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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 42, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Sanction Failure: Economic Growth, Defense Expenditures, and the Islamic Republic of Iran by McDonald, Bruce D.; Reitano, Vincent. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p635-654, 20p; Abstract: Political actors have assumed that economic sanctions hinder a nation’s stability by reducing its economic growth, though history has shown otherwise. One potential explanation for this phenomenon is that any decline in a growth is offset by the economic benefit they receive from a response of increased militarization. Using a defense-driven model, we test this explanation with data Iranian from 1959 to 2007. The findings show that economic sanctions have limited the development of Iran, but the influence of an increasing defense sector offsets the sanctions, suggesting sanctions may be ineffective due to the substitution effect from defense expenditures.; (AN 39916943)
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2.

Coping Styles and Combat Motivation During Operations: An IDF Case Study by Ben-Shalom, Uzi; Benbenisty, Yizhaq. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p655-674, 20p; Abstract: The characteristic challenges of combat lead military personnel to develop adaptive coping styles that are different from coping styles used in routine life. This contention is explored using data collected from Israel Defense Forces conscript and reserve soldiers during intense military operations. The results of this study support this claim, in particular concerning faith. Coping styles were also correlated with combat motivations and measures of positive and negative emotions. It seems that a well-adapted soldier may use unique coping styles that, although perhaps not understood by outsiders, can contribute to his capacity to carry out his undertakings. A better understanding of such a state of mind should prove valuable for military leaders and religious experts.; (AN 39916946)
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3.

Toward a Classification of Managing Religious Diversity in the Ranks: The Case of the Turkish and Israeli Armed Forces by Rosman, Elisheva. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p675-695, 21p; Abstract: Military establishments view religious soldiers with mixed feelings and must contend with the specific dilemmas these soldiers present. This article suggests what might influence the managing of religious diversity in the ranks, using the idea of dimensions of isolation. The more removed a military is from society, the more likely it is to utilize internal mechanisms when dealing with religious soldiers. The less removed it is from society, the more likely it will be to turn to external mediating mechanisms in this regard. Using three dimensions of isolation (physical, temporal, and psychological), this article discusses the treatment of religious troops in the Israeli and Turkish cases. After exploring what can be learned from these cases regarding the accommodation of religious soldiers, the article concludes with some suggestions for future research.; (AN 39916944)
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4.

Learning From Others? Emulation and Change in the Italian Armed Forces Since 2001 by Coticchia, Fabrizio; Moro, Francesco Niccolò. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p696-718, 23p; Abstract: How does military change take place in states that are not able to develop autonomous solutions? How does transformation occur when limited resources are available? What are the “sources of military change” for armed forces that do not possess the (cognitive and material) resources that are essential for autonomous development? In articulating an answer to these questions, this article draws from the theoretical debate on interorganizational learning and looks at the mechanisms that drive “learning from others.” We argue that adaptation and organizational learning often had to look for, and then try and adapt, off-the-shelf solutions that required relatively more limited resources. Empirically, the article focuses on the Italian Armed Forces, which have rarely attracted scholarly attention, although it emerged from almost total lack of activity in the Cold War to extended deployments in the 2000s.; (AN 39916947)
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5.

Financial Dereliction of Duty: Are Charities That Aid Servicemen and Veterans Systematically Mismanaged? by Webb, Natalie J.; Abzug, Rikki. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p719-740, 22p; Abstract: Charity watchdogs and the media level serious allegations of mismanagement of funds at charities serving former and current members of the U.S. armed services, affecting service recipients, families, donors, grantors, foundations, and taxpayers. To examine these allegations, we use two approaches from the literature to assess nonprofit financial effectiveness: the organization’s ability to gain resources and to sustain activities. We mirror the approach of charity raters, whose measures are widely available to the public. Using GuideStar/Internal Revenue Service data, we compare fund-raising expenditures, assets, and financial sustainability of large national military and veterans nonprofits to a random sample of national nonprofits. We apply propensity score matching and compare organizations similar in size, age, and other factors. We find little difference between military and veterans charities and other nonprofits and provide an improved method for evaluating the financial health of nonprofits across academic discipline, nonprofit field of service, and within or among countries.; (AN 39916940)
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6.

U.S. Marines’ Attitudes Regarding Cross-Cultural Capabilities in Military Operations: A Research Note by Holmes-Eber, Paula; Tarzi, Erika; Maki, Basema. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p741-751, 11p; Abstract: Cross-cultural competence not only emphasizes building specific skill sets such as language proficiency or negotiation skills, but also on changing the military's attitudesto other cultures by emphasizing the value and importanceof cultural skills for successful military operations. In contrast to developing cultural skills, the task of shifting cultural attitudes is a far more complex process. Using empirical data from a survey of 2,406 Marines, this paper seeks to identify some of the social, demographic and experiential factors that influence military service members' attitudes to the value of culture in military operations. The authors found that of the demographic factors tested, only education and commissioning were positively related to attitudes. The greatest predictors were experiential factors: language skills, a multicultural background, travel experience and frequency of interaction with the local population during a previous deployment. Deployment alone was not a predictor. Cultural training was not related to attitudes, although satisfaction with the cultural training was a predictor of positive attitudes.; (AN 39916942)
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7.

Book Review: U.S. Army Psychiatry in the Vietnam War: New Challenges in Extended Counterinsurgency Warfare by Gal, Reuven. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p752-755, 4p; (AN 39916941)
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8.

Book Review: Living Legends and Full Agency: Implications of Repealing the Combat Exclusion Policy by Brownson, Connie. Armed Forces & Society, October 2016, Vol. 42 Issue: Number 4 p756-759, 4p; (AN 39916945)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 1, Janvier 2017

Record

Results

1.

Understanding Stalinism in, from and of Central Asia: beyond failure, peripherality and otherness by Kassymbekova, Botakoz. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; (AN 41063431)
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2.

‘Tajikistan’s Turksib’: infrastructure and improvisation in economic growth of the Vakhsh River valley by Reid, Patryk. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p19-36, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the paradoxically central role of a railroad in Soviet economic growth in southern Tajikistan’s Vakhsh River valley during the 1930s. Constructed as a secondary service road of the Vakhshstroi agro-industrial complex, it was not meant to support enterprises throughout the region. Because of the republic’s lack of roads, however, unrelated freightage operations gravitated to the Vakhsh Railroad and made it the unintended mediator of the developing geography of Soviet movement. By examining how the narrow gauge line was used in unplanned ways, I find that state building under Stalin was characterized by improvisation in labour and mobility. Furthermore, the material conditions of transportation limited the locations of economic possibility in unanticipated ways. This case demonstrates that studying the use of infrastructure can further historical understanding of causes, effects and chronologies of economic life in the Stalin era.; (AN 41063433)
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3.

A time for feasting? Autarky in the Tajik Ferghana Valley at war, 1941–45 by Roberts, Flora. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p37-54, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe well-established narrative of the Soviet Union’s victory in the Great Patriotic War emphasizes the enormous sacrifices that it entailed, and the extraordinary sufferings of both the Red Army and the entire civilian population. Throughout the war years, however, reports of lavish feasting and conspicuous consumption taking place on collective farms in northern Tajikistan continued to be submitted to Moscow. The ‘culprits’ were usually local Soviet officials, who appear to have reverted to traditional redistributive practices and modes of patronage. I argue that such acts of ‘anti-Soviet sabotage’ do not necessarily prove that Central Asians understood themselves as colonized subjects making the most of a temporary reprieve from state intrusion. The war in fact casts into sharp relief the extent to which many local officials of the Tajik SSR perceived themselves as loyal Soviet citizens – and as good Muslims, too.; (AN 41063434)
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4.

Recollections of collectivization in Uzbekistan: Stalinism and local activism by Kamp, Marianne; Zanca, Russell. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p55-72, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCollectivization of agriculture in Uzbekistan demanded the efforts of many local agitators who called on Uzbek dehqons to join kolkhozes, and who stimulated a local version of class warfare. In oral history interviews with those who experienced mass collectivization’s first moments, we find both the brutality of change imposed from above and a social transformation led by local Uzbek activists. We argue that Uzbek agitators allowed many dehqons to identify with this project to change rural land ownership, and that their offers of tangible benefits, such as advance payments for cotton crops and distribution of food, provided strong incentives for joining. Class rhetoric was important as activists divided the poor from the kulak and used threats of dekulakization, as well as incentives, to promote rapid collectivization.; (AN 41063435)
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5.

Stalinist spatial hierarchies: placing the Kazakhs and Kyrgyz in Soviet economic regionalization by Pianciola, Niccolò. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p73-92, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBased on research in Russian and Kazakhstani archives, this article investigates connections between policies of peasant colonization, the sedentarization of pastoral nomadic peoples, and the economic regionalization of the USSR. After analysing debates from the 1920s, and limited sedentarization among Kazakhs and Kyrgyz during collectivization, the article argues that only by focusing on the economic regionalization of Central Asia, which placed the Kazakhs and the Kyrgyz in two different economic regions with dissimilar priorities, is it possible to explain the radically different outcomes of early Stalinist policies for similar pastoral peoples. The increased central control brought by the Stalinist Great Turn created a new spatial hierarchy directly connecting the bottom of the Soviet social and spatial pyramid, the livestock-breeding regions, to its top, the elite regime cities. The exclusion of the Kyrgyz ASSR from the massive livestock procurements that fed the Soviet political and industrial centres, and which led to the great famine in Kazakhstan (1931–33), can be explained by early Stalinist economic regionalization.; (AN 41063438)
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6.

An unwanted dependence: Chechen and Ingush deportees and the development of state–citizen relations in late-Stalinist Kazakhstan (1944–1953) by Scarborough, Isaac. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p93-112, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBased on an analysis of the bureaucratic interactions between deported Chechen and Ingush ‘special settlers’ (spetspereselentsy) and local state institutions in late-Stalinist Kazakhstan (1944–1953), this article argues that the deportees’ acts of assimilation can be seen as representative of the contradictory dual relationship of victimization and dependence faced by the majority of Soviet citizens in one form or another during late Stalinism. Rather than an entirely peripheral and unusual case, moreover, this narrative of Chechen and Ingush assimilation in Kazakhstan may have important implications for the study of state–citizen relations throughout Central Asia and the whole of the USSR.; (AN 41063439)
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7.

Fatima Gabitova: repression, subjectivity and historical memory in Soviet Kazakhstan by Blackwood, Maria A.. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p113-130, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the personal papers of Fatima Gabitova, a writer and pedagogue who fell victim to Stalinist repression as a ‘wife of an enemy of the people’ in the Kazakh SSR. Gabitova’s life was in many ways extraordinary, and many of her experiences were hardly typical. Nevertheless, her exposure to Kazakhstan’s cultural and political elites and the rich textual archive she left behind provide a highly nuanced window into the lived experience of Stalinism in Kazakhstan. Her writings, which include journals, poetry, letters and memoiristic essays, reveal a highly articulated sense of self that was informed and influenced by the realities of life under Stalinism, but was not ultimately determined by the parameters of the Soviet system. Throughout her personal writings, Gabitova exhibits a complicated ambivalence towards the reality of Soviet rule that demonstrates the broader contradictions of Stalinism as a system that was at once repressive and participatory.; (AN 41063436)
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8.

Stalin’s rais: governance practices in a Central Asian kolkhoz by Abashin, Sergei. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p131-147, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article analyses governance practices in a Central Asian kolkhoz between the 1930s and early 1950s. It investigates the process of the kolkhoz’s construction, economic activities and structures of authority. Focusing on the figure of the kolkhoz chair (rais), the article scrutinizes the range of the rais’s duties and powers. By examining his relations with kolkhoz peasants, their strategies for instigating and resolving local conflicts, and their mechanisms for and the limitations on integrating his personal networks to gain authority, the article highlights the evolution of the political and social roles of the kolkhoz chair over the two decades between 1930s and 1950s. It argues that the transition of the raisfrom an insignificant to a powerful figure in the Soviet state was directly connected to the rise of the cotton industry in Tajikistan. The author proposes rethinking the period of Stalinism as dynamically evolving in diverse contexts, producing a variety of ‘Stalinisms’ which contradicted and amended each other.; (AN 41063437)
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9.

Power and purification: late-Stalinist repression in the Uzbek SSR by Hansen, Claus Bech. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p148-169, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the late-Stalinist waves of repression in the Uzbek SSR against the background of the legacy of World War II. Drawing on new archival evidence, the article shows how postwar conditions influenced the Stalin leadership’s decision to unleash repressive campaigns and how the specific circumstances in the Uzbek SSR influenced the course of the campaigns. The article argues, first, that the late-Stalinist purges in the Uzbek SSR were primarily directed by the regime’s desire to regain control over the production base but that the desire to overcome ‘backwardness’ remained a prominent goal. Second, the article argues that repression in the Uzbek SSR can be divided into two phases, underlying an intensifying dynamic due to central leadership intervention in Uzbek affairs. The first phase (1946–1949) focused primarily on the Uzbek intelligentsia; the second phase (1949–1953) intensified repression through party purges so as to ensure institutional functioning in party and state, which included measures to uproot patronage networks, overcome backward behaviour and establish party discipline.; (AN 41063441)
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10.

China and Central Asia in the post-Soviet era: a bilateral approach by Shaffer, Ryan. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p170-171, 2p; (AN 41063440)
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11.

Power, networks and violent conflict in Central Asia: a comparison of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan by Kerimov, Farhad. Central Asian Survey, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p171-173, 3p; (AN 41063443)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 226, no. 1, June 2016

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 226 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b10, 10p; (AN 39549622)
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2.

CQY volume 226 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f6, 6p; (AN 39549638)
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3.

Using Mao to Package Criminal Justice Discourse in 21st-century China by Trevaskes, Susan. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p299-318, 20p; Abstract: Abstract“Strike hard” anti-crime campaigns, “harmonious justice” and “stability maintenance” are the three key politically inspired agendas of crime control and punishment in 21st-century China. This paper is a study of how discourse has helped to package these agendas and to mobilize politico-legal functionaries into action. It examines discourse in the first weeks of the 2014 “people's war on terror” and the agendas of “harmonious justice” and “stability maintenance” in the Hu Jintao era. It finds that each has been rationalized and shaped by an understanding of the utility of punishment based on Mao's utilitarian dialectics. The political virtuosity of Mao's dialectics is that it can be adapted to suit any political situation. In understanding how Mao connects with criminal justice in China today, this paper identifies what is the “political” in “politico-legal” discourse in the fight against crime in the 21st century.; (AN 39549617)
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4.

Beyond Local Protectionism: China's State–Business Relations in the Last Two Decades by Wang, Yuhua. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p319-341, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article presents a large-scale, systematic study of politically connected firms in China. It was conducted by compiling a database of all the publicly traded firms in China in 1993, 2002 and 2012 that codes the biographies of hundreds of thousands of board members. I find that there has been a significant increase in the percentage of firms that are connected with the national government in the last 20 years. This casts doubt on a popular argument that businesses in China have primarily relied on “local protectionism.” I interpret this as a result of firms' need to connect with powerful and stable institutions. I test this by examining the impact of the fall of Chen Liangyu on firms in Shanghai.; (AN 39549621)
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5.

Local Politics, Local Citizenship? Socialized Governance in Contemporary China by Woodman, Sophia. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p342-362, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe demise of collective units that attach citizens to the state in China has been overstated; the hegemonic form of Chinese citizenship today links participation and welfare entitlement to membership in a collective unit in a specific locality. This article presents an ethnographic account of the operation of this “normal” form of local citizenship in resident and villager committees in Tianjin. These committees combine participatory and welfare dimensions of citizenship in one institutional setting. Here, citizens are bound to the state through a face-to-face politics that acts both as a mechanism of control and a channel for claims-making, a mode of rule I term “socialized governance,” which blurs the boundaries between political compliance and social conformity, and makes social norms a strong force in the citizenship order. While variably achieved in practice, this form of citizenship represents an ideal that shapes conditions for politics and perceptions of inequality.; (AN 39549637)
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6.

Street Politics: Street Vendors and Urban Governance in China by Hanser, Amy. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p363-382, 20p; Abstract: AbstractConflicts between urban street vendors and city regulators have become a common urban sight in Chinese cities today. This paper considers how visions of modern urban streets and sidewalks have helped to generate increasingly restrictive policies on street vending and spurred new forms of urban regulation and policing. While mostly an everyday routine of Chinese city life, the resulting vendor–chengguanconflicts dramatize state power in public and carry the latent danger of crowd violence in response. In particular, aggressive policing of highly visible city streets can at times produce a volatile “politics of the street” involving episodes of vendor resistance and even dramatic expressions of bystander solidarity which challenge these street-level expressions of state power.; (AN 39549642)
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7.

Street Politics in a Hybrid Regime: The Diffusion of Political Activism in Post-colonial Hong Kong by Cheng, Edmund W.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p383-406, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper examines the diffusion of activism in post-colonial Hong Kong through the lens of the political regime and eventful analysis. It first reveals the institutional foundations of the hybrid regime that allowed the creation of a nascent movement society. It then explains how the historic 1 July rally in 2003 and a series of critical events since 2006 have led to a shift in scale and the public staging of street politics. A time-series analysis and onsite survey further capture the dynamics that spawned the collective recognition of grievances and reduced participation costs, leading to the Umbrella Movement. While the spontaneous, voluntary and decentralized organizational structure sustained protest momentum, the regime has adopted hybrid strategies to counter-mobilize bottom-up activism. The result is widening contention between the state and civil society and within civil society, or the coexistence of regime instability and regime longevity, a trend that is increasingly common in hybrid regimes encountering mass protests.; (AN 39549612)
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8.

Moral Performance and Cultural Governance in China: The Compassionate Politics of Disasters by Xu, Bin. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p407-430, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the Chinese state's moral performance during several major disasters, including the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 1998 Yangtze River floods, and the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. Drawing on the theatrical theory of symbolic politics, I argue that the Sichuan earthquake marked a turn in the state's moral performance. While the Chinese state continued to project an image of a secure, heroic state, it endeavoured to construct a sympathetic image through leaders' displays of compassion and sorrow, a mourning ritual for ordinary victims, and narratives of response and rescue. This shift towards a more compassionate performance can be explained by the state's deployment of cultural resources to respond to societal challenges since the new millennium and its effort to repair its image amid the crises of 2008. The compassionate performance was temporarily effective because it found common ground with the traditional political culture of disaster, which still shapes the public's expectations of the state's moral conduct, and the new public culture that values equality and dignity of human life. Nevertheless, the political dilemmas of the compassionate performance became evident. Its efficacy largely relied on the presentation of suffering at the scene, which, however, led to public demands for the state to address the causes of the suffering. When the state failed to construct an “accountable state” image, this “dilemma of scene” had repercussions for its legitimacy. The efficacy of paternalism was also limited because it was less appealing to the growing urban middle class. By addressing moral performance, this paper contributes to the literature on politics of disaster and advances the important research agenda on cultural governance.; (AN 39549639)
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9.

The Labour Law System, Capitalist Hegemony and Class Politics in China by Hui, Elaine Sio-ieng. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p431-455, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis article investigates how the Chinese labour law system has helped to reproduce capitalist hegemony, i.e. the ethico-political, moral and cultural leadership of the ruling class. Based on intensive fieldwork in the Pearl River Delta and 115 interviews with migrant workers, this article shows that the labour law system has exercised a double hegemonic effect with regards to capital–labour relations and state–labour relations. Through normalizing, countervailing, concealing and transmuting mechanisms, the labour law system has been able to buffer both the market economy and the party-state from workers’ radical and fundamental criticism. However, the double hegemony mediated through the labour law system has influenced the Chinese migrant workers in an uneven manner: some of them have granted active consent to the ruling class leadership; some have only rendered passive consent; and some have refused to give any consent at all.; (AN 39549624)
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10.

Building the New Socialist Countryside: Tracking Public Policy and Public Opinion Changes in China by Stepan, Matthias; Han, Enze; Reeskens, Tim. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p456-476, 21p; Abstract: AbstractEver since the introduction of the national political programme of “Building a new socialist countryside” (BNSC) in the early 2000s, renewed focus has been cast on how the Chinese government manages the gap between its rural and urban areas in the new millennium. Previous research has mostly studied the social and political consequences of the BNSC initiative without paying particular attention to its effects on public opinion. In this article, we present an analysis of the 2002 and 2008 waves of the mainland China subset of the Asian Barometer. Our results show a significant shift in the perceptions of the rural population in respect to how much impact government policies have on daily life. This shift brings rural perceptions more in line with those of the urban population in 2002. The paper concludes with the implications of our findings for the study of the relations between public opinion and public policy in China.; (AN 39549610)
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11.

Using Religion to Resist Rural Dispossession: A Case Study of a Hui Muslim Community in North-west China by Luo, Qiangqiang; Andreas, Joel. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p477-498, 22p; Abstract: AbstractIn this paper, we examine the role played by religion in a struggle waged by Hui Muslim villagers against land expropriation. Religion can provide powerful resources for protest movements, especially for religious minorities, but it can also be dangerous. This is particularly true in China where the state has had little toleration of autonomous organization and has long been suspicious of religious organization, especially among ethnic minorities. Scholarly literature about collective action by religious minorities in China has focused on protests about cultural and political issues – and the repression of such protests – but there has been relatively little scholarship about protests by religious minorities over economic issues. The number of protests over economic conflicts has increased in recent years, and the state has been more tolerant of economic than of political protests. These conditions have shaped the following questions: what happens when villagers employ religious ideas and use religious organization to advance economic demands? How effective are religious ideas and organization as tools of mobilization? How do government authorities respond?; (AN 39549626)
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12.

Migration as Class-based Consumption: The Emigration of the Rich in Contemporary China by Liu-Farrer, Gracia. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p499-518, 20p; Abstract: AbstractLabelled as the third wave of migration out of post-reform China, the recent emigration of wealthy Chinese has attracted worldwide attention. Although this form of mobility involves primarily the richest 0.1 per cent of the Chinese population, the high profile of the people who move and the amount of wealth implied have made it a sensational social phenomenon. Through interviews, participant observation and media reports, this paper searches for the social meanings of this trend of emigration. Journalists generally attribute the exodus of the rich to a desire to secure their wealth, an aspiration for a different education for their children, or concerns with air pollution and food safety. What this paper argues is that underneath these stated motivations, emigration is in fact a form of class-based consumption, a strategy for class reproduction, and a way to convert economic resources into social status and prestige. “Emigration” (yimin), a form of mobility that may not entail settling abroad, is a path created by wealthy Chinese striving to be among the global elite.; (AN 39549613)
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13.

Filial Daughters? Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai by Shen, Yang. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p519-537, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIn China, continuous rural–urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible. This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants. Based on participant observation and interviewing, this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the representation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration. By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women, I demonstrate a complicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations, through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted.; (AN 39549625)
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14.

America's Debate over the Rise of China by Garver, John W.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p538-550, 13p; Abstract: The rapid growth of China's power combined with the intensification of rivalry between the United States and China over the past several years has triggered a re-thinking of US policy toward the rise of China. America's traditional policy of supporting China's rise as a rich, strong and peaceful country in hopes of building a cooperative and generally friendly relation with China over the long term, is being called into question. Critics charge that that traditional policy is backfiring, playing into Beijing's wiles and producing a China so powerful it could well become the greatest challenge to the United States in its history. Other analysts offer a less jaundiced view of China, but all manifest apprehension over whether China will use its growing power to challenge the US. Earlier iterations of a similar debate have come and gone, but the closing distance between US and Chinese military, economic and technological power has brought this debate much closer to the US mainstream. Indeed, one or two of these books may represent the mainstream of US thinking. Together, the four books lay out the topography of the US debate.; (AN 39549628)
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15.

Relationality and Its Chinese Characteristics by Kavalski, Emilian. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p551-559, 9p; Abstract: China's expanding outreach and diversifying roles have provided a novel context for the ongoing reconsiderations of world politics. As a result, inquiries into how China thinks and in what way its history and traditions inform the idiosyncrasies of China's international outlook have grown into a cottage industry both in International Relations (IR) and across the full spectrum of the humanities and social sciences. In this setting, Beijing's external relations draw attention both because of their agency and due to the specificities of China's individual engagements. What has remained overlooked, however, is that such preoccupation with China has been paralleled by the emergence of a relational turn in IR. One could argue that this is not a mere coincidence. Relationality in IR has become prominent not least because of its simultaneous appropriation by both the so-called Western and non-Western (especially, Chinese) perspectives on world affairs. In this respect, the three books under review seem to have a shared interest in interpreting China's growing significance on the world stage through such relational lenses. Together the three books under review illustrate vividly that the complex patterns of global life resonate with relationality and dynamism, rather than the static and spatial arrangements implicit in the fetishized currency of self-other/centre-periphery/hegemon-challenger models underpinning the binary metanarratives of IR.; (AN 39549634)
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16.

Book Review: China and the 21st Century Crisis by Lin, Chun. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p560-562, 3p; (AN 39549630)
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17.

Book Review: The Transformation of Governance in Rural China: Market, Finance, and Political Authority by Meyer-Clement, Elena. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p562-563, 2p; (AN 39549619)
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18.

Book Review: Globalization and Public Sector Reform in China by Chan, Hon S.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p563-565, 3p; (AN 39549643)
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19.

Book Review: Neo-socialist Property Rights: The Predicament of Housing Ownership in China by Logan, John R.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p565-567, 3p; (AN 39549631)
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20.

Book Review: PLA Influence on China's National Security Policymaking by Char, James. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p567-568, 2p; (AN 39549644)
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21.

Book Review: Diasporas and Foreign Direct Investment in China and India by Kennedy, Andrew B.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p569-570, 2p; (AN 39549609)
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22.

Book Review: Ethnic China: Identity, Assimilation, and Resistance by Kaup, Katherine Palmer. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p570-571, 2p; (AN 39549635)
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23.

Book Review: The Politics of Controlling Organized Crime in Greater China by Xia, Ming. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p571-573, 3p; (AN 39549618)
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24.

Book Review: Tigers without Teeth: The Pursuit of Justice in Contemporary China by Qiaoan, Runya. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p573-574, 2p; (AN 39549645)
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25.

Book Review: Urban Mobilizations and New Media in Contemporary China by Yuan, Elaine J.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p574-576, 3p; (AN 39549640)
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26.

Book Review: Queer Women in Urban China: An Ethnography by Kam, Lucetta Y. L.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p576-577, 2p; (AN 39549627)
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27.

Book Review: Class Work: Vocational Schools and China's Urban Youth by Müller, Armin. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p578-579, 2p; (AN 39549611)
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28.

Book Review: The Cultural Revolution at the Margins: Chinese Socialism in Crisis by Unger, Jonathan. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p579-581, 3p; (AN 39549636)
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29.

Book Review: Deng Xiaoping's Long War: The Military Conflict between China and Vietnam, 1979–1991 by Scobell, Andrew. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p581-582, 2p; (AN 39549632)
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30.

Book Review: A Great Undertaking: Mechanization and Social Change in a Late Imperial Chinese Coalmining Community by Thomson, Elspeth. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p582-583, 2p; (AN 39549616)
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31.

Book Review: The East is Black: Cold War China in the Black Radical Imagination by Khalfa, Jean. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p583-585, 3p; (AN 39549641)
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32.

Book Review: Managing Famine, Flood and Earthquake in China: Tianjin, 1958–85 by Brown, Jeremy. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p586-587, 2p; (AN 39549629)
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33.

Book Review: Revolutions as Organizational Change: The Communist Party and Peasant Communities in South China, 1924–1934 by Roux, Alain. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p587-588, 2p; (AN 39549615)
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34.

Book Review: Red God: Wei Baqun and his Peasant Revolution in Southern China, 1894–1932 by Bianco, Lucien. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p589-590, 2p; (AN 39549620)
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35.

Book Review: The Rise of Cantonese Opera by Ho, Virgil K.Y.. The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p591-592, 2p; (AN 39549633)
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36.

Books Received The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p593-596, 4p; (AN 39549614)
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37.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, June 2016, Vol. 226 Issue: Number 1 p597-598, 2p; (AN 39549623)
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38.

The China Quarterly by Edmonds, Richard Louis. The China Quarterly, March 2016, Vol. 225 Issue: Number 1 p268-269, 2p; (AN 38252148)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 18, no. 2, April 2016

Record

Results

1.

Understanding armed groups and party politics by Sindre, Gyda Marås; Söderström, Johanna. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p109-117, 9p; Abstract: AbstractPolitical parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function in politics after the transition has largely been ignored. This special issue examines armed groups in party politics, using single and comparative case studies. The introduction forwards five recommendations for future research: (1) We need to see more comparisons across taken for granted boundaries; (2) the consequences for democracy should figure more prominently in our analysis of armed groups; (3) think more critically about standards and conceptual tools; (4) critically examine the interaction between levels of analysis; and (5) methodological pluralism would enrich the field.; (AN 39677526)
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2.

Rebel politics and the state: between conflict and post-conflict, resistance and co-existence by Berti, Benedetta. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p118-136, 19p; Abstract: AbstractAn important factor shaping the rebel-to-political transition of armed movements in post-conflict settings pertains to the political identity these groups develop in wartime. This political identity is itself a multi-dimensional concept shaped not only by the political ideology, practices and institutions established by the rebel organisation, but also by the relationship with the state and its political institutions. Far from functioning in a vacuum or isolated, rebel groups, especially when operating as alternative providers of governance, build multi-layered networks of relations with the state, the pre-existing traditional society institutions as well as with other domestic and international political actors. The study focuses specifically on two complex armed groups, Hezbollah and Hamas, relying on primary sources as well as in-depth fieldwork on these groups’ socio-political institution (In this case field work refers to both in-depth direct observation of the groups’ social networks and political infrastructures as well direct interviews and meetings with key stakeholders involved in the administration of those activities. The time-frame for the field work spans between 2008 and 2013). The research tracks their multiple interactions with the state through grassroots activism, institutional politics and governance. Despite their considerable differences, at their cores, both organisations operate in a liminal space between open war and fragile post-conflict setting; between grassroots activism and institutional politics; between armed resistance and political accommodation; and between competition and cooperation with the state. As such, they represent useful starting points to begin deconstructing and problematising existing dichotomies still prevalent in studying both rebel governance and rebel-to-political transitions, including the binary state-non-state opposition. In doing so, the analysis highlights the importance of taking into account the often hybrid and multi-layered political legacies adopted by armed groups during wartime and their impact in shaping their political trajectories as well as the potential roles for these groups in post-conflict settings.; (AN 39677527)
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3.

Politics in the shadow of the gun: revisiting the literature on ‘Rebel-to-Party Transformations’ through the case of Burundi by Wittig, Katrin. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p137-159, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides a critical review of ‘rebel-to-party transformation’ scholarship. It shows how three flawed assumptions have underpinned much of the literature: (1) an ideal-typical differentiation between rebel group and political party as distinct by their use or rejection of violence; (2) the analysis of armed conflict as breakdown of ‘normal’ politics, and the study of ‘rebel-to-party conversions’ as a gradual, natural shift from violence back to politics; (3) a failure to integrate the study of rebel legacies into an examination of broader authoritarian legacies. These assumptions have clouded our understanding of politico-military organizations in conflict-torn societies, which combine social protest, armed rebellion, political violence, and party politics throughout their history. Drawing on the ‘no peace, no war’ and ‘armed politics’ paradigms, this article revisits these assumptions through the case of Burundi.; (AN 39677528)
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4.

Victorious rebels and postwar politics by Lyons, Terrence. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p160-174, 15p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do victorious rebels sometimes form powerful postwar political parties and other times collapse into weak, factionalized organizations? This paper examines cases of rebel victories in civil wars in Africa and traces the links between war duration, the extent of external intervention, and whether or not the war was fought in a compact area with the nature of the postwar political parties. It argues that protracted wars in confined territory with little external assistance have different organizational legacies than quick wars fought over expansive territory with significant international involvement. Four cases – Uganda, Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Libya – are used to illustrate the argument.; (AN 39677529)
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5.

Political capital of ruling parties after regime change: contrasting successful insurgencies to peaceful pro-democracy movements by Muriaas, Ragnhild L.; Rakner, Lise; Skage, Ingvild Aagedal. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p175-191, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe cases of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa and the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) in Zambia show major differences in the extent to which incoming ruling parties after a regime change build strong party systems. The ANC institutionalised a hegemonic party apparatus after coming to power, while the MMD did not. These differences, we contend, are related to the ANC’s history of a prolonged struggle that included violent conflict in contrast to the MMD’s peaceful pro-democracy campaign. Theorising this contrast provides a framework for investigating causes of different outcomes in party institutionalisation after regime change.; (AN 39677530)
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6.

In whose interests? Former rebel parties and ex-combatant interest group mobilisation in Aceh and East Timor by Sindre, Gyda Marås. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p192-213, 22p; Abstract: AbstractAn important factor shaping rebel-to-party transformations and post-conflict party governance pertains to how these groups relate to their former rank and file. While drawing on veterans of the war provides for stable source of support and organisational stability for the former rebel parties, ex-combatants may also pose challenges to such parties as they expect continued political influence, material rewards and social recognition for their contribution to the armed group. By identifying ex-combatants as a distinct interest group this argues that party-ex-combatant interaction directly shapes intra-party dynamics as well as policy formulation. Focusing on former rebel parties and ex-combatant interest group mobilisation in Aceh and East Timor, and this articles asks: How does rebel group mobilisation affect how former rebel parties mobilise political support? How do parties address and integrate demands made by ex-combatants?; (AN 39677531)
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7.

The resilient, the remobilized and the removed: party mobilization among former M19 combatants by Söderström, Johanna. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p214-233, 20p; Abstract: AbstractArmed groups often transform into political parties, which involves a profound transformation of the organizational culture. How these parties condition the continued political mobilization of their members is unclear. Using life history interviews with former combatants of the armed group M19 in Colombia, this article demonstrates what aspects of the party mobilize and stymie their political mobilization. Through exploring three typical political life paths – the Resilient, the Remobilizedand the Removed– this article demonstrates the long-term challenges of post-war politics, the role of the party, as well as the personal journey from (war and) peace to democracy.; (AN 39677532)
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8.

Political parties and citizen political involvement in post-conflict Burundi: between democratic claims and authoritarian tendencies by Alfieri, Valeria. Civil Wars, April 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 2 p234-253, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe aim of this article is to understand the socio-political evolutions in post-war Burundi, through the analysis of the individuals’ political mobilisation (both civilian and former combatants) and the dynamics of three party politics (Frodebu, Cndd-Fdd and Palipehutu-Fnl) in the aftermath of war. My purpose is to capture the viewpoint of individuals as party members, questioning how they get involved in politics, as well as to analyse how their partisan membership affects the political culture, the internal structure and the organisation of political parties. The article argues that mass violence (in 1972 and 1993) has engendered a political mobilisation process by drawing people into political life, encouraging the emergence of bottom-up democratic claims. The three political parties involved in this research have a different history, nature, development and position in the political chessboard which influenced the relationship between the leadership and the base, as well as their political attitudes.; (AN 39677534)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 16 , no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Reading the Cuban revolution from Bogotá, 1957–62 by Karl, Robert A.. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p337-358, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis article traces the evolution of Colombian responses to the early Cuban revolution. For the governing Liberal Party in particular, developments in Cuba only gradually came to be read in terms of the Cold War. Instead, Colombians primarily interpreted the revolution through the lens of their own recent post-authoritarian transition, as well as a commitment to inter-American diplomacy. Using Colombian, US, and UK government as well as press sources, the article challenges recent historiography on the Cold War in Latin America, to demonstrate how the Cold War was but one reading of Latin American politics in the era of the Cuban revolution.; (AN 40498148)
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2.

Re-examining the end of Mao’s revolution: China’s changing statecraft and Sino-American relations, 1973–1978 by Minami, Kazushi. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p359-375, 17p; Abstract: AbstractSynthesizing heretofore available Chinese sources, this article re-examines the long process of the end of China’s continuous revolution from 1973 to 1978, a transitional period insufficiently addressed by scholars. It explores China’s evolving statecraft in the maelstrom of leadership struggles, as Chinese leaders – Mao Zedong, Hua Guofeng, and Deng Xiaoping – continuously redefined China’s foreign and domestic goals, fluctuating between revolution and development. This article concludes that despite predominant scholarly focus on geopolitics, China’s changing perception of its national interests largely determined Sino-American relations from Richard Nixon’s historic trip in 1972 to normalisation of relations in 1979.; (AN 40498146)
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3.

The Cold War and environmental history: complementary fields by Laakkonen, Simo; Pál, Viktor; Tucker, Richard. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p377-394, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe Cold War was not only for the hearts and minds of people, it was also for their mouths and bellies, that is, for food, energy and raw materials. This signified a global power struggle over the control of natural resources. In addition to the increasing consumption of natural resources and resulting pollution, the destructive capacity of the weapons of mass destruction compelled human beings to recognise that their activities could ultimately endanger the planet earth. The Cold War was a propagator and framework for the birth of global catastrophism and also for the emergence of a global environmental awareness. Nature, its exploitation and also gradually its protection, opened up yet another front in the Cold War. Yet the relationship between the Cold War and the environment was reciprocal. On the one hand, concerns over environmental contamination or destruction called into question the meaningfulness of the Cold War itself. On the other hand, the specific sociopolitical structures of the Cold War deeply affected the emergence of environmental ideas, ideals, organisations and activities in different continents.; (AN 40498147)
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4.

Forbidden and sublime forest landscapes: narrated experiences of Latvian national partisan women after World War II by Reinsone, Sanita. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p395-416, 22p; Abstract: At the beginning of the Cold War, tens of thousands of Baltic people headed for the forests. It was the largest and longest such experience of human and forest interaction in the history of the three Baltic countries. The forest was turned into a political concept and had abruptly become a doubly sensitive zone: to the authorities it was a space of revolt subject to their control; to the locals, the forests were transformed into sites of both resistance and shelter when life was endangered. Based on recorded life story interviews, this article examines how women experienced the changes in their native landscapes after World War II in the occupied Baltic states, and what it meant for them to be labelled “forest outlaws”.; (AN 40498145)
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5.

Cold War landscapes: towards an environmental history of US development programmes in the 1950s and 1960s by Robertson, Thomas. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p417-441, 25p; Abstract: This essay examines the environmental history of US development programs during the early Cold War. The first part of the essay revisits Point Four programs, arguing that resource development was an essential, but now frequently overlooked component. The rest of the article reviews several recent scholarly works about development to examine changes in three crucial parts of the global environment: river systems, agriculture, and human health. These recent works show how central environmental manipulations were to American development programs. I stress the importance of looking not just at the ideas behind a project, but also what happens ‘on the ground,’ especially the meanings local residents attach to environmental changes.; (AN 40498152)
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6.

The appeal of appearing green: Soviet-American ideological competition and Cold War environmental diplomacy by Brain, Stephen. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p443-462, 20p; Abstract: This paper argues that the Cold War, for all its environmental costs, brought in its train a hidden benefit: the creation of an international ideological competition that made meaningful environmental agreements more likely. After reviewing the history of Soviet environmental initiatives, the paper discusses the rise of international environmental agreements and the abrupt decline after 1991.; (AN 40498151)
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7.

World on fire: the politics of napalm in the Global Cold War by Martini, Edwin A.. Cold War History, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p463-481, 19p; Abstract: This essay discusses the ways in which napalm contributed to the militarisation of global landscapes during the 1960s and 1970s, shaped distinctly by the interrelated geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War, decolonisation, and the rise of global public opinion against napalm and other weapons of terror. Using case studies and primary documents from British Archives, I argue that napalm played a significant role in shaping multiple military landscapes during this period, not just in terms of its direct effects on people, places, and the natural environment, but as a result of the moral, cultural, and political consequences of those effects.; (AN 40498149)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 49, no. 4, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Special cluster: “The transformations of far right and far left in Europe”. Introduction by Laruelle, Marlene. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2016, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 4 p291-292, 2p; (AN 40038495)
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2.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2016, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 4 pIFC-IFC; (AN 40510984)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 35, no. 5, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

The implications of Chinese strategic culture and counter-intervention upon Department of Defense space deterrence operations by Stone, Christopher. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p331-346, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe People's Republic of China (PRC) and its rapidly evolving space forces are viewed to be one of the principal threats to the United States' national security space infrastructure and the U.S. capability for timely force projection in the Pacific Theater. This view, especially since the 2007 kinetic anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons test, added emphasis to the Space Posture Review of 2010 and the Department of Defense's quest for deterrence as a means to secure the sanctuary of space from weaponization. This article will examine the strategic culture of the PRC and how it impacts the space deterrence philosophies of both the PRC and the U.S. Department of Defense.; (AN 40728428)
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2.

Rig for sea: Countering the deployment of Chinese ballistic missile submarines by Harris, Matthew. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p347-354, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina has made a “developmental leap” with the Type 094 ballistic missile submarine (SSBN). The anticipated commencement of strategic patrols in 2015 will provide China with a credible sea-based nuclear deterrent. This deterrent represents a growing threat to the American people and a game changer for U.S.-Chinese strategic stability. How can the United States mitigate this threat and ensure strategic stability? The deployment of the Type 094 SSBN has many similarities with the deployment of Soviet DELTA-class SSBNs in the early 1970s. This study compares the DELTA case with the Type 094 and argues for a geography-based strategy to counter the deployment of Chinese SSBNs.; (AN 40728429)
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3.

Aircraft carrier or ballistic missile defense: Signaling commitment in situations of uncertainty by Handberg, Roger. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p355-362, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStrategically, the United States is in a period characterized by uncertainty and diverse threats. Attempting to end two wars becomes background noise in the larger context of U.S. recalibration of its role in the world. U.S. power is perceived as either declining or being reoriented. Balancing off previous commitments with new ones becomes a critical and difficult task. The core problem becomes signaling commitment without deploying major forces to a particular location. Aircraft carriers are important symbolic instruments signaling U.S. interest regarding a particular issue. Those vessels are the linear descendants of battleships formerly the symbol of British power. Such deployments, however, are limited by being a ship, especially in disputes distant from the sea. Ballistic missile defense has come to occupy that role in signaling American commitment to allies or a state threatened by another. This can come as part of an alliance such as NATO's commitment of Patriot PAC-3 units to Turkey, with units drawn from three separate militaries including the United States.; (AN 40728431)
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4.

China and the INF Treaty by Ghoshal, Debalina. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p363-370, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMuch has been said about the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; a treaty signed between the United States and the Soviet Union during the later stages of the Cold War. But, in the present times, both the United States and Russia have time and again accused each other of violating the treaty. Both parties have also suggested China be included in the treaty. This article discusses whether Beijing should be included in the INF Treaty and the factors associated with such entry.; (AN 40728430)
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5.

Pursuing an early extension of New Start: Evaluating the decision space for the Obama administration and its successor by Florick, Davis. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p371-387, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith rumblings that the Obama administration is considering an early extension to the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, it is important to review the advantages and disadvantages to extending the treaty at this time. Moreover, in light of Russia's strategic and nonstrategic nuclear weapon investments, as well as its broader, destabilizing foreign policy, there are plenty of reasons to delay. Conversely, the transparency the treaty provides and the strategic ceilings it institutes have a special value unto their own. Pursuing an extension now is not in the best interests of the United States, while examining other policy options is prudent.; (AN 40728432)
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6.

Revolutions in military affairs that did not occur: A framework for analysis by Fridman, Ofer. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p388-406, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe existing literature suggests different ways to explain the interconnection between technology, military, and society that creates changes in military affairs. It seems, however, that most of this literature concentrates on successful cases of military transformations and overlooks a significant number of failed transformations. The purpose of this article is to define the conceptual social-political-military environment that creates, or not, military transformations in general, and revolutions in military affairs (RMAs) in particular. Supporting its argument with two historical examples, this article suggests that an RMA is an outcome of traceable imbalance between political leadership, its military, and unmet political-military challenges. The conceptual framework proposed by the article significantly improves the ability of scholars and practitioners to explore, explain, and anticipate the possible directions of military transformations by a systematic examination of the political-military challenges that these transformations are intended to bridge and the socio-cultural environments that shape political-military decision-making processes.; (AN 40728433)
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7.

Reconceptualizing nuclear risks: Bringing deliberate nuclear use back in by Davis Gibbons, Rebecca; Kroenig, Matthew. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p407-422, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAccording to a widespread conventional wisdom in the scholarly literature, the threat of nuclear weapons resides largely in the risk of accident, inadvertent use, and nuclear terrorism. In this article, we argue that this conventional wisdom is inconsistent with the increasing danger of nuclear use by leaders intentionally employing nuclear weapons as tools of statecraft. This article identifies the theoretical processes that could give rise to deliberate nuclear use. Next, it marshals empirical evidence through an examination of developments in several salient geopolitical rivalries between nuclear-armed actors in the world today, demonstrating that deliberate nuclear use may be becoming increasingly likely. Finally, it offers concluding remarks regarding the steps world leaders can take to deter and prevent intentional nuclear strikes. This article seeks to bring back in an appreciation of deliberate nuclear use to academic studies of nuclear deterrence and instructs policymakers on the appropriate understanding of the risks of nuclear weapons proliferation.; (AN 40728436)
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8.

The dynamics of strategic stability and instability by Miles, Aaron R.. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p423-437, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTI apply a dynamic systems approach to define strategic stability and classify strategic systems as stable, unstable, or neutral, based on the nature of forces that strategic capabilities exert under perturbation away from equilibrium. Conceptualizing stability in this manner is helpful when considering its relationship to mutual vulnerability, its role in extended deterrence relationships, and prospects for maintaining stability along proposed paths to disarmament. Traditional U.S. policy objectives do not appear to distinguish between true stability and neutral stability, and traditional definitions of strategic stability describe neutral stability. True strategic stability is an unlikely policy objective for the United States.; (AN 40728435)
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9.

The nature of strategy versus the character of war by Milevski, Lukas. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p438-446, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent literature in strategic studies has argued for or against the idea that the world is entering an era of new types of conflict. Yet neither side of the debate appears to have considered the primary source of the character of war, which is strategy. Strategy's two main relationships (that between military power and political consequences, and that between interacting adversaries) contribute significantly toward determining the character of any war. Strategy is the basis both for understanding present wars and anticipating future wars. Although useful for defense planners and historians, for practicing strategists, “the character of war” lacks analytical value.; (AN 40728434)
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10.

NATO and Putin's Russia: Seeking to balance divergence and convergence by Kfir, Isaac. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p447-464, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that NATO is unable to challenge any of President Putin's expansive policies for two key reasons: First, Europe and the United States have conflicting views on what events qualify as key security threats (different threat perceptions). Infused within this paradigm is a nascent European Union strategic culture that views threats differently from the U.S. This in turn undermines NATO, as the Europeans argue for largely nonmilitary or more peacekeeping-oriented approaches to respond to threats that are quintessentially multilateral. Second, even though there are major differences between the NATO states and Russia, the two most pressing issues before the Atlantic Alliance are Iran and Syria. The NATO states know that a resolution to the Syrian civil war or to Iran's nuclear program is unlikely without the support of Moscow, which limits their ability to effectively challenge Russia. This article concludes with a call for NATO to focus on identifying a new agenda for the Atlantic Alliance, one that is more human-security oriented, as it addresses the root causes of instability in and around the Eurozone.; (AN 40728438)
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11.

Strategy and defence planning: Meeting the challenge of uncertainty by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p465-466, 2p; (AN 40728437)
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12.

Books received 2016 Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 p467-467, 1p; (AN 40728439)
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13.

Editorial Board EOV Comparative Strategy, October 2016, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 5 pebi-ebi; (AN 40728440)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 16, no. 6, November 2016

Record

Results

1.

Flooding the lake? International democracy promotion and the political economy of the 2014 presidential election in Afghanistan by Goodhand, Jonathan; Suhrke, Astri; Bose, Srinjoy. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p481-500, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe introductory article to this volume positions the Afghan case within the broader literature on the political economy of war-to-peace transitions. The paper begins by critiquing the rise of democracy promotion, and then employs a political economy framework to understand the more focused research on democratisation and elections. The paper highlights some of the major features of the Afghan case that provided a backdrop for the 2014 election: a deeply divided society, a highly militarised and invasive international presence, and a history of flawed elections. This discussion helps contextualise the seemingly technical questions about constitutional design, electoral systems and the organisation and monitoring of elections. It is argued that the pursuit of elections and democratisation efforts more broadly, in a context of growing insecurity and political fragmentation, have had unintended and perverse effects. The concluding section sets out the main themes of the individual contributions that follow.; (AN 40735618)
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2.

Dracula or Frankenstein? The role of the international community in the 2014 Afghan presidential elections by Smith, Scott S.. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p501-520, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe 2014 presidential elections in Afghanistan were a major test of internationally led democratisation efforts in that country since 2001. They took place at a time of uncertainty, when the international community was withdrawing from Afghanistan, and in the shadow of the fraud-ridden 2009 elections that had required international intervention to resolve. The author situates the international attempt to ensure successful 2014 elections within the wider global paradigm shift over the past decade from elections as a means of self-determination to elections as a means of generating and ensuring international security. The focus on security meant that when the 2014 election did generate a political crisis in Afghanistan that threatened to destabilise the country, the international community intervened heavily in a way that undermined the future prospects of democratisation in Afghanistan. As well as questioning this intervention, the author describes a general pattern of international involvement in Afghanistan that tended to undermine sovereignty, overlook the importance of generating consensus among Afghan political actors, and badly misjudge timelines required to implement logistical processes.; (AN 40735620)
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3.

The perils of holding elections in a limited access order: analysis of Afghanistan’s experience in 2014 by Byrd, William A.. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p521-540, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores the process and outcome of Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential election from a limited access social order perspective, building on the influential work of Douglass North and colleagues on violence and social orders. Under the threat of postelection violence, nontransparent, internationally overseen bargaining led to a negotiated result that accommodated the runner-up in the initial vote count by creating a new high-level government position and giving him a share in ministerial nominations. Applying the North et al. framework and related analysis, the paper discusses the contradictions, clashes, and perverse effects that can arise when democratic institutional forms such as elections are imposed on a limited access order, especially a fragile one like Afghanistan. It argues for modest expectations and longer time horizons, focusing less on each individual election and more on developing effective political institutions (including not least robust political parties), avoiding international interventions that inadvertently worsen outcomes or create problems for the future, and not combining elections with other major ‘turning points’ such as withdrawal of foreign troops or sharp reductions in aid and international political support.; (AN 40735621)
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4.

Elections and the failure of democratisation: how voting has made Afghanistan less democratic from the ground up by Coburn, Noah. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p541-555, 15p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides an ethnographic analysis of shifts in the political economy of one key district in Afghanistan, in order to analyse the links between elections and shifting constellations of power at the local level. Drawing on field research before and after the elections of 2009, 2010 and 2014, it suggests that elections have enabled a small group of the ruling elite to further solidify its grasp on local political and economic resources. The resources and opportunities generated by elections have been used by political elites in order to strengthen patronage networks and consolidate local hierarchies. This outcome, essentially the obverse of the proclaimed objectives of promoting democracy through electoral processes, raises questions about the assumed relationship between elections and democratisation.; (AN 40735619)
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5.

The Taliban and the 2014 presidential elections in Afghanistan by Giustozzi, Antonio. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p557-573, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe Taliban’s attitude towards the Afghan presidential elections of 2014 differed in a very substantial way from their attitude towards previous elections. Already during 2013 there were discussions within the Taliban, about whether it would not be opportune to support a candidate, in order to get a president elected, who would be more amenable to reconciliation talks with the Taliban. However, the Taliban were unable to reach a consensus on the matter, leading to differing responses to the electoral campaign of 2014, with some Taliban networks violently opposed to it, while others decided to support specific candidates. During the second round, the large majority of the Taliban decided to support Ashraf Ghani’s election, but not without serious friction with the movement’s hardliners. The majority of the Taliban’s leaders hoped that once elected, Ghani would start negotiations with them on favourable terms, whereas they believed that an Abdullah presidency would make any negotiated settlement impossible in the future. The new approach seriously alienated the Taliban’s hardliners, laying the ground for a new wave of recriminations among the Taliban, contributing to further internal divisions.; (AN 40735622)
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6.

The contradictions of democracy in Afghanistan: elites, elections and ‘people’s rule’ post-2001 by Schmeidl, Susanne. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p575-594, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe limited progress of democratisation in Afghanistan is examined in this article through the lens of elite-versus-citizen analysis. It challenges a culturalist explanation that suggests limited experience with democracy as well as religious and cultural values can hamper democratisation. Instead, it proposes a political-institutional rationale that presents two key arguments about the problems with democratisation in Afghanistan. First, there was a fundamental mismatch between the new institutions developed under the auspices of the US and international community and local conditions. Second, Afghan elites managed to manipulate these new institutions in their struggle for power, creating ‘negative hybridity’ in the form of neo-patrimonialism. The result is a widening gap between Afghan citizens and elites, and by extension the international community that is seen as colluding with local elites under the guise of democracy assistance. The future of democracy in Afghanistan depends on elites catching up with the Afghan population in embracing democracy for what it is—the rule of the people.; (AN 40735623)
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7.

House of the people? Afghanistan’s parliament in 2015 by Larson, Anna. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p595-612, 18p; Abstract: AbstractAfghanistan’s parliamentary elections in September 2005 marked the re-establishment of the legislature after a 30-year hiatus. Instead of connecting constituents to central government, however, it is argued here the Wolesi Jirga (lower house or WJ) has undermined accountability structures. This article analyses parliamentary processes by focusing on two examples of legislation that appeared in successive plenary debates in 2013 (the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW) law and the electoral law). It argues, first, that Members of Parliament deploy political ambiguity in order to keep their political options open, simultaneously evading mechanisms that could hold them to account for their actions in parliament. Second, that historically and today, MPs’ role in Afghanistan has been less one of advancing legislation than advocating on the behalf of localised support bases. Third, however, that most damaging to parliamentary accountability are elite attempts to control the political process amid free-flowing resources. The article discusses the implications of these features and how they are gendered in relation to women’s strategic interests as well as behavioural roles of women MPs.; (AN 40735625)
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8.

Political networks and the 2014 Afghan presidential election: power restructuring, ethnicity and state stability by Sharan, Timor; Bose, Srinjoy. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p613-633, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines power dynamics in political groupings during the 2014 Afghanistan presidential election and assesses the impact on political stability and order. The focus is the power dynamics of local political-economic and identity networks that have come to underpin and constitute the state in post-2001 international state-building. The article first seeks to understand how the complex relationships between the two leading presidential candidates, Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah, and key powerbrokers were negotiated and subsequently influenced electoral outcomes. Second, focusing on negotiations over the appointment of the Cabinet ministers, advisers and staff, and governors, the study maps the restructuring of political networks within the Afghan state. The analysis reveals the impact of the election on the redistribution of power and resources, and the consequences for political order and state stability in the post-2014 period.; (AN 40735624)
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9.

Framing ethnicity under conditions of uncertainty: the case of Hazaras during Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential elections by Ibrahimi, Niamatullah. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p635-652, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article focuses on Hazaras to explore the dynamics of ethnic mobilisation during the 2014 presidential election in Afghanistan. It emphasises the communicative and interactive nature of ethnic identification as a product of the historical experiences of Afghanistan’s various ethnic communities with the state. The article analyses the election manifestos, speeches and campaign materials of the two leading candidates to identify their main communicative and discursive strategies. It finds that candidates employed Islam, ideas of national identity and specific ethnic concerns as discursive resources to appeal to elites and voters at different levels. It argues that ethnic identities as a framework for political mobilisation are closely linked to dynamics of state-building, especially the centralisation of political power and pervasive uncertainties which result from contestation over control of the state.; (AN 40735626)
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10.

Appraising electoral fraud: tensions and complexities by Maley, William; Maley, Michael. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 6 p653-671, 19p; Abstract: AbstractRecent years have witnessed the flourishing of literatures dealing with electoral integrity and forensic techniques by which electoral fraud can be identified and analysed. Statistical techniques are now available through which highly improbable patterns of voting can be highlighted as part of the process of investigating whether an election deserves to be categorised as free and fair. Yet relatively little use has been made on the ground of such forensic techniques by the international community when fraud is suspected. By contrast, in Afghanistan in 2009, a ‘sampling’ process was deployed to investigate suspicions of fraud; and in 2014, a box-by-box ‘audit’ of ballot boxes was carried out. At the end of the day, significant groups were left deeply dissatisfied with the ways in which suspected fraud had been investigated; and such dissatisfaction could potentially be the basis for further elite fragmentation and a deepening legitimacy crisis. It is argued in this article that it is important to ensure that mechanisms for investigating fraud be defensible not just in terms of what has been done in the past, but in terms also of what is methodologically rigorous and defensible.; (AN 40735627)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 37, no. 3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Fencing the bear? Explaining US foreign policy towards Russian interventions by Böller, Florian; Werle, Sebastian. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p319-340, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the burgeoning literature on Russia’s renewed power politics, little attention has been paid to the fact that US reactions towards Russia’s military interventions were all but coherent. The USA has chosen weak measures in Georgia in 2008 (shaming) compared to its assertive response in Ukraine in 2014 (sanctions, hard deterrence). This article assesses the explanatory power of neorealist, liberal and constructivist theories for the variation in US reactions towards Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. Our argument is that the constructivist perspective explains the cases best as it highlights the power and communality of normative assessments. The Ukraine crisis was perceived by the USA as a violation of core international norms, especially the non-use of force and the principle of territorial integrity. Relevant international norm carriers shared this assessment of the conflict. In contrast, the perception of the Georgian war centred on the issue of democracy promotion. While democracy is an important aim of US foreign policy, it does not summon the same normative importance as general principles of international law. Furthermore, the perception of the Georgian war remained contested among Western allies, which decreased the communality of the normative assessment.; (AN 40272277)
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2.

Democracy for the rescue—of dictators? The role of regime type in civil war interventions by Goldman, Ogen S.; Abulof, Uriel. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p341-368, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIntrastate conflicts, long eclipsing interstate conflicts, are often internationalized. This paper examines internationalized intrastate conflicts through the types of both the intervening and the embattled regimes. Do democracies, more or less than autocracies, support autocratic governments in their fights against rebels? This paper tests three hypotheses: (1) democracies support autocrats fighting rebels less than autocracies do. (2) Democracies support democratic governments fighting against rebels more than autocracies do. (3) The more democratic two states are, the higher the probability one would support the other’s fight against rebels. Covering all documented external support in intrastate wars (1975–2000), our findings support hypothesis one and two only partly and confirm hypothesis three. However, comparing the two major accounts of the Democratic Peace theory (DPT)—the normative and the structural—our findings corroborate only the former robustly. The paper thus helps enriching the insights of the DPT beyond interstate conflicts.; (AN 40272276)
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3.

Introduction: one-and-a-half cheers for the EU Global Strategy by Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p369-373, 5p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEU High Representative Federica Mogherini presented her EU Global Strategy (EUGS) in June 2016. Encircled by security crises, it is difficult to think of something more important for Europe than collective action with the aim of weathering the storm. The EUGS, in this respect, seeks to define common ends and identify means. So what do we make of the EUGS? What does the EUGS tell us about the current role of the EU in global affairs? And how will the withdrawal of the UK from the EU affect foreign and security policy? As a way of introduction to the forum, this article notes that the EUGS focuses on the neighbourhood, puts the interests of European citizens first, identifies civilian means, and has created momentum on security policy. The key question, however, remains whether there is any interest in the EUGS beyond the foreign policy elites.; (AN 40272278)
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4.

From the ESS to the EU Global Strategy: external policy, internal purpose by Mälksoo, Maria. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p374-388, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSecurity strategies are important sites for narrating the EU into existence as a security actor. The unveiling of a new global strategy on foreign and security policy for the EU immediately post-Brexit could be conceived as a pledge to remain together as a Union for the purposes of contributing to global security in a particular way. This paper offers a brief stock-taking of the EU’s way of writing security from the European Security Strategy (2003) to the EU Global Strategy (2016). A concise exegesis of these documents exposes an interesting dynamic: as exercises in ordering the world, both strategic guidelines have turned out to be major exercises in ordering the self. The comparative snapshot shows the EU as increasingly anxious to prove its relevance for its own citizens, yet notably less confident about its actual convincingness as an ontological security framework for the EU’s constituent members over time.; (AN 40272279)
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5.

EU Global Strategy in a changing world: Brussels’ approach to the emerging powers by Howorth, Jolyon. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p389-401, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe world is entering a period of power transition, at the outcome of which some new form of global order (or disorder) is likely to emerge. Critical to this process is the interaction between the established powers, the USA and the European Union (EU), and the emerging powers, particularly China, Brazil, India and Russia. Many analysts have classified the EU as a declining power, a perception that has been enhanced with the triple crises of sovereignty that have rocked the Union since the mid-2000s (money, borders and defence). In this context, the publication of the EU Global Strategy was an opportunity for the EU to state clearly the nature of its ongoing and future relations with the rest of the world. This article argues that, in reality, Europe as a bloc (as opposed to its member states severally) has very limited purchase with the other major powers, and an ambivalent or ill-defined grasp of how to engage with them. They, for their part, have difficulty in knowing how to understand the EU as an actor and prefer to deal bilaterally with its key member states.; (AN 40272281)
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6.

The EU Global Strategy and diplomacy by Cross, Mai’a K. Davis. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p402-413, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe new EU Global Strategy has significant implications for EU diplomacy, in terms of both goals and means. This article first analyses the timing of the strategy as an exercise in diplomacy in its own right. Second, it argues that the strategy outlines a more expansive and noticeably more smart power-oriented approach to diplomacy in practical terms. Finally, it notes that the strategy has a new meta-narrative for EU diplomacy, which seeks to project a blend of both realistic assessment and idealistic aspiration.; (AN 40272280)
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7.

Resilience as the EU Global Strategy’s new leitmotif: pragmatic, problematic or promising? by Wagner, Wolfgang; Anholt, Rosanne. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p414-430, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA striking difference between the EU’s 2016 Global Strategy and its 2003 predecessor is the ubiquity of resilience as a new leitmotif, understood as the ability of states and societies to reform, thus withstanding and recovering from internal and external crisis. Resilience provides a middle ground between over-ambitious liberal peace-building and under-ambitious stability, (re)directs attention to local resources and practices, and is ambiguous enough to be acceptable to everyone. The Global Strategy’s leitmotif is an example of the rise and spread of resilience in international discourses about crisis management and humanitarian emergencies. Although there are risks inherent to the way in which resilience reframes risks and crises, its added value lies in its power as convening concept, opening up international organizations to new ways of thinking and working, and providing a common ground for engagement.; (AN 40272284)
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8.

All or nothing? The EU Global Strategy and defence policy after the Brexit by Biscop, Sven. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p431-445, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe public expects European governments and the European Union (EU) to deal with the security challenges in and around Europe. So does the US, whose strategic focus has pivoted to the Pacific. Washington, DC has made it clear that it will not, and cannot, solve all of Europe’s problems. The call for ‘strategic autonomy’ in the new EU Global Strategy of June 2016 does not come a moment too soon. But should the aim be EU strategic autonomy, without the UK, or can the aspiration still be European strategic autonomy, with the UK? Can nothing be achieved unless all are fully involved? Or are intermediate solutions possible? How EU Member States and the UK answer these questions will determine which degree of strategic autonomy the EU can achieve. With which degree of British involvement. And whether the UK itself will be left with any measure of strategic autonomy.; (AN 40272282)
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9.

Implementing the Global Strategy where it matters most: the EU’s credibility deficit and the European neighbourhood by Smith, Michael E.. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p446-460, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe EU Global Strategy (EUGS) is a broad and ambitious document in terms of its geographic scope and thematic priorities. However, the EU cannot devote equal attention to all aspects of the EUGS; so there is still scope for more clarity regarding the EU’s core strategic aims. This article argues that in addition to fostering internal cohesion, the EU’s strategic priority must involve stabilizing its own neighbourhood. This task has challenged the EU for decades because of an inherent credibility deficit regarding the EU’s own capabilities, yet the EUGS does not diagnose and remedy this problem as effectively as it could have. Therefore much more work will need to be done in terms of reforming EU institutions and developing common capabilities if the EU hopes to achieve its central internal and external security goals as outlined in the EUGS and related policy statements.; (AN 40272283)
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10.

The making of the EU Global Strategy by Tocci, Nathalie. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p461-472, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article traces the evolution of the EU strategic reflection which culminated in the publication of the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) in June 2016. It explains the choices made by EU High Representative Federica Mogherini over this time period—including both the initial strategic assessment and the final EUGS. It provides a behind the scenes view on the players, the organization and the methods of work used to produce a strategic vision for the EU’s role in the world.; (AN 40272285)
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11.

The case for U.S. nuclear weapons in the 21st century by Carranza, Mario E.. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p473-479, 7p; (AN 40272286)
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12.

Deadly impasse: Indo-Pakistani relations at the dawn of a new century by Mistry, Dinshaw. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2016, Vol. 37 Issue: Number 3 p480-483, 4p; (AN 40272287)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 51, no. 4, December 2016

Record

Results

1.

Eternal potential? Temporality, complexity and the incoherent power of the European Union by Holden, Patrick. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p407-427, 21p; Abstract: Temporality is a relatively under-explored factor in international relations. The concept of timescape refers to the temporal timeframe of institutional processes and/or the timeframes of causation at different levels. Said concept has powerful explanatory potential in the case of complex, fragmented entities such as the European Union (EU). Critical realism offers a historicist meta-theoretical framework for delineating and analysing timescapes of different forms. Theories of critical political economy and historical sociology can be used to critique the EU’s own liberal teleological timescapes. The Union’s leadership postulates a central future role for it, based on its long-term structural relationships, and its Mediterranean policy is a prime example of this structural foreign policy. However, its component structures are profoundly dissonant and unlikely to coalesce into a meaningful role. The EU’s engagement in the Mediterranean illustrates how its long-term approach is over-ridden by the ‘real-time’ agency of other actors, and by deeper socio-economic cycles which it cannot control. A focus on temporality thus helps to interpret and explain the fragmented power of the EU; as well as our complex international system more generally.; (AN 40446450)
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2.

Disentangling media effects: The impact of short-term and long-term news coverage on Belgian emergency assistance by Joly, Jeroen. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p428-446, 19p; Abstract: Whether and how media are able to influence policy and the political decision-making process is still the topic of much debate. However, if news media are indeed able to influence policy, they are commonly believed to do so indirectly through their agenda-setting function – by getting issues onto the political agenda after sudden peaks of attention. Yet, despite the assertion of agenda-setting theory that policy changes occur mainly through steady advocacy of policy alternatives, little attention has been paid to the long-term effects of media exposure. The analysis of emergency assistance in Belgium from 2000–2008 shows that short-term and long-term media attention to specific countries affect decision-making in quite different ways. This study reveals different ways in which media attention can impact policymaking, as short-term attention mainly determines which countries receive assistance, while long-term attention affects the amount of assistance granted.; (AN 40446458)
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3.

Learning to assert themselves: Small states in asymmetrical dyads – two Scandinavian dogs barking at the Russian bear by Mellander, Maria; Mouritzen, Hans. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p447-466, 20p; Abstract: By measuring foreign policy assertion, we document that Danish and Swedish Russia policies have fluctuated widely in the 21st century, as well as in relation to each other. Specifically, big assertion leaps took place in 2002 (Denmark) and 2008 (Sweden). Having conceptualised and operationalised small state assertion, we proceed to the explanation of these leaps. The same factor turns out to be the efficient explanation in both cases: an individual policy-maker’s so-called ‘lesson of the past’ – what he believes ‘history teaches us’. It is shown how existing theory of lessons of the past can contribute to the understanding of small state assertion in asymmetrical dyads, but only if the proper permissive circumstances are identified. First and foremost these amount to the presence of a reasonable foreign policy action space.; (AN 40446460)
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4.

The bridge on the Neretva: Stari Most as a stage of memory in post-conflict Mostar, Bosnia–Herzegovina by Forde, Susan. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p467-483, 17p; Abstract: This article conceptualises the institutional narrative of the reconstruction of Stari Most (Old Bridge), regarded as an international symbol of reconciliation in Mostar, Bosnia–Herzegovina, as a staged reconciliation of the city. Constructed during Ottoman occupation Stari Most became a signifier of Mostar and was central to the growth of the city. Stari Most was destroyed in 1993 during the Bosnian war; restoration began five years following, and the bridge alongside Stari Grad (Old Town) was reopened as a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) heritage site in 2004. UNESCO began operating in 1945 on the grounds that ‘peace must be established on the basis of humanity’s moral and intellectual solidarity’, based on a collaborative effort to celebrate diversity and innovation. In this article I conceptualise Stari Most as a stage of memory through identifying, firstly, the institutional staging of the reconstruction as a structure which ‘bridges’ divides, and secondly, the institutional narrative of the bridge as a symbolically reconciling structure, in a city which remains divided.; (AN 40446454)
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5.

When risky decisions are not surprising: An application of prospect theory to the Israeli war decision in 2006 by Niv-Solomon, Anat. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p484-503, 20p; Abstract: On 12 July 2006, Hezbollah operatives crossed into Israel and attacked a military patrol, killing three soldiers and kidnapping two more. In retaliation to this incident Israel launched a military operation that resulted in 34 days of fighting between Hezbollah and Israel. The Israeli retaliation has been deemed to be severe and surprising. Furthermore, a public investigation commission established by the Israeli government implicated key decision-makers, and especially Prime Minister Olmert, as guilty of hasty and irresponsible decision-making. This article views this case through the lens of prospect theory, showing how the decision was made at the framing stage, and suggesting that this decision was not hasty but, rather, was consistent with the logic of loss-aversion.; (AN 40446449)
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6.

Normative power and the logic of arguing: Rationalization of weakness or relinquishment of strength? by Janusch, Holger. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p504-521, 18p; Abstract: The concept of Europe as a normative power can be understood as a theoretical attempt to define a new type of protagonist in world politics, distinct from older concepts such as empire, hegemonic power, or great power. Because many scholars have used universal norms as a criterion for ‘normative power Europe’, the concept is often criticized as hidden Eurocentrism, soft imperialism, or hegemony. In this article, a normative power is defined not by the universality of the norms it seeks to diffuse, but by the underlying logic according to which it acts. A normative power takes communicative actions and acts in accordance with the logic of arguing, not consequentialism. This definition of normative power escapes the trap of a hidden Eurocentric imperialism by abstracting the theoretical concept from the specific case of Europe and detaching it from the criterion of universal norms.; (AN 40446456)
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7.

The sum of its parts? Sources of local legitimacy by Gippert, Birte J. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p522-538, 17p; Abstract: The article analyses the sources of local actors’ legitimacy perceptions towards international peacebuilding operations. Local legitimacy perceptions are increasingly recognised as shaping local behaviour towards international peacebuilding, which influences the effective functioning of the operation. Legitimacy debates in peacebuilding are either absent or imported from the literature on domestic legitimacy, without respect to the specific temporal and spatial situation of international operations. The article first explores which legitimacy sources influence local legitimacy perceptions of international peacebuilding operations. It finds that two sources are relevant: output and procedure. Second, it investigates how exactly legitimacy arises from them. In doing so, it demonstrates that output and procedure are umbrella terms comprising several sub-elements which influence legitimacy in different, sometimes contradictory, ways. Finally, the article empirically explores which of the sources are important to local actors’ legitimacy perceptions using field data from the EU peacebuilding operations EULEX in Kosovo and EUPM Bosnia-Herzegovina.; (AN 40446451)
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8.

Decoupling local ownership? The lost opportunities for grassroots women’s involvement in Liberian peacebuilding by Gizelis, Theodora-Ismene; Joseph, Jonathan. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p539-556, 18p; Abstract: Civil society organizations and grassroots groups are often unable to play an active role in post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. A possible explanation for the observed challenges in peacebuilding is the gap or decoupling between international expectations and norms from practical action, local norms and capacities. External actors are often overly instrumental and operate according to a general template that fails to start from what the local capacities might actually be. This often leads to the decoupling of general values from practical action, which helps account for the observed barriers of engaging local civil and community organizations in reconstruction. We examine the different types of decoupling and the challenges these present. We evaluate our general theoretical argument using evidence based on the experiences of Liberian women’s civil society organizations. Given the compliance of the Liberian government with international norms, we should expect external actors to have an easier task in incorporating civil society and women’s organizations in the post-conflict reconstruction process; yet, the record appears to be the opposite. While we present the ‘tragic’ aspect of this relationship between international norms and local practice, we also suggest opportunities for ‘hybrid’ alternatives.; (AN 40446453)
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9.

Book review: The Search for Lasting Peace: Critical Perspectives on Gender-Responsive Human Security by Jansson, Maria. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p557-558, 2p; (AN 40446457)
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10.

Book review: NATO’s Post-Cold War Politics – the Changing Provision of Security by Fägersten, Bjorn. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p558-560, 3p; (AN 40446452)
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11.

Book review: Civil Resistance and Conflict Transformation: Transitions from armed to nonviolent struggle by Svensson, Isak. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p560-562, 3p; (AN 40446455)
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12.

Erratum Cooperation and Conflict, December 2016, Vol. 51 Issue: Number 4 p563-563, 1p; Abstract: Gifkins J (2016) R2P in the UN Security Council: Darfur, Libya and beyond. Cooperation and Conflict51(2): 148–165 (Original DOI: 10.1177/0010836715613365).; (AN 40446459)
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11

Current History
Volume 116, no. 786, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

From Scarcity to Abundance: The New Geopolitics of Energy by Klare, Michael. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p003-9, 7p; Abstract: "The world is beginning to move away from reliance on fossil fuels altogether, rendering obsolete many of the strategic plans intended to ensure the safe flow of oil."; (AN 40846945)
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2.

The Tragedy of Obama's Foreign Policy by Boyle, Michael. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p010-16, 7p; Abstract: "Historians may well conclude that Obama glimpsed a different world for American foreign policy but never exerted the kind of strategic direction needed to turn that vision into reality."; (AN 40846948)
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3.

Labor Rights in the Age of Global Supply Chains by Mosley, Layna. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p017-23, 7p; Abstract: "[C]hanging the incentives for governments in developing countries is probably necessary�albeit not sufficient�to achieve sustained improvements for workers." Fourth in a series on labor relations around the world.; (AN 40846949)
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4.

The Populist Turn in American Politics by Eichengreen, Barry. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p024-30, 7p; Abstract: "[H]istory � suggests taking more seriously concerns about inequality and, specifically, the resentment and alienation of once-privileged groups who feel left behind."; (AN 40846950)
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5.

The Nationalist Origins of Political Islam by Cesari, Jocelyne. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p031-34, 4p; Abstract: "[The] incorporation of Islam within state institutions nationalized religious authorities and teachings, giving rise to a hegemonic version of the faith."; (AN 40846951)
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6.

Perspective: Why Humanitarian Intervention Still Isn't a Global Norm by Menon, Rajan. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p035-37, 3p; Abstract: Efforts to press the international community to supersede national sovereignty when necessary to stop atrocities have been hindered by inconsistent application of the principle.; (AN 40846952)
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7.

Books: Visions of a Borderless World by Sigona, Nando. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p038-39, 2p; Abstract: Donald Trump vows to build a wall while Europe tries to pull up the drawbridge. A new book argues that borders violently enforce inequality, barring the global poor from prosperity.; (AN 40846953)
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8.

The Month in Review: November 2016 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 p040-40, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in November, country by country, day by day.; (AN 40846954)
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9.

A Statistical Snapshot of the World by History, the editors of Current. Current History, January 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 786 pmap-map; Abstract: Charts; (AN 40846955)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 28, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Rational deterrence by proxy: designing cooperative security agreements by Langlois, Catherine C.; Langlois, Jean-Pierre P.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-33, 33p; Abstract: President Obama’s call for change in the conduct of US foreign policy shifts emphasis from direct interventions to cooperative partnerships. With a billion pledge as support for their development, the issue of effectiveness and design is brought to the fore. If terror organizations cannot be eradicated, can a donor state successfully delegate the deterrence or at least the containment of a violent non-state actor to the host country from which it operates? We identify, assess for impact, and value rational delegated deterrence arrangements, in which the US subsidizes a host, and the host, with agreed upon vigor, inhibits the activity of the violent non-state actor operating within its borders. We account for the US’ imperfect monitoring of host and non-state actor activity and identify agreements that can successfully deter the targeted organizations. We also find that mutually agreeable weak cooperation between donor and host can endure despite the survival of the violent non-state actor on host territory.; (AN 41134055)
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2.

Community preferences, insurgency, and the success of reconstruction spending by Child, Travers B.; Scoones, David. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p34-52, 19p; Abstract: Existing theory on counterinsurgency does not adequately explain persistent insurrection in face of the reconstruction work currently underway in Afghanistan and Iraq. We starkly depart from the literature by developing a simple model of reconstruction allowing misalignment of occupier spending with community preferences. Insurgency arises endogenously as a result of the mix of spending rather than its level. Occupier insistence on its preferred path of reconstruction may lead to fewer projects of any kind being completed. In equilibrium, the occupier may accept an endogenous insurgency to achieve a preferred project mix, or be constrained in its choice even when no insurgency occurs.; (AN 41134056)
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3.

The Rationality of Serb Leaders in the Bosnian War by Ferrero, Mario. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p53-64, 12p; Abstract: This paper asks whether Bosnian Serb leaders’ choice to carry out a secession war in 1992–1995 was rational from the point of view of their stated goal of ethnic cleansing. We construct two indexes, one of ethnic purity and another of ethnic Serb concentration, and apply them to a counterfactual estimate of the outcome of ‘peaceful’ ethnic cleansing – what could have been achieved by population exchange based on pre-war territorial Serb power without war – in comparison to the actual outcome of the war. We find that the gross benefits of the chosen strategy of secession and war far exceed anything that could be achieved by the peaceful alternative. A conjectural assessment of perceived costs suggests that also net benefits were maximized by the war strategy. The implication for international deterrence policy is that credible judicial prosecution and punishment is the best way to alter the prospective perpetrators’ calculus.; (AN 41134057)
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4.

Defense spending and economic growth: evidence from China, 1952–2012 by Augier, Mie; McNab, Robert; Guo, Jerry; Karber, Phillip. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p65-90, 26p; Abstract: This paper examines whether defense expenditures contributed to economic growth in China for the 1952–2012 period. We examine the contribution of defense to economic growth using recently published official data on economic activity, defense, and government expenditures. We employ the Feder-Ram and augmented Solow models of economic growth to explore the defense-growth relationship. The Feder-Ram model appears to poorly explain economic growth in China. The augmented Solow model suggests, however, that a 1% increase in defense expenditures raises the economic growth rate by approximately 0.15–0.19%.; (AN 41134058)
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5.

Measuring hard power: China’s economic growth and military capacity by Robertson, Peter E.; Sin, Adrian. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p91-111, 21p; Abstract: China’s rapid economic growth is facilitating massive increases in its military spending and causing increased security concerns in Asia and the Western Pacific. But there is uncertainty over how large China’s military spending is relative to other countries, or how fast it is growing in real terms. We address this issue by deriving a relative military cost price index based on the relative unit costs of inputs. We find that China’s real military spending is much larger than suggested by exchange rate comparisons, and even larger than standard purchasing power parity comparisons. We also find, however, that the real growth of China’s military spending has been smaller than conventionally thought. This is due to rapidly growing wages in China and the large share of personnel in China’s military budget.; (AN 41134060)
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6.

Does aid cause conflict in Pakistan? by Tahir, Nadia. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p112-135, 24p; Abstract: This study provides evidence from Pakistan on how the delegated task of achieving strategic objectives of the donor can lead to incompatibility of aid objectives which then generates perpetual and multidimensional domestic conflict in the recipient society. We use count data method to estimate the relationship between aid and conflict. At the aggregate level, social sector spending, regime change and youth bulge are positively and significantly related with conflict. However, aid per capita gives ambiguous results. It is significant with conflict count in the terrorism data-set and insignificant for data on armed conflict. Inclusion of youth bulge and unemployment rate confirms the marginalization hypothesis of conflict. Inflation rate and the tax variables are insignificant. This confirms that aid erodes fiscal capacity. At project-level data, conflict is strongly related with aid commitment and purpose. Discrepancy in aid allocation and commitment may accentuate conflict.; (AN 41134059)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 16, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Dirty war: chemical weapon use and domestic repression by Brathwaite, Robert. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p327-345, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe utilization of chemical weapons to quash domestic rebellion is a drastic action for a regime facing domestic challengers to take, especially given the reputation costs and risk of international intervention. However, recent developments have illustrated that some regimes have contemplated and implemented extraordinary measures (including the use of chemical munitions) to quash rebellion. This study addresses the question of why some states utilize chemical weapons against domestic challengers while others refrain from this level of state repression. I argue that the utilization of chemical weapons has both domestic and international elements. Specifically, that ethnic cleavages that lead to secessionist challenges and factors associated with inter-state rivalry impact the likelihood that a state utilizes the employment of chemical munitions. I test my argument and other explanations regarding repression with a casestudy approach utilizing captured Iraqi Government documents comparing Iraq’s Al-Anfal campaigns with developments during the recent Syrian Civil War.; (AN 40234794)
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2.

Swedish–Finnish naval cooperation in the Baltic Sea: motives, prospects and challenges by Lundqvist, Stefan; Widen, J. J.. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p346-373, 28p; Abstract: AbstractRecently, Finland and Sweden decided to substantially deepen their defence cooperation and this project involves creating a bilateral standing Naval Task Group (SFNTG). The present article aims at examining the deepening naval cooperation between Finland and Sweden from a regional integration perspective, focusing on its motives, current challenges and future prospects. Driven by perceptions of common challenges and desires for cost-effectiveness, and strengthened by recent successes on sea surveillance and a combined Amphibious Task Unit, the bilateral project has considerable potential to achieve success. To fulfil its objectives, substantial legal changes in both countries are required to allow the use of force on each other’s territorial waters. To cater for the requirement of not conflicting with EU, NORDEFCO or NATO cooperations, the bilateral Task Group must operate according to NATO standards and by using English as the language in command and control. The costs of adjusting the naval units to NATO’s technical requirements are far from negligible and this issue still remains to be solved. If Finland and Sweden manage to incorporate new policies, common structures and common organisational norms among their navies, an even deeper integration, as in Belgium and the Netherlands, are conceivable.; (AN 40234793)
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3.

The case of Donald Rumsfeld: leadership traps in national security by Rasmussen, Mikkel Vedby. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p374-389, 16p; Abstract: AbstractTaking its point of departure in Donald Rumsfeld’s second term as US Secretary of Defense (2001–2006), this article analyses the crisis of strategic leadership in Western national security. Three “traps” are identified that explain why Donald Rumsfeld ultimately was a failure as defence secretary and demonstrate the perils of national security governance. These traps are termed the inquisitor trap, the strong leader trap and the delegation trap. It is argued that our understanding of strategic leadership in national security, particularly in defence, can benefit from insights gained from the study of strategic leadership in business. As such, this article engages the recent trend of merging insights from business and military strategy.; (AN 40234795)
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4.

Ordering and controlling the dimensions of strategy by Lonsdale, David J.. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p390-407, 18p; Abstract: AbstractColin Gray’s dimensions of strategy, built upon the earlier work of Clausewitz and Howard, has theoretical, practical, and pedagogic value for the Strategic Studies community. This paper further develops the theory, arguing that the dimensions can be controlled or managed to improve strategic performance. The dimensions are divided into two categories: “internal” and “external” to the process of strategy. The paper describes the dynamic process by which the internal dimensions, which can be controlled, are used to exert influence over the external dimensions that are beyond the control of the strategist. It is argued that six dimensions hold the key to strategic success: politics and the five dimensions concerned with warfighting. This conclusion validates the Clausewitzian paradigm with its emphasis on policy and battle.; (AN 40234796)
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5.

Militarism in post-war Cyprus: the development of the ideology of defence by Efthymiou, Stratis Andreas. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p408-426, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future.; (AN 40234798)
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6.

Brothers in arms, yet again? Twenty-first century Sino-Russian strategic collaboration in the realm of defence and security by Watts, John; Ledberg, Sofia; Engelbrekt, Kjell. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p427-449, 23p; Abstract: Abstract2014–2015 were years of turmoil for strategic relations, with Sino-Russian relations emerging as a particularly interesting set of ties to observe. This article asks whether recurrent Sino-Russian exhortations of friendship are mirrored by their strategic alignment in the defence and security realm, half a century after the end of the Sino-Soviet pact during the communist era. We examine the arms trade between the two countries and with regional partners, but also the recent pattern of bilateral and multilateral military exercises, as a combined test of the security and defence relationship. We are able to show that the image of friendship that both Moscow and Beijing like to promote, while apparent at the UN Security Council and within the BRICS group, remains constrained by rivalry in high-tech segments of the arms industry and by lingering concerns about the prospects of peer interference in their shared regional vicinity.; (AN 40234797)
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7.

Military robots: mapping the moral landscape by Cole, Chris. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p450-451, 2p; (AN 40234799)
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8.

Geopolitics and the quest for dominance by Devanny, Joe. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p451-453, 3p; (AN 40234801)
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9.

Handbook of terrorism in the Asia-Pacific by Tan, Andrew. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p453-454, 2p; (AN 40234800)
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10.

Die Bundeswehr in Afghanistan: Militärische Handlungslogik in internationalen Interventionen (Series: Neueste Militärgeschichte. Analysen und Studien, 5) by Sangar, Eric. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p454-456, 3p; (AN 40234802)
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11.

Israel’s way of war: a strategic and operational analysis, 1948–2014 by Libel, Tamir. Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 p456-457, 2p; (AN 40234803)
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12.

Editorial Board Defence Studies, October 2016, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40234804)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 32, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin; Palmore, Julian. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p279-280, 2p; (AN 40332792)
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2.

Deviant globalization: the application of strategic landpower by Hillison, Joel R.; Isaacson, Avram. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p281-292, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn both Afghanistan and Iraq, US landpower was able to gain control rapidly over terrain. However, that control ebbed as US presence weakened. Non-state actors, such as the Taliban, the Haqqani network, the Islamic State, and Al Qaeda, gained control of segments of the population. Transnational Criminal Organizations capitalized on this permissive environment to strengthen their networks, often eroding the legitimacy of the host nation government, fueling regional instability, and, ultimately, undermining US policy objectives. The proliferation of deviant globalization, or the connectedness of subversive elements, is a key indicator of future conflict. Strategic landpower is uniquely positioned to influence the physical, psychological, economic, and social interactions of various non-state actors and their association with deviant globalization. It is no longer enough to seize and hold terrain. Landpower must also have the capability to influence the actions and attitudes of populations on that terrain wherever and whenever these interactions occur.; (AN 40332791)
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3.

Tipping the scales: short-term interventions and counterinsurgency by Cline, Lawrence E.. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p293-311, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTParticularly in African operations, United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces have faced significant problems in restoring stability. In at least a few situations, unilateral national military interventions have been launched in the same countries. In the cases of Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire, the British and French interventions respectively played a significant role in re-establishing stability. Lessons from these operations suggest that if effective coordination and liaison channels are established, such hybrid unilateral-UN missions can in fact be more successful than “pure” peace operations.; (AN 40332793)
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4.

The war after next is here – what does the elephant look like? by Shabtai, Shay. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p312-320, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA comprehensive paradigm of future wars can be defined, and is called in this article “Extended conflicts.” These can be characterized by strategic attrition, to which all national resources and all possible international legitimacy are mobilized, in order to achieve a resolution by transformation of the opponent. The use of military force in this kind of conflict is limited. The understanding that we are facing an era of extended conflicts will improve the way it is utilized.; (AN 40332795)
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5.

Making defense planning meaningful: the evolution of strategic guidance in the Hungarian Ministry of Defense by Nemeth, Bence. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p321-335, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHungary, a former communist state, adapted a Western-style defense planning system during the 1990s and 2000s. Although on the surface the elements of this planning system were similar to the planning programming budgeting system (PPBS) developed by the US Department of Defense, strategic guidance for defense planning has not been properly developed until recently. Thus, albeit PPBS-based defense plans were developed in the Hungarian Ministry of Defense (Hungarian MoD) regularly, they lacked both an expression of clear priorities and strategic focus. This article delineates the evolution of strategic guidance in the Hungarian MoD concentrating on current developments, and introduces the newly elaborated analytical concepts and tools, which helped to create needed strategic guidance in Hungary.; (AN 40332794)
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6.

Strategic hedging in Indonesia’s defense diplomacy by Gindarsah, Iis. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p336-353, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith the rapid pace of regional arms modernization and unresolved territorial disputes, Indonesia is increasingly susceptible to the impact of emerging great power rivalry in Asia-Pacific. Rather than pursuing a robust military build-up, Indonesian policy-makers assert that diplomacy is the country’s first line of defense. This article argues that defense diplomacy serves two agenda of Indonesia’s hedging strategy – strategic engagement and military modernization. This way, Indonesian defense and security officials seek to moderate the impact of geopolitical changes while maintaining the country’s defensive ability against regional uncertainties.; (AN 40332797)
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7.

Deterrence of nuclear terrorism in the context of South Asia by Modongal, Shameer. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 p354-360, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStability among the great powers during the Cold War is widely theorized in terms of nuclear deterrence. Rationality of states and their preference for survival are the basis of nuclear deterrence. The rationality of non-state terrorist groups is different from that of nation-states. Even though they are also rational actors with their own hierarchy of preferences, survival may not be their ultimate goal. Deterrence of nuclear terrorism is therefore different from deterrence against states. South Asia is more vulnerable to nuclear terrorism than any other region of the world for many reasons. This article analyzes the possibility of nuclear terrorism and the ways of deterrence against it in the context of South Asia.; (AN 40332798)
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8.

Editorial Board Defense and Security Analysis, October 2016, Vol. 32 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 40332796)
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15

Democratization
Volume 24, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Dominant party cohesion in comparative perspective: evidence from South Africa and Namibia by Cooper, Ian. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfrica's proliferation of dominant-party regimes is often regarded as an obstacle to democratization. Scholars and practitioners therefore face the task of understanding how and why constitutionally legitimate challenges to dominant party rule occur. This article asks: why do some presidential succession crises act as a catalyst to dominant party fragmentation when others do not? It argues that minority factions are more likely to defect from a dominant party when they have (1) been marginalized by the majority faction and (2) confidence in their mobilizational capacity. Factional purging is in turn traced to autocratic leadership and party under-bureaucratization, whilst high levels of factional self-confidence are linked to crises of dominance and the weakness of extant opposition parties.; (AN 40728247)
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2.

Pathways to democratization in personalist dictatorships by Frantz, Erica; Kendall-Taylor, Andrea. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p20-40, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPersonalist dictatorships make up an increasingly large proportion of the world's dictatorships. Moreover, they tend to be particularly resistant to democratization. Understanding the conditions that increase the likelihood of democratic transitions in personalist contexts, therefore, is critical for the study and practice of democratization in the contemporary era. This study argues that political party creation is a key factor. Though personalist dictators typically create parties to offset immediate threats to their power posed by the elite – and particularly the military – doing so encourages peaceful mass mobilization and a realignment of elite networks. These dynamics, in turn, enhance prospects of democratization. Using cross-national empirical tests that address the potential endogeneity of this relationship, we find support for the argument that personalist dictators who create their own political party are more likely to democratize than those who ally with a pre-existing party or rule without one.; (AN 40728248)
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3.

Observing incumbent abuses: improving measures of electoral and competitive authoritarianism with new data by Handlin, Samuel. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p41-60, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTElectoral and competitive authoritarian regimes have become a major focus of comparative research. Yet, finding measures that distinguish these regimes from democracies is challenging, especially for scholars conducting large-Ncross-national research, as this conceptual distinction rests on incumbent abuses that are difficult to systematically observe. This article reviews common measures that simply utilize extant regime indicators to draw the line with democracy, demonstrates their poor performance in mirroring a benchmark from case-based measurement, and illustrates the adverse implications for theory building. The article then shows how data on incumbent abuse from the National Elections Across Democracy and Dictatorship (NELDA) and Varieties of Democracy (VDEM) projects can be utilized to construct alternative measures. A NELDA-based measure far outperforms extant alternatives in mirroring the case-based benchmark. The article then discusses why a VDEM-based alternative should be a superior option once data is available and how one might be constructed.; (AN 40728249)
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4.

Foreign direct investment and the risk of regime transition in autocracies by Escribà-Folch, Abel. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p61-80, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEconomic globalization and, in particular, foreign direct investment (FDI) have often been considered to be catalysts for economic reform and political liberalization. It is argued that openness to foreign investment spurs democratization by empowering pro-liberalization actors and undermining elite cohesion. This article explores and tests three alternative hypotheses linking FDI and autocratic regime survival. The liberalization hypothesis claims that FDI promotes democratization. The state-capture hypothesis suggests that FDI, by increasing the value of power, may raise the risk of an autocratic transition. Lastly, the stabilization hypothesis, contrary to the first two, claims that FDI can enhance dictatorships’ stability by opening new opportunities for distributing benefits to regime elites. The empirical analysis, covering about 100 countries for the time period 1970–2008, uses data on autocratic breakdowns and transition types to test the above hypotheses. The reported evidence does not support the liberalization or the state-capture hypothesis. FDI is found to reduce the likelihood of democratic transitions.; (AN 40728251)
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5.

Media and subnational democracy: the case of Bahia, Brazil by Durazo Herrmann, Julián. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p81-99, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIt is a well-known fact that the transition to and consolidation of democracy in Latin America have been problematic, especially at the subnational level. It is also commonplace to equate an independent media system with a strong democracy. While each of these fields has witnessed important developments in the last decade or so, there have been sparse attempts to draw the theoretical links between them. In this article, I argue that there are important insights to be gained from such an endeavour. Bahia, a state in north-eastern Brazil, is an ideal case study to bring these perspectives together. This study offers fresh insights on state–society relations at the subnational level and on the contemporary interaction between the public and the private spheres in Latin America. Last but not least, it will also provide a better grasp on the challenges democratization faces at the subnational level and the role of the media in them.; (AN 40728250)
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6.

The evolution of rule of law in Cambodia by McCarthy, Stephen; Un, Kheang. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p100-118, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCambodian leaders have confounded the efforts of the international community to promote rule of law. Over the past decade the Cambodian government has introduced a series of legal reforms and overseen an increase in the use of legal proceedings including defamation lawsuits against opposition politicians and members of civil society. These reforms and practices, as well as the role of the judiciary in relation to each, may be better understood through elite perceptions of the rule of law in Cambodia. Comprehending the rule of law as it is understood by the ruling elites offers better insight into the trajectory of legal development and the obstacles to Western ideals for legal reform. This article situates Cambodia within the context of illiberal democracy and examines how a thin rule of law has evolved, focusing on defamation law as a legal and political strategy of control. While the international community has pressed Cambodia to carry out liberal legal reforms for some time, the article will outline the obstacles facing reformers and the competing desires of Cambodian leaders embedded in the patronage based political order.; (AN 40728252)
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7.

How to understand Pakistan's hybrid regime: the importance of a multidimensional continuum by Adeney, Katharine. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p119-137, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPakistan has had a chequered democratic history but elections in 2013 marked a second turnover in power, and the first transition in Pakistan's history from one freely elected government to another. How do we best categorize (and therefore understand) political developments in Pakistan? Is it now safe to categorize it as an electoral democracy or is it still a hybrid case of democracy? Using the Pakistani case as an example, this article argues that hybrid regimes deserve consideration as a separate case (rather than as a diminished subtype of democracy or authoritarianism), but must be categorized along a multidimensional continuum to understand the dynamics of power within the political system.; (AN 40728253)
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8.

Political socialization and democratic beliefs change: a panel study of Chinese students studying in Taiwan by Wang, Chia-Chou. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p138-156, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes the experience of studying in Taiwan significantly enhance the degree to which Chinese students hold democratic beliefs? What are the factors that cause the change? By adopting a political socialization approach, a panel survey with Chinese students enrolled in short-term studies in Taiwan was conducted. The results indicated that 41.44% of the students showed no change in the degree to which they hold democratic beliefs, whereas the degree of democratic beliefs held reduced among 34.23% of the students and increased among 25.33% of the students. The regression model developed for this study can be used to explain 21.60% of the variance in the degree to which the students hold democratic beliefs. Six of the nine hypotheses tested are confirmed.; (AN 40728255)
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9.

Coups and nascent democracies: the military and Egypt's failed consolidation by Bou Nassif, Hicham. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p157-174, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do coups happen in some nascent democracies but not in others? To answer this question, I probe four interconnected variables in democratizing regimes: the military's ethos; the military's corporate interests; the military's perception of the new civilian ruling elite; and the correlation of force between the military and the founding democratic government. My argument is twofold: first, I maintain that ideational variables are central to shaping the military's political behaviour; and second, I argue in favour of merging insights from cultural, corporate, and structural theories to understand the consolidation, or breakdown, of nascent democracies.; (AN 40728254)
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10.

Have the black knights arisen? China's and Russia's support of autocratic regimes by Chou, Mark. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p175-184, 10p; (AN 40728256)
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11.

Corruption, grabbing and development: real world challenges, edited by Tina Søreide and Aled Williams by Osipian, Ararat L.. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p185-186, 2p; (AN 40728258)
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12.

Putin's Russia: how it rose, how it is maintained, and how it might end, edited by Leon Aron by Ekaterina, Paustyan. Democratization, January 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p186-188, 3p; (AN 40728257)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 24, no. 3, August 2016

Record

Results

1.

The Domestic Effects of the Russian Food Embargo Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p281-289, 9p; Abstract: Abstract:This short article provides an analysis of the impact of Russia’s food embargo on domestic producers. It is part of an occasional series of non-peer-reviewed texts that explain current events.; (AN 40331146)
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2.

Canaries in a Coal Mine: The Uphill Struggle of Russia’s Non-System Liberals Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p291-325, 35p; Abstract: Abstract:Since the electoral protest cycle of 2011/12, Russia’s non-system liberal opposition has faced enormous obstacles in its efforts to secure popular support and political representation. Putin’s resurgent authoritarianism has placed new restrictions on mass-demonstrations, media ownership and the use of social media, but these have not dampened the efforts of liberal activists and notables to organize and to use social media to communicate their political message. Rather, on the contrary, they have challenged the state and the regime at great personal risk and cost. This article explores the political struggle of this group, as well as its use of strategic frames, social media exposure and organizational tactics. It argues that although organizational disarrays persist due to the high pressure of the regime, the most active groups have had greater success in employing potentially resonant frames of identification and disruptive tactics in the passionate and relentless struggle for civic and electoral rights.; (AN 40332173)
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3.

Framing Sanctions in the Russian Media: The Rally Effect and Putin’s Enduring Popularity Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p327-350, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes a paradoxical situation: sanctions have real negative effects on the Russian economy, but are not recognized by the population as a problem. The article analyzes the key strategies used to deproblematize the economic sanctions (and the Russian food embargo) that were used in four Russian newspapers from March 2014 to December 2014. Drawing on agenda-setting theory, we assume that the use of deproblematization strategies in the media discussion on economic sanctions proves to people that the effects of the sanctions are not severe. The second section discusses another puzzle: against the background of a large-scale economic and political crisis in Russia, Vladimir Putin’s support is increasing. We explain this outcome using the rally-around-the-flag effect. We argue that Russia’s media discussion can explain why the rally effect in Russia is substantially more stable than in other countries.; (AN 40332199)
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4.

Explanatory Factors for Electoral Turnout in the Russian Federation: The Regional Dimension Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p351-370, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This study examines regional level turnout in national and regional elections in Russia over the period 2011-13. Our study demonstrates that in order to gain a deeper understanding of turnout in electoral authoritarian regimes, such as Russia, it is essential to combine and test the explanatory powers of the “resource” and “mobilization” models. We also take into account the level of electoral competitiveness which, in turn, depends on the type of regional political regime (competitive authoritarian or hegemonic). The following key questions are addressed in the study. To what extent does distributive politics influence turnout? What kind of social networks are the most effective for electoral mobilization? To what degree does turnout depend on the mobilization capabilities of political machines?; (AN 40331499)
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5.

Kazakhstan’s Presidential Transition and the Evolution of Elite Networks Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p371-397, 27p; Abstract: Abstract:Much of the succession debate in Kazakhstan emphasizes who will succeed President Nazarbayev and how a new president will shape regime consolidation. While this debate sheds light on Kazakhstan’s authoritarian trajectory, the focus should turn away from regime consolidation and instead toward network dynamics to help explain how leadership transition will affect patron-client relations and the informal networks that rely on state resources. Building on our understanding of patronal politics, this paper examines those who will fail to win in Kazakhstan’s succession battle and how they will retain access to patronage networks and state resource wealth.; (AN 40331284)
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6.

Is Russia Declining? Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, August 2016, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 3 p399-418, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:This article measures changes in Russia’s performance in economic, technological, military, and human capital domains and compares this performance to those of five of the West’s leading powers, the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, and Italy, as well as to the world as a whole (wherever possible), to test the hypothesis that Russia has declined versus its Western competitors and the rest of the world since 1999. Measurements utilizing a single-variable approach indicate that 21stcentury Russia has risen relative to its five Western competitors as well as to the world as a whole. Three multi-variable methods of measuring national power employed in this article indicate that, even though Russia continues to trail behind the U.S. in national power, that gap has narrowed and Russia has gained on all five Western competitors since 1999. Moreover, two of these multi-variable methods also show Russia has risen when compared to the world as a whole. Therefore, the results of the measurements do not allow me to reject the null hypothesis, which is that Russia has either risen or retained its positions relative to its five Western competitors and the world as a whole so far in the 21st century.; (AN 40331445)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 8, no. 3, September 2015

Record Results
1. Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The history and ideology of a militant Islamist group, 2005–2012 by Nickels, Benjamin P.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p191-193, 3p; (AN 37363584)
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2. The rise of insurrectionary anarchist terrorism in Italy by Marone, Francesco. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p194-214, 21p; Abstract: Since the mid-1980s, Italian insurrectionary anarchists have been responsible for dozens of attacks both within Italy and abroad. For more than a decade, the prevailing tactics were small-scale acts of vandalism, sabotage and arson. However, since the late 1990s, insurrectionary anarchist militants have increasingly used more dangerous methods such as bombings and assaults. Today, insurrectionary anarchist violence is generally regarded as the most dangerous form of domestic non-jihadist terrorism in Italy. Furthermore, in many respects, Italy represents the birthplace of a threat that has spread in many countries. The paper aims to examine the rise of insurrectionary anarchist terrorism in Italy, a neglected topic in the literature. The text focuses on four aspects. First, it traces the ideological roots of this extremist tendency. Second, it examines the escalation of violence in the twenty-first century, paying particular attention to the most important entity, the Informal Anarchist Federation, FAI, a loose network that emerged in 2003. The discussion is based on an original data set of 50 acts of violence claimed by the Italian FAI from 2003 to 2014. Third, it explores the peculiar organisational structure of the FAI. Finally, it analyses the repertoire of action and the strategies of target selection.; (AN 37363587)
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3. Indicators of terrorist intent and capability: Tools for threat assessment by Schuurman, Bart; Eijkman, Quirine. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p215-231, 17p; Abstract: Behaviors or expressions can (inadvertently) communicate the intention or capability to commit a terrorist attack. Such pre-attack “indicators” can be used to improve police services’ ability to detect and interdict terrorist plots before they materialize. This article explores the concept of terrorism indicators by applying it to seven case studies of home-grown jihadist groups and individuals that occurred in three Western countries between 2004 and 2007. Two main findings are presented: a framework that conceptualizes the pre-attack process as consisting of seven distinct phases and, divided over these phases, a multitude of possible indicators of terrorist intent or capability. The run-up to a terrorist attack is found to be multipronged and chaotic rather than a neat linear progression through distinct preparatory stages. This may be characteristic of the loosely organized and relatively amateur nature of the home-grown jihadist groups and individuals studied.; (AN 37363586)
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4. A case for terrorism as genocide in an era of weakened states by Whiteside, Craig. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p232-250, 19p; Abstract: AbstractGenocide is often linked to the rise of the nation state, although it is clear that it has existed as long as warfare itself. The Armenian genocide and the Jewish Holocaust are examples of attempts by states to kill off specific sub-populations based on their identity. The advent of globalization, the rise of non-state actors, and the weakening of the state have opened the door to a new phenomenon: terrorism as genocide. Since 2003, the Islamic State movement has carried on a campaign of targeting Iraqi Shia and Yazidi civilians resulting in thousands of dead. This targeting has proceeded apace, regardless of leadership changes, funding, or relative strength of the group. This paper argues that the Shia and Yazidi in Iraq are subject to a genocidal campaign by ISIS, based on a quantitative analysis of attacks on civilians and the existing United Nations frameworks for the prevention of genocide. Furthermore, a bias against non-state actors as possible perpetrators could blind the international community to slowly unfolding genocidal campaigns. Both of these factors highlight a looming challenge to the United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect doctrine that has been mostly ignored by the media and policymakers.; (AN 37363585)
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5. Global shadow war: a conceptual analysis by Lyckman, Markus; Weissmann, Mikael. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p251-262, 12p; Abstract: AbstractThe US strategic shift from nation-building to what has been labelled “light footprint” has carried with it a number of changes in the practices used when waging war on terrorism. These activities include covert and clandestine action by special operations and paramilitary forces, and others, operating under a shadowy mandate. It is essential to analyse these changes, due to the nature of the actions taken and the global reach and consequences of US foreign policies. The concept of “global shadow war” has been used by scholars and journalists alike to describe the practices associated with the light footprint framework, although the concept is ambiguous, lacks clear conceptual boundaries and is yet to be defined. This article attempts to resolve the problem of ambiguity through a systematic analysis of how and when the concept is used, in the process establishing its conceptual boundaries and definitional qualities. Using a method for concept analysis developed by Giovanni Sartori, the article provides a conceptual definition which is more clearly delineated, encompasses the characteristics found in the sources studied, and can be used when theorizing about the many practices taking place within the light footprint framework.; (AN 37363588)
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6. Exploring the crime‒terror nexus in the United States: a social network analysis of a Hezbollah network involved in trade diversion by Belli, Roberta; Freilich, Joshua D.; Chermak, Steven M.; Boyd, Katharine A.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2015, Vol. 8 Issue: Number 3 p263-281, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis exploratory study examines the nexus between crime and terrorism through a social network analysis of an American-based Hezbollah network involved in trade diversion of cigarettes for self-financing purposes. The study has three goals: (1) to explore the structural characteristics of an Islamic extremist network involved in trade diversion; (2) to identify key actors in the network and their links to other network participants; and (3) to compare these findings with the depiction of the network and its structure provided by US public authorities. The study used court documents and open source information to identify network participants and all the links existing among them were coded. It used the software package “Pajek” and also provided visual representations of the networks through sociograms. The findings reveal important features of a so-called “dark network” and provide practical implications for policy-makers involved in counterstrategies, improving their understanding of the relational aspects and dynamics among network participants that can sometimes be overlooked. First, only six out of 34 participants in the conspiracy were identified as supporters of Hezbollah, thus supporting the so-called “crime‒terror nexus” theory. Second, while previous research has tended to neglect the existence of lower-level interactions occurring outside static and predetermined organizational settings, evidence was found that links between extremists and non-extremists occurred within fluid and dynamic structures that form part of broader social networks. This key point questions the validity of simplistic labels such as “terrorist cell” or “criminal organization” when used with reference to entities that involve both extremists and non-extremists. This finding has policy implications, given that this type of “hybrid” network may require a different investigative and prosecutorial approach combining strategies and tools from both organized crime and terrorism investigations. Finally, our actor-centered analysis showed interesting similarities as well as differences between our findings and the way prosecutors classified suspects based on their role in the conspiracy.; (AN 37363589)
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