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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 44, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Southern Military Tradition: Sociodemographic Factors, Cultural Legacy, and U.S. Army Enlistments by Maley, Adam J.; Hawkins, Daniel N.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p195-218, 24p; Abstract: Throughout the history of the United States, the South has had higher levels of military service than other regions of the country. Scholars regularly refer to this phenomenon as a “Southern military tradition.” The reasons behind this overrepresentation are not completely understood. Do Southern sociodemographic characteristics make it a preferred recruiting area or is there something distinctive about the cultural legacy of Southern history that encourages and supports military service? Using a unique data set that includes county-level active duty army enlistments and sociodemographic information, we show that Southern counties have significantly higher enlistment rates than counties in the Northeast and Midwest. These differences disappear when sociodemographic factors, such as fewer college graduates and a prominent presence of Evangelical Christians, are taken into account. These findings suggest that population characteristics may be a stronger driver of current regional disparities in military service than an inherited Southern military tradition.; (AN 44870686)
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2.

Military Officer Aptitude in the All-Volunteer Force by Cancian, Matthew Franklin; Klein, Michael W.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p219-237, 19p; Abstract: We show a statistically significant and quantitatively meaningful decline in the aptitude of commissioned officers in the marine corp from 1980 to 2014 as measured by their scores on the General Classification Test. This result contrasts with the widely studied increase in the quality of enlisted personnel since 1973 when conscription ended. As a possible cause for this decline, we focus on the fact that, during this period, marine officers had to have a 4-year college degree and there has been an expansion of the pool of young Americans in college. To corroborate this hypothesis, we show that there has been a similar decline in scores on the Armed Forces Qualification Test for responders to the 1979 and 1997 National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth among college graduates but not for the overall set of respondents.; (AN 44870691)
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3.

Subjective Cohesion as Stress Buffer Among Civilians Working With the Military in Iraq and Afghanistan by Bierman, Alex; Kelty, Ryan. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p238-260, 23p; Abstract: Recent research shows that civilians who work with the military in war zones are often exposed to life-threatening situations that can create psychological distress. In this study, we examine whether cohesion buffers the relationship between threat and psychological distress. Using a probability sample of civilians working with the U.S. Army in Iraq and Afghanistan, we find that cohesion buffers the relationship between threat and both internalizing and externalizing forms of emotional distress, but does so nonlinearly, with buffering observed at moderate but not high levels of cohesion. This research shows that cohesion may be an important resource for the mental health of civilians working in war zones but also supports sociological theory positing that the utility of social resources for individual well-being may be obviated in tightly integrative social contexts.; (AN 44870684)
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4.

Muslim Mothers in Ground Combat Against the Islamic State: Women’s Identities and Social Change in Iraqi Kurdistan by Nilsson, Marco. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p261-279, 19p; Abstract: This study analyzes the experiences and identities of Kurdish women fighting the Islamic State (IS) in northern Iraq as part of the Peshmerga Army. The case is especially interesting because these women have engaged in ground combat and because there is an empirical gap in knowledge, especially concerning Muslim women’s experiences as soldiers. Wars bring great destruction but can also catalyze social change. While seeking balance between their identities as good mothers and professional soldiers, many Kurdish women see their war participation as a chance to increase their agency and improve equality in society, as combat operations create a window of opportunity to change perceptions of women’s roles. Women soldiers still face prejudices and feel that they must prove their worth as fearless warriors in ground combat. However, interviewed soldiers said that they were not striving for equality but equivalency, stressing those qualities that women in particular can contribute in battle.; (AN 44870693)
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5.

Armed Forces, Cyberspace, and Global Images: The Official Website of the Israeli Defense Forces 2007–2015 by Golan, Oren; Ben-Ari, Eyal. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p280-300, 21p; Abstract: This study centers on the relation between militaries, violence, and publicly available digital images. Military websites can be characterized as forms of representation of national institutions comparable to the sites of any large organization. However, the way these websites publicly frame and explain the military’s use of organized violence has not been investigated. Accordingly, this study examines how contemporary militaries manage their public and online relation to their core expertise, organized violence. The analysis is based on a longitudinal analysis of the Israeli Defense Force’s (IDF) official websites (2007–2015) and interviews with key webmasters. The integration of the Internet and new media into the IDF’s official websites highlights its deliberate move into the cybernetic realm to manage, order, manipulate, and handle its public images and representations as a legitimate social institution charged with using violence in the defense of the country.; (AN 44870685)
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6.

Work–Family Conflict and Enrichment Mediates the Relationship Between Job Characteristics and Well-Being at Work With Portuguese Marine Corps by Carvalho, Vânia Sofia; Chambel, Maria José. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p301-321, 21p; Abstract: This study of 175 military employees working in three units of the Portuguese Marine Corps tested the mediated effect of work–family conflict and enrichment on the relationship between job characteristics and well-being at work (i.e., burnout; engagement). Using job demands, job autonomy, and supervisor support as job characteristics, and consistent with the assumptions of acclaimed work well-being models (i.e., job demands–control and support, job demands–resources model, and conservation of resources theory), the structural equation modeling analysis revealed that job characteristics are related to both work–family conflict and enrichment, which, in turn, explain militaries’ burnout and engagement. Work–family enrichment mediated the relationship between job characteristics (i.e., autonomy and supervisor support) and engagement, and work–family conflict not only mediated the relationship between job characteristics (i.e., demands and supervisor support) and burnout but also acted as a mediator between these variables and engagement.; (AN 44870689)
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7.

Rethinking Coup Risk: Rural Coalitions and Coup-Proofing in Sub-Saharan Africa by Rabinowitz, Beth; Jargowsky, Paul. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p322-346, 25p; Abstract: Military interventions continue to be prevalent in Africa. In the 21st century alone, 14 coups have been successfully staged. Whereas most studies of coup risk examine how militaries are organized or what structural conditions are associated with coups, we take a novel approach. We explore how coalition politics relate to coup risk. It has long been observed that regimes try to hold power by buying off urban consumers. We argue that focusing on urban consumers actually makes regimes more prone to military intervention. Instead, leaders who ally with established rural elites are more effective at thwarting coups. To test our hypothesis, we develop a unique data set of rural political strategies, coding regimes in 44 sub-Saharan countries from 1960 to 2000. Using a continuous-time Cox proportional hazards regression model, we find a robust correlation between policies supportive of rural elites and lower coup risk.; (AN 44870690)
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8.

Numbers Assigned in the Vietnam-Era Selective Service Lotteries Influence the Military Service Decisions of Children Born to Draft-Eligible Men: A Research Note by Johnson, Tim; Dawes, Christopher T.; McGue, Matt; Iacono, William G.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p347-367, 21p; Abstract: Previous research has reported correlations between the military service records of parents and their children. Those studies, however, have not determined whether a parent’s military service causallyinfluences an offspring’s participation in the armed forces. To investigate the possibility of a causal relationship, we examined whether lottery numbers issued to draft-eligible men during the U.S. Vietnam-era Selective Service Lotteries influenced the military participation of those men’s children. Our study found higher rates of military participation among children born to fathers whose randomly assigned numbers were called for induction. Furthermore, we perform statistical analyses indicating that the influence of lottery numbers on the subsequent generation’s military participation operated through the military service of draft-eligible men as opposed to mechanisms unrelated to service such as “draft dodging.” These findings provide evidence of a causal link between the military service of parents and their children.; (AN 44870687)
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9.

Failure to Understand Military Intervention in Pakistan: A Rejoinder by Hussain, Ejaz. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p368-378, 11p; Abstract: In 2014, Armed Forces & Societypublished Ali’s work, “Contradiction of Concordance Theory: Failure to Understand Military intervention in Pakistan.” Shortly thereafter in 2015, Schiff, the author of concordance theory, defended her theory with “Concordance Theory in Pakistan: Response to Zulfiqar Ali.” To this, Ali reiterated his position with, “Pakistan, Military Coup and Concordance: Four Objections to Schiff.” In response to Ali’s ideas, this article argues that Ali’s accounts not only lack theoretical and methodological rigor but also suffer from empirical fallacies and factual errors. Thus, he has failed to understand military intervention in Pakistan.; (AN 44870692)
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10.

Book Review: The big stick: The limits of soft power & necessity of military force by Blankshain, Jessica D.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 2 p379-381, 3p; (AN 44870688)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 37, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Native rhythms in the city: embodied refusal among Uyghur male migrants in Ürümchi by Byler, Darren. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p191-207, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOver the past two decades, state-directed Han settlement and capitalist development in the Uyghur homeland in Chinese Central Asia have uprooted thousands of Uyghurs, causing them to move to the city. In this article, I explore how low-income male Uyghur migrants and Uyghur culture producers build a durable existence despite these challenges. Based on analysis of migrant responses to the Uyghur-language urban fiction and indigenous music as well as ethnographic observations of Uyghur migrants from Southern Xinjiang, I argue that indigenous knowledge provides underemployed male Uyghurs a means to refuse the alienating effects of settler colonialism and economic development. By broadening the scope of what counts as ‘resistance’ to Chinese attempts to eliminate aspects of Uyghur society, I show that ‘refusal’ can be a generative way of embodying sovereignty, particularly when confronted by structural violence.; (AN 45535400)
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2.

Building transregional and historical connections: Uyghur architecture in urban Xinjiang by Kobi, Madlen. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p208-227, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEconomic investment and the growing immigration of Han Chinese from other parts of China to the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region over the last three decades have increased the presence of eastern Chinese architecture in the urban built environment. This paper refers to the making of, residing in and speaking about the materiality of urban architecture by Turkic-speaking Muslim Uyghur middle-class actors. Besides creating personal comfort through Uyghur elements they draw ethnic boundaries to the Han Chinese. In highlighting the materiality of architecture, the analysis expands beyond the individual house by investigating the ways in which urban architecture offers spaces of meaning for social and ethnic communities. Based on ethnographic data, this paper argues that due to the political context and the state-controlled urban development with Chinese characteristics, urban Uyghur architecture was relegated from the outside of houses to an emphasis on interior decoration.; (AN 45535399)
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3.

Making the ‘empowered woman’: exploring contradictions in gender and development programming in Kyrgyzstan by Kim, Elena; Myrzabekova, Asel; Molchanova, Elena; Yarova, Olha. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p228-246, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the complexities of women’s increasing participation in international development programming for gender equality. Taking a specific setting in rural Kyrgyzstan where one such project has been operating, the researchers discover adverse effects on the local women’s livelihoods, status and health. Women’s contradictions are attributed to the women’s own failures and lacks, creating confusion and frustration among them. Adopting Smith’s institutional-ethnography approach, we explicate and map out the hidden processes which must be held accountable for these reactionary outcomes, taking women’s experiences as entry points to inquiry. We find that the reactionary effects are not accidental but organized, powerfully, systematically but invisibly, by taken-for-granted institutional practices serving the purposes of global development institutions, where women are seen as instruments of global economic growth. The analysis provokes critical discussion of ‘how’ and ‘what’ it takes to transform Central Asian women into ‘empowered’ people.; (AN 45535401)
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4.

A mob for hire? Unpacking older women’s political activism in Kyrgyzstan by Satybaldieva, Elmira. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p247-264, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of older women in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, who have emerged as informal leaders in urban neighbourhoods to ‘speak for the poor’ to the state. Their mediating role is crucial for understanding community micro-politics, women’s political agency and more broadly state–society relations in the post-Soviet context. Drawing on in-depth interviews with older female informal leaders, the paper examines their political legitimacy and modes of mediation with the state and elites. Using Bourdieu’s concepts of political capital and ‘double dealings’, the paper argues that older women are important informal mediators, whose representational practices involve communal leadership, protest activism, bargaining and vote mobilization. Their multitasking roles are necessitated by their legitimation struggles and elites’ strategies of state capture. The article challenges the dominant media representation of older women activists as ‘a mob for hire’ and offers a more nuanced account of older women’s politics, addressing a blind spot in the literature on politics in Central Asia.; (AN 45535404)
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5.

The power of place, or powerless places? Hybrid attitudes towards Soviet symbols in post-Soviet Georgia by Kabachnik, Peter. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p265-285, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the hybridity of commemoration by analysing people’s attitudes to three types of contested Soviet symbols in post-Soviet Georgia. I draw on 62 in-depth qualitative interviews conducted in 2012–2013 with Georgians in Tbilisi, Georgia. These interviews focused on what people thought about places of memory, Soviet symbols in public space, and memory politics and policies in contemporary Georgia. I examine their opinions of three different types of reminders of the Soviet past in public space: general Soviet symbols; street names; and the Stalin monument in Gori. This analysis reveals their diverse understandings of place and highlights the hybridity of their responses to the different elements of Soviet symbolism. This not only prevents one from creating ideal typologies when considering places of memory, but also highlights the impact of the form and location of the symbol. I also identify two ways that people conceptualize place, one that recognizes the power of place, and the other that perceives place as powerless.; (AN 45535402)
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6.

State responses to reputational concerns: the case of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative in Kazakhstan by Furstenberg, Saipira. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p286-304, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines how reputational concerns drove the adoption of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) in Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakhstan's decision to join EITI was largely driven by the government’s intention to use EITI as a rational governance tool to manipulate its political agenda to protect the regime’s legitimacy. However, norm adherence does not reflect effective compliance. The findings of EITI in Kazakhstan show that the adoption of EITI standardized requirements followed a specific internal logic that disconnects from the initiative’s initial purpose. The case of Kazakhstan further illustrates the limitations of external remedies to the ‘resource curse’ and emphasises the significance of vertical accountability in political regimes. The article urges scholars and policy advisers to further investigate how global governance arrangements are implemented at domestic levels, particularly in autocratic regimes.; (AN 45535403)
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7.

Public councils in Kazakhstan: a case of emergent participative democracy? by Knox, Colin; Janenova, Saltanat. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p305-321, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs Kazakhstan aims to become one of the top 30 developed countries by 2050, it is increasingly turning to ways which will improve its governance, one of which is greater participation by its citizens in the decision-making processes of state agencies. A new initiative aimed at doing just that, the establishment of public councils, received legal backing in January 2016. The aim of public councils is to ‘strengthen democracy and the quality and responsiveness of public polices’ through the ‘public expression of matters of concern to Kazakh citizens’. This article offers a formative evaluation of the role performed by public councils and questions the extent to which they have achieved this aim. It draws on primary data from public officials, non-governmental organizations, ministries, and non-participant observation of public councils in Kazakhstan. It finds limited evidence of their effectiveness to date.; (AN 45535406)
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8.

Dictators without borders: power and money in Central Asia by Nekbakhtshoev, Navruz. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p322-324, 3p; (AN 45535405)
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9.

The family in Central Asia: new perspectives by Schmoller, Jesko. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p324-325, 2p; (AN 45535407)
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10.

History of Central Asia, Vol. 3. The Age of Islam and the Mongols by May, Timothy. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p326-327, 2p; (AN 45535408)
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11.

Afghan History through Afghan Eyes by Beben, Daniel. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p328-330, 3p; (AN 45535410)
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12.

Practicing Islam: knowledge, experience, and social navigation in Kyrgyzstan by Peshkova, Svetlana. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p330-333, 4p; (AN 45535409)
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13.

Central Asia in art: from Soviet Orientalism to the new republics by Kudaibergenova, Diana T.. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p333-336, 4p; (AN 45535413)
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14.

Wakhan Quadrangle: exploration and espionage during and after the Great Game by Mostowlansky, Till. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p336-338, 3p; (AN 45535412)
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15.

Negotiating identities: work, religion, gender, and the mobilisation of tradition among the Uyghur in the 1990s by Krautkraemer, Michael. Central Asian Survey, April 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 2 p338-339, 2p; (AN 45535411)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 233, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Political Mobility of China's Central State-Owned Enterprise Leaders by Leutert, Wendy. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p1-21, 21p; Abstract: AbstractExtensive research on the political mobility of Chinese officials at central, provincial, municipal and county levels has yet to fully consider an important group of elites – the leaders of China's core central state-owned enterprises (SOEs). This paper presents the first systematic analysis of their political mobility between 2003 and 2012 using an original biographical dataset with 864 leader-year observations. Under the Hu Jintao administration, these leaders emerged as a distinctive group within China's top political elite: increasingly well-educated but lacking experience beyond state-owned industry, with both lengthening leadership tenures and years of previous work in their companies. Instead of a “revolving door” through which these individuals rotate routinely between state-owned business and the Party-state to positions of successively higher rank, a top executive posting was most often a “one-way exit” to retirement. Of those who advanced politically, virtually all were transferred laterally along three career pathways with little overlap: to other core central SOEs; provinces; and the centre. This paper underscores the theoretical importance of disaggregating types of lateral transfer to research on Chinese officials’ political mobility and the cadre management system.; (AN 45149556)
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2.

Innovators and Implementers: The Multilevel Politics of Civil Society Governance in Rural China by Newland, Sara A.. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p22-42, 21p; Abstract: AbstractEarly literature on China's civil society focused on organizations’ autonomy from the state. However, the precise ways in which these organizations are dependent on the state – and on individual officials – are less well understood. I argue that NGOs depend on different types of officials whose career incentives vary, with significant implications for relationships with non-state actors. One set of officials, innovators, seeks rapid promotion and uses civil society partnerships to gain higher-level attention. Innovators’ career goals lead them to provide support for NGOs; however, excessive reliance on innovators can force organizations to stray from their mission and can weaken their long-term position in a given locality. A second set of officials, implementers, seeks stability and security. Cognizant of the risks of partnering with non-state actors, these officials are sometimes forced by their superiors to engage with NGOs but see little personal benefit in doing so. These findings suggest the importance of China's multilevel political structure for state–society relations.; (AN 45149563)
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3.

The Hidden Gaps in Rural Development: Examining Peasant–NGO Relations through a Post-earthquake Recovery Project in Sichuan, China by Liu, Qing; Wang, Raymond Yu; Dang, Heping. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p43-63, 21p; Abstract: AbstractWhile much of the scholarly work on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China focuses on their relations with the state, this paper adopts an anthropological approach to explore previously understudied peasant–NGO relations through the lens of a village-level post-earthquake recovery project in Sichuan. The findings highlight three main types of gaps between the NGO and local villagers: the gaps between the villagers’ immediate needs and the NGO's long-term development plan; the gaps between the villagers’ pragmatic concerns and the “building a new socialist countryside” campaign; and the gaps between the private and collective economies. In spite of the project's unsatisfactory outcome, the NGO did not consider the project a failure. We argue that these gaps were, to a great extent, attributable to the continuing development of the institutional values of NGOs, which guide the transition of Chinese NGOs from traditional charities to modern philanthropic organizations.; (AN 45149557)
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4.

“Delegation and Then Intervention”: The 2009 Decision to Create the New Rural Pension by Choi, Eun Kyong. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p64-84, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reviews the decision-making process behind the creation of a new rural pension between the early 2000s and 2009. It finds that although policymaking was initially delegated to the bureaucratic level and hence involved a protracted bureaucratic struggle, the issue was resolved by a fiat imposed by top leaders rather than by bureaucratic compromise as a bureaucratic politics model would suggest. I call this policymaking process “delegation and then intervention.” Although the Ministry of Labour and Social Security (MOLSS) persistently argued in favour of creating the new rural pension, the Ministry of Finance obstinately objected to it. This study finds that when bureaucratic organizations are in conflict because of their core beliefs, rather than resource allocation, they are less likely to reach a consensus. Faced with a prolonged bureaucratic deadlock, top leaders decided in favour of the MOLSS policy initiative, thereby adopting a progressive measure that would provide a completely subsidized basic pension for the rural elderly.; (AN 45149564)
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5.

Regular and Agency Workers: Attitudes and Resistance in Chinese Auto Joint Ventures by Chen, Yiu Por (Vincent); Chan, Anita. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p85-110, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper focuses on agency workers in China's auto industry. Some scholars foresee that this new category of workers, particularly in the auto industry, will play a leading role in global labour resistance. In this context, we conducted a questionnaire survey of 483 regular and agency workers at five major auto joint ventures in China and compared their work conditions, job satisfaction and willingness to take collective actions. Based on these findings, we argue that these companies have good reasons to keep the gap in wages and in work conditions small. This, along with management practices inherited from the Maoist system, can mitigate workers' dissatisfaction and reduce their tendency to take militant actions.; (AN 45149538)
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6.

CQY volume 233 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b3, 3p; (AN 45149545)
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7.

CQY volume 233 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 45149570)
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8.

China's Newsmakers: Official Media Coverage and Political Shifts in the Xi Jinping Era by Jaros, Kyle; Pan, Jennifer. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p111-136, 26p; Abstract: AbstractXi Jinping's rise to power in late 2012 brought immediate political realignments in China, but the extent of these shifts has remained unclear. In this paper, we evaluate whether the perceived changes associated with Xi Jinping's ascent – increased personalization of power, centralization of authority, Party dominance and anti-Western sentiment – were reflected in the content of provincial-level official media. As past research makes clear, media in China have strong signalling functions, and media coverage patterns can reveal which actors are up and down in politics. Applying innovations in automated text analysis to nearly two million newspaper articles published between 2011 and 2014, we identify and tabulate the individuals and organizations appearing in official media coverage in order to help characterize political shifts in the early years of Xi Jinping's leadership. We find substantively mixed and regionally varied trends in the media coverage of political actors, qualifying the prevailing picture of China's “new normal.” Provincial media coverage reflects increases in the personalization and centralization of political authority, but we find a drop in the media profile of Party organizations and see uneven declines in the media profile of foreign actors. More generally, we highlight marked variation across provinces in coverage trends.; (AN 45149555)
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9.

China and the US Alliance System by Liff, Adam P.. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p137-165, 29p; Abstract: AbstractIn recent years, scholarship examining US and security allies’ responses to China's rapidly growing power and “assertive” policies towards its neighbours has proliferated. The English-language literature remains relatively one-sided, however. Crucial to understanding the complex forces driving strategic competition in the contemporary Asia-Pacific are comprehensive surveys of how Chinese views are evolving. This study draws extensively on Chinese sources to update existing scholarship, much of it two decades old, with a particular focus on recent Chinese reactions to major developments concerning the US-centred alliance system – a foundational element of the 65-year-old regional order. Beijing expresses deepening frustration towards, and even open opposition to, recent alliance strengthening, and instead champions alternative security architectures free of what it alleges to be “exclusive,” “zero-sum,” “Cold-war relic” US-centred alliances. Proposals for concrete pathways to operationalizing these abstract visions that take into account contemporary political and security realities (for example, North Korea), however, appear less forthcoming.; (AN 45149544)
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10.

Revising China's Strategic Culture: Contemporary Cherry-Picking of Ancient Strategic Thought by Ghiselli, Andrea. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p166-185, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article looks at the influence of ancient military thinkers, especially Sunzi, in Chinese strategic culture today to shed light on a critical aspect of Alastair Iain Johnston's work on strategic culture: the relationship between the foreign policy elites and the cultural artefacts and symbols at the origin of strategic culture. The empirical analysis revolves around a large number of articles published by Chinese military scholars and officers between 1992 and early 2016 in the PLA Academy of Military Science's journal, China Military Science. The conclusion is that some elements of Chinese ancient military thought are readily apparent in China's military doctrine and operations today. These elements clearly call for a realist vision of the world, especially within the PLA. Yet, the analysis also prompts reflection on how to positively engage China on non-traditional security issues.; (AN 45149549)
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11.

Tibet's Invisible Languages and China's Language Endangerment Crisis: Lessons from the Gochang Language of Western Sichuan by Roche, Gerald; Tsomu, Yudru. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p186-210, 25p; Abstract: AbstractChina is facing a language endangerment crisis, with half of its languages decreasing in number of speakers. This article contributes to the understanding of language endangerment in China with a case study of the Gochang language, which is spoken by about 10,000 Tibetans in western Sichuan. We describe Gochang as an “invisible” language – one that is overlooked by the state's ethnic and linguistic policies and thus is more vulnerable to the social transformations wrought by statist development. Using UNESCO's language vitality and endangerment framework to assess the endangerment of Gochang, we conclude that the language is “definitely endangered.” Our comparison of Gochang with other “invisible” languages in China shows that most are in a similar predicament, suggesting that China's language endangerment crisis is likely to continue unless these languages receive formal recognition or local governments take advantage of ambiguities in the policy framework to support them. The social impacts of a continuing, deepening language endangerment crisis in China are as yet unknown.; (AN 45149542)
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12.

“Forming Partnerships”: Extramarital Songs and the Promotion of China's 1950 Marriage Law by Gibbs, Levi S.. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p211-229, 19p; Abstract: AbstractShortly after a push to promote China's 1950 Marriage Law in 1953, scholars from the Chinese Music Research Institute on a collection trip to a small locality in northern China encountered a large number of folksongs about extramarital affairs. They interpreted this as evidence of the need for marriage reform. The folksong lyrics highlighted controversial aspects of the Marriage Law by espousing one of the law's central tenets – free love – while also expressing women's desires to leave their husbands. In this article, I explore how the researchers placed the song lyrics in a liminal moral-temporal category between “feudal” arranged marriage and the new marriage system before declaring the songs to be relics of the victimization of women in a “feudal” past. I argue that additional light-hearted elements complicate the researchers’ conclusion and suggest that when the promotion of social agendas in the 1940s and 1950s cast songs about illicit affairs as morally ambiguous, Chinese scholars chose to ascribe the songs’ “roots” to other groups or to the “feudal” past of the people they sought to praise and/or transform.; (AN 45149548)
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13.

The Tree May Prefer Calm but the Wind Will Not Subside by Gao, Mobo. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p230-242, 13p; Abstract: July 2017 saw the outbreak of yet another border conflict between India and China. It is therefore timely to review two books that deal with the border issues that China has with its neighbours. China is one of a few countries that have borders with many other states, most of which are small. To see how China has dealt with these small countries is relevant to the fact that China, being labelled as a communist dictatorial state, has often been perceived to be unpredictable and lacking transparency in its behaviour. The two books reviewed here may therefore surprise some readers.; (AN 45149553)
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14.

Book Review: China's Future by Brown, Kerry. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p243-244, 2p; (AN 45149551)
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15.

Book Review: The Chinese Communist Party's Capacity to Rule: Ideology, Legitimacy and Party Cohesion by Doyon, Jérôme. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p244-246, 3p; (AN 45149562)
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16.

Book Review: Media Politics in China: Improvising Power under Authoritarianism by Chen, Dan. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p246-247, 2p; (AN 45149539)
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17.

Book Review: China's Unruly Journalists: How Committed Professionals are Changing the People's Republic by Tong, Jingrong. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p247-248, 2p; (AN 45149560)
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18.

Book Review: China's Soft Power Diplomacy in South Asia: Myth or Reality? by Lanteigne, Marc. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p249-250, 2p; (AN 45149569)
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19.

Book Review: How China Escaped the Poverty Trap by Donaldson, John. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p250-252, 3p; (AN 45149550)
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20.

Book Review: Welfare, Work and Poverty: Social Assistance in China by Altun, Sirma. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p252-253, 2p; (AN 45149554)
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21.

Book Review: State of Exchange: Migrant NGOs and the Chinese Government by Lee, Chun-Yi. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p253-255, 3p; (AN 45149565)
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22.

Book Review: Rural Origins, City Lives: Class and Place in Contemporary China by Murphy, Rachel. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p255-257, 3p; (AN 45149541)
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23.

Book Review: Beauties at Work: Gender, Sexuality and Power in Chinese Companies by Otis, Eileen. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p257-258, 2p; (AN 45149558)
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24.

Book Review: Transforming Patriarchy: Chinese Families in the Twenty-First Century by Lou, Loretta Ieng Tak. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p258-260, 3p; (AN 45149568)
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25.

Book Review: The Path to Sun Village: Gods, Ghosts, and People in a Post-revolutionary Society by Feuchtwang, Stephan. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p260-262, 3p; (AN 45149547)
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26.

Book Review: Daoist Priests of the Li Family: Ritual Life in Village China by Meulenbeld, Mark R.. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p262-264, 3p; (AN 45149566)
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27.

Book Review: Hui Muslims in China by Ha, Guangtian. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p264-266, 3p; (AN 45149540)
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28.

Book Review: The Politics of Protestant Churches and the Party-State in China: God above Party? by McLeister, Mark. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p266-268, 3p; (AN 45149552)
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29.

Book Review: The Art of Cloning: Creative Production during China's Cultural Revolution by Ho, Denise Y.. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p268-269, 2p; (AN 45149561)
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30.

Book Review: Hollywood Made in China by Berry, Chris. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p269-271, 3p; (AN 45149571)
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31.

Book Review: Foreigners under Mao: Western Lives in China, 1949–1976 by Howe, Christopher. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p271-273, 3p; (AN 45149559)
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32.

Books Received The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p274-275, 2p; (AN 45149567)
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33.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p276-277, 2p; (AN 45149543)
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34.

The Xinjiang Class: Multi-ethnic Encounters in an Eastern Coastal City – CORRIGENDUM by Yuan, Zhenjie; Qian, Junxi; Zhu, Hong. The China Quarterly, March 2018, Vol. 233 Issue: Number 1 p278-278, 1p; (AN 45149546)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 20, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

What are the Effects of Large-scale Violence on Social and Institutional Trust? Using the Civil War Literature to Understand the Case of Mexico, 2006–2012 by Ishiyama, John; Betancourt Higareda, Felipe Carlos; Pulido, Amalia; Almaraz, Bernardo. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p1-23, 23p; Abstract: AbstractWhat is the relationship between drug violence and political attitudes? In this article, we test the relationship between violence and trust using both individual and municipality data for Mexico from 2006 to 12. Using multilevel analysis, we find no support for the thesis that individual experiences with criminal violence drives trust, nor do we find a relationship between levels of violence at the municipio level and trust. However, we do find that perceived threats to individual security leads to less social and institutional trust, but this is independent of personal experience and whether the individual resides in violent communities.; (AN 45637473)
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2.

Insurgent Groups During Post-Conflict Transformation: The Case of Military Strongmen in Cambodia by Bultmann, Daniel. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p24-44, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe article discusses the experiences of a group of military strongmen during the post-conflict transformation of two Cambodian insurgent movements into a society of peace after a decades-long civil war. It explains the reasons why some of these strongmen were able to transfer their high status within the insurgency into senior positions in the incumbent government, while others became impoverished and sometimes even preferred to relapse into further conflict. Even though all of these strongmen shared a very similar life course and fought until the end of the conflict, their post-conflict fates have been very different. Central to the explanation of their behaviour during the transition is their habitus, the set of resources at their disposal and the nature of their vertical and horizontal social networks.; (AN 45637472)
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3.

Uncultured: Civil War and Cultural Policy by Kirschner, Shanna A.. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p45-65, 21p; Abstract: AbstractHow does cultural policy affect violence? While cultural discrimination is frequently cited as a potential grievance motivating political violence, the relationship remains under-theorised and largely untested. I weave theoretical literatures with interviews and secondary sources on the experience of Kurds in Turkey to understand the socio-economic and psychological pathways through which cultural policies impact intrastate conflict. I then analyse cross-national data on political violence, demonstrating that cultural grievances increase support for violence, raise the chance and severity of conflict and prolong violent conflicts. In short, policy matters: cultural restrictions exacerbate violence through multiple pathways.; (AN 45637474)
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4.

International Norms in Ethno-Territorial Disputes: Legitimacy and Efficacy in Outsiders’ Views of Independence and Irredentism by Horowitz, Shale; Redd, Steven B.. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p66-88, 23p; Abstract: AbstractEthno-national territorial disputes typically involve conflicting homeland claims between states and minority ethnic groups. Where such minority ethnic groups have cross-border ethnic kin who themselves constitute a dominant or influential ethnic group in a neighbouring state, separatist goals may take the form of either irredentism or independence. We conjecture that external sympathy for irredentism and independence may vary significantly, and that this variation may be an important influence in situations where secessionist groups and ethnic kin states have a choice between the two goals. Using a bargaining framework that controls for variation in relative power, status quo conditions and minority-side leadership preferences, we present experimental evidence indicating that external audiences are likely to support more confrontational policies in pursuit of independence than in pursuit of irredentism. Our evidence also indicates that independence attracts greater support largely because outsiders perceive it as a more legitimate goal; and that practical efficacy is not important in stimulating sympathy for either independence or irredentism. These results also support a broader argument in the literature on international norms – that such norms receive support not only because they may justify pre-existing goals or interests, but also because they are perceived as having greater legitimacy per se.; (AN 45637476)
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5.

I Fear, Therefore I Am: Victimhood and the Struggle for Ontological Security in the Liberia Truth Commission by Glucksam, Noga. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p89-108, 20p; Abstract: AbstractCivil wars cause extreme insecurities, both physical and ontological. Ontological security is the state of identity stability and predictability, generated by social and cultural routines and the continuity of collective identities and the meanings they produce. What is the impact of civil war on dynamics of ontological security and insecurity? And is it possible to prevent the reconstruction of ontological security around exclusionary identities? The paper develops a theoretical framework for the analysis of ontological insecurity during and after civil wars, and examines it in the case of the Liberian civil war (1989–2003). The war saw the mobilisation and victimisation of large parts of the population in various ways, introducing unprecedented instability and unpredictability, and causing widespread ontological insecurity. Ontological insecurity in the wake of the war resulted in extreme mistrust and a lingering sense of victimisation. The Liberia TRC, among other attempts to address the injustices of the past, did not resolve these complexes, but rather led to the reconstruction of ontological security around the ‘victim’ identity in the country, with dire implications for transitional justice in the country.; (AN 45637475)
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6.

Conditions for Successful Multiparty Mediation in Separatist Armed Conflicts: A Fuzzy-Set Analysis by Dell’Aguzzo, Loretta. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p109-133, 25p; Abstract: AbstractContemporary international mediation is often multiparty and involves a number of states and multilateral organisations. What are the conditions that account for successful multiparty mediation in conflict resolution? To address this question, I use qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) and focus on individual dimensions of mediation, namely internal cohesion of the mediating coalition, the use of reward and coercive power, and the presence of a ‘mutually hurting stalemate’ (MHS). I posit that the presence of a cohesive mediating coalition is a necessary condition for conflict resolution, whereas the provision of security guarantees, the imposition of sanctions and the presence of an MHS play a causal role in conflict resolution only in conjunction with other conditions. I test these conditions using a fuzzy-set approach and data from 20 mediated agreements over separatist conflicts in the post-cold war era. Empirical findings provide support for some of these propositions and challenge relevant theories of international mediation. More specifically, this research shows that a high convergence of interests among mediators is the only necessary – albeit not sufficient condition – for conflict resolution. Second, the analysis highlights the presence of two main sufficient paths for mediation success.; (AN 45637478)
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7.

Warlords and Coalition Politics in Post-Soviet States by Platonova, Daria. Civil Wars, January 2018, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 1 p134-138, 5p; (AN 45637477)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 18, no. 2, April 2018

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Record

Results

1.

The Sandinista revolution and the limits of the Cold War in Latin America: the dilemma of non-intervention during the Nicaraguan crisis, 1977–78 by Sánchez Nateras, Gerardo. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p111-129, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution.; (AN 45467584)
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2.

‘Drawing the line’ in El Salvador: Washington confronts insurgency in El Salvador, 1979–92 by D'Haeseleer, Brian. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p131-148, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe United States’ intervention in the Salvadoran Civil War, 1979–92, represented the largest nation-building effort launched by Washington between the end of Vietnam and the second war with Iraq. Washington deployed US Special Forces advisers to El Salvador to prevent further human rights abuses, emphasise the importance of winning the affection of civilians, and professionalise and reform the Salvadoran military. Overall, the intervention produced mixed results, including a negotiated settlement. Despite reservations about the efficacy of US policy, lessons from El Salvador have been reapplied elsewhere, including most recently in Iraq.; (AN 45467586)
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3.

Economic neutrality during the Cold War: the World Bank, the United States, and Pinochet’s Chile, 1973–1977 by Kedar, Claudia. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p149-167, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper reconstructs the unknown Chile-World Bank interactions during the formative years of Pinochet’s dictatorship (1973–1977). Prevalent understandings of the WB portray it as a loyal Washington ally. However, new evidence from the WB Archives and additional documents reveal that US efforts to make lending contingent on human rights considerations, thereby forcing the Bank to abandon its so-called economic neutrality, were only partially effective. Pinochet’s case provides a new prism to examine the cold war in Latin America and the Bank’s use of its ‘neutrality’ as a means to reach increasing autonomy from its strongest member states, mainly the United States.; (AN 45467585)
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4.

Communism and human rights in Pinochet’s Chile: the 1977 hunger strike against forced disappearance by Salgado, Alfonso. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p169-186, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the activism of a specific subset of Chilean communist women – those whose loved ones were abducted and who mobilised to demand justice – against the Pinochet dictatorship. It focuses on a well-organised and well-publicised hunger strike inside the United Nations headquarters in Santiago, Chile, which denounced the dictatorship’s use of forced disappearance. It argues that these women’s prior political experience and contacts enabled them to organise demonstrations and make successful human rights claims in a changing global environment. In so doing, this article expands and re-politicises the cast of protagonists of the human rights revolution of the 1970s.; (AN 45467587)
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5.

Illusions of care: Iraqi students between the Ba’thist State and the Stasi in socialist East Germany, 1958–89 by Sittmann, Julia. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p187-202, 16p; Abstract: AbstractFor four decades, Iraqi students came to the German Democratic Republic for education, political refuge, or to burnish their credentials. In 1969, Iraq opened diplomatic relations with the GDR, simultaneously extending its persecution of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) into East Germany by means of a complex bureaucratic apparatus of diplomatic organs, security services and student organisations. While ICP members were eventually protected by the Stasi, this entangled them in a system that offered care at the cost of obedience. The on-going campaign against ICP students ultimately played an outsized role in undermining the relationship between the SED and the Iraqi Ba’th.; (AN 45467588)
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6.

Neutrality challenged in a cold war conflict: Switzerland, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the Angolan War by Widmer, Sabina. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p203-220, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe Swiss government’s actions in Angola in the 1970s highlight its aim to improve the credibility of its neutrality policy in Southern Africa, which was greatly challenged in the global Cold War context. Drawing on Swiss, US, British, and International Committee of the Red Cross archival sources, this paper argues that the Swiss authorities’ participation in the relief mission of the ICRC during the Angolan War permitted them to benefit from this organisation’s good image. Switzerland’s early recognition of the People’s Republic of Angola was closely coordinated with European political leaders and underlines the country’s increased independence from Washington during Détente.; (AN 45467589)
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7.

‘In the very eye of the storm’: India, the UN, and the Lebanon crisis of 1958 by Kona Nayudu, Swapna. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p221-237, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper effectively provides the view from New Delhi of the crisis in Lebanon in 1958, UN intervention in the conflict, and subsequent peacekeeping in the region. The account uses archival material from the National Archives of India, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, the UNARMS, the National Archives, UK, and published primary material. Most significantly, the paper revisits the memoirs of Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal (the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative) who was seconded from the Indian Foreign Service for the special purpose of UN arbitration in the Lebanon Crisis. Dayal played a pivotal role in defining India’s position in the crisis, and through Indian contributions to mediation and peacekeeping, in the UN. Furthermore, given India’s relationships with many other non-aligned nations in the region, the paper takes a broader view of the narratives surrounding the crisis and eventual US intervention and victory from mainly Indian sources, thus contributing to the study of the short-lived crisis.; (AN 45467590)
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8.

The Cold War: A World History by Mitchell, Nancy. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p239-240, 2p; (AN 45467591)
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9.

The Cold War: A World History by Romero, Federico. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p240-243, 4p; (AN 45467592)
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10.

The Cold War: A World History by Snyder, Sarah B.. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p243-245, 3p; (AN 45467593)
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11.

The Cold War: A World History by Mitter, Rana. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p245-247, 3p; (AN 45467594)
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12.

The Cold War: A World History by Gleijeses, Piero. Cold War History, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p248-250, 3p; (AN 45467595)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 51, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Soviet legacies, organized crime, and economic gangsterism: Russia, 1995–2010 by Belokurova, Galina. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: In countries like Russia, where legal institutions providing political accountability and protection of property rights are weak, some elite actors accept the use of violence as a tool in political and economic competition. The intensity of this violent exposure may vary depending on the position the province had had in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. The higher the province's position before 1991, the greater the intensity of business violence one is likely to observe there in post-communist times, because the Soviet collapse left a more gaping power vacuum and lack of working informal rules in regions with limited presence of traditional criminal organizations. Post-Soviet entrepreneurs also often find it worthwhile to run for office or financially back certain candidates in order to secure a privileged status and the ability to interpret the law in their favor. Businessmen-candidates themselves and their financial backers behind the scenes may become exposed to competitive pressures resulting in violence during election years, because their competitors may find it hard to secure their position in power through the existing legal or informal non-violent means. To test whether Soviet legacies and Provincial elections indeed cause spikes in commerce-motivated violence, this project relies on an original dataset of more than 6000 attacks involving business interests in 74 regions of Russia, in 1991–2010. The results show that only legislative elections cause increases in violence while there is no firm evidence that executive polls have a similar effect.; (AN 44813650)
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2.

An oasis of democracy in an authoritarian sea? Civil society, social, and institutional trust in Georgia by Ishiyama, John; Mezvrishvili, Lia; Zhgenti, Nina. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p19-26, 8p; Abstract: We examine whether the existence of civil society in Georgia has promoted social and institutional trust in the population. As much of the literature suggests, Georgia is different from its neighbors in that civil society development is more advanced. Does participation in civil society lead to more social and institutional trust? Using survey data from the Caucasus Barometer and the World Values Survey, we find that attitudes regarding social and institutional trust are more developed in Georgia than in its neighbors, and that activity in voluntary organizations is positively associated with social and institutional trust in Georgia.; (AN 45022490)
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3.

A rise of state activism in a competitive industry: The case of Russian retail trade law of 2009 by Radaev, Vadim. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p27-37, 11p; Abstract: The paper is aimed at exploring the Russian state return to the highly competitive industry of retail trade by adopting restrictive industry-specific legislation in 2009. We reveal a new precedent model of governance using the liberal rhetoric of the competition protection to justify intervention in interfirm contractual relations. We use survey data collected from 843 retailers and suppliers in 2013 to demonstrate that the new legislation had not achieved the proclaimed goals. The paper concludes that instead of market facilitation, the new state activism leads to the further suppression of business and the subversion of antimonopoly policy.; (AN 45022488)
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4.

Centrality of religiosity versus civic involvement. The case of Poland by Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p39-48, 10p; Abstract: The article is an expression of search for the motivational role of religiosity in individuals' civic activity. Mature civic attitude is shaped by the person's values, individual and communal needs, and experience. The main thesis of the presented study is that the relation between religiosity and human will in many points overlap with the factors which determine the citizen's activity for the benefit of the community. Stefan Huber's Centrality of Religiosity Scale emphasizing the primary importance of the motivational value of religiosity and an original scale measuring civic involvement were used in the study (N = 732). The study proved that religiosity mostly serves as a civic involvement predictor among women from the middle age group. Although a higher level of civic involvement was found in men, religiosity did not prove to be a significant factor explaining its higher level, which means that the determinants for it need to be sought in other spheres.; (AN 45022489)
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5.

The education skills trap in a dependent market economy. Romania's case in the 2000s by Tarlea, Silvana; Freyberg-Inan, Annette. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p49-61, 13p; Abstract: We discuss the political economic development of Romania since 1989, with a focus on the evolution of higher education (HE). First, we place this evolution in the context of demand for HE by prospective students and employers, focusing on the low demand for skills in the MNC-dominated Romanian economy. Second, we provide empirical insight on indicators of quality, enrolment, and funding as key features of the HE system. We argue that Romania has evolved into a dependent market economy entrenched in a low-skills equilibrium, and that the weakness of the HE system is a key element in this process.; (AN 44791093)
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6.

From a follower to a trendsetter: Hungary's post-Cold War identity and the West by Shevchenko, Alexei. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p63-72, 10p; Abstract: The article attempts to make sense of recent developments in Hungary's relationship with the EU and the US by explicating the logic behind the formation of its post-Cold War identity. The article's central theoretical argument derives from social identity theory (SIT) in social psychology which argues that social groups strive for positive distinctiveness and provides concrete hypotheses concerning the identity management strategies that groups use to enhance their relative position. Extrapolating the identity management techniques predicted by SIT to international politics, I suggest that states may enhance their relative standing by imitating more advanced states (strategy of social mobility), trying to displace the higher-ranked state (strategy of social competition), or finding a new arena in which to be superior (strategy of social creativity). The article argues that Orban's government post-2010 steps in domestic and foreign policy can be conceptualized as attempts to redefine Hungary's identity by moving away from the strategy of social mobility pursued since the end of communism towards the strategy of social creativity.; (AN 45022491)
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7.

Hungary's punitive turn: The shift from welfare to workfare by Vidra, Zsuzsanna. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p73-80, 8p; Abstract: The Hungarian post-communist welfare state was created under the neoliberal influence of international organisations while retaining lots of elements of solidarity. The growing social tensions in the mid-2000s due to a second economic crisis in the new millennium led first the left then the right wing governments to shift the post-communist welfare state into a punitive type of workfare system. The article concludes that the political populism of the mid-2000s leading to an undemocratic governance by the 2010s better explains this paradigm shift than – as many authors argue - the neoliberal influence frame.; (AN 45022493)
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8.

Role and place of the parliament of Kazakhstan in the system of checks and balances by Kanapyanov, Timur. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 p81-87, 7p; Abstract: This article examines the system of checks and balances in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in general and the role of the Parliament of Kazakhstan in that system in particular. As opposed to the scientific mainstream in Kazakhstan which explains established system of checks and balances as a result of formal constitutional reforms, this article undertakes broader analytical framework and examines the system of checks and balances in Kazakhstan taking into account a correlation of formal and informal practices. The goal of the article is to show that in post-Soviet Kazakhstan the separation of powers is established without proper checks and balances. The inference drawn from the article is that the separation of powers in Kazakhstan is blocked by the strong constitutional and informal powers of the President, which allows him to control and interfere in affairs of all branches of power.; (AN 45022492)
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9.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2018, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 1 pIFC-IFC; (AN 45022494)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 37, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear deterrence in a new age by Payne, Keith B.. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p1-8, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor over two decades since the end of the Cold War, US nuclear policy has been based on a general belief that nuclear deterrence, and thus also nuclear weapons, are of rapidly declining value because international relations had moved toward a much more benign and enduring stage of history. Nuclear weapons supposedly had little or no remaining role to play in US security; the only real questions were how, and how quickly could the United States lead the world to nuclear disarmament. The end of the Cold War, which left the United States as the only standing Superpower inspired this view of history, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear weapons. With the nuclear resurgence of Russia, the rise of China, the mounting nuclear threats from North Korea and potentially Iran, that foundational belief underlying US inattention to its nuclear arsenal is now a manifest fiction, and US nuclear policy must confront, and adjust to a very different reality.; (AN 44858218)
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2.

Can NATO's “new” allies and key partners exercise national-level command in crisis and war? by Young, Thomas-Durell. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p9-21, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article posits that most postcommunist members of NATO and key partners continue the practice of using communist concepts of command at the national level of governance. These concepts include the hyper-centralization of decision making, collective decision making, and of most concern, unclear chains of command and alignment of authority with responsibility. Combined, these concepts have the potential for inhibiting the timely and clear command of a nation's armed forces, let alone their effective assimilation into the alliance's integrated command structure. Such an eventuality has clearly negative implications for the alliance generally, but these weaknesses also could have the unexpected consequence of compromising “new” allies' national sovereignty in crisis and war.; (AN 44858220)
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3.

After JCPOA: American grand strategy toward Iran by Wolf, Albert B.. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p22-34, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIf grand strategy is a state's theory of how to produce security for itself, what should the U.S. grand strategy be toward Iran? This is an important question that has only grown since the Trump administration announced it would not recertify Iran under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). This article lays out four options: rollback, offshore balancing, retrenchment, and engagement. Each strategy has its merits as well as its drawbacks.; (AN 44858219)
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4.

The instrumental use of norms in war: Impact on strategies and strategic outcomes by Gentry, John A.. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p35-48, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStates and non-state actors increasingly use norms instrumentally as integral parts of strategies to help win wars by exploiting political vulnerabilities produced by other actors' adherence to the norms. Actors especially manipulate reactions to violations of casualty-aversion norms to entice or prevent external interventions in conflicts. States have few defenses against the instrumental manipulation of norms they hold dear, and seem largely oblivious to their normative vulnerabilities. High success rates and the continuing proliferation of human rights mean new types of instrumental uses of norms for new purposes are likely to emerge, posing major practical challenges to policymakers, military personnel, and intelligence services, and theoretical challenges for scholars.; (AN 44858221)
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5.

Grand strategy of the Malacca Sultanate, 1400–1511 by Wey, Adam Leong Kok; Harun, Abdul Latif. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p49-55, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Malacca Sultanate had profound political and strategic influence in the Southeast Asia region. This article analyzes how the Malacca Sultanate practised its grand strategy using diplomacy and statecraft aided by its military power in countering and containing its external threats to sustain its power, gain economic dividends, and influence in the region. Although there are a few academic studies on the practice of grand strategies such as those of the Roman and Ottoman Empires, none has analyzed the grand strategy of the Malacca Sultanate. The lessons from the historical practice of grand strategy by the Malacca Sultanate generated by this research provides valuable insights and guidance for today's strategic practitioners and policy makers in facing similar security risks in the same geographical setting.; (AN 44858222)
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6.

The sources of the Middle East's crises and American grand strategy by Kazemzadeh, Masoud. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p56-72, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that there are four major crises convulsing the Middle East. They are the Shia-Sunni conflict, rise of extremist militant fundamentalists, ethno-national demands, and pro-democracy movements. These have given rise to four clusters of actors. The article analyzes the ideological sources of Sunni and Shia fundamentalism, as well as Iran's grand strategy and American strategies and policies since 1979, trying to respond to these crises and challenges. It discusses the reasons for successes and failures of American policies and identifies lessons for future American policies toward the Middle East.; (AN 44858223)
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7.

Power politics by economic means: Geoeconomics as an analytical approach and foreign policy practice by Scholvin, Sören; Wigell, Mikael. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p73-84, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGeoeconomics has become highly relevant for foreign policy practices and national security strategies, wherefore it has also started to receive increasing attention from academics. Unfortunately, there is no widely shared definition of geoeconomics. The term is often only used as a catchword that generates an audience for policy-oriented, semi-scientific outlets. This article addresses this weakness of the state of the art. The authors suggest that geoeconomics, as a foreign policy strategy, refers to the application of economic means of power by states so as to realize strategic objectives. As an analytical framework, geoeconomics relates to international relations realism. Yet it transcends international relationship realism, as it is focused on geographical features that are inherent in foreign policy and international relations.; (AN 44858224)
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8.

The official history of the UK strategic nuclear deterrent, vol. I: From the V-bomber era to the arrival of Polaris, 1945–64 by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, January 2018, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 1 p85-86, 2p; (AN 44858225)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 18, no. 3, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

The politics of the post-conflict and post-disaster nexus in Nepal by Harrowell, Elly; Özerdem, Alpaslan. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p181-205, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe intersection of the post-conflict reconstruction processes established in Nepal’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2006, and the post-disaster reconstruction effort that swung into action following the country’s devastating earthquakes in 2015 provides an important opportunity to observe to what extent synergies between the two reconstruction processes have been successfully exploited. This paper critically examines these two processes, demonstrating that despite a growing recognition of the value of linking these processes by researchers, in practice they often remain separate. It shows how certain actors have framed the post-disaster reconstruction as unrelated to post-conflict activities in order to avoid what they perceive as the risk of politicising – and thus delaying – the post-disaster reconstruction process. The paper suggests that this is a mistake. The process of post-disaster reconstruction is innately political and intricately entwined with the very same issues and activities the post-conflict reconstruction process attempted to address. Moreover, we argue that the entire process is taking place within a political context which is a product of the as-yet unresolved post-conflict polity. Any reconstruction process that does not take this into account risks being undermined by the same challenges that underpinned the country’s conflict.; (AN 45647376)
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2.

Great effort, little help? Peace and conflict resolution organisations in Northern Ireland and Turkey by Kadıoğlu, İ. Aytaç. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p207-232, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThis article offers a comparative analysis of the role played by peace and conflict resolution organisations (P/CROs) in Northern Ireland and Turkey in negotiating solutions to ethno-nationalist conflicts in these countries. It argues that P/CROs have been instrumental in de-escalating violence and encouraging conflicting parties to resolve conflict peacefully. Examining both the elite and grass-roots levels, the article assesses P/CROs that have advanced middle-range approaches and track-two dialogue towards peace. Drawing on data from multiple sources, including semi-structured interviews, archival material and official documents, the analysis indicates that P/CROs have a range of tools at their disposal to influence political decision-makers. These include public (and closed) conferences, forums and events attended by current or former politicians, representatives of the conflicting parties and prominent figures and intellectuals in the conflict-affected society, as well as other grass-roots initiatives. The article finds that P/CROs provided help shaping and promoting non-violent processes of conflict resolution between the British Government and the Irish Republican Army (IRA), and the Turkish Government and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).; (AN 45647378)
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3.

The problem of peace and the meaning of ‘post-war’ by Klem, Bart. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 3 p233-255, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThe literature on war endings and peace-building pivots on a concept that it in fact continues to struggle with: peace. I argue that we should abandon the conceptualisation of peace as a condition. By implication, we must also abandon the notion of war-to-peace transition and the underlying teleology that projects peace as a deferred and ambiguous end state. Instead, I propose the term post-war transition. Importantly, the prefix post should not be understood as a temporal breakpoint: a definitive after. Rather, it signals an ambition to address and move beyond, analogous to the term post-colonialism. I subsequently draw on the post-colonial literature to further elaborate my conceptualisation of post-war transition with three propositions, respectively concerning: the discursive politics of retrospectivity; the assertion of sovereignty as the foundational referent of law and political order; and the concept of articulation to juxtapose contingent change and constrained agency. I then apply these ideas to the Sri Lankan case to illustrate what angles and insights my conceptualisation of post-war transition could offer.; (AN 45647377)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 39, no. 3, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

Nuclear norms in global governance: A progressive research agenda by Rublee, Maria Rost; Cohen, Avner. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p317-340, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe argue that the framework of norms has generated a progressive research agenda in the field of global nuclear politics, providing important insights that traditional realist and materialist analyses ignore or dismiss. These insights are not on the margins of nuclear politics; rather, they answer central questions about nuclear non-use, possession, and the nonproliferation regime at large. These findings are not a fluke; instead, they stem from the powerful analytical framework of norms, which provides complexes of linked propositions about actor expectations and behavior in global nuclear politics. This article examines three of those propositions: the importance of the logic of appropriateness, the role of norm contestation, and the changes brought about by norm entrepreneurs. Finally, we identify other norms-related ideas that can further illuminate the dire policy crises facing global nuclear governance, as well as specific areas of nuclear politics that would benefit from norms-related scrutiny.; (AN 45403525)
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2.

Not lost in contestation: How norm entrepreneurs frame norm development in the nuclear nonproliferation regime by Müller, Harald; Wunderlich, Carmen. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p341-366, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith near universal membership, the nuclear nonproliferation regime can be considered a success of global nuclear governance. While it has proven robust since the Nonproliferation Treaty entered into force in 1970, the regime has faced continuous contestation, precisely because it is a delicate compromise between the nuclear and non-nuclear weapon states. In this article, we analyze the patterns of contestation within the regime as well as the actors driving these contestation processes. Our purpose is to assess how contestation has affected the development of nuclear norms. We show that contestation can lead to normative progress, result in blockage, or even lead to decay. We argue that the outcome depends on three factors: commitment by the powerful parties to appreciate the positions of the non-nuclear weapon states, the engagement of bridge-builders to shape compromises, and the construction of reciprocal gains for and compliance by all parties.; (AN 45403524)
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3.

After diffusion: Challenges to enforcing nonproliferation and disarmament norms by Knopf, Jeffrey W.. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p367-398, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article discusses six challenges to enforcing norms regarding nuclear weapons. Three challenges reflect generic problems in international politics. These are differences in power, the collective action problem, and trade-offs with other interests. Three additional dilemmas reflect specific characteristics of the nuclear realm. First, membership in international treaties connected to the norms is not universal, raising questions about the appropriateness of enforcement against states that have not signed the treaties. Second, different implications of the norms can come into conflict with each other. In particular, there can be tensions between the requirements of nonproliferation and disarmament norms. Finally, some common options for norm enforcement become quite problematic when dealing with nuclear weapons. For example, if states respond to defections by starting their own nuclear weapons programs, this tit-for-tat response would defeat the purposes of the nonproliferation regime. Despite these challenges, nuclear norms enjoy widespread support and some enforcement is possible.; (AN 45403527)
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4.

Nuclear cooperation with non-NPT member states? An elite-driven model of norm contestation by Lantis, Jeffrey S.. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p399-418, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSupporters of the nuclear nonproliferation regime argue that international agreements, power politics, and emerging standards of legitimacy have generated a robust nuclear nonproliferation norm. This optimism is mirrored in early social constructivist international relations theory, which emphasizes the constitutive and regulatory power of international norms. Conversely, this article explores how recent developments in global politics and international relations theory may show how vested players can change normative architectures. This project develops a model of elite entrepreneurship in norm change that includes stages of redefinition and substitution through contestation. It conducts a plausibility probe of the model in the development of the 2008 U.S.–India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, a case of U.S.-driven norm change. The article concludes that this alternative agency-based model lends insights on what may be a continuous, and consequential, evolution of the nuclear nonproliferation norm.; (AN 45403526)
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5.

Managing, reconciling, and manipulating the deterrence and disarmament norms: The case of the United Kingdom by Walker, William. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p419-440, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNorm contestation and the search for legitimate and acceptable compromise have been persistent features of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. They have also marked the domestic politics of nuclear weapons, especially within democracies. How do those internal and external contestations and searches for compromise interact? Attention will focus on the United Kingdom that stands out for the openness of domestic debate on nuclear policy, division within political parties, and the role granted to parliament. The United Kingdom has held to an idea of order and responsible stewardship entailing the managed coexistence of nuclear deterrence, arms control, and non-proliferation. Active pursuit of multilateral nuclear disarmament to this end has also helped governments to constrain domestic opposition to the nuclear force's (Trident's) renewal and modernization. The United Kingdom's alignment of domestic and international stances on nuclear weapons is today being jeopardized by its internal turmoil and by international discord over nuclear norms and rules.; (AN 45403528)
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6.

Deterrence or taboo? Explaining the non-use of nuclear weapons during the Indo-Pakistani post-tests nuclear crises by Carranza, Mario E.. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p441-463, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe literature on the India–Pakistan nuclear conundrum has neglected the impact of the international normative environment on India and Pakistan’s nuclear behavior. This article fills that gap, by looking at the impact of the nuclear taboo on Indo-Pakistani strategic interactions during the 1999 Kargil war and the 2002 border standoff. The nuclear taboo, rather than nuclear deterrence, explains the non-use of nuclear weapons. During both crises the nuclear taboo entered the decision-making process instrumentally, in the form of perceived reputational “costs.” The Indian and Pakistani emerging nuclear doctrines endanger a fragile nuclear taboo that would be strengthened by a bilateral non-first use accord. Whether India and Pakistan can move from an instrumental to a substantive acceptance of the nuclear taboo will depend on whether the United States and the other nuclear weapon states, included in the Nonproliferation Treaty, play the role of norm entrepreneurs and strengthen the nuclear taboo at the global level.; (AN 45403529)
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7.

Normalizing zero nuclear weapons: The humanitarian road to the Prohibition Treaty by Hanson, Marianne. Contemporary Security Policy, July 2018, Vol. 39 Issue: Number 3 p464-486, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe nuclear age has come to be seen as “normal,” marked by a process of “nuclearism” whereby nuclear weapons and deterrence are seen as inevitable and acceptable elements of international security. Factors which have allowed this to flourish include the relative absence of humanitarian considerations, nuclear decision-making by a select few, and the unequal nature of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), where the P5 states have shaped the nuclear order on their own terms. The “humanitarian initiative” and Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons challenge this “normal” nature of nuclear weapons, re-casting them as incompatible with humanitarian law, and delegitimizing them for all states. This shift away from the structural constraints of the NPT allows non-nuclear states a degree of agency they did not previously possess. Nonetheless, the Treaty faces difficulty in dislodging the practices of the nuclear-weapon states, suggesting that its value lies in its long-term normative influence.; (AN 45403530)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 53, no. 1, March 2018

Record

Results

1.

Governmentality of the Arctic as an international region by Albert, Mathias; Vasilache, Andreas. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p3-22, 20p; Abstract: Linked to the image of a wild and still-to-be-explored territory, as well as to images of the region as one of new economic opportunities, discourses on the Arctic also tie in with issues of climate change, cooperation and conflict, Arctic governance, international law and the situation and rights of indigenous people, as well as Great Power politics. Taken together, these aspects characterize a region whose formation is different from regionalization processes in other parts of the world. As the regional peculiarity of the Arctic is reflected by a variety and plurality of representations, discourses, perceptions and imaginaries, it can usefully be analyzed as a region of unfolding governmentality. The present article argues that the prospects for the Arctic are strongly intertwined with perceptions and depictions of it as an international region subject to emerging practices of governmentality. By drawing on both Foucault’s texts and governmentality studies in international relations (IR), we discuss how the Arctic is affected by governmental security rationalities, by specific logics of political economy and order-building, as well as becoming a subject for biopolitical rationalizations and imaginaries. The discourses and practices of governmentality that permeate the Arctic contribute to its spatial, figurative and political reframing and are aimed at making it a governable region that can be addressed by, and accessible for, ordering rationalities and measures.; (AN 44646574)
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2.

Gendering the new hero narratives: Military death in Denmark and Sweden by Åse, Cecilia; Wendt, Maria. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p23-41, 19p; Abstract: During the 20th century, wars were fought primarily in the name of protecting the homeland. Making the ‘ultimate sacrifice’ was a national masculine duty and a key feature of military heroism. Today, human rights and international values justify war-making and legitimise military action. In one of these post-national wars, the International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan, more than 700 European soldiers have lost their lives. How have these deaths been legitimised, and how has the new security discourse affected notions of masculinised heroism and sacrifice? This article investigates how the dimensions of national/international and masculinity/femininity are negotiated in media narratives of heroism and sacrifice in Denmark and Sweden. Regarding scholarly discussions on the professionalisation, individualisation and domestication of military heroism, the empirical analysis demonstrates that the Danish/Swedish nation remains posited as the core context for military heroism and sacrifice. In the media narratives, professionalism is represented as an expression of specific national qualities. The media narratives conflate nation and family and represent military heroes as distinctively masculine and national figures. It is argued that a family trope has become vital in present-day hero narratives. This trope is disposed towards collective emotions, national loyalty and conservative gender ideals.; (AN 44646571)
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3.

Peace without perfection: The intersections of realist and pacifist thought by Moses, Jeremy. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p42-60, 19p; Abstract: It is common in international relations thought to view realism and pacifism as lying at opposite ends of a spectrum on the permissibility of war. Pacifism, from this point of view, is necessarily antithetically opposed to and incompatible with realist thinking on the use of force. This article aims to counter this view and raise some critical questions concerning the incompatibilities of realism and pacifism through an examination of some points at which they may be seen to intersect. In pursuing these intersections, the first part of the article sets out the foundations of classical realist thought, focusing on the inherently conflictual depiction of human nature as the basis for a theory that insists upon the inescapable possibility of political violence. It then departs from the conventional narrative by setting out the intersections of pacifist and realist thought concerning the illogical and dangerous attempts to moralise war-fighting through the application of just war theory. Finally, it is proposed that a synthesis of some elements of pacifist and realist thought could lead to the development of new theories and strategies attuned to the promotion of non-violence in an inherently unstable and conflict-prone world.; (AN 44646570)
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4.

At risk for radicalization and jihadism? A population-based study of Norwegian adolescents by Pedersen, Willy; Vestel, Viggo; Bakken, Anders. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p61-83, 23p; Abstract: Little is known about attitudes among ordinary adolescents in favour of the use of political violence and radicalization. We draw on a survey from a population sample of adolescents (n= 8627) in the Norwegian capital, Oslo. We first compared adolescents with Muslim, Christian and no religious affiliation with regard to attitudes in favour of the use of violence for political purposes and support of those who go to Syria to take part in active combat. Muslim youth reported higher levels of support for the use of violence to obtain societal change than did other adolescents. The same pattern was revealed with regard to support for the fighters in Syria. After control for other variables, Muslim affiliation had no impact on attitudes in favour of politically motivated violence, though it remained significant for support for the fighters in Syria. However, here as well we found associations with poor school grades, conduct problems and exposure to violence, possibly indicating an emerging adolescent ‘outsider’ position. Political activity on social media also played a role. Such attitudes rarely develop into politically motivated violence and jihadism. However, for a small minority, they may represent the first step in that direction.; (AN 44646572)
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5.

Theorizing the social foundations of exceptional security politics: Rights, emotions and community by Norman, Ludvig. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p84-100, 17p; Abstract: This article theorizes the social processes through which purportedly liberal democratic states compromise fundamental rights in times of perceived security crises. It has become increasingly common to suggest that a general culture of fear serves both as the motor and the outcome of exceptional security politics. This article suggests instead that the transgression of fundamental rights in the name of security is intimately connected to collective feelings of humiliation and the reassertion of self-worth through efforts to re-establish the integrity of imagined communities. To demonstrate this, the article highlights the dual character of rights, having both a formal and a symbolic function, associated with collective emotions. By theorizing the connections between rights, emotions and belonging the article offers the building blocks for a more nuanced and possibly more accurate understanding of why exceptional security politics tend to elicit such broad public support in spite of its often-glaring contradictions to fundamental principles of liberal democracy.; (AN 44646576)
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6.

The different faces of power in European Union–Russia relations by Casier, Tom. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p101-117, 17p; Abstract: This article applies Barnett and Duvall’s taxonomy of power to European Union (EU)–Russia relations aiming to understand power in its complexity and without a prioritheoretical assumptions. Four different types of power – compulsory, institutional, structural and productive – feature simultaneously. It is argued that non-compulsory forms of power are key to understanding the logic of competition in EU–Russia relations in the decade preceding the 2014 Ukraine crisis, despite receiving limited scholarly attention. First, a struggle over institutional power, the capacity to control the conditions of the other actor indirectly, appeared from rivalling integration projects and competing norm diffusion. Secondly, power relations were strongly characterised by constitutive forms of power – structural and productive – in particular the capacity to produce and recognise identities, such as Europeanness. In both fields, the EU held a hegemonic position, which Russia increasingly challenged. The geopolitical reading of the change in regime in Ukraine in 2014 prompted Moscow to a radical change of strategy, by shifting the emphasis in the confrontation to compulsory power. Attempts at direct control, from annexation to sanctions, now dominate relations. Where Russia seeks to prevent the Euro-Atlantic community from gaining effective control over Ukraine through destabilisation, this can be labelled ‘negative’ compulsory power.; (AN 44646573)
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7.

Diverse interests facilitate conflict mediation in international crises by De Maio, Jennifer; Favretto, Katja. Cooperation and Conflict, March 2018, Vol. 53 Issue: Number 1 p118-135, 18p; Abstract: We investigate the effect of ethnic pluralism on mediation in interstate and internationalized civil crises from 1945 to 2010. We find that mediation succeeds when two conditions are met. First, success is more likely when there are fewer disenfranchised ethnic groups in the disputant population, because these groups are usually excluded from peace talks and often use violence to challenge peace. Second, mediators are more likely to succeed when politically included disputants, usually present at peace talks, comprise various different ethnic groups. Because such groups, numerous as they are, pull and tug for dominance at peace negotiations, they are unable to form decisive coalitions. As a result, third parties have a chance to serve in a more authoritative role and influence a settlement.; (AN 44646575)
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11

Current History
Volume 117, no. 799, May 2018

Record

Results

1.

The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe by Dorman, Sara. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p163-168, 6p; Abstract: “Zimbabwe’s politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy.”; (AN 45579758)
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2.

The Roots of the Anglophone Problem: Language and Politics in Cameroon by Anchimbe, Eric. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p169-174, 6p; Abstract: “[T]he intertwined nature of language, politics, and identity permeates the nation, its institutions, and the public and private lives of its citizens.”; (AN 45579759)
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3.

European Missteps on Controlling African Migration by Hirt, Nicole. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p175-180, 6p; Abstract: “In the long run, a policy whose main focus is on improving so-called border management in countries that are known to trample human rights and disrespect the rule of law cannot be successful.”; (AN 45579760)
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4.

Climate Adaptation and Water Scarcity in Southern Africa by Ziervogel, Gina. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p181-186, 6p; Abstract: “Adaptation is only going to get more challenging as changes in the climate intensify, combining with the effects of rapid urbanization and the persistently high levels of poverty and inequality in Africa.” Eighth in a series on climate adaptation around the world.; (AN 45579761)
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5.

Another Disputed Election Batters Kenya’s Institutions by Opalo, K.. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p187-193, 7p; Abstract: “[T]he conflicts surrounding the 2017 elections severely eroded the integrity of democracy in Kenya.”; (AN 45579762)
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6.

Perspective: A Fresh Start for South Africa? by Mangcu, Xolela. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p194-196, 3p; Abstract: Cyril Ramaphosa, the new president, needs to restore public confidence in a ruling party eroded by the corruption associated with his predecessor, Jacob Zuma. Here are some ideas he could try.; (AN 45579766)
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7.

Books: The Nature of Chinese Capital in Africa by Taylor, Scott. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p197-199, 3p; Abstract: A new study of Chinese projects in one African nation offers a nuanced picture of a distinct type of state-led foreign investment often caricatured as a rapacious new form of imperialism.; (AN 45579764)
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8.

The Month in Review: March 2018 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 p200-200, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in March, country by country, day by day.; (AN 45579763)
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9.

Map of Africa by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 799 pmap-map; Abstract: Map; (AN 45579765)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 29, no. 3, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

What Is Known About Defence Research And Development Spill-Overs? by Martí Sempere, Carlos. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p225-246, 22p; Abstract: This article surveys the body of available evidence regarding the spill-over effects of defence R&D. It reviews the routes through which defence R&D spills over to the economy with positive externalities – in terms of new products, technologies or processes; the barriers that impede or block such a process; potential negative repercussions, and the measure of such effects. The main conclusion is that the uncertainty of these effects, and the inaccurate appraisal of their value, hardly supports informed decisions concerning defence R&D policies.; (AN 45242849)
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2.

Security gradient and national defense – the optimal choice between a draft army and a professional army by Kanniainen, Vesa; Ringbom, Staffan. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p247-267, 21p; Abstract: The earlier work on the optimal design of the national security has focused on the opportunity cost of the draft in terms of foregone human capital formation. The current paper introduces the national security into the welfare analysis missing from the earlier work. This creates a trade-off between the private goods and the security as a public good in the social cost–benefit analysis. There are three major results. First, and arising from the intergenerational interaction, it is optimal to introduce a pay to the young generation when in duty even by resorting to a distortive tax. Second, when optimizing the size of the army, the optimal choice between the draft army and the professional army depends on the risk class of the country. A security gradient arises. Third, the choice is linked to the size and the quality of the reserve generated by the two approaches.; (AN 45242854)
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3.

The Economic Effect of Military Facility Contraction: A Naval Case Study by Asteris, Michael; Clark, David; Jaffry, Shabbar. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p268-293, 26p; Abstract: The global financial turmoil of 2008 has resulted in the curtailment of military expenditure in most western countries. At a sub-regional-level reductions in the level of activity at a major military facility can have significant economic impact. In the light of this, the paper has two objectives: to analyse the impact of the decision to terminate naval shipbuilding at the United Kingdom’s Portsmouth Naval Base; and, for illustrative purposes, to examine the possible economic consequences of further contraction at the facility. In pursuit of these aims, it is necessary to establish the output, income and employment generated by the base using a bespoke input–output model. The methodology employed can, with appropriate adjustments, be utilised in other military or civilian contexts.; (AN 45242852)
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4.

The Regional Economic Effects of Military Base Realignments and Closures by Lee, Jim. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p294-311, 18p; Abstract: This paper empirically investigates the impact of military base realignments and closures on regional economic activity in light of the 2005 round of Base Realignment and Closure actions. Baseline regressions with county-level data show employment multipliers comparable to those generated from conventional input–output models. However, controlling for possible endogeneity and other regional-specific factors, regressions indicate more tenuous results for spillover effects from the military to the private sector. Only the contractor type of base employment generated economically and statistically meaningful impacts on local employment. In addition, there is strong evidence of asymmetric effects between military buildups and drawdowns.; (AN 45242853)
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5.

Why do they serve? Changes and differences in motives of Danish soldiers deployed to peace-keeping and peace-enforcing missions by Lyk-Jensen, Stéphanie Vincent; Glad, Ane. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p312-334, 23p; Abstract: This paper investigates what motivates young people to volunteer for peace-keeping or peace-enforcing missions and how their motives change between pre- and post-deployment. Data include information about social and military background, and motives for more than 600 soldiers, 444 of whom answered the survey both before and after deployment. Soldiers are deployed to different missions under the same circumstances. To conceptualize motives among soldiers, we use factor analysis and find three factors: challenge, self-benefit, and fidelity. Challengerepresents an occupational orientation; fidelity, an institutional orientation; and self-benefit, a desire for adventure. Exploiting the within-subject design of our data, we find that pre- and post-deployment motives vary significantly according to the type of mission and soldiers’ previous experiences (first-timers or experienced soldiers). Our results suggest that after the mission, peace-keepers are generally more disappointed than peace-enforcers. Our results also show that self-benefitmotives are important for younger soldiers with only a high school education, and that this group usually serves as peace-enforcers during their gap year.; (AN 45242851)
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6.

War for profit: English corsairs, institutions and decentralised strategy by Kyriazis, Nicholas; Metaxas, Theodore; Economou, Emmanouil M. L.. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p335-351, 17p; Abstract: In this study, we propose that in states with relatively weak central authorities, decision-makers had to develop market-oriented organisation solutions to successfully face a grave external threat, and these solutions proved to be efficient. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines institutional theory, history and strategy, we analyse a case study, the use of corsairs (privateers) by England in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. We have found that the development of partnership companies went hand in hand for commercial and military purposes. English privateers proved to be economically efficient and superior to the centrally planned war operations of the Spanish empire.; (AN 45242850)
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7.

An Economic Analysis of Conflicts. With an Application to the Greek Civil War 1946–1949 by Zouboulakis, Michel S.. Defence and Peace Economics, April 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 3 p352-354, 3p; (AN 45242855)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 18, no. 2, April 2018

Record

Results

1.

Surrogate warfare: the art of war in the 21st century? by Krieg, Andreas; Rickli, Jean-Marc. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p113-130, 18p; Abstract: AbstractAirpower, drones and cyber-weapons are employed by states in conjunction with local armed non-state actors in an effort to coercively intervene in the crises of the twenty-first century. While the externalization of the burden of warfare is a return to pre-modern war, it is the change in the underlying socio-political relations between the state and its military agent that is a novel phenomenon in surrogate warfare. This article demonstrates that in a post-Westphalian era characterized by non-state violence, globalized conflicts, a prioritization of risk management in a mediatized environment, the state has to explore new ways to remain relevant as the primary communal security provider. Thereby, the organization of violence has departed from the employment of the state’s soldier as the primary bearer of the burden of warfare to a mode of war where technological and human surrogates enable the state to manage the risks of post-modern conflict remotely. In this article, we conceptually explore surrogate warfare as a socio-political phenomenon within the context of globalized, privatized, securitized and mediatized war.; (AN 45448935)
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2.

Intellectual spring cleaning: it’s time for a military “Do Not Read” list; and some sources that should be on that list by Jackson, Aaron P.; Zweibelson, Ben; Simonds, William. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p131-146, 16p; Abstract: AbstractMilitary reading lists, intended to promote professional reading and in turn enhance education and develop critical thinking skills and sound judgement, recommend key texts to military personnel. This is a noble intent but the lists themselves, while generally good, are not flawless. Critiques of military reading lists often focus on what sources they are missing. This article offers its own critique but from a different perspective. It does so by analysing why some sources, which have become outdated, are based on faulty or incomplete research, have been thoroughly disproven, or some combination of the above, nevertheless linger on military reading lists. It then offers a short list of such sources, which it recommends be either removed from existing reading lists or accompanied by other sources that place the original source in appropriate historical context. Where applicable, it also recommends alternative sources that provide insights into the same subject matter. In so doing, this article is intended generate debate and to assist militaries to achieve a better balance between evaluation, induction and retention of valid knowledge on one hand, and rejection of outdated or flawed knowledge on the other.; (AN 45448934)
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3.

A nation-in-the-making, in arms: control of force, strategy and the Ukrainian Volunteer Battalions by Käihkö, Ilmari. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p147-166, 20p; Abstract: AbstractAt the core of waging war and strategy is the creation, control and use of force. This article investigates the volunteer battalions that mobilized in Ukraine during the spring of 2014. It contextualizes the volunteer phenomenon and focuses on the state strategies to establish control over these militias. As ambiguous entities arising from a situation characterized by rapid social change – revolution and war – the volunteer battalions threatened existing hierarchies and questioned state authority. The situation was exacerbated by the war, which deviated from the expectations of Ukrainian combatants and Western military observers alike. The state nevertheless enjoyed a modicum of success in reining in the militias through four strategies of undermining, co-option, incorporation and coercion. While predominantly integrated into a more rigid category of paramilitary forces, the volunteers continue to play a role in both the Ukrainian society and security sector to the unforeseeable future.; (AN 45448939)
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4.

Another manifestation of cyber conflict: attaining military objectives through cyber avenues of approach by Fasana, Kenton G.. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p167-187, 21p; Abstract: AbstractCyberspace is an avenue of approach through which a military force can attain objectives of value. Through these cyber avenues of approach, military forces can engage, vet, organize, and direct human agents to accomplish specific activities. Although the objectives of these activities could differ from traditional military objectives, they still have military relevance. This particular manifestation of cyber conflict is neither a new domain of war nor something outside of warfare. Rather, it can be viewed as an emerging avenue of approach in the larger context of military operations, auguring benefits in the integration of cyber activities with operations.; (AN 45448938)
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5.

South African defence policy: the rationale and impact of the SANDF’s primary role and conventional force design by Jordaan, Evert. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p188-206, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2015 South African Defence Review set out to reverse the deterioration of South African National Defence Force (SANDF) capabilities. Within the South African Department of Defence (DOD) this deterioration is expressed mainly in terms of a decreasing defence budget, subsequent declining conventional capabilities and obsolete prime mission equipment. Contemporary research and defence expert debates on this theme, point out the disjuncture between policy ends and the available means, with scepticism for an increased defence budget given the DOD’s lack of internal reform and strategy adjustment. One question that remains largely unanswered in the literature regarding the decline of the SANDF, is why both the policy-makers and the SANDF have remained focused on the primary role of the military (defending territorial integrity) accompanied with an unaffordable conventional force design? This question relates to the aim of this paper and is explored by revisiting initial defence policy decisions and compromises that were made in the 1990s. It is argued that the primary role of the SANDF and its conventional force design suited the interests of both the politicians and the military, but that the drawbacks thereof have harshly caught up with the DOD.; (AN 45448936)
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6.

Through military lenses. Perception of security threats and jointness in the Italian Air Force by Moro, Francesco N.; Cicchi, Lorenzo; Coticchia, Fabrizio. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p207-228, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe article explores Italian Air Force (ITAF) officers’ perceptions of military transformation and of changes in the global security environment. While several studies have addressed the challenges faced by European armed forces in the last two decades, the methods used have been rather uniform, mostly relying on in-depth case studies through qualitative interviews and analysis of strategic documents and budgets. Using data from an original, and unique, survey conducted among ITAF captains (N = 286), this article focuses on servicemen’s attitudes towards the transformations of the global security environment and the changes occurring (and needed) within the Italian Air Force. After describing the “military view” on these topics, the article provides preliminary statistical evidence on the links between individual experiences, views, and change. The research aims to contribute to the broader debate on military transformation by adding a novel dimension of analysis and providing new insights on the micro-level aspects of learning.; (AN 45448937)
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7.

NATO options and dilemmas for deterring Russia in the Baltic States by Veebel, Viljar. Defence Studies, April 2018, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p229-251, 23p; Abstract: AbstractAccording to the NATO’s collective defence strategy and the principle of deterrence, “no one should doubt NATO’s resolve if the security of any of its members were to be threatened”. In this sense, credible deterrence acts as a guarantee for peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. However, recent events in Ukraine and Georgia have revealed the potential weaknesses of the current deterrence models. Without any overt fear of retaliation, we have seen Russia’s aggressive steps towards its neighbours, which were planned and executed with great sophistication, initiative, agility and decisiveness. Although contrary to Ukraine and Georgia which are not the members of the Alliance, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are granted security guarantees in the NATO framework, the Baltic countries clearly constitute Russia’s point of contact with NATO and are, therefore, also subject to the interests of Russia to test mutual capabilities and commitment, and to send strategic messages to the Alliance. In this context, the article aims to assess how credible is the deterrence posture provided by NATO in avoiding potential aggression on the part of Russia against the Baltic countries.; (AN 45448940)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p289-291, 3p; (AN 44013793)
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2.

The danger of “hybrid warfare” from a sophisticated adversary: the Russian “hybridity” in the Ukrainian conflict by Veljovski, Gjorgji; Taneski, Nenad; Dojchinovski, Metodija. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p292-307, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe term “hybrid warfare” is a new one that the West began to use to explain its failure to cope with asymmetric threats. Focusing on the war on global terrorism, the West temporarily withdrew its attention from traditional adversaries, such as Russia, which has used this gap and has audaciously returned to the stage as a global actor. Until the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and inflaming the Ukrainian crisis, most Western authors attributed “hybrid threats” mostly to non-state actors. But the Ukrainian scenario showed the true face of “hybridity” in the modern battlefield when practised by a powerful state actor. Russian “hybrid warfare” in Ukraine has already been seen as a combination of conventional and unconventional methods, that have been complemented with other instruments of national power – diplomatic, economic and information. The purpose of this article is, through an analysis of the Ukrainian scenario, to demonstrate that although the term “hybrid” is new, the concept itself is old and is a continuation of already seen doctrine from the Cold War era. Although “hybrid threats” can come both from state and non-state actors, the Russian interference in Ukraine is proof that they are especially dangerous for the West if, or when, they are initiated from a traditional, sophisticated adversary that has the capacity to use all forms of warfare.; (AN 44013791)
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3.

Turkey’s imperial legacy and the conflict potential in the Balkans by Bebler, Anton. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p308-319, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTurkey is the only Eurasian state surrounded in almost a full circle by acute hot or “frozen conflicts,” ranging from low-intensity violence, terrorism to fully fledged wars. The prevailing pattern of intercommunal and interethnic conflicts in the continental Balkans and on Cyprus has long been different from those in the rest of Europe and in the Near East. This difference is closely related to the fact that these lands had experienced in the past centuries-long rule by the Ottoman Empire, whose legal successor is the Republic of Turkey. The intercommunal conflict potential in the rest of Europe used to differ substantially, but the difference has been greatly reduced as Western Europe has, in one respect, become “balkanized.”; (AN 44013792)
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4.

The politics of renewed quest for a Biafra Republic in Nigeria by Johnson, Idowu; Olaniyan, Azeez. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p320-332, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe quest for a Biafran Republic by the Igbo ethnic group has become a recurring demand in Nigeria since the late 1960s. The agitation has been premised on claims of marginalisation and exclusion of the Igbo people in the Nigerian body politic. In spite of the consistency of the agitation through various Administrations, there was a noticeable lull in such demands during the time of President Goodluck Jonathan, only to assume a frightening proportion since the advent of the Administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. This article locates the factors in the outcomes of the 2015 general elections: the question of inclusion and representation; the unfinished nature of the Nigerian civil war; economic challenges, miscalculation both on the part of the Igbo people and indiscretion in the initial appointments made by President Muhammadu Buhari. The article recommends political restructuring of Nigeria as one of the ways to address secessionist tendencies.; (AN 44013790)
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5.

Perspectives for the development of key industrial capabilities for Canada’s defence sector by Cimon, Yan. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p333-346, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith the Canada First Defence Strategy, Canada has put forth a major opportunity to reconcile national security imperatives and industrial policy. The Jenkins Report (2013) set out to examine ways to use that procurement effort to foster key industrial capabilities (KICs) that would put the Canadian defence industry at an advantage both nationally and internationally. The Canadian defence industry should then develop highly focused capabilities with a view to moving up global value chains. As such, KICs that hold the best potential should be selected. They should be sustained through a range of strategies that are however contingent on the elimination of policy gaps. This leads to a balancing act between the need to control intellectual property assets versus accessing them in a world where national boundaries are eroded. Canada’s industry should target opportunities outside North America while continuing to focus on better integration with the North American industry.; (AN 44013795)
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6.

Threats and civil–military relations: explaining Singapore’s “trickle down” military innovation by Laksmana, Evan A.. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p347-365, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explains why Singapore, despite its small size and semi-authoritarian regime, retains one of the best military forces in the Indo-Pacific. It unpacks Singapore’s ability to continuously innovate since the 1960s – technologically, organizationally, and conceptually – and even recently joined the Revolution in Military Affairs bandwagon. Drawing from the broader military innovation studies literature, this article argues evolutionary peacetime military innovation is more likely to occur in a state with a unified civil–military relation and whose military faces a high-level diverse set of threats. This argument explains how the civil–military fusion under the People’s Action Party-led government since Singapore’s founding moment has been providing coherent and consistent strategic guidance, political support, and financial capital, allowing the Singapore Armed Forces to continuously innovate in response to high levels and diversity of threats.; (AN 44013797)
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7.

NATO’s push into the Caucasus: geopolitical flashpoints and limits for expansion by Antonopoulos, Paul; Velez, Renato; Cottle, Drew. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p366-379, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Caucasus has been a major flashpoint of contention between NATO and a resurgent Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The rivalry saw the escalation of hostility in the region during the brief 2008 Russo-Georgian War where a NATO-backed Georgia challenged South Ossetia supported by the Russian military. In 2011, NATO officially recognised Georgia as a potential member, challenging Russia’s traditional sphere of influence in the Caucasus. Moscow says the Eastward expansion of NATO into the Baltics and to include Georgia as a member state is a method of containing a resurgent Russia. However, the former Soviet Republics of Ukraine, the Baltics and Georgia, maintain that Russia represents a threat to their sovereignty, as seen by the Russian support of the breakaway unrecognised Republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. A hostile rivalry between the Russian-backed Armenia and Azerbaijan, which is reliant upon NATO-member Turkey, intensifies the polarisation in the Caucasus.; (AN 44013798)
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8.

The art of meddling: a theoretical, strategic and historical analysis of non-official covers for clandestine Humint by Musco, Stefano. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p380-394, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe building of reliable covers has always been of the utmost importance for clandestine Humint. Using both primary and secondary sources, this study seeks to examine how classical authors and modern scholars have dealt with this topic, and which kind of covers have been the most used throughout history in different sociopolitical contexts, and what are the new perspectives for today’s challenges. Findings suggest that a careful reading of the political milieu in which intelligence officers are required to work, and a certain degree of creativity, are the essential premises for the construction of a plausible cover; that some apparently outdated disguises such as merchants, itinerant monks and philosophers should be understood more broadly today to include business people, humanitarian NGOs and academics; that undercover practices have been theoretically and historically recognized as necessary and convenient by a great number of societies, often with scant regard for ethical considerations.; (AN 44013794)
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9.

Editorial board Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 44013799)
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10.

RETRACTED ARTICLE: Boko Haram “Jama'atu Ahlus-Sunnah Lidda'Awati Wal Jihad” in North-eastern Nigeria: implications for Sub-Saharan African peace and security by Bamidele, Oluwaseun. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 piii-xiv, 12p; (AN 44013796)
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15

Democratization
Volume 25, no. 5, July 2018

Record

Results

1.

The defence of territory and local struggle for more democracy in post-war Guatemala by Illmer, Patrick. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p771-786, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTwenty years since the signing of the Peace Accords, shifts have taken place in Guatemala’s landscape of collective struggles for democracy. Instead of the historical peasant movements or the civil society organizations based in Guatemala City that dominated collective action in the context of the Accords, over the past decade local, rural nodes of resistance to neo-liberal policies have consolidated as the most sustained attempts to instil a democratizing impetus. In the context of Guatemala’s post-war state, captured by legal and illegal elite factions, this rural agency is directed primarily towards the municipal and community level. It is framed around the defence of territory and emerges on the basis of local meanings and practices. By analysing the case of an organizational process promoted by indigenous communities in Guatemala’s northern highlands, I argue for paying attention to these organizational patterns despite their limited geographical projection. I derive the importance of this collective agency from their attempts to transcend a purely antagonistic stance by reconfiguring local political interactions and making their immediate surroundings more democratic.; (AN 45326966)
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2.

Rethinking the Tunisian miracle: a party politics view by Yardımcı-Geyikçi, Şebnem; Tür, Özlem. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p787-803, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFive years on from the Tunisian revolution, Tunisia stands as the sole success story of the Arab Spring. The country since then has managed to adopt a pluralist and democratic constitution, and held three free and fair elections. Accordingly, in the eyes of several observers, Tunisia is now in the process of consolidating its new democracy. However, the reality on the ground seems much gloomier, as most recent opinion surveys suggest that there is a significant degree of dissatisfaction, not only with political parties and Parliament but also with the very institution of democracy. Nevertheless, what accounts for this change? After the collapse of the long-lasting and oppressive Ben Ali regime, how, just in five years, has Tunisians’ confidence in the democratic process changed? This article accounts for this state of affairs from a party politics view, arguing that political parties, which are the main protagonists of the consolidation process, fail to fulfill their role of acquiring legitimacy for the new regime. While party–state relations seem to be stabilized due to the inclusiveness of the constitution-making process, both inter-party relationships and the relationship between parties and society suffer from numerous flaws which, in turn, hamper the democratic consolidation process.; (AN 45326967)
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3.

Weak states and uneven pluralism: lessons from Mali and Kyrgyzstan by Bleck, Jaimie; Logvinenko, Igor. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p804-823, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWe argue that certain important democratic practices and elements of pluralism are lasting features of political systems in many poor countries. Because of state weakness, such arrangements work to the benefit of both elites and citizens. The broader citizenry and civil society enjoy significant political freedoms and greater access to foreign aid. Elites tolerate these limited civil liberties and regular elections because they produce few costly consequences due to state incapacity. We evaluate this theory of ‘uneven pluralism’ in poor countries using evidence from a paired comparison of Mali and Kyrgyzstan. These two countries have experienced significant political turbulence, but on balance have shown a persistent and robust commitment to a free press, transparent elections, and respect for freedom of association. Our theory suggests that uneven pluralism is likely to continue in countries like Mali and Kyrgyzstan, even as significant limits on judicial independence, persistent corruption, and lack of government transparency make democratic consolidation unlikely.; (AN 45326968)
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4.

Does ethnic voting harm democracy? by Houle, Christian. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p824-842, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA large literature argues that ethnic voting is detrimental to democracy. Ethnic voting may have at least three effects: (1) it can reduce uncertainty over electoral results; (2) it may increase the winner-take-all character of elections; and (3) it can lead to a process of ethnic outbidding. However, few studies have tested the effect of ethnic voting on democracy using large-N quantitative analysis. Previous tests instead look at whether ethnic fractionalization hinders democracy. Yet, ethnic diversity does not necessarily lead to the politicization of ethnicity, and it is only when ethnicity is activated as a vehicle of political mobilization that it can destabilize democracy. This article tests the effect of ethnic voting in 58 democracies worldwide between 1992 and 2015. On balance, the evidence suggests that democracies with high ethnic voting levels tend to see the quality of their democracy reduce over time relative to those with less ethnic voting. Ethnic and religious fractionalization, however, have little effect.; (AN 45326971)
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5.

Democratization in clan-based societies: explaining the Mongolian anomaly by Aagaard Seeberg, Michael. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p843-863, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMongolia is a long-standing democratic anomaly – a democracy in a clan-based society – that is rarely discussed in research. This article addresses the question, why did Mongolia and the Central Asian countries embark upon markedly different regime trajectories following 70 years of Soviet rule? I argue that the prospects of democracy were shaped by a complex relationship between clan-based traditional authority structures, social relations based on nomadism and the style of Soviet rule. In Mongolia, Soviet authorities carefully enforced collectivization across kin groups and provided all necessary public goods to citizens, effectively dismantling clan-based authority structures. This process unintendedly fortified nomadic social relations that enabled re-emergent elements of opposition and forces in civil society to fill the void of authority generated by the Soviet collapse and to use this counterweight to state power to push for competitive politics. In contrast, the Soviet authorities’ “divide and rule” with clans in Kyrgyzstan reproduced clans that easily took on a dominant role on the eve of the Soviet breakdown and filled the void of authority by placing themselves at the apex of political power providing welfare services and political order. This placed Kyrgyzstan on the path to a post-communist non-democracy.; (AN 45326970)
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6.

Letting “the people(s)” decide: peace referendums and power-sharing settlements by McEvoy, Joanne. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p864-881, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReferendums have been used to legitimate power-sharing settlements in deeply divided societies transitioning from conflict. This article assesses the capacity of referendum rules to facilitate the “voice” of multiple groups or “peoples” in the decision to share power as a “constitutional moment.” Drawing on the constitutional referendums in Northern Ireland in 1998 and Iraq in 2005, the author demonstrates that referendum rules matter in highlighting the variable degrees of support for the elite-negotiated deal on the part of the contending groups. The institutional design process prior to the referendum is crucial for incentivising groups to support the settlement, particularly the previously dominant group. When faced with a choice between a simple majority threshold and countermajoritarian procedures, majoritarianism is appropriate only in so far as the main groups see their constitutional preferences satisfied and concurrent majorities can be secured. A qualified majority referendum threshold to protect a minority group is appropriate for divided states where the groups are regionally concentrated and when the groups agree to such rules. Important for the legitimation of power-sharing, referendums highlight the likely variable extent of approval on the part of the main groups, necessitating ongoing efforts to foster public support for the deal.; (AN 45326969)
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7.

How authoritarian rulers seek to legitimize repression: framing mass killings in Egypt and Uzbekistan by Edel, Mirjam; Josua, Maria. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p882-900, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do authoritarian rulers legitimate repressive actions against their own citizens? Although most research depicts repression and legitimation as opposed strategies of political rule, justified coercion against some groups may generate legitimacy in the eyes of other parts of the population. Building upon this suggested link between legitimation and repression, this article studies the justifications of mass killings. To this end, framing theory is combined with recent research on the domestic and international dimensions of authoritarian rule. We contend that frames are directed towards specific audiences at home and abroad. Moreover, given the common threats at the global level and the diffusion of repressive tactics, we assume that learning processes influence discursive justifications of repression in authoritarian regimes. We provide an analysis of government rhetoric by comparing the protest crackdowns of Rabi’a ‘Adawiya Square in Egypt and Fergana Valley in Uzbekistan, taking into account the audiences and the sources of the frames that justify repression. In both cases, we find the terrorism frame to emerge as dominant.; (AN 45326974)
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8.

Wolves in sheep clothing or victims of times? Discussing the immoderation of incumbent Islamic parties in Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia by Kirdiş, Esen. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p901-918, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article discusses the “immoderation” of incumbent Islamic parties – defined by the pursuit of a moral agenda and by an unwillingness to compromise with the opposition – through a comparative study of four incumbent Islamic parties in the socio-politically different regimes of Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia. Building on literature from religion and politics, social psychology, sociology of religion, and on the inclusion-moderation hypothesis, this study argues that (1) Islamic parties’ strong organizations resulted both in their success and in the absence of internal pluralism and that (2) their dominant status in the party system consolidated their majoritarian understanding of democracy. Through its discussion of “immoderation” this study aims to contribute to the interdisciplinary literature on religion and politics.; (AN 45326972)
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9.

Why do authoritarian regimes adopt bicameralism? Cooptation, control, and masking controversial reforms by Baturo, Alexander; Elgie, Robert. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p919-937, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe adoption of bicameralism in the world is increasingly an authoritarian phenomenon: while the percentage of bicameral democracies is in decline, there has been a steady increase in bicameral non-democracies. What makes non-democracies turn to bicameralism? We argue that bicameralism may serve as a means of post-conflict reconciliation or control of the legislature when the opposition gains seats in the lower chamber. We also propose a novel explanation whereby the introduction of bicameralism helps to mask a set of more controversial constitutional reforms. Drawing on a new dataset on second chambers from 1945 to 2016, we find that bicameralism is more likely to be adopted during years when formal presidential term limits are in place or when leaders are in their last term. This is because bicameralism is often a by-product of broad institutional reform that assists in justifying and legitimating the need for constitutional revision and in masking the extension of presidential term limits. The findings improve our understanding of institutions and institutional origins in dictatorships.; (AN 45326973)
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10.

Securing the sacred. Religion, national security, and the Western State by Robert Bosco, Ann Arbor by Haynes, Jeffrey. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p938-939, 2p; (AN 45326977)
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11.

Ethnic politics and state power in Africa. The logic of the coup-civil war trap by Philip Roessler by Elischer, Sebastian. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p940-941, 2p; (AN 45326976)
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12.

The revolution before the revolution. Late authoritarianism and student protest in Portugal by Guya Accornero by Kornetis, Kostis. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p941-943, 3p; (AN 45326975)
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13.

Democracy and the nature of American influence in Iran, 1941–1979 by David R. Collier by Povey, Tara. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p943-945, 3p; (AN 45326981)
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14.

Democracy and its discontents in Latin America edited by Joe Foweraker and Dolores Trevizo by Palestini, Stefano. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p945-947, 3p; (AN 45326978)
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15.

The politics of corruption in dictatorships by Vineeta Yadav and Bumba Mukherjee by Dvorak, Jaroslav. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p947-948, 2p; (AN 45326980)
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16.

Intermediation and representation in Latin America: actors and roles beyond elections edited by Gisela Zaremberg, Valeria Guarneros-Meza and Adrian Gurza Lavalle by Welp, Yanina. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p949-950, 2p; (AN 45326979)
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17.

Climate crisis and the democratic prospect: participatory governance in sustainable communities by Frank Fischer by O'Brien, Thomas. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p951-952, 2p; (AN 45326982)
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18.

The Quality of Democracy in Africa: Opposition Competitiveness Rooted in Legacies of Cleavages by Jonathan van Eerd by Demarest, Leila. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p952-954, 3p; (AN 45326984)
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19.

Research handbook on transitional justice edited by Cheryl Lawther, Luke Moffett, and Dov Jacobs by Greenstein, Claire. Democratization, July 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 5 p954-956, 3p; (AN 45326983)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Same but Different: “Re-understanding” Elections in Contemporary Post-Soviet Space by Nizhnikau, Ryhor; Bedford, Sofie. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p337-359, 23p; Abstract: Abstract: In this introductory essay, the co-editors of this special issue lay out the role of elections in the post-Soviet context.; (AN 43856416)
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2.

Guiding Voice to Exit: Elections of Sitz-Chairman in Moldova, Inc. by Nizhnikau, Ryhor. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p361-380, 20p; Abstract: Abstract: This article analyzes the presidential elections in Moldova in the context of domestic developments in the country between 2015 and 2017. It looks at how the regime consolidated its power in 2015–2016 and the role elections played in this process. First, the article conceptualizes the regime as a dual state and shows the takeover of the prerogative and normative states by a single ruling faction. Second, it studies how the prerogative state uses elections and societal cleavages to control its (potential) opponents and society. In particular, unlike in other cases of autocratic backsliding, the regime used the presidential elections to channel away widespread dissatisfaction and reinstate a collective action problem in society. As a result, although there are potential triggers for regime change, the Moldovan elections further strengthened the foundations of a new political regime in Moldova.; (AN 43856393)
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3.

“The Election Game:” Authoritarian Consolidation Processes in Belarus by Bedford, Sofie. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p381-405, 25p; Abstract: Abstract: Elections without content are characteristic of electoral authoritarianism. This article illustrates how the “election game” featuring “elections for the sake of elections” can contribute to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. It analyzes how Belarusian authorities’ “menu of manipulation” shaped both the discourse and “practice” of “politics” in favor of the current system. Using selective repression – targeting mainly those openly wanting to change the status quo, while allowing some controlled openness for individuals, as long as they refrain from “doing politics” – discouraged political activism and contributed to a negative perception of the “opposition” as a noisy sub-group of the population. Such developments reinforced a perception of organized politics in general, and elections in particular, as abstract, unattractive and irrelevant to most.; (AN 43856989)
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4.

Menus of Manipulation: Authoritarian Continuities in Central Asian Elections by Beacháin, Donnacha Ó; Kevlihan, Rob. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p407-434, 28p; Abstract: Abstract: This paper examines continuities, adaptions and innovations in elite electoral processes in Central Asian states between the Soviet and post-Soviet period. We argue that the authoritarian leaders of these states have utilized menus of manipulation developed during Soviet times to manage potentially challenging electoral processes, adapting these menus to changed circumstances, including the new reality of nominally pluralist political landscapes. The continuities highlighted by this analysis, particularly in the means used to manufacture implausibly high turnout figures and overwhelming vote shares for incumbents and ruling parties, illustrate patterns of autocratic governance practice in Central Asia and the continued relevance of Soviet legacies in understanding electoral processes in the region even more than 25 years after the end of the Soviet period.; (AN 43857303)
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5.

The Mechanism of Direct Democracy in Authoritarian Countries: The Case of the Constitutional Referendum in Azerbaijan by Dominioni, Samuele. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p435-453, 19p; Abstract: Abstract: This article investigates the reasons for the constitutional referendum held in Azerbaijan on September 26, 2016 and the functions that it played. It analyzes why President Ilham Aliyev opted to hold a referendum instead of using other tools to modify the Constitution and explores the implications of that referendum for the current rulers. Hence, by looking at how direct democracy instruments have been used in the past, the study provides a broad picture of the referendum’s significance for the development of the Azerbaijani regime. The research contributes to the literature on the use of instruments of direct democracy in nondemocratic contexts by providing insights on why and how these are applied by authoritarian rulers.; (AN 43856394)
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6.

Electoral Sources of Authoritarian Resilience in Russia: Varieties of Electoral Malpractice, 2007–2016 by Zavadskaya, Margarita; Grömping, Max; i Coma, Ferran Martinez. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p455-480, 26p; Abstract: Abstract: Elections do not always serve as instruments of democracy, but can successfully sustain modern forms of authoritarianism by maintaining political cooptation, signaling the regime’s invincibility, distributing rent among elites, and maintaining linkages with territorial communities. Russia exemplifies electoral practices adapted to the needs of authoritarian survival. Recent institutional reforms reflect the regime’s constant adjustment to emerging challenges. This study traces the evolution of the role of elections in Russia for ruling elites, the opposition, and parties. It argues that the information-gathering and co-optation functions of elections help sustain authoritarian rule, whereas insufficient co-optation and failure to signal regime strength may lead to anti-regime mobilization and weaken the regime. The study utilizes new data from an expert survey on electoral integrity and malpractice in Russia carried out immediately after the legislative elections to the State Duma in September 2016.; (AN 43856641)
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7.

Against the Stream: Political Opposition in the Russian Regions During the 2012–2016 Electoral Cycle by Semenov, Andrei. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p481-502, 22p; Abstract: Abstract: Political opposition in Russia has frequently been regarded as a “dying species.” Indeed, despite the wave of anti-governmental political mobilization in 2011–2012, United Russia increased its share of the vote from 49.3 percent in 2011 to 54.2 percent in 2016, as well as dramatically improving its position in the federal parliament by winning 203 of 225 single-member districts in the last elections. The anti-governmental mobilization of 2011–2012 may have temporarily opened the opportunity structure, but the political opposition faces growing pressure from the regime. Yet in certain subnational elections between 2012 and 2016, both systemic and non-systemic opposition groups have managed to survive and even oust incumbents. In this study, I examine the variation in regime-opposition interactions by analyzing the data on 84 regional elections between 2012 and 2016. I argue that there is a learning curve on the both sides of the contest: while incumbents rely heavily on access to state resources and actively manipulate the legal and political electoral framework, the opposition tries to exploit elite fractures and use organizational power to attract voters and entrench its position in the electoral arena.; (AN 43856787)
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8.

Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the “Russia Factor” by Kolstø, Pål; Blakkisrud, Helge. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p503-528, 26p; Abstract: Abstract: In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the “Russia factor.” We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria’s dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.; (AN 43856690)
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9.

Informal Governance & Electorate Perceptions in Hybrid Regimes: The 2016 Parliamentary Elections in Georgia by Lebanidze, Bidzina; Kakachia, Kornely. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p529-549, 21p; Abstract: Abstract: This paper explores the impact of two important informal leaders – former president Mikheil Saakashvili and former Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili – on recent parliamentary elections in Georgia. It is argued that informal governance has predominated in Georgia’s political system for a long time and that the interference of informal leaders in the 2016 parliamentary elections was the latest manifestation of this tendency. It is further contended that the electorate’s perceptions of the consequences of interference by informal leaders determined the outcome of the elections. Whereas the role of Bidzina Ivanishvili – the informal leader of the governing GD party – was perceived as undesirable yet necessary to stabilize political processes in the country, the active role played by Mikheil Saakashvili – the former president and exiled leader of the main opposition party – was assessed rather critically and contributed to handing the ruling GD party a somewhat unexpected easy win.; (AN 43856827)
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10.

Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p551-553, 3p; (AN 43856638)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 11, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Call for Paper by Ligon, Gina. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 45123997)
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2.

Letter from the Editorial Team Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p2-2, 1p; (AN 45123998)
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3.

The big, the bad, and the dangerous: public perceptions and terrorism by Avdan, Nazli; Webb, Clayton. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p3-25, 23p; Abstract: AbstractDoes coordination affect threat perceptions? The attacks in Paris and Brussels in 2015 and 2016 received a significant amount of attention in the media. The attacks were transnational, fatal, and perpetrated by the same group in western European countries. We argue that these are not the only features of the attacks that matter. The attacks involved coordination among teams of militants. This coordination signals sophistication. Sophistication amplifies threat perceptions independent of group reputation, fatality rate, or target location because sophistication suggests a greater capability to inflict harm. We provide experimental evidence of the relationship between coordination and threat perceptions. Our results contribute to a growing literature looking at the features of terrorist attacks and public perceptions of terrorism, and lay the groundwork for future research on the political and security consequences of coordinated terrorist attacks.; (AN 45123999)
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4.

The portrayal of drones in terrorist propaganda: a discourse analysis of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s Inspire by Lee Ludvigsen, Jan Andre. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p26-49, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThat drone warfare may cause “blowback” is a well-established argument – commonly used to contest drones’ effectiveness. One of the unintended consequences of drones includes the opportunity it provides terrorists who can use drones in their propaganda. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s e-magazine Inspire is demographically targeting Western Muslims, and aims to encourage to “homegrown” terrorism and/or recruitment of “foreign fighters.” This study examines how drone warfare is portrayed in Inspire, using a qualitative discourse analysis. It is found that the magazine, commonly portray drones as a failing policy that mainly causes civilian deaths and oppress Muslims. Drones are used to further polarize Inspire-readers and the USA, whereas drone warfare is portrayed as cowardly and inhumane. Overall, this portrayal may have implications for the overall effectiveness of drones.; (AN 45124000)
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5.

Unipolar politics and global peace: a structural explanation of the globalizing jihad by Ibrahimi, S. Yaqub. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p50-60, 11p; Abstract: AbstractFollowing the end of the cold war, the international system transformed from a bipolar to a unipolar system. Unipolarity is not peaceful. It has contributed to the generation of conflict-producing mechanisms and nonstate actors that have driven sovereign states in lengthy asymmetric wars. Drawing on IR debates on the “peacefulness” of the unipolar system, this paper investigates how unipolarity and unipolar policies contributed to the transformation of “domestic jihad” into “global jihadism” and the emergence of Jihadi-Salafi Groups (JSGs). By focussing on the emergence of these actors within the unipolarity context, this paper adds asymmetric warfare in scholarly debate on the peacefulness of the unipolar system which is conventionally approached from the “interstate warfare” perspective. The purpose of this paper is developing a structural explanation of the emergence and expansion of JSGs and their impact on global peace.; (AN 45124001)
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6.

A dangerous science: psychology in Al Qaeda’s words by Grace, Emma. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2018, Vol. 11 Issue: Number 1 p61-71, 11p; Abstract: AbstractTerrorist organizations’ use of psychology in analysing psychological issues in the everyday lives of their members and developing coping strategies has not been sufficiently investigated in the terrorism research. This qualitative study investigates Al Qaeda’s view of psychology, its analysis of psychological issues, and the utilization of coping strategies among terrorists. The study is based on 255 documents from the Bin Laden’s Bookshelf (Office of the Director of National Intelligence. [2015]. Bin Ladin’s Bookshelf. Retrieved from https://www.dni.gov/index.php/features/bin-laden-s-bookshelf) and Harmony database documents (The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point [CTC]. [2012]. Harmony program. Retrieved from https://ctc.usma.edu/programs-resources/harmony-program). The results indicate that Al Qaeda perceived psychology as a dangerous and important science. Psychological issues identified in this study include three types of suicide, depression, anxiety, security stress, diversity stress, and enforced idleness. Terrorists used both religious and secular coping strategies to overcome psychological issues. These findings can contribute to future research and counterterrorism efforts in understanding both the survivability and vulnerability of terrorists.; (AN 45124002)
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