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NATO Multimedia Library: Journal Titles: A - D

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

A - D

Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 45, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Partisan Dimensions of Confidence in the U.S. Military, 1973–2016 by Burbach, David T.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p211-233, 23p; Abstract: Americans express more confidence in their military than any other institution. The components and causes of confidence have been little studied, especially as a partisan phenomenon. This study assesses trends in how partisanship and ideology affect confidence in the military. Multivariate analysis of General Social Survey and Harris Poll data shows that while confidence has increased for all demographic and political subgroups, partisanship and ideology play larger roles than commonly recognized. Democrats and Republicans are more confident than independents, but Republican confidence increased sharply over the last 20 years. Party ID is now the best predictor of one's confidence in the military. Conservative ideology has little effect, but liberalism reduces confidence, splitting Democrats. The pattern is not only “Republicanization,” however; partisans on both sides are more confident when their party holds the White House.; (AN 48557504)
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2.

U.S. Military Deployment and Host-Nation Economic Growth by Heo, Uk; Ye, Min. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p234-267, 34p; Abstract: Since the end of World War II, the U.S. military has deployed its troops all over the world for regional security and/or peace building. Despite the importance of its political, economic, and military impact on the region, few studies examined how U.S. military deployment overseas affects the host nation’s economy except Jones and Kane (2012) and Kane (2012). To help fill the gap in the literature, we tested how substantial U.S. troop deployment (more than 100 troops on average) affects the host state’s investment, trade, political development, and economic growth for the period from 1960 to 2014, using the seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) model. The results show that the presence of U.S. troops does promote investment, trade, and economic growth in the host state. The United States deploys troops for regional security purposes, but these deployments also help economic growth directly and indirectly.; (AN 48557503)
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3.

Military Service and Physical Capital: Framing Musculoskeletal Disorders Among American Military Veterans Using Pierre Bourdieu’s Theory of Cultural Capital by Hinojosa, Ramon; Hinojosa, Melanie Sberna; Nguyen, Jenny. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p268-290, 23p; Abstract: There are 22 million veterans in the U.S. Armed Forces. Past research on the musculoskeletal health of military veterans has explored the prevalence of musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs) but largely avoids situating findings within a theoretical framework. This article uses Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital to contextualize veteran’s greater rates of MSDs compared to nonmilitary civilians. Cultural capital consists of objectified, institutional, and embodied capital that can be transubstantiated to capital in other areas. Embodied or physical capital is central to military service, and military veteran status is beneficial in accessing social and institutional capital. Using the 2012–2014 National Health Interview Survey, we show veterans are more likely to report activity-limiting MSDs, and at younger ages, compared to nonveterans. Physical capital is central to, and impaired by, status as a veteran.; (AN 48557499)
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4.

The Relation Between Family-Supportive Work Environment and Work–Family Conflict: Does Leader Support Act as a Moderator of This Relation in the Portuguese Navy? by Campaniço Cavaleiro, Sandra Veigas; Gomes, Catarina; Lopes, Miguel Pereira. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p291-309, 19p; Abstract: This study tested the moderation effect that leader support had on the relation between a family-supportive work environment (FSWE) and work–family conflict (WFC) in the Portuguese Navy. Data were collected through the application of a questionnaire to 260 career Navy junior and senior officers. Results indicated that a positive relation existed between the FSWE and WFC, being so that more FSWE related to more WFC. When bringing leader’s support to the subject, the only relation found was between leader support and WFC in which less leader support related to more WFC. The results didn’t back up the hypothesis that leader support had a positive moderating impact on the relationship between an FSWE and WFC. Given this, the results are discussed considering the theory on WFC and possible implications for future research and practice are presented for the Portuguese Navy.; (AN 48557498)
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5.

The Changing Nature of Reserve Cohesion: A Study of Future Reserves 2020 and British Army Reserve Logistic Units by Bury, Patrick. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p310-332, 23p; Abstract: For too long military cohesion scholars have focused on regular infantry forces. This article examines the impact of the Future Reserves 2020(FR20) policy on cohesion, professionalism, and discipline among British reserve logisticians. In doing so, it makes three significant contributions to the cohesion literature. Firstly, addressing scholars’ almost exclusive focus on regular infantry, it presents the first academic study on cohesion in British reserve logistics forces. Secondly, in detailing how cohesion in these forces is based on interpersonal rather than professional bonds, it argues that the locus of cohesion and discipline in these forces is different to that recently identified in the regular professional infantry. Thirdly, the article argues that while FR20 is gradually changing many of British reserve norms, the organizational realities of reserve service continue to limit the policy's impact. The evidence presented may be theoretically applicable to other reserve and noncombat forces in future cohesion research.; (AN 48557500)
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6.

A Generic Pedagogic Model for Academically Based Professional Officer Education by Hedlund, Erik. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p333-348, 16p; Abstract: After the end of the Cold War, many European countries cut back so heavily on defense expenditure that they lost their capacity to defend themselves. This resulted in greater need for improved cooperation and interoperability among member states’ armed forces. One important attempt to improve the understanding and interoperability among the European Union (EU) nation’s armed forces was taken in 2008 by the creation of the European Initiative for exchange of young officers aimed to make the officer education in Europe more transparent and convergent with each other. This article presents a proposal for a generic pedagogic model for an academically professional officer education that can improve understanding and interoperability among the EU nation’s armed forces. The model helps to facilitate a process of professionalization of the military profession with an officer education that can meet the requirements of higher education systems as well as the demands of the military profession.; (AN 48557495)
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7.

Professionalization of a Nonstate Actor: A Case Study of the Provisional IRA by Finnegan, Patrick. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p349-367, 19p; Abstract: Can nonstate militants professionalize? That is the core question of this piece. Discussions of professionalism have spread to the state military from civilian professions such as education, medicine, and law. This piece examines whether nonstate actors exhibit the same fundamental processes found within these state-based organizations. These fundamentals are the creation of a recognized internal ethos, which acts as a collective standard for those involved. A commitment to expertise and the punishment of those who do not reach these collective expectations reinforce this ethos. To answer this question, this piece examines the development of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) during the Troubles. It highlights consistencies and inconsistencies with traditional forces and argues that groups like the PIRA can professionalize and increase their effectiveness in doing so. This widens the field of professionalism studies and provides an additional lens through which to examine nonstate groups.; (AN 48557497)
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8.

Murder on Maneuver: Exploring Green-on-Blue Attacks in Afghanistan by Shortland, Neil; Nader, Elias; Sari, Huseyin; Palasinski, Marek; Hilland, Casey. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p368-388, 21p; Abstract: Green-on-blue attacks have a devastating psychological, tactical, and operational effect on military operations in Afghanistan. In spite of this, no empirical research has offered a data-driven examination of these attacks, leaving a gap that this article aims to address. By analyzing a large (yet inevitability incomplete) open-source database developed on these attacks, we present data on the perpetrators and victims of these attacks. We also investigate whether green-on-blue attacks are related to the number of civilian casualties in that area; finding that (unlike wider insurgent violence) they are not. Instead, we find that it is the number of troops present within a Regional Command that is positively correlated with the likelihood that a green-on-blue attack will occur. We discuss the implications of these findings with reference to future issues of force protection.; (AN 48557502)
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9.

Book Review: More than fighting for peace: Conflict resolution, UN peacekeeping and the role of training military personnel by Holmes, Georgina. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p389-391, 3p; (AN 48557501)
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10.

Book Review: Integrating the US military: Race, gender, and sexual orientation since World War II by Butler, John Sibley. Armed Forces & Society, April 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p391-393, 3p; (AN 48557496)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 38, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Securitization, insecurity and conflict in contemporary Xinjiang: has PRC counter-terrorism evolved into state terror? by Smith Finley, Joanne. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p1-26, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the Introduction to this special issue, I first provide an overview of the programme of 'de-extremification' and mass internment in Xinjiang since early 2017. I then situate this development against the ‘ideological turn’ in Chinese Communist Party policy under President Xi Jinping, highlighting the new emphasis on stability maintenance and ideational governance. Next, I explore experiences of (in)security in Uyghur communities in- and outside of Xinjiang in the era of internment to consider how far PRC counter-terrorism initiatives have now evolved into state terror. In doing so, I apply Ruth Blakeley's (2012) definition of state terror as a deliberate act of violence against civilians, or threat of violence where a climate of fear is already established by earlier acts of violence; as perpetrated by actors on behalf of or in conjunction with the state; as intended to induce extreme fear in target observers who identify with the victim; and as forcing the target audience to consider changing its behaviour. Finally, I discuss the six contributions to the special issue.; (AN 49172140)
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2.

Old ‘counter-revolution’, new ‘terrorism’: historicizing the framing of violence in Xinjiang by the Chinese state by Rodríguez-Merino, Pablo A.. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p27-45, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina has declared a war on terrorism in Xinjiang, identifying violence in the region as a top security threat. However, what nowadays is officially constructed as ‘terrorism’ was framed as ‘counter-revolution’ in the past. Informed by the concept of macrosecuritization and the agenda of critical terrorism studies, this article examines the changing nature of Chinese state framing of violence in Xinjiang. Through a comparative analysis of the discursive construction of the Baren (1990) and Maralbeshi (2013) violent incidents, I find that the terror lexicon has replaced old narratives of counter-revolution to legitimize a sustained crackdown under a novel geopolitical context. The construction of violence in Xinjiang as terrorism, I argue, is contingent, limited and unstable. It marginalizes factors other than an extremist or separatist agency in the incubation of the violence, in particular the frictions created by the crackdown with which the Chinese government is trying to placate the unrest.; (AN 49172141)
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3.

What explains the rise of majority–minority tensions and conflict in Xinjiang? by Hasmath, Reza. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p46-60, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the past few years there has been a rise of inter-ethnic violence in China. While ethno-cultural repression and ineffective state policies are correctly attributed as key culprits behind this reality, this article suggests that socio-economic factors play a fundamental contributory role as well. Using the Xinjiang case, the article maps ethnic tensions and violence as a manifestation and expression of a growing and heightened ethno-cultural consciousness stemming from ethnic minorities’ low socio-economic status due, in part, to internal Han migration, and a labour market process – involving agency and structure – that has shaped a split and segmented labour market.; (AN 49172142)
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4.

Islam by smartphone: reading the Uyghur Islamic revival on WeChat by Harris, Rachel; Isa, Aziz. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p61-80, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe official Chinese view of the Uyghur Islamic revival is overwhelmingly dominant. Because of the extraordinary measures taken to shield from international view the actual developments in the region and to silence Uyghur voices, we lack a clear sense of what it is to be a Muslim in contemporary Xinjiang. This article explores debates within Uyghur society about faith, politics and identity as they are revealed through the social media platform WeChat. It aims to disrupt the dominant narratives and enable new understandings of the changing patterns of religiosity and violence in the region. It focuses on the use of social media to access affective experiences of religion, projects of self-fashioning, and the new geographies of knowledge and experience formed as Uyghurs turned to the readily available scripts circulating in the wider Islamic world and adapted them to a very local sense of crisis.; (AN 49172143)
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5.

The Wang Lixiong prophecy: ‘Palestinization’ in Xinjiang and the consequences of Chinese state securitization of religion by Smith Finley, Joanne. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p81-101, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn Your Western Regions, My Turkestan(2007), Chinese dissident Wang Lixiong warned of the ‘Palestinization’ of the Xinjiang question, defined as reaching ‘a critical point in time’ where Uyghurs and Han Chinese enter an interminable ‘ethnic war’. Following the knife attack on Han civilians in Kunming (2014), seen by many as an act of Uyghur terror, Wang reminded us that he had foreseen this trajectory seven years earlier. This article outlines Wang’s six interpretations of ‘Palestinization’ in the Xinjiang context, then shows how tightened regulations on religion and intrusive religious policing was the main catalyst for local retaliatory violence in 2012–2015. I contend that state securitization of religion was counterproductive, heightening societal insecurity and promoting inter-ethnic conflict between Uyghur and Han communities. In Chen Quanguo’s era of ‘de-extremification’, the state’s purported attempt to ‘purify’ Islamic practice continues to be experienced on the ground as violation of pure, halal space.; (AN 49172144)
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6.

Correction Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 pci-ci, 1p; (AN 49172154)
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7.

‘Thoroughly reforming them towards a healthy heart attitude’: China’s political re-education campaign in Xinjiang by Zenz, Adrian. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p102-128, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince spring 2017, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China has witnessed the emergence of an unprecedented re-education campaign. According to media and informant reports, untold thousands of Uyghurs and other Muslims have been and are being detained in clandestine political re-education facilities, with major implications for society, local economies and ethnic relations. Considering that the Chinese state is currently denying the very existence of these facilities, this paper investigates publicly available evidence from official sources, including government websites, media reports and other Chinese internet sources. First, it briefly charts the history and present context of political re-education. Second, it looks at the recent evolution of re-education in Xinjiang in the context of ‘de-extremification’ work. Finally, it evaluates detailed empirical evidence pertaining to the present re-education drive. With Xinjiang as the ‘core hub’ of the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing appears determined to pursue a definitive solution to the Uyghur question.; (AN 49172145)
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8.

Colonization with Chinese characteristics: politics of (in)security in Xinjiang and Tibet by Anand, Dibyesh. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p129-147, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina as a victim rather than a proponent of modern colonialism is an essential myth that animates Chinese nationalism. The Chinese statist project of occupying, minoritizing and securitizing different ethno-national peoples of Central Asia, such as Uyghurs and Tibetans, with their own claims to homelands, is a colonial project. Focusing on China’s securitized and militarized rule in Xinjiang and Tibet, the article will argue that the most appropriate lens through which this can be understood is neither nation-building nor internal colonialism but modern colonialism. It argues that the representation of Uyghurs and Tibetans as sources of insecurity not only legitimizes state violence as a securitizing practice but also serves contemporary Chinese colonial goals.; (AN 49172146)
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9.

Paradox of power: the logics of state weakness in Eurasia by Estes, Kyle. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p148-150, 3p; (AN 49172147)
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10.

Living language in Kazakhstan: the dialogic emergence of an ancestral worldview by Werner, Cynthia. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p150-151, 2p; (AN 49172148)
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11.

Uzbekistan’s foreign policy: the struggle for recognition and self-reliance under Karimov by Omelicheva, Mariya Y.. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p152-154, 3p; (AN 49172149)
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12.

From belonging to belief: modern secularisms and the construction of religion in Kyrgyzstan by O'Neill Borbieva, Noor. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p154-156, 3p; (AN 49172150)
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13.

Visions of justice: Shari’aand cultural change in Russian Central Asia by Crews, Robert D.. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p156-158, 3p; (AN 49172151)
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14.

Power, politics, and tradition in the Mongol Empire and the Īlkhānate of Iran by Morton, Nicholas. Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p158-160, 3p; (AN 49172152)
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15.

Books received Central Asian Survey, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p161-163, 3p; (AN 49172153)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 237, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Reassessing the Hu–Wen Era: A Golden Age or Lost Decade for Social Policy in China? by Howell, Jude; Duckett, Jane. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p1-14, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThe Hu–Wen era has been characterized as a “lost decade” for economic and political reform, but a “golden era” in terms of economic growth and political stability. Yet, relatively little attention has been paid to the social policies introduced during Hu and Wen's decade in power. These important policies, however, abolished agricultural taxes, extended health insurance, pensions and income support to almost all rural as well as urban residents, and built a civic welfare infrastructure to address migrants’ grievances. These policies, some of which were developed under the preceding Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji leadership, were introduced for a complex mix of reasons. Their aim was not only to reduce inequalities but also to stimulate domestic consumption and sustain economic growth, offset the effects of China's entry to the WTO and the global recession of 2008, and maintain social stability. They were the product of domestic bureaucratic politics and experimentation. They were also strongly influenced by China's integration into the international economy, as well as by international governmental and non-governmental organizations and the ideas they introduced into China's domestic policy networks. Although Hu–Wen era social policy reforms had only limited effects on reducing income inequality and involved complex politics, they did establish for the first time entitlements to social security and safety nets for all China's population.; (AN 49332862)
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2.

International Influences on Policymaking in China: Network Authoritarianism from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao by Duckett, Jane. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p15-37, 23p; Abstract: AbstractPrevious research has credited China's top leaders, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, with the social policies of their decade in power, arguing that they promoted these policies either for factional reasons or to achieve rational, problem-solving goals. But such arguments ignore the dominant “fragmented authoritarian” model of policymaking in China that centres on bargaining among bureaucratic agencies. This article asks whether top leadership factions, rational problem solving, or “fragmented authoritarianism” can explain the adoption of one of the Hu and Wen administration's flagship policies, New Rural Cooperative Medical Schemes. Based on a careful tracing of this policy's evolution, it finds little evidence for these explanations, and instead uncovers the role played by international events and organizations, and ideas they introduced or sustained within policy networks. The article highlights some of the effects that China's international engagement has had on policymaking and the need to go beyond explanations of the policy process that focus solely on domestic actors. It proposes a new model of policymaking, “network authoritarianism,” that centres on policy networks spanning the domestic–international, state–non-state, and central–local divides, and which takes account of the influence of ideas circulating within these networks.; (AN 49332863)
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3.

Principle-guided Policy Experimentation in China: From Rural Tax and Fee Reform to Hu and Wen's Abolition of Agricultural Tax by Wang, Guohui. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p38-57, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe abolition of Agricultural Tax in 2005 was a major policy of the early Hu–Wen administration. But how and why did it happen? Drawing on abundant media reports, archive documents and internal speeches by key policymakers, as well as on the author's interviews, this article argues that this reform was pushed through (the “how”) by “principle-guided policy experimentation” with origins in the period of Jiang Zemin's leadership. Not only does this show policy continuities from the Jiang–Zhu era into the Hu–Wen period, it also reveals a different process of policy experimentation from that identified by Sebastian Heilmann in the economic policy arena. Under principle-guided policy experimentation, Chinese central decision makers firstreached consensus on the principleof the Rural Tax and Fee Reform (RTFR) drawing on policy learning from prior bottom-up local experimentation, and thenformulated and implemented an experimental programme from the top-down, funding it in order to encourage local governments to participate. The evidence suggests that international, political (rural instability), economic and fiscal considerations came to explain leaders’ decisions (the “why”) on tax reform as much as their individual preferences.; (AN 49332864)
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4.

NGOs and Civil Society: The Politics of Crafting a Civic Welfare Infrastructure in the Hu–Wen Period by Howell, Jude. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: AbstractSince 2015 rights-based NGOs, lawyers, feminists and journalists have endured the most stringent crackdown since 1989. Simultaneously the Xi Li administration has pushed forward a series of laws, policies and regulatory changes to enable service-oriented NGOs to apply for government contracts to provide welfare services. This seemingly Janus-like policy of welfarist incorporation can be traced back to the Hu–Wen period, often described as a lacklustre period, despite significant efforts to tackle issues of poverty and inequality. This article argues for a more balanced appraisal of this period by exploring in depth the complex politics underpinning efforts to pluralize welfare provision by involving service-oriented NGOs. It explores three sets of politics influencing this policy process: inter-institutional politics; state/non-state actor politics; and domestic/external politics. Furthermore, it considers processes of gradual institutional change adopted by key political actors to achieve these ends.; (AN 49332865)
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5.

Social Policy and Income Inequality during the Hu–Wen Era: A Progressive Legacy? by Gao, Qin; Yang, Sui; Zhai, Fuhua. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p82-107, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThe Hu–Wen era saw significant expansions in social policies in China. How did these policy changes affect income inequality, and did they leave a progressive legacy? Using the China Household income Project (CHIP) 2002, 2007 and 2013 data, this article offers empirical evidence to answer these questions. We find that these social policy changes indeed led to some convergence of the divided urban–rural–migrant social welfare systems and helped curtail the growing income inequality driven by market forces. Measured as the share in household final income, the size of urban social benefits decreased, while those for rural residents and rural-to-urban migrants increased from 2002 to 2013. Social benefits – especially pensions – reduced income inequality in all three groups, although to a much smaller extent for rural residents and migrants as compared to their urban peers. Rural residents also gained from agricultural and livelihood subsidies through the “Building a new socialist countryside” initiative.; (AN 49332866)
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6.

CQY volume 237 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 49332884)
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7.

CQY volume 237 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 49292288)
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8.

Public Services and Informal Profits: Governing Township Health Centres in a Context of Misfit Regulatory Institutions by Müller, Armin. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p108-130, 23p; Abstract: AbstractChina's healthcare system is governed by institutions that are mutually incompatible. Although healthcare providers are supposed to offer affordable curative care services and engage in public health and administrative work, they receive insufficient financial support from the state and rely on generating informal profits and grey income. The “institutional misfit” between this public welfare mandate and medical service providers’ market orientation is particularly pronounced in the case of township health centres (THCs), a generalist type of healthcare provider with a key role in China's healthcare system. Based on fieldwork in four county-level jurisdictions, this study explores how local governments and THCs interact to cope with institutional misfit. It sheds light on a large variety of informal practices pertaining to human resources, healthcare services, drug procurement, health insurance and capital investment. Local governments deliberately neglect regulatory enforcement and collude with THCs to generate informal profits, behaviour which undermines service quality and increases healthcare costs. The study also shows that while the New Healthcare Reform altered the informal and collusive practices, it has failed to harmonize the underlying institutional misfit. To date, we see only a reconfiguration rather than an abandoning of informal practices resulting from recent healthcare reforms.; (AN 49332870)
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9.

A Weapon of the Weak? Shareholding, Property Rights and Villager Empowerment in China by Kan, Karita. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p131-152, 22p; Abstract: AbstractAs urbanization continues to fuel land and property conflicts in rural China, shareholding has been promoted as a reform in property rights that would enhance bottom-up control in the governance of collective assets. The recent proliferation of community-based shareholding companies has been credited for giving villagers new identities as shareholders, which entitle them to vote, receive their share of collective profits, and elect the managers of their wealth. This paper critically appraises these reforms and offers a contrarian perspective to singular narratives of villager empowerment. While shareholding clarifies villagers’ rights of control, income and transfer in collective property, the effective exercise of such powers is often forestalled on the ground by the concentration of power in elite hands. To the extent that formal and informal constraints on cadre power remain tenuous, shareholding could function as a vehicle for the powerful to appropriate collective wealth rather than as a weapon of the weak.; (AN 49332868)
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10.

Legitimacy, Development and Sustainability: Understanding Water Policy and Politics in Contemporary China by Moore, Scott M.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p153-173, 21p; Abstract: AbstractMore so than for other countries, the management of China's water resources is an important aspect of its policy and politics, yet existing scholarly attempts to understand this importance are scattered among a wide range of sub-literatures that lack a unifying theoretical framework. This article attempts to identify common themes and features of the relationship between water, politics and governance in contemporary China by examining how this relationship has unfolded in historical perspective. It identifies three basic objectives that have shaped the politics and governance of China's water resources over time: legitimacy, economic development and environmental sustainability. These objectives map, though imperfectly, onto different periods in the history of the People's Republic of China, thereby highlighting how they have evolved. Together, these objectives explain policies towards, and the politics of, water resources in contemporary China. This understanding shows that water both shapes and reflects Chinese politics, and highlights the need for a theoretically coherent sub-literature on Chinese water policy and politics.; (AN 49332871)
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11.

Strategic Public Shaming: Evidence from Chinese Antitrust Investigations by Zhang, Angela Huyue. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p174-195, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines strategic public shaming, a novel form of regulatory tactics employed by the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) during its enforcement of the Anti-Monopoly Law. Based on analysis of media coverage and interview findings, the study finds that the way that the NDRC disclosed its investigation is highly strategic depending on the firm's co-operative attitude towards the investigation. Event studies further show that the NDRC's proactive disclosure resulted in significantly negative abnormal returns of the stock prices of the firm subject to the disclosure. For instance, Biostime, an infant-formula manufacturer investigated in 2013, experienced −22 per cent cumulative abnormal return in a three-day event window, resulting in a loss of market capitalization that is 27 times the antitrust fine that it ultimately received. The NDRC's strategic public shaming might therefore result in severe market sanctions that deter firms from defying the agency.; (AN 49292287)
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12.

The Challenge of Implementing the Belt and Road Initiative in the Middle East: Connectivity Projects under Conditions of Limited Political Engagement by Evron, Yoram. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p196-216, 21p; Abstract: AbstractSceptics query China's economic and political ability to realize its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Less attention has been paid to BRI's implications for one of the defining features of China's foreign policy: low engagement in areas beyond its traditional sphere of influence. The Middle East is such a case. Addressing this issue, the article explores the mutual impact of China's low political involvement in the Middle East and BRI's realization. Distinguishing cross-border connectivity projects from other BRI-associated activities, the article examines the challenges to executing BRI-related projects in Israel. It finds that realizing connectivity projects – the essence of the BRI vision – will require China to increase its regional engagement, a shift that it has so far avoided.; (AN 49332867)
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13.

Celebrity Philanthropy in China: Reconfiguring Government and Non-Government Roles in National Development by Deng, Guosheng; Jeffreys, Elaine. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p217-240, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the development of, and public responses to, celebrity-fronted philanthropy in the People's Republic of China. It explores the extent and nature of celebrity philanthropy with reference to a sample of mainland Chinese celebrities in entertainment and sports. It then draws on interviews conducted with employees of large charities to examine the kinds of links that are being forged between China's not-for-profit sector and commercial organizations managing the work of celebrities. Finally, it analyses the responses to a national survey on celebrity and philanthropy. We conclude that the relationship between China's government, not-for-profit and celebrity sectors is becoming more professionalized and organized. This development reveals how the roles and capacities of government are being reconfigured and expanded, even as it also enhances the scope for action and the influence of new social actors and organizations to address government-led national development issues.; (AN 49332869)
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14.

Truth, Good and Beauty: The Politics of Celebrity in China by Sullivan, Jonathan; Kehoe, Séagh. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p241-256, 16p; Abstract: AbstractA visit to a Chinese city of any size – looking up at downtown billboards, riding public transport, shopping at a mall – is to be in the presence of a Chinese celebrity endorsing a product, lifestyle or other symbols of “the good life.” Celebrity in China is big business, feeding off and nourishing the advertising-led business model that underpins the commercialized media system and internet. It is also a powerful instrument in the party-state's discursive and symbolic repertoire, used to promote regime goals and solidify new governmentalities through signalling accepted modes of behaviour for mass emulation. The multi-dimensional celebrity persona, and the public interest it stimulates in off-stage lives, requires an academic focus on the workings of celebrity separate to the products that celebrities create in their professional roles. The potential to connect with large numbers of ordinary people, and the emergence of an informal celebrity-making scene in cyberspace symptomatic of changing attitudes towards fame among Chinese people, marks the special status of celebrity within China's constrained socio-political ecology. The motivation for this article is to further scholarly understanding of how celebrity operates in China and to bring this expression of popular culture into the broader conversation about contemporary Chinese politics and society.; (AN 49292286)
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15.

Book Review: Unlikely Partners: Chinese Reformers, Western Economists, and the Making of Global China by Weber, Isabella M.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p257-259, 3p; (AN 49332872)
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16.

Book Review: Where the Party Rules: The Rank and File of China's Communist State by Thornton, Patricia M.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p259-261, 3p; (AN 49292281)
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17.

Book Review: Red Swan: How Unorthodox Policy Making Facilitated China's Rise by Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p261-263, 3p; (AN 49332873)
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18.

Book Review: Rural Land Takings Law in Modern China: Origin and Evolution by Whiting, Susan H.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p263-264, 2p; (AN 49332874)
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19.

Book Review: Legal Lessons: Popularizing Laws in the People's Republic of China, 1949–1989 by Potter, Pitman B.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p264-266, 3p; (AN 49332875)
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20.

Book Review: Embedded Courts: Judicial Decision-Making in China by Clarke, Donald C.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p266-267, 2p; (AN 49332876)
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21.

Book Review: A City Mismanaged: Hong Kong's Struggle for Survival by Forrest, Ray. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p267-269, 3p; (AN 49332877)
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22.

Book Review: Meeting Place: Encounters across Cultures in Hong Kong, 1841–1984 by Mathews, Gordon. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p269-271, 3p; (AN 49332878)
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23.

Book Review: Diaspora's Homeland: Modern China in the Age of Global Migration by Ding, Sheng. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p271-272, 2p; (AN 49292283)
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24.

Book Review: The Sino-African Partnership: A Geopolitical Economy Approach by Corkin, Lucy. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p272-274, 3p; (AN 49332879)
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25.

Book Review: The Cosmopolitan Dream: Transnational Chinese Masculinities in a Global Age by Moskowitz, Marc L.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p274-276, 3p; (AN 49332880)
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26.

Book Review: The Gender Legacy of the Mao Era: Women's Life Stories in Contemporary China by Evans, Harriet. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p276-277, 2p; (AN 49292285)
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27.

Book Review: Formulas for Motherhood in a Chinese Hospital by Zhu, Jianfeng. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p277-279, 3p; (AN 49292282)
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28.

Book Review: Christian Women in Chinese Society: The Anglican Story by Wielander, Gerda. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p279-280, 2p; (AN 49332881)
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29.

Book Review: Revolutionary Nativism: Fascism and Culture in China, 1925–1937 by Mitter, Rana. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p280-282, 3p; (AN 49332882)
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30.

Book Review: Violence and Order on the Chengdu Plain: The Story of a Secret Brotherhood in Rural China, 1939–1949 by Barnes, Nicole Elizabeth. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p282-284, 3p; (AN 49332883)
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31.

Book Review: The Blue Frontier: Maritime Vision and Power in the Qing Empire by Horowitz, Richard S.. The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p284-285, 2p; (AN 49292284)
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32.

Books Received The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p286-287, 2p; (AN 49332886)
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33.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, March 2019, Vol. 237 Issue: Number 1 p288-289, 2p; (AN 49332885)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 20, no. 4, October 2018

Record

Results

1.

Correction Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p1-1, 1p; (AN 48402518)
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2.

The International Criminal Court and the Rebels’ Commitment Problem by Daniels, Lesley-Ann. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p455-476, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues against the common view that the International Criminal Court (ICC) prevents peace since rebels will not accept accountability. In the presence of an international criminal authority, accountability may be unavoidable. This is true for rebels, but also for state agents. Should the government renege on agreed provisions, it risks ICC attention on its own actors, including into the future. In this way, the ICC functions as a permanent third-party guarantor of the provisions and reduces the commitment problem for the rebels, conditional on certain circumstances. A case study of Colombia finds support for the theoretical proposals.; (AN 48402512)
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3.

Securitisation and Desecuritisation of Violence in Trusteeship Statebuilding by Bonacker, Thorsten; Distler, Werner; Ketzmerick, Maria. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p477-499, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe United Nations has engaged in (neo)trusteeship statebuilding in two different contexts: post-Second World War decolonisation and after the Cold War. On both occasions, statebuilding aimed at preventing organised, large-scale violence. Nevertheless, these statebuilding efforts were confronted by several forms of violence, ranging from civil war to a high level of politically motivated violence. In this article, we ask how and why administrations in French Cameroon, New Guinea, Kosovo and Timor-Leste implementing (de)securitised such violence – by addressing it as a serious threat and imple-menting policies of protection, by portraying it as something manageable or even by ignoring it.; (AN 48402513)
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4.

Disaggregating Opportunities: Opportunity Structures and Organisational Resources in the Study of Armed Conflict by Gledhill, John. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p500-528, 29p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn studies of armed conflict and civil war, it is common to distinguish between explanations that focus on the motivesof insurgents and accounts that examine opportunitiesfor rebellion. But what do scholars actually mean by ‘opportunities’? Some invoke the concept when referring to contexts in which states cannot suppress rebellion. For others, opportunities exist where insurgents have access to resources that facilitate the realisation of collective violence. And a third group refers to opportunities when discussing both of the above contexts. Across the field, then, the concept is used inconsistently. Consequently, I propose two conceptual clarifications. Drawing on insights from sociological literature, I argue that ‘opportunities’ should be disaggregated into two, more finite concepts: opportunity structures, understood as arrangements that inform externally imposed constraints on insurgency; and organisational resources, understood as means that shape the internal capacity of armed groups. Second, I suggest that conflict scholars should consider both material/institutional andsocial/normative dimensions of each disaggregated concept. To illustrate the heuristic benefits of the proposed framework, I use it as a basis for exploring variation in collective violence in Albania during the 1990s. That variation appears puzzling when seen through aggregated lenses but is explicable when examined through disaggregated lenses.; (AN 48402514)
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5.

Did Radio RTLM Really Contribute Meaningfully to the Rwandan Genocide?: Using Qualitative Information to Improve Causal Inference from Measures of Media Availability by Danning, Gordon. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p529-554, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent research has employed estimates of media exposure to explore the relationship between information disseminated ‘from above’ and political violence. I argue that those methods involve a potential pitfall, i.e., the possibility that the variable that they measure, media availability, is an inadequate proxy for media consumption, the actual variable of interest. I further argue that researchers often cannot be confident that that proxy is a valid one unless they have a deep qualitative understanding of media consumption habits of the population under study. I illustrate that concern by examining recent research on genocide in Rwanda.; (AN 48402515)
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6.

Casualties and Support for Violent Conflict in Civil Wars by Yaylacı, Şule; Bakıner, Onur. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p555-586, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe casualty effect is a widely studied explanation of public support for war in the context of overseas military operations, yet work on the effect of casualties on support for intrastate war is scant. This paper examines the impact of local casualties on support for using military action as a conflict resolution method for intrastate war, using data from two public opinion surveys, collected in Turkey in the absence and presence of large-scale violence, and an original dataset for the local casualties. We find that local-level casualties on average increase the support for military action in ethnic wars.; (AN 48402516)
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7.

Return of the barbarians. Confronting non-state actors from ancient Rome to the present by Black, Jeremy. Civil Wars, October 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 4 p587-588, 2p; (AN 48402517)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 19, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

The Colombo Powers: crafting diplomacy in the Third World and launching Afro-Asia at Bandung by Ewing, Cindy. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing documentary evidence from China, France, India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, and the United States, this paper develops a history of the Third World through historical inquiry into the origins and activities of the Colombo Powers. As the five host nations of the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, the Colombo Powers worked to realise a new vision of Asia that integrated the outer reaches of the mainland on the basis of ancient geographical ties and a cosmopolitan international order. Most importantly, they sought to reclaim Asian agency in the international negotiations on the Korean and Indochina conflict and spread resistance to collective security pacts in Asia.; (AN 49706533)
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2.

‘The essential weaknesses of the December 1979 “Agreement”’: the White House and the implementing of the dual-track decision by Gala, Marilena. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p21-38, 18p; Abstract: AbstractVery few NATO decisions may have entailed for the Alliance as much a laborious political and diplomatic process as that taken in December 1979. After its adoption, under Carter, the dual-track decision had to be implemented over the early years of the Reagan administration, when the US President’s abhorrence of détente was so deep and vocal to jeopardise the arms control progress upon which the fulfilment of the negotiating track of that NATO decision depended. The analysis carried out in this article focuses on the US government’s deliberations and choices. Its aim is to discuss how and to what extent the US Cold War security priorities did need to be complemented with those singled out by European NATO allies, especially when those allies were able to convey to Washington the message that arms control remained a political necessity for them.; (AN 49706534)
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3.

Troublemaker or peacemaker? Andreas Papandreou, the Euromissile Crisis, and the policy of peace, 1981–86 by Karamouzi, Eirini; Chourchoulis, Dionysios. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p39-61, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article sheds light on a neglected piece of the Euromissile Crisis puzzle, namely Greece’s policy of peace. The article examines the interaction of Andreas Papandreou’s socialist government’s foreign policy, developments in the country’s political culture and national frames of reference, and the unfolding drama of the nuclear crisis of the 1980s. While subscribing to an international cause, papandreou framed the policy of peace in ardent nationalist terms that involved renegotiation of the american bases on greek soil, relations with nato, balkan regional schemes for nuclear-weapons-free zones, and international initiatives with the third world.; (AN 49706535)
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4.

Navigating global socialism: Tanzanian students in and beyond East Germany by Burton, Eric. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p63-83, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates tensions and dynamics in global socialism through a focus on Tanzanian students in East Germany between the late 1950s and 1990. Disciplinary techniques partially known from Tanzania and everyday strategies of survival explain why most students complied with official requirements, but did not necessarily agree with East German ideological tenets. Additionally, throughout the decades, mobility across the Iron Curtain remained an important strategy to further own interests. The article concludes that an analytical framework spanning several decades and paying attention to dynamics in the country of origin sheds new light on agency and mobility among ‘East’, ‘West’, and ‘South’ during the Cold War.; (AN 49706536)
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5.

East German pragmatism, China’s policy of differentiation, and Soviet miscalculation: Hermann Matern’s 1961 trip to China revisited by Chen, Tao. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p85-99, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper shows that Hermann Matern’s 1961 visit to China was mainly a trade mission whose connection with political affairs was minor and who had only an indirect influence on the Berlin Crisis. It further demonstrates that there was no Sino-East German rapprochement during Matern’s visit, but quite the contrary –relations between the two countries actually deteriorated, resulting in the East German delegation failing to achieve their goals. Yet, Soviet miscalculation and misunderstanding of China’s policy led them to substantially increase their economic assistance to East Germany, so as to ‘win their German comrades back’ to the Soviet side.; (AN 49706537)
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6.

The fateful Indian recognition of West Germany, 1949 by Das Gupta, Amit R.. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p101-117, 17p; Abstract: AbstractIndia’s recognition of West, but not East, Germany was the foundation of an inconsistent policy on Germany from India and many other non-aligned countries. It was the outcome of a lack of professionalism, indecisiveness, the pragmatic considerations of a junior Indian diplomat in Berlin, and the laconic approval of the anti-communist secretary-general of the Ministry of External Affairs, Girja Shankar Bajpai. Neither Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru nor his advisor V.K. Krishnan Menon were involved at all. Officials around Foreign Secretary K.P.S. Menon held that the GDR should also be recognised in due course, but did not exercise sufficient influence. India would stand by its decision for 23 years and thereby set an example for other non-aligned countries.; (AN 49706538)
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7.

The German question in Jakarta Indonesia in West Germany’s foreign policy, 1955–65 by Tömmel, Till Florian. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p119-140, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores a hitherto unexamined chapter of German Cold War politics: West Germany’s relations with Indonesia between 1955 and 1965. Indonesia was a peculiar case, as in the late 1950s and early 1960s, President Sukarno turned his country into a radical champion of ‘anti-imperialism’. This included actions directed against the Netherlands, Britain, Malaysia, and the United States. As part of a comprehensive strategy to isolate East Germany in the ‘Third World’, West German diplomacy nevertheless tried to maintain solid relations with Sukarno’s increasingly unpredictable Indonesia, even if that meant undermining the position of Western allies.; (AN 49706539)
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8.

Border crossings and the remaking of Latin American Cold War Studies by Joseph, Gilbert M.. Cold War History, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p141-170, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis essay reviews the burgeoning literature on Latin America’s distinctive variant of the Cold War since about 2000. First, it examines a watershed of recent collaborations between Latin American area specialists and foreign relations scholars, which has dramatically transformed Latin American Cold War Studies. Then, it focuses on two of the more fertile veins in that scholarship: first, the notion that the region’s Cold War should be placed in a broader historical context, which scholars are increasingly referring to as Latin America’s “long Cold War,” and second, the long Cold War’s multivalent cultural dimension. If study of the Latin American Cold War has become something of a growth industry in the last 15 years, its leading edge may well be efforts to tease out the complex, power-laden cultural processes, relationships, exchanges, and institutional forms that antedated and shaped Latin America’s Cold War proper (c. 1947 to the early 1990s), and had consequences beyond the conflict’s denouement.; (AN 49706540)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 52, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Fighting for the Soviet Union 2.0: Digital nostalgia and national belonging in the context of the Ukrainian crisis by Kozachenko, Ivan. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p1-10, 10p; Abstract: This paper focuses on the use of Soviet-era symbols, myths, and narratives within groups on VKontakte social media site over the initial stage of the Ukraine crisis (2014–2015). The study is based on qualitative content analysis of online discussions, visual materials, and entries by group administrators and commentators. It also applies link-analysis in order to see how groups on social media are interrelated and positioned online. It reveals that these online groups are driven primarily by neo-Soviet myths and hopes for a new version of the USSR to emerge. Over time, the main memory work in these groups shifted from Soviet nostalgia and “pragmatic” discourse to the use of re-constructed World War II memories in order to justify Russian aggression and to undermine national belonging in Ukraine. Reliance on the wartime mythology allowed for the labelling of Euromaidan supporters as “fascists” that should be eliminated “once again.” This powerful swirl of re-created Soviet memories allowed effective mobilization on the ground and further escalation of the conflict from street protests to the armed struggle.; (AN 48198810)
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2.

Prospect theory and presidential elections: Two cases from Yugoslavia and Serbia by Pavlović, Dušan. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p11-24, 14p; Abstract: Why do presidents in semi-presidential regimes sometimes call early elections? Is the behavior of incumbent presidents different from the behavior of presidential contenders when the former do not need to run for office but face the loss of parliamentary majority in a semi-presidential system? Prospect theory claims that agents make risky choices when facing a loss. Consequently, if incumbent presidents face a loss of majority in the parliament, they will call for early election to try to shore up or salvage the majority. To provide empirical evidence supporting this claim, prospect theory has been applied to the two presidential elections in Yugoslavia and Serbia in which two incumbent presidents, Slobodan Milošević (2000) and Boris Tadić (2012), had lost early presidential elections. The expected contribution of the paper is to deepen our understanding of how semi-presidential regimes resolve the problem of temporal rigidity and offer novel empirical data in support of the application of prospect theory in political science.; (AN 48180913)
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3.

What are we gonna be when we grow up? SYRIZA's institutionalisation and its new “governing party” role by Tarditi, Valeria; Vittori, Davide. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p25-37, 13p; Abstract: The aim of this paper is to analyse the organizational model of one of the most successful European radical left parties, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). Our goal is to analyse SYRIZA's organizational transition from the electoral arena to the government (2015). Our main finding is that SYRIZA started as a socially-oriented organization led by an oligarchic dominant coalition and converted itself into a political party, characterized by a prevailing role of the party in public office/party government. Both the institutional environment and the party organization's first configuration have had an impact on this change.; (AN 49615196)
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4.

The politics of recognition of Crimean Tatar collective rights in the post-Soviet period: With special attention to the Russian annexation of Crimea by Aydin, Filiz Tutku; Sahin, Fethi Kurtiy. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p39-50, 12p; Abstract: This paper examines the process of how Crimean Tatars strived to attain group-differentiated rights since they have returned to their homeland in the early 1990s. Whereas the politics of minority rights were viewed through security lens in earlier literature, we emphasize the significance of cultural constructs in influencing the minority policies, based on qualitative content analysis of “speech acts” of elites, and movement and policy documents. Focusing on the interaction of the framing processes of Crimean Tatars with the Crimean regional government, Ukraine, and Russia, we argue that the “neo-Stalinist frame” has played a major role in denying the rights of Crimean Tatars for self-determination and preservation of their ethnic identity in both pre and post annexation Crimea. The Crimean Tatars counter-framed against neo-Stalinist frame both in the pre and post-annexation period by demanding their rights as “indigenous people”. Ukraine experienced a frame transformation after the Euromaidan protests, by shifting from a neo-Stalinist frame into a “multiculturalist frame”, which became evident in recognition of the Crimean Tatar status as indigenous people of Crimea.; (AN 49061163)
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5.

The Cold War and Third World revolution by Hager, Robert P.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p51-57, 7p; Abstract: Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War;Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order;and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.; (AN 49615195)
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6.

The three phases of rock music in the Czech lands by Ramet, Sabrina P.; Đorđević, Vladimir. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p59-70, 12p; Abstract: In the Czech lands (included in Czechoslovakia until the end of 1992), rock music has evolved through three phases. In the first phase, lasting until 1968, rock musicians had no ambition to offer social or political commentaries. This began as the era of rock ‘n’ roll, which is to say music being performed for dancing. The second phase began after the Soviet bloc invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, lasting until the end of the communist era in 1989. In this phase, rock musicians (no longer playing rock ‘n’ roll were closely monitored by the authorities and were expected to sing happy songs, submitting their song texts to the authorities for approval in advance of performing them. In spite of this control, some rock groups purposefully sang political texts in the 1970s and 1980s, mocking or criticizing the communists, albeit often cryptically. Finally, in the third phase – since 1989 – having lost their ideological foe, Czech rock groups have for the most part become politically disengaged.; (AN 48556507)
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7.

Media corruption and issues of journalistic and institutional integrity in post-communist countries: The case of Bulgaria by Trifonova Price, Lada. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 p71-79, 9p; Abstract: From a normative standpoint the media are usually seen as one of the pillars of a national integrity system, entrusted with the tasks of exposing and preventing acts of corruption and educating the public of the harm caused by corruption. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be one of the most significant challenges that Europe faces, undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and weakening the accountability of political leadership. Evidence suggests that in fragile EU democracies such as Bulgaria, despite more than eight years of full membership and numerous preventive measures, corruption is rife and the press is hardly capable of exposing abuses of power or authority. On the contrary - drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 Bulgarian journalists - this paper argues that since communism collapsed in the late 1980s the media in post-communist societies such as Bulgaria has gradually become an instrument to promote and defend private vested interests, and is plagued by corruption. Senior journalists and editors cast serious doubt over the ability of the post-communist free press and journalism to act as a watchdog for society.; (AN 48782891)
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8.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 1 pIFC-IFC; (AN 49615197)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 38, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Securing compliance with arms control agreements by Koch, Susan; Scheber, Thomas; Guthe, Kurt; Joseph, Robert. Comparative Strategy, January 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p1-87, 87p; (AN 49780076)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 19, no. 2, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Small arms and light weapons: the disjunction problem by Alley, Roderic. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p143-172, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGrowing in range and urgency, humanitarian needs now pose increasingly acute questions for national security policy formulation. Whether over forced migration, food scarcity or nefarious electronic penetration, state security preferences face uneasy accommodations with individual needs be it for child survival, basic sustenance or rights to privacy. This paper deliberates a further field of increasingly apparent value contest: that involving the transfer, diversion and lethal use of small arms and light weapons (SALW). After outlining the scale of this phenomenon, existing regulatory mechanisms over SALW transfers are assessed. It is argued that these controls are inadequate, a deficiency that is embedded within a range of inter-linked disjunctions. They are outlined in a model that is evaluated against empirical findings. Where SALW control inadequacy is causally connected to the disjunctive model, it is argued, current levels of SALW-induced casualties are unlikely to abate. The paper concludes by considering feasible options for enhanced management of global SALW proliferation.; (AN 49632758)
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2.

Friction or flows? The translation of Resolution 1325 into practice in Rwanda by Madsen, Diana H.. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p173-193, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfter almost 20 years with Resolution 1325 and the ‘women, peace and security’ agenda, the results achieved seem rather disappointing. This article analyses how the global gender norms laid out in Resolution 1325 have been translated into practice in a local post-conflict setting – Rwanda as a ‘best-case’ scenario on gender equality. Drawing on the theoretical literature on norm translation and the concepts of friction and flows, together with fieldwork-based research, the article analyses how international and national actors in Rwanda have reshaped and adapted the principles laid out in Resolution 1325. The main argument is that the processes of norm translation in Rwanda are characterised less by flows and more by friction and uneven processes of translation. The article concludes that the predominant successes are the inclusion of women in decision-making and at the lower levels in the security sector. However, women are still excluded, and gender issues marginalised, in the ‘big’ negotiations on peace and security, and high levels of violence against women persist.; (AN 49632759)
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3.

Overcoming stigma and fostering participation: mechanisms for community reintegration in Colombia by Rhyn, Larissa. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p195-222, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMechanisms for community reintegration are under-researched. In Colombia and elsewhere, scholars outline the importance of effectively reintegrating ex-combatants into local communities, but they hardly consider the practicalities of it. A major hindering factor to community reintegration is stigma. It leads to a fear of ex-combatants, causing people to refrain from participating in community reintegration projects. This article identifies and analyses four principal mechanisms that help to overcome stigma and foster participation: information provision, inclusion of target groups in design and implementation, provision of incentives for participation and a change in the narrative surrounding ex-combatants. The analysis is based on a series of interviews with project staff and ex-combatants, taking into account state-run and local projects in Colombia’s capital Bogotá. This article identifies potential for increased co-operation between state and local actors. Furthermore, it argues that projects should increasingly work with interest instead of geographic communities. Working with interest communities creates incentives for participation and facilitates community reintegration in urban environments. Accordingly, this article counters the argument that community reintegration in cities is difficult to achieve.; (AN 49632760)
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4.

The death of security sector reform? The South African exemplar revisited by Cawthra, Gavin. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p223-235, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity sector reform (SSR) or transformation in South Africa has until recently almost universally been regarded as a success. While achievements have been real and many are enduring, under the presidency of Jacob Zuma a creeping effort by corrupt parvenu elites to capture the state for personal enrichment has become evident. The impact of this on the SSR project has not been sufficiently analysed. This article does not deal with state capture per se, which would be massive task and for which evidence is still emerging. It limits itself to the impact of state capture on the SSR project, examining the hollowing out of the defence function, as well as the corruption and factional politicisation of the intelligence, policing and prosecutions functions (it does not deal with the capture of state-owned enterprises, which would require a study in its own right). It concludes that SSR has been significantly undermined. The question is asked whether a resurrection is possible or desirable.; (AN 49632761)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 40, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Tripwires and free-riders: Do forward-deployed U.S. troops reduce the willingness of host-country citizens to fight for their country? by Jakobsen, Jo; Jakobsen, Tor G.. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p135-164, 30p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates the relationship between U.S. overseas troops and the willingness of the citizens of host states to fight for their country. The study joins the long-running debate about burden-sharing and free-riding among U.S. allies. Unlike most previous empirical studies, we focus on non-material or intangible measures of the underlying concepts. Our dependent variable estimates the proportion of citizens expressing a willingness to fight for their country. Scores at the aggregate-national as well as the individual level are shaped by the presence of U.S. military forces, which act as a “tripwire” signaling credible security commitments. This increases opportunities of (non-material) free-riding. We present both bivariate and multivariate analyses covering the period 1981–2014 to test this supposition. Findings indicate that once U.S. troop levels reach a certain threshold (between 100 and 500 troops), citizens’ willingness to fight drops significantly. This likely reflects non-material free-riding.; (AN 48402676)
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2.

Deterrence under nuclear asymmetry: THAAD and the prospects for missile defense on the Korean peninsula by Kim, Inwook; Park, Soul. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p165-192, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe 2016 decision to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) to South Korea has generated multitude of intensely politicized issues and has proved highly controversial. This has made it challenging to alleviate, let alone clarify, points of analytical and policy tensions. We instead disaggregate and revisit two fundamental questions. One is whether THAAD could really defend South Korea from North Korean missiles. We challenge the conventional “qualified optimism” by giving analytical primacy to three countermeasures available to defeat THAAD–use of decoys, tumbling and spiral motion, and outnumbering. These countermeasures are relatively inexpensive to create but exceedingly difficult to offset. Second, we assess the optimal way to ensure South Korean national security against North Korean missiles. By examining the balance of capability and issues of credibility/commitment, we show that the U.S. extended deterrence by punishment remains plentiful and sufficiently credible even without enhancing the current defense capability.; (AN 48402677)
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3.

Precision cyber weapon systems: An important component of a responsible national security strategy? by Hare, Forrest B.. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p193-213, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGiven the advances made in conventional weapon capabilities, precision should by now be the accepted and expected norm in cyberspace as well. In this article I argue that developing precision cyber weapon systems, to be used during a lawful conflict, can be an important part of a responsible national security strategy to reduce the amount of violence and physical destruction in conflicts. I first describe a precision cyber weapon system in a military context. I then present three compelling rationales for the development of precision cyber weapon systems based on ethical, operational, and financial considerations. To support the position, I address several arguments that have been levied against their development. Thereafter I present several recommendations for a way ahead.; (AN 48402678)
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4.

The Daoof foreign policy: Understanding China’s dual strategy in the South China Sea by Rosyidin, Mohamad. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p214-238, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the South China Sea, China neither implements power-maximizing policy nor engages a peaceful approach. Instead, China implements both coercion and cooperation in pursuing its strategic interest in the disputed area. How can we explain China’s paradoxical behavior? This article claims that the best way to explain China’s policy in the South China Sea is to understand the character of dualism in China’s strategic culture. Following constructivist theory that stresses culture, this article argues that Chinese duality approach in the South China Sea is rooted in the philosophy of Daoism. The symbol of Yin-Yangdepicts Chinese assertive as well as cooperative behavior in dealing with the South China Sea dispute. Although from a normative perspective Daoism recognizes pacifism and non-violent behavior, the most important feature of Daoism is the assumption that reality consists of two opposing elements that are mutually embedded.; (AN 48402679)
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5.

Humanitarians at sea: Selective emulation across migrant rescue NGOs in the Mediterranean sea by Cusumano, Eugenio. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p239-262, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBetween 2014 and 2017, no less than 10 different non-governmental organizations (NGOs) conducted maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) operations off the coast of Libya. By rescuing over 100,000 migrants in three years, these NGOs became the largest provider of SAR in the Mediterranean. The theory of institutionalism suggests that organizations conducting similar activities are likely to converge in a process of mimetic isomorphism, deliberately imitating one another to increase their effectiveness and cope with uncertainty. These 10 SAR NGOs, however, developed two different rescue models: While some rescued migrants and disembarked them in Italian ports, others only simply assisted those in distress until the arrival of another ship transporting them to land. They also cooperated with Italian and European authorities to different degrees. Why did SAR NGOs imitated many elements of existing non-governmental rescue models, but discarded some others? This article argues that differences in material capabilities and organizational role conceptions are crucial to explain why newer SAR NGOs have imitated most but not all of their predecessors’ policies, engaging in a process of “selective emulation.”; (AN 48402680)
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6.

The disconnect between arms control and DDR in peace processes by Herz, Monica; Santos, Victória. Contemporary Security Policy, April 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 2 p263-284, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article discusses the disconnect between arms control and disarmament practices vis-à-vis peacebuilding practices. It critically analyzes Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) practices focusing on their absence of dialogue with international arms control and disarmament (ACD) practices. It proposes that a conversation between experts involved in these distinct practices could promote a political discussion on the place of weapons held by state and non-state actors in times of peace. The argument is illustrated through an analysis of the treatment of rules on weapons in the Colombian peace process (2012–present) with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The article concludes that the disconnect between the arms control and disarmament and the peacebuilding associations, as seen in the context of DDR practices, reinstates the rule on the monopoly of violence by the state, preventing a broader discussion of the role of weapons and violence in the building of political communities.; (AN 48402681)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 54, no. 1, March 2019

Record

Results

1.

Migrant rescue as organized hypocrisy: EU maritime missions offshore Libya between humanitarianism and border control by Cusumano, Eugenio. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: In November 2014, Frontex started its Southern Mediterranean border monitoring operation Triton, followed in June 2015 by the Common Security and Defence Policy anti-smuggling mission EU Naval Force Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med) ‘Sophia’. Both operations’ outward communication has placed considerable emphasis on the conduct of maritime search and rescue. Still, this commitment was not matched by consistent action. Triton and EUNAVFOR Med have conducted a relatively limited number of search and rescue operations, prioritizing border control and anti-smuggling tasks. This article explains the gap between the European Union missions’ humanitarian rhetoric and an operational conduct primarily focusing on curbing irregular migration as a form of organized hypocrisy. Decoupling talk and action allowed Triton and EUNAVFOR Med to reconcile the conflicting expectations arising from European governments’ willingness to reduce migrant arrivals and the normative imperative to act against the loss of life at sea. However, the European Union missions’ organized hypocrisy had several negative externalities, hindering effective management of the humanitarian crisis offshore Libya.; (AN 48310768)
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2.

‘We don’t do that’: A constructivist perspective on the use and non-use of private military contractors by Denmark by van Meegdenburg, Hilde. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p25-43, 19p; Abstract: In this article I put forward a social constructivist perspective on state use of Private Military and Security Contractors (PMSCs). I will argue that state outsourcing decisions are, to a large extent, shaped by nationally shared values, understandings and dispositions. Concretely, I first provide a detailed overview of the extent of domestic and deployed contracting by the Danish Defence and, thereafter, based on a number of semi-structured interviews, I expose the dominant understandings that shaped how PMSCs have come to be understood in Denmark. By so doing I can show that the employment of PMSCs by the Danish Defence remains comparatively limited because it is largely perceived as inappropriate and as incompatible with what it means to be ‘Danish’. Although Denmark too has to balance its international engagements with the limited resources allocated to defence (the typical functional pressures) Danish particular ‘soft’ neoliberalism and ‘hard’ commitments to IHL speak against using private actors to make that possible. This means I take in the more abstract, macro-level discussions on the end of the Cold War and the advent of neoliberalism but go beyond by asking whether, and if so how, these and other collective experiences and understandings actually (co-)shape(d) outsourcing decisions.; (AN 48310766)
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3.

Seeds of peace? Land reform and civil war recurrence following negotiated settlements by Keels, Eric; Mason, T David. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p44-63, 20p; Abstract: Land reform has been depicted by some as an effective element of counterinsurgency strategy in nations experiencing peasant-based civil conflict. While some studies have argued that land reform reduces civilian support for insurgency, other research has demonstrated that these reforms are often undermined by brutal state repression. The study of land reform has also been driven largely by qualitative case study research, which has limited what we know about the cross-national efficacy of these reforms. This study contributes to the current literature by looking at the efficacy of land reform as part of the post-civil war peace process. Specifically, we examine whether land reform provisions included in comprehensive peace agreements reduce the risk of renewed civil war. Measuring the risk of civil war recurrence in all comprehensive peace agreements from 1989–2012, we find that the inclusion of land reform provisions in the post-war peace process substantially reduces the risk of renewed fighting.; (AN 48310770)
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4.

‘No peace, no war’ proponents? How pro-regime militias affect civil war termination and outcomes by Aliyev, Huseyn. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p64-82, 19p; Abstract: Previous research on non-state actors involved in civil wars has tended to disregard the role of extra-dyad agents in influencing conflict outcomes. Little is known as to whether the presence of such extra-dyadic actors as pro-regime militias affects conflict termination and outcomes. This article develops and tests a number of hypotheses on the pro-government militias’ effect upon civil war outcomes. It proposes that pro-regime militias involved in intrastate conflicts tend to act as proponents of ‘no peace, no war’, favouring low-activity violence and ceasefires over other conflict outcomes. These hypotheses are examined using an expanded dataset on pro-government militias and armed conflict in a statistical analysis of 229 civil war episodes from 1991 to 2015. These findings shed new light on the role of extra-state actors in civil wars.; (AN 48310765)
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5.

No ‘end of the peace process’: Federalism and ethnic violence in Nepal by Strasheim, Julia. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p83-98, 16p; Abstract: How does the reform of territorial state structures shape prospects for peace after war? Existing research on the institutional causes of peace often focuses on how institutional designs, as the outcomes of reform processes, reduce post-war violence and promote peace. The literature does less frequently address how the politics that characterise reform processes affect the legitimacy of institutions and whether or not violent protest ultimately takes place: this risks omitting key explanations of how institutional reforms contribute to peace and the mechanisms by which this occurs. By examining the case of Nepal, where clashes between protesters and security forces over constitutional provisions for federalism have killed more than 60 people since August 2015, this study shows that three factors of the territorial reform process contributed to the onset of post-war ethnic violence. These included: (1) elite control of decision-making; (2) tight deadlines that promoted backtracking on previous commitments; and (3) the embedding of single territorial reforms in a ‘concert’ of institutional reforms that, as a whole, sparked fear of discrimination among ethnic minorities.; (AN 48310767)
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6.

Environmental peacebuilding: Towards a theoretical framework by Dresse, Anaïs; Fischhendler, Itay; Nielsen, Jonas Østergaard; Zikos, Dimitrios. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 1 p99-119, 21p; Abstract: Environmental peacebuilding represents a paradigm shift from a nexus of environmental scarcity to one of environmental peace. It rests on the assumption that the biophysical environment’s inherent characteristics can act as incentives for cooperation and peace, rather than violence and competition. Based on this, environmental peacebuilding presents cooperation as a win-win solution and escape from the zero-sum logic of conflict. However, there is a lack of coherent environmental peacebuilding framework and evidence corroborating the existence of this environment-peace nexus. Building on a multidisciplinary literature review, this article examines the evolution of environmental peacebuilding into an emerging framework. It unpacks the concept and explains its main building blocks (conditions, mechanisms and outcomes) to develop our understanding of when, how and why environmental cooperation can serve as a peacebuilding tool. It assembles these building blocks into three generic trajectories (technical, restorative and sustainable environmental peacebuilding), each characterised according to their own causality, drivers and prerequisites, and illustrated with concrete examples. Finally, this article draws attention to the remaining theoretical gaps in the environmental peacebuilding literature, and lays the foundations for an environmental peacebuilding research agenda that clarifies if and how environmental cooperation can spill over across borders, sectors and scales towards sustainable peace.; (AN 48310769)
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11

Current History
Volume 118, no. 807, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Obstacles to Social Mobility in India�"And the Way Forward by Krishna, Anirudh. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p123-129, 7p; Abstract: “For many ... significant upward mobility remains a doubtful prospect, while substantial downward mobility is a real possibility.” Eighth in a series on social mobility around the world.; (AN 49628390)
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2.

Made in Bangladesh: Homegrown Development in a Global Economy by Hossain, Naomi. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p130-136, 7p; Abstract: “Few big countries ... have had their fortunes so profoundly shaped by a weak position in the global system.”; (AN 49628391)
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3.

Sri Lanka’s Post�"Civil War Problems by DeVotta, Neil; Ganguly, Sumit. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p137-142, 6p; Abstract: “Sri Lanka’s ethnoreligious divisions are bound to continue as long as the likes of Rajapaksa dominate the island’s political scene.”; (AN 49628392)
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4.

The Taliban’s War for Legitimacy in Afghanistan by Jackson, Ashley; Weigand, Florian. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p143-148, 6p; Abstract: “The Taliban are no longer a shadowy insurgency; they are now a full-fledged parallel political order.”; (AN 49628393)
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5.

The Making of the Rohingya Genocide and Myanmar’s Impunity by Fair, C.. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p149-153, 5p; Abstract: “Myanmar has consolidated its impunity, making its crimes a fait accompli. To do so, it first destabilized the legitimacy of the Rohingya as a group…”; (AN 49628394)
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6.

Perspective: The Death Wish in Pakistan’s Aid Dependence by Zaidi, S.. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p154-156, 3p; Abstract: Pakistani elites’ aversion to paying taxes leaves the country dependent on foreign aid and beholden to donors. As Washington cools on its old ally, the Chinese and Saudis may fill the void.; (AN 49628395)
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7.

Books: The Long Struggle to Master the Monsoon by Tagliacozzo, Eric. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p157-159, 3p; Abstract: For centuries, India searched for ways to escape the deadly cycle of too little water and too much. Pollution and climate change threaten to undo the progress it has made.; (AN 49628396)
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8.

The Month in Review: February 2019 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 p160-160, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in February, country by country, day by day.; (AN 49628397)
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9.

Map of South Asia by History, the editors of Current. Current History, April 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 807 pmap-map; Abstract: Map; (AN 49628398)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 30, no. 2, February 2019

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Malizard, Julien. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p129-132, 4p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe French defense policy has been considered unique among western countries. This policy relies on the concept of ‘strategic autonomy’, which is based on nuclear deterrence, autonomy of action, independence of defense industry, and arms exports. From an economic perspective, it implies major consequences both at the macroeconomic and microeconomic levels. Given its importance, it is crucial to use economic expertise to provide insights on defense policy.; (AN 48778572)
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2.

Military Expenditure as a Proxy for State Power. The Case of France by Aben, Jacques; Fontanel, Jacques. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p133-141, 9p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper attempts to build a simple indicator of state power. Military expenditure is the paper’s point of departure, with the definitions given by NATO, SIPRI and others. This definition is discussed and a power version is build, using French budgetary data. Then a defence of the result against traditional or non-traditional critics is presented under an imperative of action. Finally, this concept is enlarged and a new concept of power expenditures is given, one more time using French budgetary data. The conclusion is that this large expenditure concept is an unbiased but imperfect indicator of the will to act, and has to be completed by GDP to indicate the capability to act in the long-run.; (AN 48778561)
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3.

Defense Firms Adapting to Major Changes in the French R&D Funding System by Belin, Jean; Guille, Marianne; Lazaric, Nathalie; Mérindol, Valérie. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p142-158, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe structural changes inside the French innovation system have impacted the role of defense firms since the late 1980s. Major changes have affected the defense budget and public R&D funding system in particular. The aim of this article is to understand French defense firms’ repositioning within the National Innovation System (NIS) based on an analysis of their R&D behavior over a long period of time (1987–2010). We show that French defense firms remain major players in the NIS and faced up to these major changes by adapting the funding of their R&D and their research priorities and rolling out new innovation capabilities. Additionally, they developed new innovation models to take advantage of new collaborative partnerships developed for civil and military markets.; (AN 48778565)
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4.

The Organization of the Defense Support System: An Economic Geography Perspective by Droff, Josselin; Baumont, Catherine; Barra, Amaury. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p159-175, 17p; Abstract: AbstractIn the context of restricted budgetary resources and the growing cost of maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) activities, a major issue for modern armed forces is to sustain defense platforms. A possible method consists of realizing economies of scale through the concentration of maintenance activities, which involves the spatial reorganization of existing industrial sites dedicated to MRO. This article provides a formalized framework to discuss the optimal organization for the MRO of defense platforms in space. The public planner organizes the maintenance of defense platforms with only two possible spatial configurations. In the dispersed configuration, two industrial production units in charge of the maintenance optimally cover space, whereas in the concentrated configuration, a unique industrial unit covers space. Focusing on the tipping point between the two configurations, the balance of forces between agglomeration and dispersion in defense support activities is described and discussed. On the one hand, economies of scale provide an opportunity to optimize defense support costs, favoring concentration in a unique industrial unit. On the other hand, space causes dispersion to reduce both transport costs and operational social costs. This trade-off illustrates a general principle in spatial economics with an application to MRO production in the French case.; (AN 48778567)
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5.

French Arms Exports and Intrastate Conflicts: An Empirical Investigation by Fauconnet, Cécile; Malizard, Julien; Pietri, Antoine. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p176-196, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe aim of this article is to evaluate how French Major Conventional Weapons (MCW) exports impact on the conflict intensity of recipient countries. The recent increase in French arms exports seems to contradict the French political discourse on the promotion of regional stability. We run zero-inflated ordered probit model in order to analyze the role of the arms trade on the intensity of civil conflicts in 144 countries from 1992 to 2014, using SIPRI and UCDP/PRIO data. Our results suggest that French MCW exports tended not to exacerbate intrastate conflicts during this period. This finding is robust to changes in the empirical framework. We propose two lines of explanations: France seems to be prone to choosing partners that respect human rights and selling more ‘defense-oriented’ MCW than the rest of the world.; (AN 48778569)
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6.

Morts pour la France: Demographic or Economic Factors? by Guironnet, Jean-Pascal; Parent, Antoine. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p197-212, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis article offers a comprehensive analysis of the database ‘Mémoire des hommes’, which is a record of more than 1 million French soldiers officially recognized as dead during the World War I (WWI). Integrating this source with the 1911 census, we evaluate the potential numbers of recruits by French regional department. From this, a model identifies the factors affecting the number of deaths. While demographic factors are the principal determinants, adding significant economic, political and spatial factors reduces the unexplained variance between regions and significantly improves the explanation of the disparity in the number of deaths by region.; (AN 48778563)
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7.

Do Employers Favor those with Military Experience in the U.S. Reserve Forces? Evidence from a Field Experiment by Figinski, Theodore F.. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p213-226, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis study examines whether completed service in the military reserves results in a civilian labor market benefit. Reservists are not completely absent from the civilian labor market during their military service, possibly allowing them to receive the benefits associated with military experience without forgoing valuable civilian labor market experience. Using a resume study, the results suggest that completed service in the military reserves, relative to no military experience, increases the probability of receiving a request for an interview by 19%.; (AN 48778557)
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8.

Guns and butter? Military expenditure and health spending on the eve of the Arab Spring by Coutts, Adam; Daoud, Adel; Fakih, Ali; Marrouch, Walid; Reinsberg, Bernhard. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p227-237, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe examine the validity of the guns-versus-butter hypothesis in the pre-Arab Spring era. Using panel data from 1995 to 2011 – the eve of the Arab uprisings – we find no evidence that increased security needs as measured by the number of domestic terrorist attacks are complemented by increased military spending or more importantly ‘crowd out’ government expenditure on key public goods such as health care. This suggests that both expenditure decisions were determined by other considerations at the government level.; (AN 48778571)
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9.

Armed Conflict, Military Expenses and FDI Inflow to Developing Countries by Aziz, Nusrate; Khalid, Usman. Defence and Peace Economics, February 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 2 p238-251, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper investigates the relationship between military expenditure and FDI inflow conditioning on the exposure of a country to armed conflict in the long run. We apply the band spectrum regression estimator, and the maximal overlap discrete wavelet transform, to a panel of 60 developing countries, for the years 1990 to 2013. The estimated results indicate that military expenditure, in the absence of armed conflict, reduces FDI inflow. However, the negative effect is mitigated by increased military expenditure, in the presence of armed conflict. We also show that the effect of military expenditure on FDI is time sensitive, in that it takes time for military expenditure to affect FDI inflow. FDI inflow in response to higher military expenditure is higher for the country that faces higher armed conflict than the country that faces lower armed conflict. The findings are robust in the case of overall as well as internal conflict. These results are also robust to the alternative specification, subsample analysis with different armed conflict thresholds, and the estimation using the time variant long-run models.; (AN 48778559)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 19, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Sweden and the issue of NATO membership: exploring a public opinion paradox by Ydén, Karl; Berndtsson, Joakim; Petersson, Magnus. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe past decade has seen substantial shifts in Swedish security policy and major change in the domestic debate about NATO. For the first time, all of the right-of-centre “alliance parties” are calling for a full NATO membership, and popular support for NATO has increased. Yet public opinion contains ambiguities and paradoxes that complicate the picture. At the same time as support for NATO has increased, the public is overwhelmingly forcontinued military non-alignment. Drawing on previous research, longitudinal data from national surveys, and other sources on defence and security issues, this article aims to increase our understanding of the development and change in Swedish public opinion on NATO. A key argument is that Erving Goffman’s theatre metaphor, combined with neo-institutional decoupling theory, to a large degree can help understand the public opinion paradox.; (AN 48211861)
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2.

Intelligence and military doctrine: paradox or oxymoron? by Davies, Philip H. J.; Gustafson, Kristian. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p19-36, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the evolution of the current British military joint intelligence doctrine. We argue that military intelligence doctrine is dogged by an intrinsic tension between the ethos and expectations of military doctrine and those of the professional practice of intelligence. We further argue not only that prior iterations of UK joint intelligence doctrine failed to effectively deal with this intelligence doctrine dilemma, but also that measures in the current doctrine to address this problem directly created their own problems. Moreover, as a result, otherwise sound innovations in the current UK intelligence doctrine have proven unsuitable to wider diffusion in more recent intelligence doctrine such as the new NATO intelligence doctrine which, otherwise, draws extensively on its British precursor.; (AN 48211862)
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3.

Information sharing in multinational security and military operations. Why and why not? With whom and with whom not? by Soeters, Joseph; Goldenberg, Irina. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p37-48, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary operations increasingly require cooperation between agencies within the same nation, but also collaboration with security and military organizations internationally. Throughout history multinational military cooperation has often been an appropriate way to conduct major operations; national manpower and material resources are generally insufficient to address the demands of missions worldwide. The desire to optimize the use of scarce research and development and investment capabilities, the need for international legitimacy and political support, and the fact that today’s risks transcend national borders, have rendered multinational cooperation in the security domain unavoidable. With joint operations comes the requirement for multi-partner- and multinational information sharing. However, information sharing has both advantages and costs, and is subject to both enabling factors as well as barriers. This paper reflects on theories, both classical and current, as well as empirical case studies, to examine the pros and cons of multinational information sharing, and the factors that conduce or interfere with the transmission and the receipt of intelligence. The importance of a holistic approach and of learning lessons learned are two key lessons gleaned from the analysis, along with an emphasis on developing both the organizational and the interpersonal enablers of information sharing.; (AN 48211863)
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4.

Moving the techno-science gap in Security Force Assistance by Galbreath, David J.. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p49-61, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper looks at the impact of military technology diffusion on military assistance operations (MAO), in the United States known as Security Force Assistance or SFA. The discussion looks conceptually at the role of technological change and how it interacts with martial cultures in military assistant operations. I argue that growing trends in science and technology suggest potential conflicts between culture and technology. Relying on a culture-technology model drawn from anthropology, the paper contends that new technologies will present increasing challenges for the emerging MAO landscape. The paper will illustrate that the techno-science gap will continue to grow as innovations such as robotics, sensors, and networks continue to develop. Finally, the paper will look at ways to overcome this conflict between culture and technology.; (AN 48211864)
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5.

From the sociology of the (military) profession to the sociology of (security) expertise: the case of European national defence universities by Libel, Tamir. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p62-84, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFew would disagree that European militaries have experienced dramatic changes since the end of the Cold War. Much of the discussion on these changes to date has referred to the concept of professionalism. However, this approach became outdated as professions in post-industrialist societies entered a state of crisis as a result of growing competition from a variety of competitors. The present study adapts a new framework from the sociology of knowledge literature – sociology of expertise – into one, sociology of security expertise, which is suitable for study of contemporary armed forces. Its utility is demonstrated through analysis of five European professional military education institutions. The analysis shows that European military organisations are transiting, albeit in various degrees, from one form of social organisation of military knowledge production – associated with the military education model common to traditional military colleges – toward another, which is related to the military education model of national defence universities. Hence it is highly probable that European military organisations lose, either voluntary or unintentionally, their professional character and can no longer be unquestionably assumed to be military professions. Hence, they should be analysed hereafter using the sociology of security expertise framework.; (AN 48211865)
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6.

Buy now, pay later: American military intervention and the strategic cost paradox by Waldman, Thomas. Defence Studies, January 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p85-105, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper explores the notion that US efforts to evade the political costs of war paradoxically contribute to the subsequent exacerbation of costs over time. Leaders seek to purchase political capital in the short term by limiting the costs and requirements of military operations, but in doing so cause strategic and political liabilities to mount in the long run. While identification of such behaviour is not new, insufficient attention has been devoted to explaining its causes, dynamics, and manifestations in relation to key decisions on and in war. Evidence derived from studies of recent American discretionary campaigns is analysed to advance an argument with respect to this pattern of self-defeating strategic behaviour.; (AN 48211866)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 35, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

In memorium:professor Emeritus Martin Hugh Anthony Edmonds of Hornby by Young, Thomas-Durell. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 48420828)
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2.

An evolving state of play? Exploring competitive advantages of state assets in proliferation networks by Salisbury, Daniel. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p2-22, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIllicit procurement networks often target industry in developed economies to acquire materials and components of use in WMD and military programs. These procurement networks are ultimately directed by elements of the proliferating state and utilize state resources to undertake their activities: diplomats and missions, state intelligence networks, and state-connected logistical assets. These state assets have also been utilized to facilitate the export of WMD and military technologies in breach of sanctions. While used in most historic proliferation cases, their role has seen limited consideration in the scholarly literature. This article seeks to systematically contextualize state resources in proliferation networks, arguing that their use lies between state criminality and routine activity in support of national security. Considering the competitive advantages of these assets compared to similar resources available in the private sector, the article argues that nonproliferation efforts have caused states to change how they use these resources through an ongoing process of competitive adaptation.; (AN 48420829)
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3.

More military base closure? Considering the alternatives by Sorenson, David S.. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p23-39, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite multiple base closing rounds, the United States Department of Defense still has excess base capacity, and thus President Trump and high-level Defense Department officials are calling for more base closure through the Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) process. However, another BRAC may not be the optimal solution, because simple base closure is not an efficient way to reduce surplus base capacity. Thus, Defense Department officials should consider other methods to reduce surplus capacity, including reduction in base size, leasing excess base property, or transferring it to another government agency for a variety of alternative uses. The surplus capacity issue also offers an opportunity to DOD to reassess base utilization, to update base requirements with current and future force structure. While BRAC focuses on American military bases, the process and alternatives also have international applications.; (AN 48420830)
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4.

Hybrid warfare through the lens of strategic theory by Caliskan, Murat. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p40-58, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHybrid warfare is the latest of the terms/concepts that have been used within the defence community in the last three decades to label contemporary warfare. It has been officially adopted in the core strategic documents of NATO, EU and national governments and has already inspired many articles, policy papers and books; however, this paper is unique in the sense that it analysis the hybrid warfare concept through the lens of strategic theory. It is argued that hybrid warfare does not merit the adoption as a doctrinal concept. Strategic theory instead, which lies at the nexus of all dimensions of warfare, provides a better viewpoint to approach contemporary warfare. It concludes that efforts should be directed towards exploring warfare under the light of eternal principles instead of proving the emergence of new types of warfare.; (AN 48420831)
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5.

Implementing defence policy: a benchmark-“lite” by De Spiegeleire, Stephan; Jans, Karlijn; Sibbel, Mischa; Holynska, Khrystyna; Lassche, Deborah. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p59-81, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMost countries put significant amounts of time and effort in writing and issuing high-level policy documents. These are supposed to guide subsequent national defence efforts. But do they? And how do countries even try to ensure that they do? This paper reports on a benchmarking effort of how a few “best of breed” small- to medium-sized defence organisations (Australia, Canada, and New Zealand) deal with these issues. We find that most countries fail to link goals to resources and pay limited attention to specific and rigorous ex-ante or post-hoc evaluation, even when compared to their own national government-wide provisions. We do, however, observe a (modest) trend towards putting more specific goals and metrics in these documents that can be – and in a few rare cases were – tracked. The paper identifies 42 concrete policy “nuggets” – both “do’s and don’ts” – that should be of interest to most defence policy planning/analysis communities. It ends with two recommendations that are in line with recent broader (non-defence) scholarship on the policy formulation-policy implementation gap: to put more rigorous emphasis on implementation (especially on achieving desired policy effects), but to do so increasingly in more experiential (“design”) ways, rather than in industrial-age bureaucratic ones (“PPBS”-systems).; (AN 48420832)
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6.

Defence models uncovered: how to understand the defence style of a country by Grant, Glen; Milenski, Vladimir. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p82-94, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper describes four different styles, or models, of defence organisation that can be found worldwide. The framework outlined in the paper has been designed to help politicians, diplomats and officials understand better their own system so they can improve it, or to understand the system of others so they can produce better interoperability. The four styles (or models) suggested are mutually exclusive as each has defining factors that mark them out from the other three. The models are rationalfocusing upon warfighting; emotional, the antithesis of rationality where choices of the day dominate; politically dominant, where a political solution is chosen for the country such as conscription; and militarily dominant, where the whole defence system is controlled by the military with no proper civilian oversight. Each model is hard to sustain and most countries tend towards one style being dominant with elements of the others.; (AN 48420833)
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7.

Editorial to open a debate: VOSTOK 2018: are Russian armed forces experimenting with mission-command? by Young, Thomas Durell. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p95-95, 1p; (AN 48420834)
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8.

On the roles of free play in army exercises and the Russians by Clemmesen, Michael H.. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p96-97, 2p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article outlines the essential role of free play elements in various types of exercises for the development of in-depth and practical military professionalism. It thereafter argues why such use of free play contradicts the military science founded Russian Way of War.; (AN 48420835)
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9.

VOSTOK-2018 and the fear of free-play in Russian military training by Milenski, Vladimir. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p98-99, 2p; (AN 48420836)
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10.

Russian mission-command in VOSTOK strategic exercises by Petraitis, Daivis. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p100-102, 3p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRussian military prefers and exercises differently compare to the Western planning and execution philosophies with mission command allowed and appreciated in sub unit levels only. “Vostok-2018” provided a lot of evidences Russians using de-centralised execution in the sub-unit levels and at the same time centralised control at levels of units and formations.; (AN 48420837)
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11.

Did the Russian General Staff experiment with free play during VOSTOK-2018? by Boulègue, Mathieu. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p103-105, 3p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe VOSTOK-2018 strategic field training exercise (FTX) that took place in mid-September 2018 rehearsed forces’ integration and combat preparedness across multiple strategic directions. Regarding combat readiness, the research question outlined in this paper relates to whether the General Staff experimented with mission-command - a key component of Russia’s modern military thinking. The answer is clearly no: operational creative manoeuvring hardly featured during the VOSTOK-2018 drills for clearly identified reasons. At the systemic level, little room was left for initiatives since the drills focused on implementing and testing command and control (C2) systems. At the structural level, VOSTOK-2018 was not oriented towards mission-command but ‘mission-control’and streamlining centralised decision-making processes down to the tactical level. At the symbolic level, free play was not exercised due to the participation of China in the drills, and the necessity to impress Chinese military observers.; (AN 48420838)
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12.

Lessons from VOSTOK-2018: free-play manoeuvers are overrated and mission-command needs to be bounded by Raitasalo, Jyri. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p106-107, 2p; (AN 48420839)
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13.

Security entrepreneurs: performing protection in post-cold war Europe by Gould, Alex. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p108-110, 3p; (AN 48420840)
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14.

Cinema and unconventional warfare in the twentieth century: insurgency, terrorism and special operations by Michaels, Jeffrey. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p110-112, 3p; (AN 48420841)
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15.

Strategy, evolution and warfare: from apes to artificial intelligence by Németh, Gergely. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p112-113, 2p; (AN 48420842)
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16.

Learning to fight: military innovation and change in the British Army, 1914–1918 by Tuck, Benjamin. Defense and Security Analysis, January 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 1 p114-115, 2p; (AN 48420843)
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15

Democratization
Volume 26, no. 4, May 2019

Record

Results

1.

Autocratic checks and balances? Trust in courts and bureaucratic discretion by Corduneanu-Huci, Cristina. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p561-584, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAn emerging literature in political economy focuses on democratic enclaves or pockets of quasi-democratic decision-making embedded in non-democracies. This article first explores the factors that may lead to the emergence of such institutional checks and balances in autocratic politics. I use the comparative analysis of courts in Morocco and Tunisia, and argue that interest group mobilization and the centrality of legalism in political development have been essential for the existence of “governance” enclaves. Second, I explore whether such checks effectively contain everyday rent-seeking, as well as the theoretical channels through which this may occur. Findings from firm-level surveys conducted in Morocco and Tunisia in 2013 indicate that higher general trust in courts, even in modest relative terms, rendered businesses significantly less vulnerable to tax corruption in Tunisia, in sharp contrast to the Moroccan case.; (AN 49298663)
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2.

Contested or established? A comparison of legislative powers across regimes by Wilson, Matthew Charles; Woldense, Josef. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p585-605, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn research on authoritarian institutions, legislatures are portrayed as capable of resolving dilemmas between the leader and opposition members. Nevertheless, repeated interactions between a leader and their ruling coalition can lead to both contesteddictatorships, in which institutions constrain the leader, and establisheddictatorships, in which the leader exercises near-complete control. To date, however, no one has examined the patterns by which powers vary across legislatures in different settings and over time. Using data from the Varieties of Democracy Project on legislative powers between 1900 and 2017, we conceptualize changes in the powers afforded to the national congress to characterize the development of regimes in either direction. The study expounds on the content of legislatures across regimes and the ways in which they change, encouraging scholars to further consider the relationship between regime dynamics and legislative institutionalization.; (AN 49298664)
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3.

Presidential hegemony and democratic backsliding in Latin America, 1925–2016 by Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal; Schmidt, Nicolás; Vairo, Daniela. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p606-625, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes the executive's institutional hegemony represent a risk to the survival of democracy? By hegemony, we refer to the president's ability to control other institutions, particularly the legislature and judiciary. To answer this question, we develop two indices of presidential hegemony and analyze the duration of democratic regimes in 18 Latin American countries between 1925 and 2016. The results show that executive hegemony is a major driver of democratic instability. This finding is robust to non-linear effects and to potential endogeneity in the relationship between presidential power and democratic backsliding. Our findings challenge traditional concerns about executive-legislative deadlock, and have significant implications for the nascent literature on democratic backsliding, which highlights executive aggrandizement as a risk factor.; (AN 49298665)
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4.

Elite defection and grassroots democracy under competitive authoritarianism: evidence from Burkina Faso by Andrews, Sarah; Honig, Lauren. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p626-644, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOne determinant of the success or failure of political revolutions is whether there is a split among the ruling elites. Elite defections in a competitive authoritarian regime can tip the balance in favour of regime change and democratization. This article examines when and why elites defect through the case of Burkina Faso. In October 2014, President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso was forced to step down after 27 years in power and multiple term limits contraventions. We propose a new theory linking growth in democratic attitudes at the grassroots to elite defection from hegemonic parties. We argue that a broad increase in popular democratic attitudes can both decrease the costs and increase the benefits of elite defection, creating conditions that enable elites to rescind their loyalty to the regime. We support this argument with interviews with ruling-party defectors in Burkina Faso and two rounds of Afrobarometer survey data. Our findings demonstrate that democratic attitudes can grow under competitive authoritarian regimes, and that these citizen attitudes can impact regime change by increasing the likelihood of elite defection.; (AN 49298666)
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5.

Beyond elections: perceptions of democracy in four Arab countries by Teti, Andrea; Abbott, Pamela; Cavatorta, Francesco. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p645-665, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima faciesupport and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country.; (AN 49298667)
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6.

Political institutions, human capital and innovation: evidence from sub-Saharan Africa by Bekana, Dejene Mamo. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p666-708, 43p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing data for a sample of 35 sub-Saharan African economies for 1995–2015, this study examines the extent to which political institutions identified as belonging to democratic or autocratic regimes explains the existing differences in innovation across sub-Saharan Africa. While the very few existing studies focus only on the direct effect of institutions, this article examines the impact of the interaction between different regime types and human capital development on innovation in developing countries. The evidence provides very strong support for the direct effect of democratic development on innovation as well as for its indirect effect via its impact on human capital development. However, the results do not support theories that argue in favour of interaction between democracy and human capital, thereby pointing to the need for better calibration of the numerous existing theories and related empirical measures.; (AN 49298668)
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7.

Strategic ballot removal: an unexplored form of electoral manipulation in hybrid regimes by Friesen, Paul. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p709-729, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literatures on electoral manipulation and rejected ballots have yet to engage one another in a compelling manner. This article provides the theoretical foundations for rejected ballots as electoral manipulation by exploring incidents of suspicious rejected ballot rates and practices around the world with a special focus on Zambia. Not only did the rate of rejected ballots in Zambia double between the 2015 and 2016 presidential elections, but a disproportionate increase was observed in president’s home province. Leveraging an original dataset, the article models a largely unnoticed form of electoral manipulation: the strategic rejection of opposition ballots by biased polling officials. Analysis reveals that more rejected ballots were associated with increased vote shares for the ruling party in the president’s home province, indicating probable electoral manipulation. Raising awareness around this difficult to detect, but likely pervasive, form of manipulation should help to improve electoral quality in hybrid regimes.; (AN 49298669)
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8.

Adapting violence for state survival and legitimacy: the resilience and dynamism of political repression in a democratizing South Korea by Kim, Sunil; Porteux, Jonson N.. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p730-750, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCapacity in violence and its utilization is generally understood to be a first-order condition of the state-building process. As capacity increases and a state gains supremacy over would-be competitors, the use of violence by the state is hypothesized to decline, especially in polities that have made the democratic transition. However, we here demonstrate theoretically and empirically that the conventional wisdom is inadequate. We argue that political violence ubiquitously evolves according to the changing socio-political environment and varying tasks of the state.Using the case of South Korea, a high-capacity, consolidated democracy, as a prism for theory building and corroboration, this study chronicles the evolution of political violence from the state’s explicit mobilization of thugs to suppress opposition at the early stage of state building through its collaboration with criminal organizations for developmental projects to the manipulation of quasi-governmental organizations after democratization in the late 1980s, coeval with the traditional use of public sources of force. We specifically look at how political development, that is, democratization, has produced new demands for – and constraints on – political violence and how post-authoritarian governments have responded.; (AN 49298670)
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9.

Government and governance of security: the politics of organized crime in Chile, by Carlos Solar by Kuehn, David. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p751-752, 2p; (AN 49298671)
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10.

Violence in African elections: between democracy and big man politics, edited by Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs and Jesper Bjarnesen by Dodsworth, Susan. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p752-754, 3p; (AN 49298672)
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11.

Democratic accountability, political order, and change: exploring accountability processes in an era of european transformation, by Johan P. Olsen by Laruffa, Matteo. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p754-756, 3p; (AN 49298673)
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12.

Democratisation in the Maghreb, by Jonathan N. C. Hill by Della Gatta, Marisa. Democratization, May 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 4 p756-758, 3p; (AN 49298674)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 27, no. 1, February 2019

Record

Results

1.

Russia's Informal Economy: Rules of the Game for Business by Meyer (Olimpieva), Irina. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p3-7, 5p; (AN 48512509)
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2.

The Informal Economy and Post-Socialism: Imbricated Perspectives on Labor, the State, and Social Embeddedness by Morris, Jeremy. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p9-30, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article argues for moving beyond existing conceptualizations of the "informal economy" that construe informality as a distinct phenomenon with more or less clearly defined borders. Instead, it proposes an "imbricated" perspective where informality and informal economic practices closely relate to other forms of informal organization within networks and political and civic structures. Specifically, the article addresses the issue of how to conceptualize and justify such broader understanding of informality. To do so, it develops three interrelated meanings of "imbrication"—relating to labor and economic activities; the "deregulation" or fuzziness of state practices and bureaucratic rule-making; and the complexity of economic and social reasonings by agents themselves—to explain action. In each case, I offer brief empirical examples from my field research in provincial Russia.; (AN 48512542)
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3.

Informal Practices of Big Business in the Post-Soviet Period: From Oligarchs To "Kings of State Orders" by Barsukova, Svetlana. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p31-49, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:This article traces the transformation of informal relations between the government and big business due to the changing financial and administrative capabilities of the state, comparing the situations in the 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s. The oligarchic capitalism of the 1990s arose when a weak state was forced to seek the help of those with financial capital in exchange for political rights. Economic development in the 2000s, the budget surplus, and Putin's policies changed the situation: "milking" the country's budget and arranging "payoffs" became the main forms of informal cooperation between the government and business. However, the economic difficulties of the 2010s sharply aggravated competition for access to budget resources. Under the slogans of legalizing the economy and fighting corruption, the administration found new informal ways to manage and control big business, assigning the "kings of government contracts" to implement projects as a marker of loyalty to the President's administration and a precondition for continued business success.; (AN 48512576)
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4.

Regions in Search of a Violent Entrepreneur by Blyakher, Leonid. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p51-74, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:The article considers the evolution of the violent entrepreneur, who maintains order at the regional level. Taking Vadim Volkov's model as its point of departure, it looks at how society's demand for order-maintaining services has evolved, as well as how violent entrepreneurs themselves have transformed from criminal communities and regional administrations to the "power vertical." Today, as the number of enterprises and budget revenues decline, the "power vertical" has split into various structures that do not coordinate their actions. Under such conditions, the rules of the game get broken and there is increased movement toward an illegal and informal economy regulated in part by criminal entities and in part by state security agencies. After analyzing the balance of power between different violent entrepreneurs, the article concludes that the most probable candidate for monopolizing order-maintaining services is state law enforcement agencies, which are transforming from an instrument of enforcement into the principal, or the subject of power.; (AN 48512503)
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5.

Moonlighting Politicians in Russia: Defense Capacities of Businesspeople in Regional and Local Legislatures by Sakaeva, Maria. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p75-99, 25p; Abstract: Abstract:Using qualitative data collected in two regions in 2012-2016, I determined the significance of political affiliation for small and medium-size entrepreneurs in the context of actual business threats in the new Russia. I view the presence of entrepreneurs in regional and local legislative bodies as an individual choice and rational response to the overregulated Russian state, one that allows these entrepreneurs to access a variety of protection tools, from mobilization of the law to networking. I find that politically connected entrepreneurs limit or avoid the negative effects of state regulation and pressure from authorities because they have access to resources that allow them to resist and successfully balance on the edge of the law.; (AN 48512474)
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6.

Buying Directly from Farmers: Tactics of St. Petersburg Consumers by Gromasheva, Olga. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 1 p101-128, 28p; Abstract: Abstract:This article explores informal practices in the food sector. The practices of St. Petersburg consumers who buy food directly from local farmers via various short food supply chains (on-farm sales, collective purchasing, street trade, etc.) are analyzed in the framework of James Scott's concepts of "everyday resistance" and "moral economy" and Michel de Certeau's notion of "tactics." Consumers' tactics are explored, and informants' attitudes toward conventional retail chains and state agencies are compared to their attitudes to local farmers.; (AN 48512454)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 12, no. 1, January 2019

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the Editor by Ligon, Gina Scott; Windisch, Steven. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 49356300)
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2.

A micro-sociological analysis of homegrown violent extremist attacks in the UK in 2017 by McCleery, Martin; Edwards, Aaron. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p4-19, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe academic literature on terrorism largely ignores micro-sociological explanations of violence. This is especially true in relation to the research concerning Homegrown Violent Extremists (HVE). This article provides a micro-sociological analysis of four high-profile terrorist attacks that occurred in the British cities of London and Manchester in 2017, which were carried out with deadly effect by HVE. The main focus of the article is the micro-dynamics surrounding each violent episode, although the article also recognizes the importance of the meso factors and macro motivations underpinning these violent acts. One of the central assertions of this article is that most humans dislike and are not particularly good at violence. As such, it seeks to understand how the individuals involved in these attacks could partake in such violence. It argues that most individuals must employ what we refer to as the principle of Attacker Advantageto commit violent acts, regardless of other factors and motivations.; (AN 49356301)
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3.

Peripheral and embedded: relational patterns of lone-actor terrorist radicalization by Lindekilde, Lasse; Malthaner, Stefan; O’Connor, Francis. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p20-41, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article provides a comparative analysis of lone-actor terrorist radicalization from a relational perspective. Extant research on lone-actor terrorism has shown that lone actors are rarely as “lone” as public perceptions suggest. In most cases, lone-actor terrorists have some social ties to established radical groups. Accordingly, this article asks (1) why these individuals do not integrate into the radical groups they frequent and engage in collective violence, and (2) if they do integrate, why do they then end up engaging in violence on their own? The article argues that patterns of lone-actor terrorist radicalization can be categorized according to the extent and evolution of their loneness. It highlights two broad patterns of lone-actor radicalization in relation to broader radical groups/movements – peripheral and embedded – and explores the reasons why some lone-actor terrorists remain peripherally integrated in radical groups, while others become more embedded only to engage in violence alone. The article is based on qualitative research, drawing on a geographically and ideologically diverse sample of cases (N = 25), and access to restricted material. The article identifies and theorizes five recurrent radicalization trajectories, which are variations of the peripheral and embedded patterns, and discuss the implications for prevention/interdiction.; (AN 49356302)
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4.

Pathways to violent extremism: a qualitative comparative analysis of the US far-right by Fahey, Susan; Simi, Pete. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p42-66, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this research, we analyzed extensive life history interviews and open-source data on a sample of 35 current and former white supremacists. These individuals had all committed ideologically motivated violence, some of which clearly exhibited a greater degree of planning, who we termed the “planned violence” sample while those in the “spontaneous violence” sample had committed more opportunistic violence, such as “wilding-style” attacks on available victims. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), we examined whether there were important differences in the presence and combination of prior risk factors, such as offending history, truancy, delinquent peers, family members involved in extremism, a lower- or working-class childhood and academic failure, which led to the outcome condition of either planned or spontaneous violence. Our findings demonstrated differences between the two samples, with the spontaneous violence sample demonstrating higher risk than the planned violence sample. However, no support was garnered for the identification of distinct pathways of homogeneous risk factors among either sample of violent offenders.; (AN 49356303)
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5.

The radicalization of the Kanes: family as a primary group influence? by Carson, Jennifer Varriale; James, Patrick A.; O’Neal, Tyler A.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p67-89, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe extant literature speaks to the complexity involved in terrorist radicalization, yet has been unduly focused on jihadists. This is especially problematic given that other ideologically motivated movements have demonstrated a larger threat to the US homeland, like that of right-wing extremists. In addition, few US-based studies have focused on the role that one potentially important factor may have in these processes: that of the family. We seek to rectify this gap in the research by examining two “typical” case studies: Jerry Jr. and Joseph Kane. Informed by a social learning and social structure framework (SSSL), we find several instances where this primary group both created and reinforced definitions favorable to terrorism.; (AN 49356304)
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6.

“Nullification through armed civil disobedience”: a case study of strategic framing in the patriot/militia movement by Jackson, Sam. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 1 p90-109, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe patriot/militia movement in the US has grown in prominence over the past several years, with the movement engaging in high-profile conflicts with law enforcement (e.g., at the Bundy Ranch standoff in Nevada in 2014) and political opponents (e.g., clashing with antifascist activists in Boston and Berkeley in 2017). One of the strategies movement leaders use to solicit support is to ground their goals and behaviour in American history. This article presents a case study of one striking example of this, where a leading figure in the movement (Mike Vanderboegh, who popularized the idea of the Three Percenters) attempted to justify his advocacy of violating the law by simultaneously claiming the legal legitimacy of nullification and the moral legitimacy of civil disobedience. I argue that this rhetoric is an example of strategic frame appropriation. This type of frame appropriation serves the purpose of legitimating violent resistance to government by drawing parallels to other forms of political activism that are widely respected.; (AN 49356305)
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