see, read and share online undermines their trust in political institutions. This diminishing trust may threaten the legitimacy of the ruling regime and stimulate protest behaviour. We rely on original survey data of Kazakhstani college students to confirm these expectations. The data are unique in that they directly measure exposure to critical/dissident information, as opposed to simply assuming it. The analysis leverages Coarsened Exact Matching to simulate experimental conditions. This allows us to better identify the consequential mechanism and the attitudinal precursor by which social media influence protest in an authoritarian context.; (AN 46831859)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831859&site=ehost-live

3.

Oasis in the steppe: health and masculinity of Kazakhstani miners by Kesküla, Eeva. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p546-562, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article studies the masculinities of Russian-speaking miners in Kazakhstan through an ethnographic study conducted in a miners’ sanatorium, a place of heightened sociality. Studies of gender in Central Asia have mostly focussed on women, and both masculinity and femininity are studied in relation to Islam and the nation-state. This article aims to make a contribution to the study of working-class masculinities in Northern Kazakhstan, arguing that labour and professional identities are important in performing masculinities. Kazakhstani miners wish to show that they are good colleagues, good drinkers, sexually capable and providers for the family. New economic pressures and deteriorating work conditions challenge the miner’s body and make it hard for miners to live up to the hegemonic masculinity.; (AN 46831860)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831860&site=ehost-live

4.

Modern education and literary traditions: a comparative view on the development of modern Uyghur and Tibetan literature by Zelcer-Lavid, Michal. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p563-581, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 1949, illiteracy among both Uyghurs and Tibetans was similar to that throughout China and estimated as higher than 90%. Since then, the rate of illiteracy in Xinjiang has shrunk considerably, while in Tibet it has remained the highest in China. This gap can explain the difference between the small volume of literature published annually in Tibet and the extensive literature that appears yearly in Xinjiang. A major reason for the high literacy rate and the emergence of a thriving modern literature in Xinjiang is the system of modern education that developed in the region at the start of the twentieth century. In contrast, in Tibet, the religious conservatism of the Buddhist elite prevented the introduction of modern education in order to retain local cultures. The comparison of the influences of modern education on the creation of literary traditions allows us to examine the continuity of Uyghur and Tibetan cultures in the context of contemporary China.; (AN 46831861)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831861&site=ehost-live

5.

Bride kidnapping in post-Soviet Eurasia: a roundtable discussion by Werner, Cynthia; Edling, Christopher; Becker, Charles; Kim, Elena; Kleinbach, Russell; Sartbay, Fatima Esengeldievna; Teachout, Woden. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p582-601, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThroughout Eurasia, bride kidnapping continues to be a fairly common way to get married. The practice is becoming increasingly controversial. Some local actors argue the practice is a cultural tradition, while others question its acceptability, particularly when a woman is forced to marry against her will. Many scholars, journalists and non-governmental organization workers view non-consensual variations of bride kidnapping as a form of gender-based violence. In October 2016, an interdisciplinary group of scholars gathered at the annual Central Eurasia Studies Society conference to assess existing scholarship on bride kidnapping in post-Soviet Eurasia. Using an innovative format, this paper offers an edited transcript of that roundtable discussion. The roundtable format provides readers an opportunity to see a diverse range of perspectives and opinions in response to several questions about bride kidnapping. This paper provides a thorough introduction to key issues surrounding bride kidnapping and offers suggestions for areas that need further exploration.; (AN 46831862)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831862&site=ehost-live

6.

Soviet and Muslim: the institutionalization of Islam in Central Asia by Keller, Shoshana. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p602-603, 2p; (AN 46831863)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831863&site=ehost-live

7.

The Central Asia–Afghanistan relationship: From Soviet intervention to Silk Road initiative by Kenderdine, Tristan. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p604-606, 3p; (AN 46831864)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831864&site=ehost-live

8.

Threads of empire: loyalty and tsarist authority in Bashkiria, 1552–1917 by Schafer, Daniel E.. Central Asian Survey, October 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 4 p606-608, 3p; (AN 46831865)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46831865&site=ehost-live

 

3

China Quarterly
Volume 235, no. 1, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 235 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 46508417)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508417&site=ehost-live

2.

CQY volume 235 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 46508427)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508427&site=ehost-live

3.

The Prevalence and the Increasing Significance of Guanxi by Bian, Yanjie. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p597-621, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper provides an analytical review of the social science literature on guanxi. The focus of this review is on the prevalence and the increasing significance of guanxiduring China's post-1978 reforms, which were implemented to move the country towards a market economy. Since then, researchers have engaged in debates on what guanxiactually means to Chinese people in the past and today, how it has been adaptive to ongoing institutional transformations, and why its influence in economic, social, and political spheres can stabilize, increase or decrease with market reforms and economic growth. The author provides a synthesis of these debates before offering a theoretical framework which provides an understanding of the dynamics of guanxithrough the changing degrees of institutional uncertainty and market competition. Survey findings on the increasing use of guanxiin labour markets from 1978 to 2009 are presented to illustrate the usefulness of this framework. In the conclusion, the author argues that guanxiis a five-level variable, and that the nature and forms of guanxiinfluence are contingent upon whether guanxiis a tie of connectivity, a sentimental tie, a sentiment-derived instrumental tie, an instrumental-particular tie, or an obligational tie that facilitates power and money exchanges. This five-level conceptualization is aimed at advancing future scholarship of guanxiin China's rapidly changing society.; (AN 46508424)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508424&site=ehost-live

4.

The Politics of Personnel Redundancy: The Non-leading Cadre System in the Chinese Bureaucracy by Chan, Hon S.; Gao, Jie. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p622-643, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis study provides an overview of the origin, importance and strength of the non-leading cadre system and argues that the system plays a key role in building resilience in China's bureaucracy. The non-leading cadre system is administratively and politically important because it makes the party-state bureaucracy more adaptable and fosters cohesion among the elite cadre workforce. Although the system may appear to have institutionalized redundancy, this study argues that this redundancy has the benefit of making movement between leading and non-leading cadre status possible. In other words, the non-leading cadre system provides the various levels of the party-state bureaucracy with the leverage to develop their own measures for resolving their own problems. Putting aside the deficiencies in implementation, the non-leading cadre system is likely to remain durable and will help to develop an agile and resilient personnel management system, at least in the short to medium term.; (AN 46508435)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508435&site=ehost-live

5.

Social Policy and Political Trust: Evidence from the New Rural Pension Scheme in China by Li, Zhonglu; Wu, Xiaogang. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p644-668, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses the data from the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) to investigate the effects of the New Rural Pension Scheme (NRPS) on people's political trust and policy expectations in China. Results from difference-in-differences (DID) analyses show that those in the NRPS pilot areas reported higher levels of trust in government at both central and local levels than their counterparts in non-NRPS areas, with the former gaining more support than the latter. Moreover, the potential NRPS beneficiaries show similarly higher levels of trust in both central and local governments than non-NRPS beneficiaries. However, the policy did not increase rural residents’ rights consciousness that the government should take the main responsibility for the provision of the old-age support. These findings suggest that citizens' political trust under an authoritarian regime is mainly determined by the material benefits they receive.; (AN 46508408)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508408&site=ehost-live

6.

Acquired but Unvested Welfare Rights: Migration and Entitlement Barriers in Reform-Era China by Zhang, Li; Li, Meng. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p669-692, 24p; Abstract: AbstractScholars studying Chinese development have long acknowledged the significance of the hukousystem in impeding internal migration and defining welfare entitlements. However, another crucial barrier is often overlooked: the incomplete transferability of acquired welfare rights. By examining the case of the Urban Employee Basic Pension System, this paper aims to understand how the limited transferability of acquired rights acts as an obstacle to labour migration and entitlement accomplishment. It also seeks to explore the factors that are accountable for the low level of welfare rights transferability. Our findings suggest that migration and entitlement barriers today may not be so much a question of a particular form of hukouexclusion but more of a problem of insufficient rights portability. An in-depth understanding of the structural constraints of China's reform-era migration and rights attainment needs to take into account the transferability of welfare entitlements for migrant workers, and go beyond a narrow conceptualization of the hukousystem per se.; (AN 46508431)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508431&site=ehost-live

7.

Separating Intervention from Regime Change: China's Diplomatic Innovations at the UN Security Council Regarding the Syria Crisis by Fung, Courtney J.. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p693-712, 20p; Abstract: AbstractChina's response to the recent Syria crisis at the UN Security Council represents a crucial case in China's approach to intervention in that it breaks from China's recent practice of becoming more permissive regarding intervention. Instead, China actively worked to ensure that a firm line was drawn to separate intervention from foreign-imposed regime change. It did so by employing three diplomatic innovations: exercising multiple, successive vetoes; expanding discourse to delegitimize intervention as “regime change” by Western powers; and engaging in norm-shaping of the international community's “responsibility to protect” post-intervention. Together, these three innovations highlight China's desire to firmly separate the intervention norm from that of regime change. Using a variety of primary sources, the article also draws insights from interviews with foreign policy elites in Beijing, New York and New Delhi.; (AN 46508437)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508437&site=ehost-live

8.

China's Involvement in Africa's Security: The Case of China's Participation in the UN Mission to Stabilize Mali by Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p713-734, 22p; Abstract: AbstractChina has been much more involved in Africa's economy and trade than in its security. However, over the past decade or so, China has increased its participation in the United Nation's Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs), particularly in Africa. It has also taken steps to better protect its overseas nationals and, in 2017, established a naval base in Djibouti. This article focuses on the participation of China's People's Liberation Army in the United Nation's Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) since 2013. It aims to unpack the diplomatic process that led China to take part in this mission and to analyse the form of this participation. Mali was the second time (the first being in South Sudan in 2012) that China opted to deploy combat troops under the UN banner, underscoring a deepening involvement in PKOs and an increasing readiness to face risks. Finally, this article explores the implications of China's participation in the MINUSMA for its foreign and security posture as a whole. Often perceived as a realist rising power, by more actively participating in UN PKOs China is trying to demonstrate that it is a responsible and “integrationist” great power, ready to play the game according to the commonly approved international norms. Is this really the case?; (AN 46508426)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508426&site=ehost-live

9.

More than Peripheral: How Provinces Influence China's Foreign Policy by Wong, Audrye. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p735-757, 23p; Abstract: AbstractMost analyses of China's foreign and security policies treat China as a unitary actor, assuming a cohesive grand strategy articulated by Beijing. I challenge this conventional wisdom, showing how Chinese provinces can affect the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This contributes to existing research on the role of subnational actors in China, which has focused on how they shape domestic and economic policies. Using Hainan and Yunnan as case studies, I identify three mechanisms of provincial influence – trailblazing, carpetbagging, and resisting – and illustrate them with examples of key provincial policies. This analysis provides a more nuanced argument than is commonly found in international relations for the motivations behind evolving and increasingly activist Chinese foreign policy. It also has important policy implications for understanding and responding to Chinese behaviour, in the South China Sea and beyond.; (AN 46508416)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508416&site=ehost-live

10.

Nationalism on Weibo: Towards a Multifaceted Understanding of Chinese Nationalism by Zhang, Yinxian; Liu, Jiajun; Wen, Ji-Rong. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p758-783, 26p; Abstract: AbstractIt appears that nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years, particularly among online communities. Scholars agree that the Chinese government is facing pressure from online nationalistic and pro-democracy forces; however, it is believed that of the two, nationalistic views are the more dominant. Online nationalism is believed to have pushed the Chinese government to be more aggressive in diplomacy. This study challenges this conventional wisdom by finding that online political discourse is notdominated by nationalistic views, but rather by anti-regime sentiments. Even when there is an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, it may be accompanied by pro-democracy views that criticize the government. By analysing more than 6,000 tweets from 146 Chinese opinion leaders on Weibo, and by decomposing nationalistic discussion by specific topic, this study shows that rather than being monolithically xenophobic, nationalists may have differing sets of views regarding China's supposed rivals. Rather than being supportive of the regime, nationalists may incorporate liberal values to challenge the government. Nonetheless, this liberal dominance appears to provoke a backlash of nationalism among certain groups.; (AN 46508423)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508423&site=ehost-live

11.

“No CCP, No New China”: Pastoral Power in Official Narratives in China by Zhang, Xiaoling; Brown, Melissa Shani; O'Brien, David. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p784-803, 20p; Abstract: AbstractGuided by Michel Foucault's concept of “pastoral power,” this article examines the ways in which contemporary discourses within official narratives in China portray the state in a paternal fashion to reinforce its legitimacy. Employing interdisciplinary approaches, this article explores a number of sites in Urumqi, the regional capital of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), in order to map how a coherent official narrative of power and authority is created and reinforced across different spaces and texts. It demonstrates how both history and the present day are depicted in urban Xinjiang in order to portray the state in a pastoral role that legitimates its use of force, as well as emphasizing its core role in developing the region out of poverty and into “civilization.”; (AN 46508429)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508429&site=ehost-live

12.

Unravelling China's Food Security Puzzle, 1979–2008 by Du, Jane; King, Cheng. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p804-827, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article studies Chinese central government policies in relation to food market building and food security between 1979 and 2008. It investigates major changes in the state's grain purchase pricing, urban subsidized food sales and the state monopoly over rural-to-urban food circulation that were effected in an attempt to ensure both food availability and accessibility under fiscal constraint. By observing the gradual transition from state monopoly to the market, this article traces the mechanisms which enabled the Chinese government to both establish a monopsony by generating artificial price signals for farmers to generate food output, and act as a monopolistic seller by providing subsidized low-priced food to urban consumers in order to fulfil its goal of low-cost industrialization. Thus, China's food security largely hinged on the government's budget to subsidize the price gap. The Chinese government juggled between food security and fiscal affordability to formulate a food budget that would neither excessively impact food security nor cause a crisis to government finance. China's food security puzzle was eventually worked out in the mid-2000s with the boosting of national income, which enhanced the population's access to food and eased the central government's food security concerns.; (AN 46508404)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508404&site=ehost-live

13.

Stabilizing Forests and Communities: Accommodative Buffering within China's Collective Forest Tenure Reform by Zinda, John Aloysius; Zhang, Zhiming. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p828-848, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChina's recent collective forest tenure reform is intended to clarify and certify forest rights, and thereby promote market circulation of forestland, encourage forestry production and safeguard conservation. Central policy statements prioritize parcelling tenure among households to promote efficient management. This study examines how participants experienced the programme in communities in north-west Yunnan. In the study area, rather than individualizing tenure, forestry agencies compelled communities to re-collectivize forests. Nonetheless, residents persist in using household forests despite restrictions. Local officials tacitly sanction these activities. In mountain hinterlands, forest tenure reform has been focused on “stabilizing” forests and communities. Rather than forcibly impose tenure designs, authorities perform what we call accommodative buffering. A set of formal institutions, rules and mappings enables projects like forest ecological compensation payments to go forward. However, state agents at local and higher levels tolerate informal practices that contain the trouble that poorly fitted formal institutions might cause. While potentially more resilient than by-the-book enforcement, these arrangements could leave residents vulnerable to political shifts that require a demonstration of policy adherence.; (AN 46508412)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508412&site=ehost-live

14.

Food Production Standards and the Chinese Local State: Exploring New Patterns of Environmental Governance in the Bamboo Shoot Industry in Lin'an by Chan, Kin Wing (Ray); Flynn, Andrew. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p849-875, 27p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough current studies into Chinese food supply and quality provide explanations for the causality of food problems, there is limited inquiry into the role of the county government. This is a serious omission for two main reasons: first, because county governments perform a key role in providing support for farmers through agricultural extension services and farmers’ cooperatives, and second, because county-level administrative divisions are central to developing novel instruments to manage supply chain relationships, such as food production standards. We investigate the key players involved in standard making and delivery at the county level. We also analyse how and why the county government engages in standard-setting activities. We use Lin'an's bamboo shoot production industry as a case study to understand how the local state implements “hazard-free,” “green” and “forest food” production standards. The paper concludes that traditional conceptualizations of the local state do not sufficiently address how nature, knowledge of standards and state authority co-produce institutional capacity to control food supply and quality in China. In practice, the local state engages with non-state actors to achieve superficial environmental efforts, such as developing food production standards to throw a “green cloak” over a productivist model.; (AN 46508421)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508421&site=ehost-live

15.

Book Review: The China Order: Centralia, World Empire, and the Nature of Chinese Power by Carrico, Kevin. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p876-877, 2p; (AN 46508415)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508415&site=ehost-live

16.

Book Review: End of an Era: How China's Authoritarian Revival is Undermining Its Rise by Thornton, Patricia M.. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p878-879, 2p; (AN 46508405)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508405&site=ehost-live

17.

Book Review: The Contentious Public Sphere: Law, Media, and Authoritarian Rule in China by Lorentzen, Peter. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p879-881, 3p; (AN 46508413)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508413&site=ehost-live

18.

Book Review: The Power of Ideas: The Rising Influence of Thinkers and Think Tanks in China by Hayward, Jane. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p881-882, 2p; (AN 46508418)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508418&site=ehost-live

19.

Book Review: Criminal Defense in China: The Politics of Lawyers at Work by Chen, Jianfu. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p882-884, 3p; (AN 46508432)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508432&site=ehost-live

20.

Book Review: Justice: The China Experience and Chinese Legal Reform and the Global Legal Order: Adoption and Adaptation by Liu, Sida. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p884-886, 3p; (AN 46508419)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508419&site=ehost-live

21.

Book Review: Mobilizing Without the Masses: Control and Contention in China by Martinez, Regina Enjuto. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p886-888, 3p; (AN 46508409)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508409&site=ehost-live

22.

Book Review: The Emerging Industrial Relations of China by Jia, Henry Hailong. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p888-889, 2p; (AN 46508436)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508436&site=ehost-live

23.

Book Review: City Making and Global Labor Regimes: Chinese Immigrants and Italy's Fast Fashion Industry by Liu-Farrer, Gracia. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p890-891, 2p; (AN 46508422)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508422&site=ehost-live

24.

Book Review: Tourism and Prosperity in Miao Land: Power and Inequality in Rural Ethnic China by Chio, Jenny. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p891-893, 3p; (AN 46508411)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508411&site=ehost-live

25.

Book Review: Chongqing's Red Culture Campaign: Simulation and Its Social Implications by Zhang, Xiaoye. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p893-895, 3p; (AN 46508434)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508434&site=ehost-live

26.

Book Review: China in the Mix: Cinema, Sound and Popular Culture in the Age of Globalization by Berry, Chris. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p895-896, 2p; (AN 46508420)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508420&site=ehost-live

27.

Book Review: China's Media Go Global by Sullivan, Jonathan. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p896-898, 3p; (AN 46508433)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508433&site=ehost-live

28.

Book Review: The Red Star and the Crescent: China and the Middle East by Horesh, Niv. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p898-900, 3p; (AN 46508438)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508438&site=ehost-live

29.

Book Review: Financing Healthcare in China: Towards Universal Health Insurance by Maags, Christina. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p900-901, 2p; (AN 46508425)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508425&site=ehost-live

30.

Book Review: Mental Health in China: Change, Tradition and Therapeutic Governance by Pritzker, Sonya E.. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p901-904, 4p; (AN 46508439)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508439&site=ehost-live

31.

Book Review: The Good Child: Moral Development in a Chinese Preschool by Kuan, Teresa. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p904-905, 2p; (AN 46508407)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508407&site=ehost-live

32.

Book Review: China's Conservative Revolution: The Quest for a New Order, 1927–1949 by MacKinnon, Stephen R.. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p906-907, 2p; (AN 46508428)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508428&site=ehost-live

33.

Book Review: The Kaohsiung Incident in Taiwan and Memoirs of a Foreign Big Beard by Wright, David Curtis. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p907-909, 3p; (AN 46508414)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508414&site=ehost-live

34.

Book Review: The Art of Being Governed: Everyday Politics in Late Imperial China by Rusk, Bruce. The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p909-911, 3p; (AN 46508406)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508406&site=ehost-live

35.

Books received The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p912-914, 3p; (AN 46508410)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508410&site=ehost-live

36.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, September 2018, Vol. 235 Issue: Number 1 p915-916, 2p; (AN 46508430)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46508430&site=ehost-live

 

4

Civil Wars
Volume 20, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Violence and Order: The February 2016 Cease-fire and the Development of Rebel Governance Institutions in Southern Syria by Sosnowski, Marika. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p309-332, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper views cease-fires as being multifaceted with the potential for having diverse consequences for rebel governance development. It uses the February 2016 cease-fire for Syria as a lens through which to examine the interplay of order and violence at the national level on the development of local governance institutions in Syria’s southern Dara’a province. It argues that cease-fires do not simply end or freeze hostilities but rather are political instruments that recalibrate complex systems of layered governance.; (AN 47090176)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090176&site=ehost-live

2.

The Gulf and the Horn: Changing Geographies of Security Interdependence and Competing Visions of Regional Order by Verhoeven, Harry. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p333-357, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe historical proximity between the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa has in recent years been increasingly experienced as a relationship of growing insecurity. Gulf States have rapidly expanded their economic and political roles on the other side of the Red Sea and have established military bases. This article argues that this interventionist thrust is historically rooted and deeply structural: the politics of state survival that dominate both the Gulf and the Horn are leading aspiring regional hegemons with a self-proclaimed responsibility to provide order to securitise their near abroad. Originating from the self-identity of regional powers and efforts to protect their respective domestic political settlements, this is producing a profoundly destabilising pattern of regional polarisation.; (AN 47090177)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090177&site=ehost-live

3.

A New Era of Insurgent Recruitment: Have ‘New’ Civil Wars changed the Dynamic? by Reno, William; Matisek, Jahara. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p358-378, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article surveys the way in which political scientists and non-traditional scholars have analysed insurgencies and counterinsurgencies. We contend that insurgent recruitment is different in ‘new’ wars due to globalisation. We note continuity in ‘old’ and ‘new’ civil wars, but that collapsed states and the ascent of new types of insurgents with different power bases is markedly different from a pre-globalised era. While there is nothing new about the concept of contemporary insurgent recruiting processes, recruitment efforts have shifted towards a global audience, drastically changing the context and character of these wars and the ways in which they are waged.; (AN 47090178)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090178&site=ehost-live

4.

Women in Charge: The Effect of Rebel Governance and Women’s Organisations on Karen Women’s Political Participation by Israelsen, Shelli. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p379-407, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat factors affect women’s political participation in wartime? Previous scholarship has found several benefits associated with women’s participation in the peace process and in post-conflict society. However, little is known about what drives women’s political participation during or after civil war. This article addresses the former and examines two factors – the type of civilian governance structure and the degree of autonomy of women’s groups – to determine their effect on women’s participation in communities experiencing conflict. Drawing on fieldwork in Thailand and Burma/Myanmar, this article uses the conflict between the Burmese government and the Karen National Union to explore this relationship.; (AN 47090179)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090179&site=ehost-live

5.

The Pitfalls of List Experiments in Conflict Zones by Pechenkina, Anna O.; Bausch, Andrew W.; Skinner, Kiron K.. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p408-435, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScholars of conflict often rely on fieldwork to study behaviours of civilians and combatants on the ground. A list experiment is a potentially useful tool for conflict scholars, as this survey methodology is designed to indirectly obtain truthful self-reports of behaviours while preserving the respondents’ anonymity. Acknowledging its advantages, this article also reviews the often overlooked shortcomings of list experiments as a survey method in conflict zones, including those limitations that cannot be corrected with better design or implementation. As an illustration, we discuss the list experiment employed to measure civilian assistance to the insurgents in the Donbas War.; (AN 47090180)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090180&site=ehost-live

6.

Introduction on the Book Review Roundtable by Foroughi, Payam. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p436-437, 2p; (AN 47090181)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090181&site=ehost-live

7.

Intervening in the Course of History: Male Autobiographical Accounts of War by Roche, Sophie. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p438-440, 3p; (AN 47090182)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090182&site=ehost-live

8.

A Rare Use of Five Critical Issues vis-à-vis the Tajik Civil War by Mullojonov, Parviz. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p441-443, 3p; (AN 47090183)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090183&site=ehost-live

9.

Before the ‘Founder of Peace’: Remembering Anarchy in Tajikistan by Driscoll, Jesse. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p444-446, 3p; (AN 47090184)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090184&site=ehost-live

10.

Significance of Agency, but also Affective Geopolitics in the Tajik Civil War by Foroughi, Payam. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p447-450, 4p; (AN 47090185)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090185&site=ehost-live

11.

Author Response on the Book Review Roundtable by Epkenhans, Tim. Civil Wars, July 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3 p451-453, 3p; (AN 47090186)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090186&site=ehost-live

 

5

Cold War History
Volume 18, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Beyond the Kremlin’s reach? Eastern Europe and China in the Cold War era by Zofka, Jan; Vámos, Péter; Urbansky, Sören. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p251-256, 6p; Abstract: AbstractThis special issue examines relations between the People's Republic of China and socialist Eastern European states during the Cold War. By focusing on transfers and interconnections, and on the social dimension of governmental interactions, our main goal is to explore structures, institutions and spaces of interaction between China and Eastern Europe and their potential autonomy from political conjunctures. The guiding question we raise is: To what degree did Chinese and Eastern European players beyond the centres of power have room to manoeuvre outside the agendas of the Kremlin, national governments or party leadership?; (AN 46560914)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560914&site=ehost-live

2.

Performing socialist Hungary in China: ‘modern, Magyar, European’ by Böröcz, József. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p257-274, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper reconstructs the ways in which the Hungarian People’s Army Performing Arts Ensemble arranged its repertoire to perform socialist Hungary in the autumn of 1956, during the Ensemble’s tour in the People’s Republic of China. The paper performs a close reading of a single archival document, the program of the Ensemble’s début performance before non-European socialist audiences that took place in Shenyang on September 21, 1956. The repertoire featured a simple chronological, quasi-historical overview of musical and dance traditions from Hungary. It offered a vague, highly stylized set of references to Hungary’s military traditions. It attempted to realize the triple formula of a new, ‘modern, Magyar, European,’ art form, and foregrounded a plebian (‘peasant-‘) progressive-patriotic theme with hints of ethnic nationalism. The program provided the absolute minimum of the standard Stalinist fare, resolutely avoided any reference to the USSR or Russia, and, most fascinating, closed with a self-ironical dance piece featuring a powerful allegorical story of socialism with a ‘Hungarian face,’ something that represented a resolute break with the Stalinist aesthetic canon and reinforced the group’s political commitment to a socialism that is ‘modern, Magyar and European.’; (AN 46560915)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560915&site=ehost-live

3.

Socialist exhibits and Sino-Soviet relations, 1950–60 by Jersild, Austin. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p275-289, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSocialist bloc exhibits in China in the 1950s communicated ideas about the future prosperity and development to be brought to China in the wake of its alliance with the socialist world, the role of socialism in preserving and maintaining folk and traditional culture, and the role of the bloc in extending the virtues of European high culture to the East. The Soviets proudly displayed Russia’s historic contribution to high culture as well as information about contemporary events at the Bol’shoi Theater and other cultural institutions in Moscow and St. Petersburg, and the East Germans and the Czechoslovaks similarly emphasized the prestige and quality of their past artists and composers as well as their contemporary symphonies and orchestras. The Chinese, however, were increasingly disappointed both with socialist bloc approaches to Chinese development as well as with depictions of Chinese culture that reminded them of the heritage of European imperialism. They complained in the exhibit “comment books” about methods, practices and technology that offered little to unique Chinese “conditions” and “peculiarities.” They were frustrated by the inefficiencies of Soviet-style socialism, and they even complained about the food at the Moscow Restaurant. By the end of the decade, the exhibits served as yet another example of the miscommunication, frustration and dispute over models of development that contributed to the Sino-Soviet split.; (AN 46560916)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560916&site=ehost-live

4.

Sino-Czechoslovak cooperation on agricultural cooperatives: the twinning project by Kolenovska, Daniela. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p291-306, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe Czechoslovak Communists officially declared the People’s Republic of China second most important ally after the Soviet Union in 1949. The onset of collectivisation in both countries opened opportunities for exchange of experience in agriculture. Taking a twinning bilateral project between two agricultural cooperatives as an example, the article analyses various dimensions of Sino-Czechoslovak relations. Based upon Czechoslovak archival documents and an interview with the Czech participant in the twinning, it argues that while top political and economic contacts remained Soviet-supervised, on the personal level positive impression survived the Sino-Soviet split although the Czechoslovak Communists stayed loyal to Moscow.; (AN 46560917)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560917&site=ehost-live

5.

Kremlinology revisited: the nuances of reporting on China in the Eastern bloc press by Urbansky, Sören; Trecker, Max. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p307-324, 18p; Abstract: AbstractBased on the assumption that the media was part of the intra-bloc diplomacy in eastern Europe, we explore the official portrayal of China in the East German, Hungarian and Polish press. Focusing on the Great Leap Forward, Sino-Indian War and Cultural Revolution, we analyse not only what was reported, but also how news were structured and what language was used. Disparities indicate that the uncertainty of future relations between Moscow and Beijing, combined with disagreements between Moscow and its satellites, forced the leaderships to adapt to new circumstances but simultaneously created leeway for their own political agendas.; (AN 46560918)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560918&site=ehost-live

6.

China as a role model? The ‘Economic Leap’ campaign in Bulgaria (1958–1960) by Zofka, Jan. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p325-342, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe article examines the transnational dimensions of the industrialisation drive in Bulgaria in the late 1950s and poses the question of how extensively this campaign was influenced by the contemporary ‘Great Leap Forward’ in China. Although there is no evidence of comprehensive adoption of a Chinese model, there was widespread enthusiasm for China, and technologies were transferred in connection with the Chinese acceleration policies. These transfers did not have a geopolitical implication, as Western Cold War historians had supposed, but rather happened in a context of widespread technological exchange and hint at multi-centrality in the socialist camp before the Sino-Soviet split.; (AN 46560919)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560919&site=ehost-live

7.

Promoting the ‘China Way’ of communism in Poland and beyond during the Sino-Soviet Split: the case of Kazimierz Mijal by Gnoinska, Margaret K.. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p343-359, 17p; Abstract: AbstractKazimierz Mijal – a promoter of the “China Way” in Polish communism during the Sino-Soviet split – was not only a nuisance to Warsaw’s leadership domestically but had a certain effect on international politics within the communist world. He was used as a political tool by both Albania and China, and complicated Poland’s delicate diplomacy with both Beijing and Moscow. His long biographical and personal journey – forced but also intentional, grounded in belief and shaped by geopolitics – embodies contradictions and paradoxes of the international communist movement which often spread beyond the reach and control of the Kremlin during the cold war.; (AN 46560920)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560920&site=ehost-live

8.

A Hungarian model for China? Sino-Hungarian relations in the era of economic reforms, 1979–89 by Vámos, Péter. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p361-378, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn the wake of the introduction of the Chinese reform and opening up policy in 1978, the Beijing leadership paid special attention to the Hungarian experience with its reform of the economic management system. This article argues that although it is hard to identify single measures within the complex system of Chinese economic reforms that can be labelled as Hungarian in their origins, reference to a reform community proved to be an effective tool for Beijing’s leaders to emerge from isolation in the socialist bloc, rally international support, and strengthen domestic legitimacy for their reform agendas throughout the 1980s.; (AN 46560921)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560921&site=ehost-live

9.

The economic struggle for power in Tito’s Yugoslavia: from World War II to non-alignment by Haynes, Mike. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p379-381, 3p; (AN 46560922)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560922&site=ehost-live

10.

An African Volk: the apartheid regime and the search for survival by Baines, Gary. Cold War History, July 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p381-384, 4p; (AN 46560923)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46560923&site=ehost-live

 

6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 51, no. 4, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

Socialism, capitalism, or Chinism? by Kolodko, Grzegorz W.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p285-298, 14p; Abstract: Is China still building socialism or has it already built capitalism? Or maybe both? Or maybe none of those two systems? Or maybe with the market reforms that deviate from the traditional socialism, it has created something different from the classical types of political and socio-economic regimes known from the 20th century? Some authors have proclaimed that there has been capitalism in China for some time; others claim that socialism has developed there, of course one with Chinese characteristics. Shortages have been successfully eliminated, but the economic system is unbalanced, showing surpluses this time. So, is it socialism, as the official Chinese authorities claim, or capitalism, as asserted by numerous economists? Tertium non datur? By no means, as there are yet other possibilities of system interpretations and the most fascinating of them is being offered by the present-day China, where a unique internal convergence is taking place. Features of socialism intermingle with essentials of capitalism and vice versa, creating a new, different quality. Tertium datur.; (AN 46839952)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46839952&site=ehost-live

2.

Sectoral linkages at the beginning of the 21st century: The role of Polish economy in global production structures by Gurgul, Henryk; Lach, Łukasz. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p299-314, 16p; Abstract: This paper provides a first attempt in analyzing the role of Polish economy in the production structure of the global economy in the early years of the 21st century. For the purpose of this analysis, we propose a new approach in which two most important aspects of interindustry linkages in a global input-output model are examined. Contrary to previous studies focused on output-oriented key sector analyses in post-communist CEE economies, we focus on a fundamental policy target variable – income per gross output. In order to analyze the issues in question in a dynamic framework, the empirical results are based on the 2000 and 2014 global intercountry input-output tables for the 28 EU countries as well as 15 other major countries in the world.; (AN 47237806)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237806&site=ehost-live

3.

The labour market and income distribution in post-socialist economies – Non-obvious regularities by Tomkiewicz, Jacek. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p315-324, 10p; Abstract: The goal of this paper is to analyse the major processes which took place on the labour market of post-socialist economies and to check what the outcomes of thee mechanisms used for income distribution. Few findings are especially interesting because of its counterintuitive character. First, there is a “strange” relation between the depth of recession and scale of rise in unemployment. Countries which suffered from quite moderate fall in GDP experienced high level of unemployment, while the economies which noticed substantial recession were able to sustain very limited unemployment rate. One can also expect that economy which suffered from sharp rise in unemployment should be the one in which income inequalities deteriorate in the biggest extend. Again, this is not what has happened in post-socialist countries. Economies like Russia or Ukraine which noticed quite limited rise in unemployment rates, experienced the highest deterioration in the income inequalities indicators. Finally, closer look at labour markets of EU New Member states shows that social cohesion in these countries is a much bigger problem than it appears from simple Gini coefficients.; (AN 47237807)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237807&site=ehost-live

4.

Foreign threat and political party change: Russia and changes in party manifestos by Ishiyama, John; Pace, Christopher; Stewart, Brandon. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p325-335, 11p; Abstract: How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly lesshawkish.; (AN 47237805)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237805&site=ehost-live

5.

Russian and Ukrainian elites: A comparative study of different identities and alternative transitions by Kuzio, Taras. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p337-347, 11p; Abstract: The deterioration in Russian-Ukrainian relations heightened in 2014 but did not begin then and has deeper roots. Both Russian presidents have had troubled relations with all five Ukrainian presidents irrespective if they were described as ‘nationalist’ or ‘pro-Russian.’ This article is the first to explain why the roots of the crisis go deeper and it does this by investigating three areas. The first is the different sources of elites in 1991 when independent Russia captured Soviet institutions and undertook top-down state building while Ukraine inherited far less and set course with bottom up state-building. The second is divergent Russian and Ukrainian national identities. The third is the resultant different transitions with Russia reverting to great power imperial nationalism and Ukraine quadruple and post-colonial transitions.; (AN 46850350)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46850350&site=ehost-live

6.

Revolution without regime change: The evidence from the post-Euromaidan Ukraine by Matsiyevsky, Yuriy. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p349-359, 11p; Abstract: What effects does a revolution have on the stability or change of a hybrid regime? Has the Ukraine's regime changed since the 2014 revolution? To answer these questions I examine the changes in formal and informal institutions and the quantitative and qualitative composition of elites after the change of power in Ukraine in 2014. I argue that despite greater than in the post-orange period quantitative renewal of elites, qualitative change has not occurred. Meanwhile, the old operational code, or modus operandi,of elites' political culture, composed of clientelism, secretive deals and quota based nominations to government positions continues to operate. The lack of elites' renewal and the dominance of informal rules over formal procedures – two factors that keep the institutional core of Ukraine's hybrid regime unchanged.; (AN 47237809)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237809&site=ehost-live

7.

Democracy over power? The democratic decision-making process in the case of the attempted privatization of Estonia's power production by Khakee, Anna. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p361-373, 13p; Abstract: The suspense-filled attempted partial privatization of the Narva Power Plants in the neo-liberal darling Estonia involved a rich cast, from trade unions and local scientists, via Estonian courts and ombudsmen to international consulting firms, major global banks and the US government. More important, a detailed single case study on the democratic decision-making process in this privatization case makes it possible to go beyond common generalizations regarding the consequences of neo-liberalism for democratic processes. It shows that purported proponents of economic neo-liberalism such as the US government sometimes use their arguments to advance the narrow business interests of politically well-connected firms. Established private firms can behave in a more rent-seeking manner than publicly owned, ex-communist companies. Liberal economic principles of open competition and a level playing-field are at times used by actors in the democratic process to question top-down, opaque economic decisions.; (AN 47006998)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47006998&site=ehost-live

8.

Nomads under arrest: The nation-building and nation-destroying of Kalmyk nomads in Russia by Bougdaeva, Saglar; Isaacs, Rico. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p375-385, 11p; Abstract: Nomads are positioned outside of the modern conception of nations, which is based on a traditional or modern hierarchical model (Kuzio, 2001) which tends to “dehistoricize and essentialize tradition” (Chatterjee, 2010: 169). Using an analysis of the narrative construction of nomadic Kalmyk nationhood, particularly through historiography and culture, this article demonstrates that in spite of nation-destroying efforts from the Tsarist Empire and the Soviet Union, the Kalmyk nation has been flexible with reinventing cultural strategies in charting the nomadic national imaginary from Chinggis Khan to the Dalai Lama. It argues that nomadic nationhood contains a deeply imaginary response to nomads’ cultural and intellectual milieu which provided a way of freeing itself from Tsarist and Soviet modular narratives of national imagination, demonstrating how nomadic nationhood exists as a non-modular form of nationhood.; (AN 47237808)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237808&site=ehost-live

9.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 pIFC-IFC; (AN 47237810)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47237810&site=ehost-live

 

7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 37, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

Of terrorism types and countermeasures: In need of a new framework by Hellmuth, Dorle. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p155-174, 20p; Abstract: AbstractSince 2001, the focus of U.S. policymakers has been on Jihadi terrorism: Al Qaeda, its various affiliates, and, more recently, the challenges posed by ISIS/ISIL. Against this backdrop, it is easy to neglect other types of terrorism that exist, commonly referred to as ethno-separatist, left-wing, right-wing, or single-issue. Many Jihadi groups share similarities with or are influenced by some of these other types. This article expands on Bard O’Neill’s insurgency framework to distinguish between nine types of non-state terrorist groups. This more detailed categorization illustrates important overlaps between groups as well as differences and should help tailor counterterrorism strategies.; (AN 47227748)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227748&site=ehost-live

2.

Atom bombing the jungle by Kaplan, Edward A.. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p175-190, 16p; Abstract: AbstractIn 1960, the senior Air Force officer in Europe published an article in the Air Force's premier journal in which he advocated using nuclear weapons to combat insurgency. His ideas, as outlandish as they sound to modern ears, were consistent with a belief that a nuclear-armed military designed to flatten a superpower could ably handle lesser contingencies. While most of the theoretical exploration of using America's “best” weapons was in the realm of limited war against major powers, some of that thinking was dedicated to small wars. This article focuses on how the air-atomic USAF envisioned using nuclear weapons in small conflicts against minor powers or insurgencies. The Air Force of the mid- to late-1950s sought solutions to problems using its existing doctrine and equipment. It depended on blunt (nuclear) force delivered by manned aircraft operating independently of ground forces, the USAF struggled with emerging trends in conventional and unconventional warfare, but had confidence it could handle the challenge. As one airpower thinker of the period stated, “The dog we keep to lick the cat can lick the kittens too.”; (AN 47227749)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227749&site=ehost-live

3.

Public policy and nuclear disarmament by Stevens, Christopher A.. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p191-206, 16p; Abstract: AbstractOnly Belarus, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Ukraine have completely surrendered nuclear weapons and then signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Although a declining security threat marks the decision-making process in all four countries, it is not clear advocates of disarmament understand the factors that caused the perception of a more cooperative security environment, and whether the lessons from those cases are applicable to the non-NPT nuclear weapons states. The literature lacks an analysis of the lessons learned from previous disarmament cases, but this study argues that the analysis cannot provide actionable, policy-relevant knowledge to further the cause of global disarmament.; (AN 47227750)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227750&site=ehost-live

4.

A Faustian pact: Has the EU-Turkey deal undermined the EU’s own security? by Kfir, Isaac. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p207-219, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that because the EU is more concerned with Turkey serving as a barrier to those seeking refuge in Europe, it has empowered the Erdoğan regime to continue to adopt and implement measures that undermine Turkish democracy. Such a myopic approach has allowed Erdoğan to usurp more power, which has had dire consequences for European security as it means that Europe would share a border a with a nondemocratic state. It also makes it harder for the EU to work with Ankara, because if the EU criticizes or imposes sanctions it makes it more likely that Erdoğan would gravitate toward Russia and Iran, thus further undermining European security, as the EU has a complex relationship with these two countries, particularly Russia. It is only by taking some tough decisions on migration that the EU could solve the insecurity challenge that Turkey poses.; (AN 47227751)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227751&site=ehost-live

5.

Linda Nchifrom the sky? Kenyan air counterinsurgency operations in Somalia by Chau, Donovan C.. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p220-234, 15p; Abstract: AbstractKenya embarked on its first foreign military operation in 2011–2012: Operation Linda Nchi(Protect the Nation) involved operations in Somalia targeting al-Shabaab. Kenya has long been an economic and political bastion of Western support. Moreover, Kenya’s military, the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF), has been a recipient of much Western arms, aid, and training over the years. But how effective were KDF counterinsurgency operations, particularly its use of air power against al-Shabaab? Through a detailed case study, it will become clear that Operation Linda Nchiwas poorly planned and the KDF, ill-prepared for its war against al-Shabaab.; (AN 47227752)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227752&site=ehost-live

6.

Currency warfare and cyber warfare: The emerging currency battlefield of the 21st century by Crespo, Ricardo A.. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p235-250, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the emerging currency battlefield and asks how cyber warfare capabilities influence the nature and conduct of currency warfare, defined as the use of monetary or military force directed against an enemy’s monetary power as part of a military campaign. Currency warfare is not new to war, but recent conflicts such as the ongoing war against ISIS (2014–present), the Russo-Ukrainian crisis (2014–present), and the Russo-Georgian War (2008) indicate a new method of attacking an enemy’s monetary power through cyber capabilities. However, little attention is currently being devoted to how cyber warfare informs the conduct of currency warfare at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels. This article approaches the question from the perspective of currency warfare and argues that cyber warfare’s contribution is at the tactical level, providing a new means by which to target an enemy’s monetary power, but it has not altered the strategic and operational objectives. At the strategic level, currency warfare continues to be motivated by a strategy of subversion and at the operation level, the objective remains the same, the denying of an opponent’s war-financing ability and the enemy leadership’s legitimacy.; (AN 47227753)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227753&site=ehost-live

7.

Military neuroscience and the coming age of neurowarfare by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p251-252, 2p; (AN 47227754)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227754&site=ehost-live

8.

US foreign policy and global standing in the 21st century: Realities and perceptions by Aubuchon, Andrew Ryan. Comparative Strategy, May 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p252-254, 3p; (AN 47227755)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47227755&site=ehost-live

 

8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 18, no. 6, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: a local to global perspective on resource governance and conflict by Schilling, Janpeter; Saulich, Christina; Engwicht, Nina. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p433-461, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article serves as an introduction to the special issue ‘A Local to Global Perspective on Resource Governance and Conflict’. It advances the debate on natural resource governance and conflict by bringing together three different strands of literature with the aim of developing a local to global research perspective and framework for analysis. First, this article reviews and identifies research gaps in the literatures on (1) the resource curse, (2) environmental security and (3) the large-scale acquisition of land and natural resources. Second, it addresses the previously identified research gaps by developing a local to global research perspective and a corresponding analytical framework. The final section of this contribution summarises the key findings of the articles presented in the special issue and outlines their policy implications.; (AN 47145743)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145743&site=ehost-live

2.

The local translation of global norms: the Sierra Leonean diamond market by Engwicht, Nina. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p463-492, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTShortcomings in natural resource governance leading to economic mismanagement, political clientelism, underdevelopment and civil conflict, have caused an increase in global norms of ‘good governance’ of natural resource sectors. As a result, a growing number of global governance initiatives are targeting conflict-prone natural resource sectors. Whether these regulatory efforts stand a chance of being successful depends on their implementation in producer countries. As the transnational regulatory framework aimed at curbing the trade in conflict minerals is expanding, this article investigates the local translation of global norms of resource governance. Drawing on the ‘local-to-global’ research perspective developed in this special issue and norm diffusion theories, the article examines one of the most prominent cases of governance reform targeting conflict-affected natural resource sectors: The Sierra Leonean diamond market. Based on extensive field research, the article analyses the implementation of KPCS requirements on the national and subnational level of governance institutions. It evaluates the accomplishments, the challenges and the local adaption to and (formal and informal) interpretation of KPCS norms.; (AN 47145744)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145744&site=ehost-live

3.

Forests, rights and development in Costa Rica: a Political Ecology perspective on indigenous peoples’ engagement in REDD+ by Wallbott, Linda; Florian-Rivero, Elena M.. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p493-520, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCosta Rica is well known for its policies to enhance conservation and sustainable use of forests. The country was also instrumental in promoting the mitigation strategy ‘Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+)’ under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The effective and legitimate implementation of REDD+ requires the participation of local stakeholders, including indigenous groups from forest regions, and corresponding provisions were established through social safeguards at the international level. In this article, we review this normative and institutional set-up and link it with experiences from the national and local levels by analysing the development of indigenous groups’ engagement in Costa Rican REDD+ politics. Drawing on a multilevel Political Ecology approach, we analyse data, which were gathered through interviews and participant observation on central government developments and on the Cabagra and Salitre indigenous territories. Our study illustrates the sociopolitical processes related to political agency, land conflicts and lessons learned, e.g. regarding epistemological biases and the local organisation of political participation, which indigenous communities have experienced during the design and consultation of the national REDD+ strategy.; (AN 47145745)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145745&site=ehost-live

4.

Plantation assemblages and spaces of contested development in Sierra Leone and Cambodia by Hennings, Anne. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p521-546, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMuch has been written on land deals, their impact and challenges of contestation in the Global South. Multiple studies show that communities are high-spirited as long as they oppose the actual conversion of their land. My findings illustrate, however, how companies, local authorities, communities, civil society and the government mitigate conflicts, re-shape resource governance, and negotiate terms of development in operating plantations and local-global dynamics thereof. Drawing on extended ethnographic research in Cambodia and Sierra Leone between 2016 and 2018, I examine two plantation assemblages linked in time and across space. Although run by the same company, the different set-ups and sociopolitical contexts have a bearing on community resistance. Based on Nail’s assemblage framework, I start out by defining the territorial assemblages prior to the companies’ arrival. Next, I illustrate the emerging plantation assemblages’ statist and capitalist features with emphasis on the repercussions of monitoring and patronisation dynamics on the communities’ dependency and leverage. Third, I highlight the resulting differences in the communities’ struggles and the potential of emerging alliances, before concluding and reflecting on policy implications.; (AN 47145746)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145746&site=ehost-live

5.

Resourcing land, dynamics of exclusion and conflict in the Maji area, Ethiopia by Wondimu, Tagel; Gebresenbet, Fana. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p547-570, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article highlights local to global linkages of ‘land grabbing’-related conflicts based on a case study of land investments in the Maji area, located in Ethiopia’s southernmost fringe territory. History of the area over the past century tells that national actors have aggravated conflicts at the local level to meet resource demand at the national and global levels. Global economic processes and actors play an indispensable role in creating demand for land. National governments and local actors work towards meeting this demand through institutional and legal interventions which ‘create’ and advertise ‘free’ land for transfer to investors. This necessitates national and local governments to deploy strategies to prevent existing and potential land users from benefiting from available resources. The risk of conflict will be heightened in situations where authoritarian development is pursued: as exclusions happen through strategies with low local legitimacy, primarily through force and, as such, invite violent counter-exclusions from the local community.; (AN 47145747)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145747&site=ehost-live

6.

A local to global perspective on oil and wind exploitation, resource governance and conflict in Northern Kenya by Schilling, Janpeter; Locham, Raphael; Scheffran, Jürgen. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 6 p571-600, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn north-western Kenya, significant oil reserves have been discovered and the first oil trucks have left Turkana County in June 2018. On the east side of Lake Turkana, the largest wind power project on the African continent was completed in mid-2017. This article applies a local to global perspective to explore the benefits and externalities for the local communities living in close proximity to the oil and wind exploitation sites. A particular focus is placed on governance of energy resources, water and employment opportunities and its impacts on new and existing conflict dynamics. The article is based on extensive field research conducted between 2016 and 2018. Results suggest that similarities between oil and wind exploitation can be identified in terms of unmet promises of compensation for land and community expectations for employment which cause tensions and conflicts between the operating companies and the local communities. Differences exist with respect to externalities such as environmental pollution that are expected to be higher for the production of oil than for wind energy.; (AN 47145748)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47145748&site=ehost-live

 

9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 40, no. 1, january 2019

Record

Results

1.

Changes to the editorial board by Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 47091790)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091790&site=ehost-live

2.

The 2019 Bernard Brodie Prize Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p2-3, 2p; (AN 47091791)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091791&site=ehost-live

3.

Using strategic culture to understand participation in expeditionary operations: Australia, Poland, and the coalition against the Islamic State by Doeser, Fredrik; Eidenfalk, Joakim. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p4-29, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates how strategic culture influenced the decision-making of Australia and Poland regarding the global coalition against the Islamic State. In the coalition, Australia has followed its tradition of active participation in United States-led operations, while Poland has embarked on a more cautious line, thereby breaking with its previous policy of active participation. The article examines how Australian and Polish responses to the coalition were shaped by five cultural elements: dominant threat perception, core task of the armed forces, strategic partners, experiences of participating in coalitions of the willing, and approach to the international legality of expeditionary operations. It finds that Australia and Poland differed on all five elements but that the major differences are found in dominant threat perception and core task of the armed forces.; (AN 47091792)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091792&site=ehost-live

4.

The politics of multinational military operations by Mello, Patrick A.; Saideman, Stephen M.. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p30-37, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTToday, few countries fight alone; most fight as allies or partners in multilateral campaigns. The end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for multinational military operations (MMOs). These have seen varying degrees of participation, enthusiasm, and success. This special forum is devoted to the politics of multilateral warfare including their formation, maintenance, and durability. The introduction sketches past research and derives some key questions of continuing relevance. The contributions shed light on the domestic and international politics of MMOs, focusing on the implementation of national restrictions and their repercussions for MMOs, party politics of military intervention, the conditions under which states decide to defect from military operations, and the role of junior partners in MMOs. In sum, this forum offers a fresh look at the politics of MMOs, including conceptual contributions to the study of national restrictions, domestic constraints, and coalition warfare.; (AN 47091793)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091793&site=ehost-live

5.

National restrictions in multinational military operations: A conceptual framework by Mello, Patrick A.. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p38-55, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent scholarship in security studies has started to explore the causes and consequences of various forms of national restrictions in multinational military operations (MMOs). This article makes a conceptual contribution to this literature by developing a theoretical framework of national restrictions in MMOs that distinguishes between structural, procedural, and operational restrictions. I argue that these types of restrictions are governed by different causal mechanisms. Structural restrictions are relatively stable over time and effect deployment decisions irrespective of other factors. Procedural restrictions, on the other hand, can constitute veto points against deployment only in combination with distinct political preferences. Finally, operational restrictions directly affect the rules of engagement of troop contributing countries. The article illustrates the three types of restrictions and their interaction with empirical examples from a range of countries and sketches their impact on MMO deployment decisions and mandates.; (AN 47091794)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091794&site=ehost-live

6.

Conceptualizing caveats for political research: Defining and measuring national reservations on the use of force during multinational military operations by Fermann, Gunnar; Frost-Nielsen, Per Marius. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p56-69, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe upsurge in post-Cold War coalition operations has stimulated research on caveats: national reservations on the use of force in multinational military operations. However, because the concept of caveats has no agreed-upon definition, it is used inconsistently. This in turn impedes comparing research findings across academic and policy studies and therefore systematic research. This article is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how the analytical concept of caveats are to be delimited. Crucially, we argue that caveats result from some calculated political decision, and should not be confused with reserved behavior due to financial and technical limitations, or lack of coordination. We suggest that caveats are empirically observed and measured in two ways: First, we argue that coalition rules of engagement should be used as a yardstick for measuring direct reservations on the use of force. Second, we suggest reservations on task-assignment and geographical mobility should be used to register indirect reservations.; (AN 47091795)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091795&site=ehost-live

7.

More allies, weaker missions? How junior partners contribute to multinational military operations by Schmitt, Olivier. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p70-84, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is a growing consensus that multinational military operations are often less effective than the theoretical sum of their constitutive parts. Multiple chains of command, restriction on intelligence sharing, and capability aggregation problems can reduce fighting power. However, partners may be necessary to provide legitimacy to an intervention. As such, most studies assume that the state leading a coalition (usually the United States) has to accept a degree of operational ineffectiveness in order to gain political benefits from the participation of junior partners to a multinational military operation. However, such analysis puts all junior partners under the same category, without taking into account the differentiated contributions of those junior partners based on their relative military power and international status. This article explores variation between the junior partners’ contributions and their impact on coalition political and military dynamics. It teases out the implications of adopting a fine-grained analysis of junior partners.; (AN 47091796)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091796&site=ehost-live

8.

Parliamentary involvement, party ideology and majority-opposition bargaining: Belgian participation in multinational military operations by Fonck, Daan; Haesebrouck, Tim; Reykers, Yf. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p85-100, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the impact of parliamentary involvement in troop deployment decisions on restrictions on military mandates by examining the Belgian contribution to the 2011 Libya intervention and the coalition against the self-proclaimed Islamic State. More specifically, we analyse (1) the effect of party ideology on mandate preferences, and (2) the impact of bargaining between majority and opposition parties on the outcome of mandate negotiations. Our case study demonstrates that left-wing parties show a strong inclination toward imposing restrictions on the use of military force beyond humanitarian goals, while right-wing preferences tend to depend on the national interests at stake in the operation. With regard to majority-opposition bargaining, our study shows that the impact of opposition parties is dependent on the degree of contention between government and opposition parties, as well as on the extent to which the executive needs to seek support across its own majority.; (AN 47091797)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091797&site=ehost-live

9.

Ideology, ballots, and alliances: Canadian participation in multinational military operations by von Hlatky, Stéfanie; Massie, Justin. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p101-115, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe decision to employ force abroad is often a contentious political decision, where partisanship plays a crucial role. Prior to military intervention, political parties usually make their ideologically distinctive preferences clear and seek to implement them once in power. What remains unclear, however, is how ideology affects the decision to use military force. This article contends that alliance and electoral calculations constrain the ability of political parties to implement their ideological preferences with regards to the use of force. It examines a “most likely” case for the partisan theory of military intervention, namely Canada’s refusal to take part in the invasion of Iraq and its decision to commit forces to the war against the Islamic State. It finds that only in combination with alliance and electoral calculations does executive ideology offer valuable insights into Canada’s military support to U.S.-led coalition operations, which contributes to our understanding of allied decision-making.; (AN 47091798)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091798&site=ehost-live

10.

Varieties of defection strategies from multinational military coalitions: Insights from operation Iraqi freedom by McInnis, Kathleen J.. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 1 p116-133, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do states defect from multinational military coalitions? The question deserves considerable academic scrutiny, as states increasingly rely on coalitions to prosecute military missions. Yet to the extent that coalition defection has been explored, the extant literature tends to see defection as a binary undertaking – states are either in or out. In practice, however, defection is an act of risk minimization in a manner that forces other coalition partners to fill resulting operational gaps. A coalition can therefore appear stable due to a constant number of flags associated with the mission, but in practice be much less coherent and capable. After defining defection as a non-routine abrogation of operational responsibility at other coalition partners’ expense, significantly prior to mission conclusion, this article explores several states’ participation in Operation Iraqi Freedom and the various manners by which they defected from that coalition. It concludes with implications for future scholarship.; (AN 47091799)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47091799&site=ehost-live

 

10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 53, no. 4, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

Understanding the impact of geographies and space on the possibilities of peace activism by Vogel, Birte. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p431-448, 18p; Abstract: Current peace research has provided scholars with a range of conceptualizations of whatpeace is. Further, there is a substantial body of literature on the processes used to build peace – the howof peacebuilding. However, there is little research that examines the question of wherepeace and peacebuilding occur and how these spaces shape the possibilities of non-state actors to achieve their objectives. This article makes a theoretical and empirical contribution to the emerging debate by sketching out the concept of peace spaces and applying it to the United Nations’ controlled Buffer Zone in Cyprus, the geographical home of inter-communal peacebuilding. To determine how geographies impact on the possibilities of non-state peacebuilding actors, the article focuses on three elements, specifically, on how the physical space impacts on: (a) inclusion/exclusion of participants; (b) protection/control through elite actors; and (c) its influence on the discourses and solutions that can be imagined. The article finds that local and international actors alike make a clear connection between the physical space and political viewpoints, which has both enabling and restricting implications.; (AN 46826372)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826372&site=ehost-live

2.

Was something rotten in the state of Denmark? Three narratives of the active internationalism in Danish foreign policy by Pedersen, Rasmus. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p449-466, 18p; Abstract: The Danish decision to enter US-led coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq significantly consolidated and strengthened the Atlantic dimension in Danish foreign policy in the period 2001–2009. The period has attracted considerable academic interest, but there seems to be a lack of consensus about how to interpret the Danish decision, which has been characterised as everything from an indication of adaptation, to continuation of the Danish acquiescence to great powers, to path-breaking change in Danish foreign policy to an expression of small state independence. Part of the confusion in the literature is due to the lack of clear conceptual awareness regarding the concepts in use. This article identifies three frames in the literature and contributes to our understanding of the question of change and continuity in small state foreign and security policy by identifying the analytical implications of adopting a clearer understanding of analytical concepts such as adaptation, determinism, activism and internationalism in the Scandinavian context in general and the Danish context more specifically.; (AN 46826373)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826373&site=ehost-live

3.

The international mediation of power-sharing settlements by McCulloch, Allison; McEvoy, Joanne. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p467-485, 19p; Abstract: Power sharing is largely accepted among scholars and policy-makers as a potentially effective mechanism for building peace in the aftermath of violent ethnic conflicts and self-determination disputes. Although the operation of power sharing may be prone to ongoing challenges and even political crises arising from the legacy of the conflict, international actors continue to promote power-sharing arrangements to manage self-determination and other ethnopolitical conflicts. This article investigates the normative and instrumental reasons why third-party mediators (on behalf of international organizations and/or states) turn to power-sharing strategies during peace negotiations. It considers the reasons why third-party mediators promote power sharing when its maintenance is likely to depend on their ongoing commitment and governance involvement. We argue that mediators draw from four different perspectives in their support of power-sharing settlements: international law, regional and internal security, democracy and minority rights, and a technical approach where mediators focus on the mechanics of power-sharing designs. The article draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with officials from the United Nations and the European Union working for the organizations’ respective mediation units as well as documentary analysis of official mediation documents.; (AN 46826374)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826374&site=ehost-live

4.

Illiberal peace? Authoritarian modes of conflict management by Lewis, David; Heathershaw, John; Megoran, Nick. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p486-506, 21p; Abstract: In a contested international order, ideas of liberal peacebuilding are being supplanted by state-centric, authoritarian responses to internal armed conflicts. In this article we suggest that existing research has not yet sufficiently recognised this important shift in conflict management practice. Scholarship in peace and conflict studies has avoided hard cases of ‘illiberal peace’, or categorises them simply as military victories. Drawing on accounts of state responses to conflicts in Russia, Sri Lanka, China, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Turkey, we develop an alternative conceptual framework to understand authoritarian conflict management as a form of wartime and post-conflict order in its own right. Although violence is central to these orders, we argue that they are also dependent on a much wider range of authoritarian policy responses, which we categorise in three major domains: firstly, discourse (state propaganda, information control and knowledge production); secondly, spatial politics (both military and civilian modes of controlling and shaping spaces); and thirdly, political economy (the hierarchical distribution of resources to produce particular political outcomes). In conclusion, we propose a research agenda that moves on from discussions of liberal peace to examine hard cases of contemporary conflict and conflict management.; (AN 46826376)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826376&site=ehost-live

5.

A ‘model of reconciliation’? Fifty years of German–Israeli relations by Wittlinger, Ruth. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p507-527, 21p; Abstract: This article argues that German–Israeli reconciliation after 1945 has not been as exemplary as is often suggested. Drawing on key aspects which emerge from a discussion of relevant concepts in the first part of the article – transitional justice and reconciliation – it will show that Germany’s memory culture, as evidenced in the elite discourse, has indeed developed in a way that points to a successful reconciliation between the two countries. On the other hand, however, German regret emerged only reluctantly, was by and large confined to West Germany, and took a long time to establish itself formally, with emphasis on German suffering rather than suffering caused by Germans always playing an important role in German collective memory after 1945. It will also show that at grass-roots level, reconciliation between Germany and Israel is far from unproblematic. Apart from providing a critical assessment of the reconciliation between Germany and Israel after 1945, the article contributes to current academic literature on transitional justice, reconciliation and the role of memory which suggests that even though commemoration and micro-level reconciliation might be important, the geopolitical context in which reconciliation takes place and strategic security considerations also play a significant role.; (AN 46826375)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826375&site=ehost-live

6.

The EU’s ontological (in)security: Stabilising the ENP area … and the EU-self? by Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p528-544, 17p; Abstract: The 2016 EU Global Strategy and the 2015 European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) review have made stabilisation of the ENP area one of their main priorities. Our argument here, however, is that the Global Strategy and the ENP review not only seek to mitigate the numerous crises currently affecting the neighbourhood; they also aim to address a set of intra-EU vulnerabilities linked to events in the ENP area that are threatening the EU’s own ontological security. We employ narrative analysis to explore how insecurity in the EU and in the ENP area is affecting the EU’s relation to the neighbourhood-other and its understanding of the EU-self. Our main findings point to the Global Strategy and the ENP review providing ample measures to stabilise the neighbourhood. However, whether they have provided a sufficiently compelling narrative to enable the emergence of new emotional structures for the EU and its member states to make sense of themselves and their relation to the neighbourhood-other remains an open question.; (AN 46826371)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826371&site=ehost-live

7.

Film review: A Snake Gives Birth to a Snake by Kappler, Stefanie. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 4 p545-548, 4p; (AN 46826377)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46826377&site=ehost-live

 

11

Current History
Volume 117, no. 803, December 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Hard Road Ahead for Syrian Reconstruction by Ghosn, Faten. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p331-337, 7p; Abstract: “[R]econstruction projects have already gotten underway in some parts of the country, such as those occupied by Turkey, while others have been without basic services for years.”; (AN 47324311)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324311&site=ehost-live

2.

Southern Discontent Spurs an Iraqi Protest Movement by Ali, Zahra; Khalaf, Safaa. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p338-343, 6p; Abstract: “The security and military apparatus that was trained, armed, and strengthened in the fight against the Islamic State is now being used to repress political activism against the Iraqi regime.”; (AN 47324312)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324312&site=ehost-live

3.

How to Interpret ISIS’s Heritage Destruction by Isakhan, Benjamin. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p344-349, 6p; Abstract: “Far from being senseless acts perpetrated by barbarous savages, ISIS’s heritage destruction has been carefully staged and sends clear and deliberate messages.”; (AN 47324313)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324313&site=ehost-live

4.

Convergence and Competition Among the New Turkish Middle Classes by Balkan, Erol; Öncü, Ahmet. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p350-354, 5p; Abstract: “The AKP’s neoliberal regime created the ideology and conditions for transformative change in Turkey’s new upper-middle-class culture, which trickled down to both the laic and Islamic middle-class factions.” Fourth in a series on social mobility around the world.; (AN 47324314)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324314&site=ehost-live

5.

Sisi Builds a Green Zone for Egypt by Dunne, Michele. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p355-358, 4p; Abstract: “By 2018, most Egyptians who had played important roles in public life between the mid-2000s and the 2013 coup were either in prison or in exile abroad in what amounted to a massive brain drain.”; (AN 47324315)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324315&site=ehost-live

6.

Perspective: Trump’s Reckless Middle East Gambles by Telhami, Shibley. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p359-362, 4p; Abstract: Unilateral decisions to scupper the Iran nuclear deal and move the US embassy to Jerusalem could have dangerous consequences that the president’s inexperienced advisers failed to anticipate.; (AN 47324316)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324316&site=ehost-live

7.

Books: The Libyan Unraveling by Pargeter, Alison. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p363-365, 3p; Abstract: After intervening to help topple an eccentric dictator in 2012, the United States and its allies have stood aside and watched as rival militias tear apart a country lacking civil institutions.; (AN 47324317)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324317&site=ehost-live

8.

The Month in Review: October 2018 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p366-366, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in October, country by country, day by day.; (AN 47324318)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324318&site=ehost-live

9.

2018 Current History Index by History, the editors of Current. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 p367-368, 2p; Abstract: Index; (AN 47324319)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324319&site=ehost-live

10.

Map of Middle East by History, the editors of Current. Current History, December 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 803 pmap-map; Abstract: Map; (AN 47324320)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47324320&site=ehost-live

 

12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 29, no. 6, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Profitability of Non-Competitive Defence Contracts: The UK Experience by Hartley, Keith. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p577-594, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explains and assesses the UK experience with determining prices and profitability for non-competitive defence contracts. Three periods are considered, namely pre-1968, the 1968 Profit Formula Agreement and the changes introduced in 2014. Two cases of ‘excessive’ profits were major determinants of the 1968 Profit Formula Agreement; but continued dissatisfaction with the 1968 Agreement led to changes in 2014. The historical overview of UK experience provides a basis for understanding current UK policy and offers insights for other countries facing similar policy challenges. A critique is presented of UK policy on single source pricing and profitability.; (AN 46778595)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778595&site=ehost-live

2.

The Diffusion of Military Technology by Schmid, Jon. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p595-613, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe impact of national defense research and development spending on overall innovation depends on the extent to which the knowledge and technologies generated by defense funding diffuse. This article uses an original data-set of patents assigned to defense-servicing organizations to investigate the diffusion of military technologies. Contrary to the predictions of the prevailing scholarship, I find no difference in the rate of diffusion between civilian and military technologies. Neither do military technologies assigned to government agencies diffuse at different rates than those assigned to firms. The overall technological experience of the patent assignee is found to be a positive predictor of the diffusion of military technologies. The effect of the prevailing intellectual property rights regime is ambivalent: when US patents are included in the sample, the effect of patent protection is positive, when the US is excluded, the effect is either non-significant or negative depending on the model specification that is utilized.; (AN 46778596)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778596&site=ehost-live

3.

Defense Burden and the Effect of Democracy: Evidence from a Spatial Panel Analysis by Blum, Johannes. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p614-641, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDo democracies spend less on national defense? This paper provides new evidence of the effect of democracy on defense burden based on a Spatial Durbin Model with panel data for 98 countries for the years 1992–2008. While democracy measured by means of an index variable covering the entire range from perfect democracy to perfect autocracy turns out to be insignificant, dummy variables indicating transition to higher levels of democracy reveal a statistically highly significant negative effect of democracy on a country’s defense burden. Allowing for country-specific effects reveals heterogeneity in the effect of democracy across countries. Apart from the effect of democracy, the estimation results indicate strong spatial dependence of military burdens across countries. Moreover, they provide statistical evidence for a peace dividend, for substitution effects in defense spending and for a negative effect on the military burden for countries when they exhibit a trade surplus instead of a trade deficit.; (AN 46778597)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778597&site=ehost-live

4.

A Note on the Economics of Stolen Valor by Weisman, Dennis. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p642-647, 6p; Abstract: AbstractThe economics of stolen valorconcerns the act of trading on false claims of being awarded valorous military service medals. The U.S. Supreme Court overturned the 2005 Stolen Valor Act, largely on First Amendment grounds. Misrepresentation that devalues the reputation of medals for valor may not violate the revised statute despite decreasing the wage premium and discouraging investment in military effort.; (AN 46778598)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778598&site=ehost-live

5.

Proportional use of force in asymmetric military operation by Jelnov, Artyom. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p648-657, 10p; Abstract: This paper studies a strategic conflict between a state and a non-state military organization. The non-state military organization decides whether to attack or not to attack the state, while the state decides on its counter-measure. If the state uses a high level of violence against the non-state organization, it may be accused by the international community of ‘non-proportional’ use of force, and both sides of the conflict take this possibility into account. The model predicts that it may be rational for the non-state organization to attack the state, even if as a reaction the state will militarily destroy this organization, due to a positive probability the state will be punished by the international community for non-proportional use of violence.; (AN 46778599)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778599&site=ehost-live

6.

A Territorial Conflict: Trade-offs and Strategies by Keskin, Kerim; Sağlam, Çağrı. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p658-665, 8p; Abstract: We study a war scenario in which the winner occupies the loser’s territory. Attacking a territory increases the chance of winning, but also causes harm, which in turn decreases the territory’s value (i.e. the reward of winning). This paper highlights the effects of this trade-off on the equilibrium strategies of the warring states in a contest game with endogenous rewards. Providing both static and dynamic models, our analysis captures insights regarding strategic behavior in asymmetric contests with such conflict.; (AN 46778600)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778600&site=ehost-live

7.

Can Big Data Forecast North Korean Military Aggression? by Kim, Young Han (Andy); Kang, Hyoung-Goo; Lee, Jong Kyu. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p666-683, 18p; Abstract: AbstractCan textual analysis improve statistical prediction of risky geopolitical events? North Korea is the greatest source of geopolitical risk for South Korea due to the former’s unpredictable and secretive military actions against the latter. We find that the tone of English language news articles published by non-South Korean news media, especially U.K. news media, has significant predictive power about North Korean military aggressions. The inclusion of language tone improves the predictive power of the empirical model by as much as 47%.; (AN 46778601)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778601&site=ehost-live

8.

Does Geopolitical Risks Predict Stock Returns and Volatility of Leading Defense Companies? Evidence from a Nonparametric Approach by Apergis, Nicholas; Bonato, Matteo; Gupta, Rangan; Kyei, Clement. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p684-696, 13p; Abstract: AbstractWe use the k-th-order nonparametric causality test at monthly frequency over the period of 1985:1 to 2016:06 to analyze whether geopolitical risks can predict movements in stock returns and volatility of 24 global defense firms. The nonparametric approach controls for the existing misspecification of a linear framework of causality, and hence, the mild evidence of causality obtained under the standard Granger tests cannot be relied upon. When we apply the nonparametric test, we find that there is no evidence of predictability of stock returns of these defense companies emanating from the geopolitical risk measure. However, the geopolitical risk index does predict realized volatility in 50% of the companies. Our results indicate that while global geopolitical events over a period of time is less likely to predict returns, such global risks are more inclined in affecting future risk profile of defense firms.; (AN 46778602)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778602&site=ehost-live

9.

Empirical Investigation into the Determinants of Terrorism: Evidence from Fragile States by Okafor, Godwin; Piesse, Jenifer. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p697-711, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis study investigates the determinants of terrorism in countries that are in the top category of the Fragile States Index (FSI), and are also prone to terrorism. Panel data for 38 countries mainly from Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, and South Asia for the years 2005–2014 are used. Findings from the negative binomial and fixed effects estimation show that fragile state, number of refugees and youth unemployment have positive and significant impacts on terrorism. Military spending is positive but less robust across models. Conversely, FDI and remittances have a negative impact on terrorism with the former less robust. Governance and foreign aid are negative and insignificantly related to terrorism. Policy implications follow from the findings.; (AN 46778603)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778603&site=ehost-live

10.

Sovereign debt, deficits and defence spending: the case of Greece by Dimitraki, Ourania; Kartsaklas, Aris. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p712-727, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe outbreak of the sovereign debt crisis at the end of 2009 in Greece led to a severe recession, and constant economic problems. This paper investigates military expenditure among others as a potential factor to the growth of sovereign debt in Greece over the period 1960 until currently. Our empirical findings suggest that high deficits, inflation and military spending have been the primary causes of debt growth in Greece. The structural break models reveal a much higher effect of deficits and inflation in the post-1990 period while the threshold switching regression, based on the level of sovereign debt, indicate that for levels of debt-to-GDP ratio above 90% deficits, inflation and military expenditures had significantly more pronounced effects on government debt changes.; (AN 46778604)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778604&site=ehost-live

11.

Review of ‘The Economics of Arms’ By Keith Hartley by Braddon, Derek. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 6 p728-730, 3p; (AN 46778605)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46778605&site=ehost-live

 

13

Defence Studies
Volume 18, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Integrating offensive cyber capabilities: meaning, dilemmas, and assessment by Smeets, Max. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p395-410, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAcross the world, states are establishing military cyber commands or similar units to develop offensive cyber capabilities. One of the key dilemmas faced by these states is whether (and how) to integrate their intelligence and military capabilities to develop a meaningful offensive cyber capacity. This topic, however, has received little theoretical treatment. The purpose of this paper is therefore to address the following question: What are the benefits and risks of organizational integration of offensive cyber capabilities (OIOCC)? I argue that organizational integration may lead to three benefits: enhanced interaction efficiency of intelligence and military activities, better(and more diverse) knowledge transfer and reduced mission overlap. Yet, there are also several negative effects attached to OIOCC.  It may lead to 'cyber mission creep' and an intensification of the cyber security dilemma. It could also result in arsenal cost ineffectiveness in the long run. Although the benefits of OIOCC are seen to outweighs the risks, failing to grasp the negative effects may lead to unnecessary cycles of provocation, with potentially disastrous consequences.; (AN 46759172)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759172&site=ehost-live

2.

Future Reserves 2020: perceptions of cohesion, readiness and transformation in the British Army Reserve by Bury, Patrick. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p411-432, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe British Army Reserve, and in particular its logistics component, is currently undergoing profound organisational transformation as part of the Future Reserves 2020 (FR20) program. Yet, to date there has been no sustained quantitative analysis of perceptions of cohesion, readiness and morale in the Army Reserve. Moreover, there has been little quantitative examination of FR20’s impact to date. This paper addresses these gaps in the literature by undertaking an examination of the above variables using survey data from a representative sample of AR logistics soldiers collected longitudinally. It finds that cohesion is highly important in explaining variance in perceptions of readiness and morale, and that perceptions of cohesion, readiness and morale are relatively high in the force. Nevertheless, the data indicates that FR20 has failed to increase these significantly over time. Similarly, it finds that confidence in FR20 delivering increased military capability is also declining. These findings are important for understanding FR20’s impact to date and future trajectory.; (AN 46759173)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759173&site=ehost-live

3.

Taking the archers for granted: emerging threats to nuclear weapon delivery systems by Wasson, Jesse T.; Bluesteen, Christopher E.. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p433-453, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA reliable capability is essential for deterrence to succeed. While incredible threats coupled with an assured ability to hurt an adversary may be enough to alter behavior, even the most credible threat is left impotent in the absence of a sufficient capability. During the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union at times sought weapons with first-strike potential that threatened the effectiveness of each other’s deterrent. Since then, though, nuclear powers have either committed to a no first use policy or generally refrained from pursuing technologies that could radically upset the strategic balance. Recent trends, however, again pose a threat to this stability. Nascent “left-of-launch” missile defense programs which rely on offensive cyber operations or electronic warfare to target adversary weapon systems prior to launch offer new opportunities for sophisticated state actors to subvert the reliability of these capabilities. This paper assesses what risks there may be to nuclear weapon delivery systems before examining why a country might be motivated to carry out such an act, what the ramifications for deterrence stability might be, and how these threats could be mitigated.; (AN 46759174)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759174&site=ehost-live

4.

Historical experiences, strategic culture, and strategic behavior: Poland in the anti-ISIS coalition by Doeser, Fredrik. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p454-473, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article contributes to an explanation of why Poland, after a period of almost two years’ hesitation, decided to dispatch military forces to the United States-led coalition against the Islamic State in June 2016. The Polish case is examined by applying the concept of strategic culture, taking into account a state’s core military strategic beliefs and the historical experiences on which these beliefs are based. The case study shows that strategic culture shaped the Polish decision-making on the coalition, by predisposing the decision-makers toward a typical Polish behavior in international military operations, namely to exchange security benefits with important allies. The article also has implications for the general study of strategic culture, by specifying the relationship between historical experiences and strategic culture.; (AN 46759175)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759175&site=ehost-live

5.

Cooperation and conflict in the European defence-industrial field: the role of relative gains by Calcara, Antonio. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p474-497, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDefence-industrial collaborative activities have gained a central stage in the current European debate, based on the simultaneous presence of two systemic pressures (unipolarity and “defence-industrial globalization”) that are pushing EU member states towards more cooperation in these issues. Nevertheless, the European defence-industrial panorama still continues to be characterized by both cooperation and conflict. Protectionism, oligopolistic market straining and primary resource to domestic suppliers have prevented a more structured defence-industrial cooperation.The aim of this article is to add empirical evidence to recent academic works that highlighted how relative gains play a key role in understanding the simultaneous presence of cooperation and conflict in the European security architecture. In doing so, this analysis focuses on the European defence-industrial landscape and specifically on British, French and Italian preferences towards armaments cooperation. To preview the conclusions, France, Italy and the UK have constantly pursued greater intra-European cooperation, in order to increase their power within the international defence-industrial market. However, they have refused to participate in European defence-industrial initiatives when other countries would have a greater advantage from this cooperation. This happened despite strong geopolitical and strategic incentives to cooperate.; (AN 46759176)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759176&site=ehost-live

6.

The politics of security assistance in the horn of Africa by Reno, William. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p498-513, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis examination of international security assistance to Somalia points to the deficiencies of conventional security assistance strategies to partners in failed states and considers elements of an ad hoc alternative security assistance strategy. The social relationships among that state failure creates undermine the political will and capacity of recipients to utilize security assistance as providers intend. This consideration of developments in Somalia shows how domestic partners act in ways that frustrate efforts to build domestic security institutions. That record is manifest in persistent insurgent activities, even in Somalia’s capital city. The second part of this article explains how pragmatic efforts to fight Somalia’s Al-Shabaab insurgents create the outlines of an alternative security assistance strategy that bypasses elements of Somalia’s formal government structure and opts instead to rely on the creation of parallel security forces. While this strategy addresses a need to meet security objectives in the political environment of a failed state, it elevates tactical proficiency at the expense of strategic aims of conventional security assistance programs.; (AN 46759177)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759177&site=ehost-live

7.

Flying and bombing: the contributions of air power to security and crisis management in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria by Oyewole, Samuel. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p514-537, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is a growing resort to air power in Nigeria’s military and security engagements in the oil producing region of Niger Delta. However, most literatures on security engagements in the region overlook air power, or reduce it to unnecessary flying and indiscriminate bombing of civilians. Air power plays a considerable role in surveillance and coercion against the menace of kidnapping, sabotage, oil theft and illegal oil refining, militancy, and armed robbery against ships in the Niger Delta and associated piracy off the coasts of Nigeria, its neighbours and the Gulf of Guinea. It is also involved in strategic transportation, search and rescue/relieve of endangered civilians (e.g. hostages) and to an extent victims of natural disasters (e.g. floods). This article seeks to examine the threats to security in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, and the relevance of air power in the arrangement of security responses and disaster management in the region.Abbreviations: ABV: Adaka Boro Avengers; AU: African Union; ACLED: Armed Conflict Location and Event Database; BSDF: Bakassi Self Determination Front; CNC: Central Naval Command; CAF: Chief of Air Force; COMA: Coalition of Militant Action; CDF: Coastal Defence Force; DSS: Department of State Service; ENC: Eastern Naval Command; ECOWAS: Economic Community of West African States; EBA: Egbesu Boys of Africa; FOBs: Forward Operational Bases; GWVSL: Global West Vessel Specialist Limited; GoG: Gulf of Guinea; GGC: Gulf of Guinea Commission; HQ: headquarters; IVF: Iduwini Volunteer Force; IYC: Ijaw Youth Council; ISR: intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance; IDPs: Internally Displaced Persons; JNDLF: Joint Niger Delta Liberation Force; JTF: Joint Task Force; LIMUP: Liberation Movement of the Urhobo People; MANPADS: man-portable air-defence systems; MOWCA: Maritime Organisation of West and Central Africa; mcm: million cubic meters; MEND: Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta; MOSOP: Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People; NEMA: National Emergency Management Agency; NIA: National Intelligence Agency; NOSDRA: National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; NSO: National Security Organisation; NASRDA: National Space Research and Development Agency; NDA: Niger Delta Avenger; NDGJM: Niger Delta Greenland Justice Movement; NDLF: Niger Delta Liberation Force; NDPVF: Niger Delta Peoples Volunteers Force; NDRC: Niger Delta Revolutionary Crusaders; NDV: Niger Delta Vigilant; NDVF: Niger Delta Volunteer Force; NPF: Nigeria Police Force; NSCDC: Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps; NAF: Nigerian Air Force; NA: Nigerian Army; NFS: Nigerian Fire Service; NIS: Nigerian Immigration Service; NMN: Nigerian Marchant Navy; NIMASA: Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency; NN: Nigerian Navy; NPS: Nigerian Prison Service; PICOMSS: Presidential Implementation Committee on Maritime Safety and Security; REBND: Reformed Egbesu Boys of the Niger Delta; SARS: Special Anti-Robbery Squad; UAVs: Unmanned Aerial Vehicles; UYBF: Ughievwen Youth Body Fighters; URA: Urhobo Revolutionary Army; WNC: Western Naval Command; (AN 46759178)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759178&site=ehost-live

8.

Aerial warfare: the battle for the skies, Frank Ledwidge, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2018, xi + 184 pp., £12.99 (paperback), ISBN: 9780198818137 by Rauta, Vladimir. Defence Studies, October 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p538-539, 2p; (AN 46759179)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46759179&site=ehost-live

 

14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 34, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Understanding China’s goals and strategy in the South China Sea: bringing context to a revisionist systemic challenge – intentions and impact by Tkacik, Michael. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p321-344, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe slow moving conflict in the South China Sea has been characterized by some as “not worth the candle.” China claims the entirety of the South China Sea pursuant to a nine-dash line, the legal impact of which has been limited by international courts. At the same time, China has changed the reality of control over the South China Sea by building a number of fortified islands in the Spratly Islands and elsewhere. The US has either refused to stand up to China's behavior (Obama) or responded unevenly (Trump). This paper examines the impact of China's behaviour on local parties, US interests, and the liberal international system.; (AN 47090894)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090894&site=ehost-live

2.

A conceptual framework for the analysis of civil-military relations and intelligence by Bruneau, Thomas C.. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p345-364, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article argues that current conceptual approaches in civil-military relations are deeply flawed resulting in its irrelevance in analyzing major issues including war and the collapse of democracy. After highlighting major flaws in the work of the late Samuel Huntington and those who follow his approach, the article argues that other conceptual approaches, including Security Sector Reform, are also flawed, or in the case of the “military effectiveness” literature, largely irrelevant. In explaining the main causes of the flawed conceptual literature, the article highlights the absence of good data and challenges in methodology. While arguing that military forces are very unlikely to engage in armed combat, it highlights the roles and missions which in the world today are implanted by these forces. As it is virtually impossible to prove effectiveness of the armed forces in these roles and missions, the article proposes a conceptual approach based on requirements.; (AN 47090895)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090895&site=ehost-live

3.

Democratic control of Romanian intelligence after three decades: quis custodiet ipsos custodes? by Zulean, Marian; Şercan, Emilia. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p365-384, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRomania faced one of the most dramatic transitions from authoritarian communism to become a democracy and a member of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). The backbone of building a democratic society has been civilian control of the military. This article briefly describes the norms and institutions of democratic control of the intelligence services in Romania and assesses how the mechanisms of democratic control have worked in practice after almost three decades of reform. We argue that many of the post-1989 reforms have been only superficial implemented and monitored, particularly after Romania joined NATO and the EU. The article concludes that the democratic control of intelligence in Romania is an unfinished business. There are structural shortcomings embedded in the process of democracy consolidation that need to be addressed.; (AN 47090896)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090896&site=ehost-live

4.

Brazilian National Defence Policy: foreign policy, national security, economic growth, and technological innovation by de Rezende, Leandro Bolzan; Blackwell, Paul; Degaut, Marcos. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p385-409, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith the world’s ninth largest economy and comprising nearly 60% of South America’s GDP, 47% of its territory, and 49% of its population, Brazil has become a regional power and an important actor in world affairs over recent decades. This scenario has led the government to re-evaluate its role in the world order, resulting in the enactment of the National Defence Policy, whose objective was to consolidate the country as a regional power while at the same time addressing national security issues, promoting economic development through a series of defence programmes, restructuring the defence industrial base, fostering innovation through technology and knowledge transfer to Brazil, and indigenous research and development. However, the policy’s implementation suffers from several challenges discussed in this article, which may test the capability and competence of Brazilian policymakers, military, industrialists, and other individuals and organisations involved in its implementation.; (AN 47090897)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090897&site=ehost-live

5.

Shots per casualty: an indicator of combat efficiency for the first Australian task force in South Vietnam by Ross, Andrew; Hall, Bob. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p410-423, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn combat, the ratio of shots fired per casualty inflicted can provide a measure of the combat effectiveness of a force. The shots per casualty ratio achieved by the 1st Australian Task Force in Vietnam is shown to change according to factors including marksmanship, tactics and combat type. While, over the course of the campaign, 1ATF fired an increasing number of shots to achieve a casualty, this is explained by improvements in the quality of Viet Cong and People’s Army small arms. Australian Task Force and US Army shots per casualty ratios are briefly compared..; (AN 47090898)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090898&site=ehost-live

6.

Theory of strategy by Lonsdale, David. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p424-426, 3p; (AN 47090899)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090899&site=ehost-live

7.

Naval Advising and Assisting: History Challenges and Analysis by Rowlands, Kevin. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p426-427, 2p; (AN 47090900)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090900&site=ehost-live

8.

Allies that count: junior partners in coalition warfare by Németh, Bence. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p427-429, 3p; (AN 47090901)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090901&site=ehost-live

9.

Mavericks of war: the unconventional, unorthodox innovators and thinkers, scholars, and outsiders who mastered the art of war by Stoker, Donald. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2018, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 4 p429-430, 2p; (AN 47090902)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090902&site=ehost-live

 

15

Democratization
Volume 26, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction: absorbing the four methodological disruptions in democratization research? by Coppedge, Michael; Kuehn, David. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p1-20, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces the special issue on methodological trends in democratization research by taking stock of the overall development of methods practices and situating the findings of the individual article contributions within the broader developments. As has the broader discipline, democratization research has experienced four methodological “disruptions” over the past 60 years: the behavioural revolution of statistical methodology; the introduction of formal theory; the sophistication of qualitative, set-theoretic and multi-method research; and the increasing use of experimental methods. Surveying the methods practices in the past quarter century, we find that quantitative and multi-method research have been growth areas in recent years, but that the bulk of research is still done in comparative or single case studies. Formal theory as well as set-theoretic methods have gained a foothold in the field, but it is still a small one. In sum, democratization research is, methodologically speaking, still rather traditional. Moreover, the individual contributions to this special issue show that much of the empirical literature underutilizes the best available advice about how to develop and test theory, including standards on causal inference, case-selection, and generalization. We conclude with a plea for more transparency, humility, and collaboration within and across methodological traditions.; (AN 47090210)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090210&site=ehost-live

2.

Statistical analysis of democratization: a constructive critique by Seawright, Jason. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p21-39, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile statistical analysis of the origins and stability of democracy has received a great deal of scholarly effort, and made major contributions to comparative politics, valid causal inference in this tradition remains exceptionally difficult and, perhaps, elusive. Three important challenges create difficulty for scholars who seek to assess the state of knowledge in this domain. First, most existing work on the origins of democracy starts (often without any explicit discussion) from the supposition that the key causes of democracy are largely randomly assigned. Second, much existing literature is far from specific about which of many methodological changes produces a new finding — making it hard for scholars to know how to interpret any resulting changes in the causal inference. Finally standards for credible statistical research have evolved and improved over time, requiring scholars to periodically decrement the credibility they attach to existing findings. This essay closes with ideas about how research in this domain might be improved by closer attention to detail and replication, by greater use of alternative strategies for causal inference including forward path analysis, and by a broader use of contemporary statistical tools for optimal multivariate description.; (AN 47090211)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090211&site=ehost-live

3.

Democracy as an equilibrium: rational choice and formal political theory in democratization research by Svolik, Milan W.. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p40-60, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOver the past quarter century, some of the most influential propositions about democratization have been developed with the tools of rational choice and formal political theory. In this article, I assess the contribution of this research paradigm to the study of democratization. Substantively, formal theorists have examined two sets of underlying mechanisms. The first conceives of elections as a solution to and a source of commitment problems; the second emphasizes the conflict-reducing properties of democratic institutions. A distinguishing feature of both mechanisms is that democracy does not emerge as an end in itself, but rather because democracy reduces political and economic transaction costs, major sources of which are asymmetries of information, commitment problems, and violence. Methodologically, formal-theoretic research contributes to the development of analytically transparent, reproducible theoretical arguments and facilitates the communication and accumulation of knowledge, both within political science and across disciplines. Finally, by demanding an explicit statement of microfoundations and by focusing on the consequences of strategic interactions, formal-theoretical research helps democratization scholars to assess external validity limitations, anticipate general equilibrium critiques, and curb the temptation to fish for statistical significance.; (AN 47090212)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090212&site=ehost-live

4.

Case-based research on democratization by Bogaards, Matthijs. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p61-77, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEmpirical research on democratization is dominated by case studies and small-N comparisons. This article is a first attempt to take stock of qualitative case-based research on democratization. It finds that most articles use methods implicitly rather than explicitly and are disconnected from the burgeoning literature on case-based methodology. This makes it difficult to summarize the substantive findings or to evaluate the contributions of the various approaches to our knowledge of democratic transition and consolidation. There is much to gain from a closer collaboration between methods experts and empirical researchers of democratization.; (AN 47090213)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090213&site=ehost-live

5.

Set-theoretic methods in democratization research: an evaluation of their uses and contributions by Møller, Jørgen; Skaaning, Svend-Erik. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p78-96, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSet-theoretic methods in the form of explanatory typologies have for long figured prominently in democratization research, especially in comparative historical analysis. In the 1990s, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) entered this research field but a tally shows that the number of democratization studies using this method has so far been low and there is little evidence of any take-off. We review a series of landmark studies that use explanatory typologies and 16 studies that use QCA to see how they fare on three criteria: alignment between hypotheses and methods, the strength of causal claims, and the employment of robustness tests. The review shows that most of the QCA applications devote too little attention to formulating set-theoretic propositions and to carrying out robustness tests. Moreover, many scholars are too quick to interpret their findings as causal relationships, especially in light of the modest use of within-case evidence. Finally, it is striking that virtually none of these analyses has influenced the literature in the way some of the studies combining simple explanatory typologies with within-case analysis have. Against this backdrop, we discuss the potential of QCA for democratization research.; (AN 47090214)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090214&site=ehost-live

6.

Multi-methodology research and democratization studies: intellectual bridges among islands of specialization by Ahmed, Amel. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p97-139, 43p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers an assessment of recent research employing multi-methodology approaches, both of the triangulation and integrative varieties, in the field of democratization studies. I argue that the major contribution of multi-methodology research (MMR) to the field is to bring into dialogue different research traditions. Because different scholarly communities tend to converge around specific methodologies, the tendency is for scholarship to become fragmented. Within this context, works employing MMR act as “intellectual bridges” bringing into dialogue research from the different traditions. This is a significant contribution in that it enhances the collaborative nature of scholarship without compromising methodological rigor for the field at large. Problems of incommensurability, uneven use of methodologies, and general analytical messiness still plague applications of MMR. However, despite these problems (and in some cases because of them), MMR works are able to speak to more diverse audiences. Thus, while single-methodology research (SMR) still accounts for the bulk of scholarship in the field, MMR also serves an important role in the advancement of scholarly ideas and debate.; (AN 47090215)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090215&site=ehost-live

7.

Democratization Articles Dataset: an introduction by Pelke, Lars; Friesen, Paul. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p140-160, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis research note introduces the new Democratization Articles Dataset, a survey of peer-reviewed articles on democratization published over the past 25 years from five of the leading comparative politics journals. The data highlight significant gender and location authorship imbalances, while also noting a steady increase in the proportion of female authors as well as team collaboration over the past 25 years. Democratization studies also appear to be largely event driven, with more attention paid to the Post-Soviet countries and democratic transitions in the 1990s, and increased attention to MENA countries and the study of authoritarianism since 2000. The field is also evolving methodologically, with a greater proportion of articles investigating a causal claim, relying on statistical and experimental techniques, and detailing sample selection criteria. Yet, single and comparative cases studies still compose the overwhelming majority of published research articles.; (AN 47090216)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090216&site=ehost-live

8.

The people vs. democracy. Why our freedom is in danger and how to save it, by Yascha Mounk by Haynes, Jeffrey. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p161-163, 3p; (AN 47090217)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090217&site=ehost-live

9.

Electing peace: from civil conflict to political participation, by Aila Matanock by Simmons, Beth A.. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 47090218)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090218&site=ehost-live

10.

Democratic transitions in the Arab world, edited by Ibrahim Elbadawi and Samir Makdisi by Khan, Zeba. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p165-166, 2p; (AN 47090219)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090219&site=ehost-live

11.

Dominant elites in Latin America: from Neo-Liberalism to the “Pink-Tide”, by Liisa L. North and Thimothy D. Clark by Ferreira Do Vale, Helder. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p166-168, 3p; (AN 47090220)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090220&site=ehost-live

12.

Semi-presidentialism in the Caucasus and Central Asia, edited by Robert Elgie and Sophia Moestrup by Gel'man, Vladimir. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p168-170, 3p; (AN 47090221)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090221&site=ehost-live

13.

Democratization and authoritarian party survival: Mexico’s PRI, by Joy K. Langston by Hernández Company, José Antonio. Democratization, January 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 1 p170-172, 3p; (AN 47090222)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47090222&site=ehost-live

 

16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 26, no. 4, November 2018

Record

Results

1.

Good News from the Caucasus? An Introduction to the Special Issue Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p437-440, 4p; (AN 47074836)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47074836&site=ehost-live

2.

The Armenian Anomaly: Toward an Interdisciplinary Interpretation by Derluguian, Georgi; Hovhannisyan, Ruben. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p441-464, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:The popular revolt of Spring 2018, which ended the regime of post-Soviet restoration in Armenia, is analyzed in two historical perspectives: the longue durée of Armenian nation-making and the contemporary socio-political history of conjuncture, marked since the 1960s by the cumulative learning of civic self-organizing in a succession of movements. Furthermore, the inordinate ethno-social cohesiveness of Armenians as genocide survivors, their famed labor and entrepreneurial skills, and the globally connected diaspora suggest the economic model of a developmental state similar to Israel and Ireland. If the fledgling revolutionary regime of 2018 survives the challenges of likely foreign intervention and consolidates itself into an accountable and agile state bureaucracy, this revolution may yet lead to rapid economic growth based on post-industrial activities, to which the landlocked Armenia may have no alternative.; (AN 47074820)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47074820&site=ehost-live

3.

The Velvet Revolution in Armenia: How to Lose Power in Two Weeks by Iskandaryan, Alexander. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p465-482, 18p; Abstract: Abstract:The 2018 power transition in Armenia, known as the Velvet Revolution, took place roughly a year after the 2017 parliamentary election, in which the only opposition bloc of three parties—including the Civil Contract Party, led by Nikol Pashinyan, the future revolutionary leader—won just over 7% of the vote. The newly elected opposition MPs did not dispute the results of the election, but just a year later, mass protests toppled the regime in two weeks and Pashinyan became the new head of state. This article argues that the 2017 success and the 2018 demise of Armenia's regime had the same cause: the absence of a developed political party system in Armenia. It also argues that the revolution was triggered by a lack of alternative modes of mass political engagement and made possible by the weakness of the regime—its "multiple sovereignty." As a result, new elites were formed ad hoc from the pool of people who rose to power as a result of civil strife and who often adhere to a Manichaean worldview.; (AN 47075193)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47075193&site=ehost-live

4.

My Step Aside from Sasna Tsrer: The Dynamics of Protest Coalitions in Armenia, 2016 and 2018 by Nikolai, Silaev; Fomin, Ivan. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p483-507, 25p; Abstract: Abstract:This article is devoted to the comparison of two Armenian protest coalitions: the 2016 coalition of Sasna Tsrer supporters and Nikol Pashinyan's My Step coalition of 2018. The analysis shows that Pashinyan's coalition, unlike the coalition of Sasna Tsrer supporters, was not a liberal-nationalist alliance, but rather a liberal-bureaucratic one. This difference turns out to be crucial, as the Sasna Tsrer polemic was heavily polarized by the clash between the statist and counter-statist frames of the Armenian nation, with none of the sides possessing enough symbolic or political resources to win. The generally successful outcome of Pashinyan's protest can thus be explained by the fact that it was not so strongly framed by a counter-statist understanding of the Armenian nation.; (AN 47075188)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47075188&site=ehost-live

5.

Velvet Revolution, Armenian Style by Abrahamian, Levon; Shagoyan, Gayane. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p509-529, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:In April and early May 2018, a rapid mass movement, known as the "velvet revolution," took place in Armenia, leading to the resignation of the prime minister and the election of a new "people's candidate." In the context of independent Armenia, which had seen a stream of falsified elections and failed mass protests, the success of this revolution was a surprise for most of the populace and remains a riddle for analysts. We attempt to show how revolution might have come about in this authoritarian former Soviet regime, looking at how it differed from earlier mass protest movements, who carried it out, and what technologies they used. Our analysis is based primarily on anthropological fieldwork conducted during the revolution: participant observation, short individual and group interviews, and monitoring media and Internet framings of the events. As the revolution was spatially dispersed, the two authors could not cover all the events and protest actions; protesters' livestreams and digital broadcasts therefore filled the gaps.; (AN 47075210)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47075210&site=ehost-live

6.

Post-Velvet Revolution Armenia's Foreign Policy Challenges by Markarov, Alexander; Davtyan, Vahe. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, November 2018, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p531-546, 16p; Abstract: Abstract:In the decades since independence, Armenian foreign policy has prioritized complementarity—as articulated by then-Minister of Foreign Affairs Vardan Oskanyan in 1998—and national interests in carrying out activities with external actors. These concepts will continue to be driving forces behind Armenian foreign policy under the new government. As such, Armenia will deepen its interactions with the EU, the United States, and regional players, albeit within the framework determined by strategic relations with Russia, the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and closed borders with Turkey. Despite Armenia's best efforts to balance the interests of different regional players, it may find itself affected by changes to the regional geopolitical environment. The security threats that existed before the revolution due to the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and historico-political relations with Turkey will persist, and it is important to develop political and economic dialogue with China, aimed primarily at integrating Armenia into "One Belt, One Road."; (AN 47074902)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=47074902&site=ehost-live

 

17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 11, no. 3, September 2018

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the Editorial Team by Ligon, Gina Scott; Windisch, Steven. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p123-124, 2p; (AN 46649521)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649521&site=ehost-live

2.

Examining the utility of social control and social learning in the radicalization of violent and non-violent extremists by Holt, Thomas J.; Freilich, Joshua D.; Chermak, Steven M.; LaFree, Gary. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p125-148, 24p; Abstract: AbstractResearch on radicalization to accept extremist ideologies has expanded dramatically over the last decade, particularly attempts to theorize pathways to violence. These models are complex, and contain aspects of key criminological frameworks including social learning and social control theories. At the same time, they do reconcile the inherent differences in these frameworks, requiring research to examine how these models could be combined and the utility in using an integrated model to account for radicalization as a whole. This analysis uses four case studies developed from two of the most well-known open-source terrorism databases to assess these frameworks, using two far-right and two jihadist perpetrators, with one engaged in violence and the other non-violent activity in each ideological grouping. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of radicalization and the utility of criminological theories are considered in depth.; (AN 46649522)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649522&site=ehost-live

3.

Threats won’t work by Smith, Hayden J.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p149-159, 11p; Abstract: AbstractThere is significant debate over Iran’s nuclear program and their potential for weaponization. One camp of scholars and policy makers argue that a nuclear Iran would bring stability to the region while others argue that the regime will become a more aggressive threat. To better analyze the situation we must understand Iran’s intentions. To investigate Iran’s intentions I use a multimethod approach, employing operational code and image theory, to examine the worldview of Ali Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme Leader, in regards to how he perceives the international system broadly, and the United States specifically. Understanding Khamenei’s perceptions and motivations provides a foundation on which to analyze the issue of a nuclear Iran. The results suggest that Khamenei is moderate and seeks to compromise and work with other actors, provided the other actors negotiate without making threats, consistent with prior research positing that nuclear weapons are sought to increase influence on the world stage.; (AN 46649523)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649523&site=ehost-live

4.

Pro-government international military intervention during genocide and politicide by Uzonyi, Gary. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p160-170, 11p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do states intervene militarily to support regimes that are committing genocide or politicide? Previous literature examines why states intervene to stop such atrocities, but overlooks why some states support murderous regimes. I argue that states support lethal regimes when such support is militarily and strategically beneficial. In particular, I posit that third-parties are likely to support their allies in time of civil war, despite murderous policies. Statistical analysis of all genocides and politicides between 1955 and 2005 supports this argument. Importantly, I also find that third-parties are no less likely to support lethal regimes in the post-Cold War era. These findings question whether normative change in the international environment is influencing state decision-making on important military calculations.; (AN 46649524)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649524&site=ehost-live

5.

Grandstanding or foreshadowing: analysing the University of Alabama active shooter threats with intergroup threat theory by Egnoto, Michael J.; Griffin, Darrin J.; Qiao, Fei. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p171-185, 15p; Abstract: AbstractIn 2014, the University of Alabama community became the victim of a cyber-threat for a school shooting that started on social media. This active shooter threat was used as an opportunity to embrace the rarity and unpredictability of a crisis, and publicly accessible social media data were captured and analysed using established linguistic analysis software. Through the lens of intergroup threat theory, social media and publicly sent messages were analysed so that it was possible to test predictions that in-group (individuals on campus) messages would differ in their use of language compared to out-group (mass media) messages. The results indicated that individuals differed significantly from mass media in the following ways: individuals used more personal and fewer plural pronouns, more religious language, and less cognitive complexity than mass media. Also, as might be expected, individuals engaged in more reassurance giving and information seeking than did the mass media. Implications and directions for future research are discussed, with an emphasis on understanding the nature of resilience.; (AN 46649525)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649525&site=ehost-live

6.

Theology, heroism, justice, and fear: an analysis of ISIS propaganda magazines Dabiqand Rumiyah by Welch, Tyler. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p186-198, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper analyses a large content sample of Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) English-language magazines. Dabiq (15 issues, 2014–2016) and Rumiyah (13 issues, 2016–2017) represent the largest cohesive text sample of ISIS propaganda targeted at English speakers. This qualitative analysis, creates a typology to explain and categorize articles within the sample. Magazine articles are divided into five categories: (1) Islamic theological justification and inspiration for violence, (2) descriptions of community, belonging, and meaning, (3) stories of progress or heroism, (4) establishment of a common enemy, i.e., the West and Muslim “apostate s,” and (5) instructional and inspirational articles empowering individual violent action. A focus on unity and community was more common in Dabiq, while instructional articles encouraging lone wolf attacks appeared more often in Rumiyah. Moreover, tales of heroism and progress are far more common in Dabiq, while Rumiyah issues focus on Islamic justification and call for loyalty and sacrifice. This follows the shift in ISIS’s operational focus from administering a physical caliphate to inspiring attacks locally and abroad. Knowing exactly what types of messages and narratives are being circulated in ISIS propaganda has important implications for understanding the psychology of terrorism, radicalization, securitization, and counterterrorism.; (AN 46649526)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649526&site=ehost-live

7.

Fighting together? understanding bilateral cooperation in the realm of counterterrorism by Perliger, Arie; Milton, Daniel. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p199-220, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince September 11, there has been marked rise in research on the transnational aspect of terrorist organizations, such as Hezbollah, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. However, there has been little focus on when and why nations sometimes cooperate in counterterrorism, while at other times they deal with the challenge of terrorism separately. Our contribution here is two-fold. First, we develop a conceptual framework that identifies the different ways in which polities cooperate when they are executing CT policies. Second, using a newly collected dataset of CT campaigns and state cooperation from 1970 to 2007, we test the theoretical framework in an effort to explain under which conditions countries choose to cooperate or fight alone. The results indicate that traditional power-centric explanations for cooperation matter, but not to the exclusion of less-tangible factors such as identity and the nature of the violence used by the terrorist group.; (AN 46649527)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649527&site=ehost-live

8.

“Doing a number”: adaptation of political violence in the aftermath of the Northern Irish conflict by Uležić, Sanjin. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 3 p221-234, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFocusing on the contemporary iteration of the republican armed struggle in Northern Ireland this work posits that a scaled-down approach to the strategic outlook was developed by violent dissident republicans as a reaction to resource constraints and a post-conflict context. The adjusted strategic outlook became predicated on a strategy of provocation with the intent being to draw out some form of governmental response while maintaining a heightened state of emergency. As the post-conflict normalization in Northern Ireland represented a relatively easy target for the armed groups, this strategy of provocation could rely on rudimentary tactics, both violent and non-violent. This work concludes by exploring one such tactic that straddles the divide between the two, hoax devices, which have become a staple in the repertoire of violent dissident republicans.; (AN 46649528)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=46649528&site=ehost-live

 

.

MY ACCOUNT   |   CATALOG   |   NATO LIBGUIDES   |   JOURNAL TITLES   |   ASK A QUESTION