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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 43, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Saving Samuel Huntington and the Need for Pragmatic Civil–Military Relations by Travis, Donald S.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p395-414, 20p; Abstract: How the U.S. military establishment interacts with other parts of the American government and the people impacts American national power. Because civil–military relationships are influenced by the context of the environment and the “kind of war” being waged, there are a variety of ways that military and civilian leaders can work together to improve the nation’s security. This article proposes an alternative civil–military relations model called pragmatic civilian control. It integrates Samuel Huntington’s objective civilian control theory with traditional American political philosophy and concepts established by Morris Janowitz, while accounting for current geopolitical conditions.; (AN 42556953)
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2.

Authorship and Affiliation in Armed Forces & Society: Developmental Trends Across Volumes 1–41 by Sookermany, Anders McD.; Sand, Trond Svela; Ender, Morten G.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p415-435, 21p; Abstract: Armed Forces & Society(AF&S) was founded in 1974 with the overall intention of creating an international arena for interdisciplinary approaches to the study of the military institution and the intersection of armed forces and their society. The present study is both a follow-up and an update of Morten Enders’s article “Authorship and Affiliation in Armed Forces & Society” covering 1,139 articles in the 41 volumes published from 1974 until 2015. The scope has been to look for the evolving trends on Authorship and Affiliation (A&A) within AF&Sso as to say something about what AF&Shas become over these years, as a consequence of whom the authors are and where they come from. Our findings suggest a developmental narrative of A&A in AF&Sof a continuously higher author–article ratio, an increased female authorship ratio, and a wider range of disciplines from more continents, countries, and institutions, plus a trend of increased cross-national coauthorship.; (AN 42556949)
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3.

Markets and Manpower: The Political Economy of Compulsory Military Service by Cohn, Lindsay P.; Toronto, Nathan W.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p436-458, 23p; Abstract: Economic studies of military manpower systems emphasize the advantages of voluntarism under all but the most total threats, but this explains neither the persistence of institutionalized conscription in many states nor the timing of shifts from such conscription systems to volunteer militaries. Traditional explanations focus on external threat levels, but this has also proven unsatisfying. We theorize that threat variables establish the state’s baseline need for manpower, but structural economic variables determine whether the necessary manpower can be more efficiently obtained by conscription or voluntarism. Using a new data set of 99 countries over 40 years, we find that states with British origins are less likely and those experiencing greater external threat are more likely to employ conscripts. Most importantly, states with more highly regulated labor markets are more likely to employ conscripts, which suggests that, controlling for a number of relevant factors, labor markets matter in military manpower decisions.; (AN 42556954)
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4.

Team Learning and Leadership in Multinational Military Staff Exercises by Hedlund, Erik. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p459-477, 19p; Abstract: Cooperation in multinational military operations is one of the main tasks for the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF), which means that Swedish officers need to be able to meet international military staff standards. For this reason, the SAF and the Swedish Defence University organize an annual international staff exercise which aims to train officers in and increase their knowledge of North Atlantic Treaty Organization staff methods and procedures. The essence of successful staff work is good leadership and effective team work. In this article, we present findings from three staff exercises that have significant impact on leadership and possibilities for good team learning that relate to a team learning model. These findings have great potential to be of value in planning and improving leadership education and training in both military and civilian contexts.; (AN 42556947)
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5.

Integrating Two Theoretical Models to Understand and Prevent Military and Veteran Suicide by Wolfe-Clark, Andrea L.; Bryan, Craig J.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p478-499, 22p; Abstract: Despite increasing prevention efforts, military suicide rates have surpassed those of the general population. This trend may reflect a deficit in our understanding of suicide, historically atheoretical and based on decreasing risk factors of suicide. The interpersonal–psychological theory of suicide (IPTS) provides a theoretical foundation to understand suicide but only assesses three risk factors of suicide and is primarily aimed at explaining who may die by suicide, but not when. The fluid vulnerability theory (FVT) provides a broad theoretical framework to understand and organize risk and protective factors of suicide in order to understand the process of suicide risk over time. Overlaying the IPTS’s constructs of thwarted belongingness, perceived burdensomeness, and the acquired capability for suicide within the FVT framework provides a robust model to understand not only whois at risk for suicide but also whensuicide risk is likely to emerge.; (AN 42556952)
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6.

Civil War Mediation and Rebel Use of Violence Against Civilians by Pospieszna, Paulina; DeRouen, Karl. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p500-522, 23p; Abstract: Violence against civilians is portrayed as an antecedent of civil war, a cause, or both. Civil war creates opportune environments for planning and carrying out these acts that in turn can have detrimental effects on peace processes. Since not all civil war factions will see peace as beneficial, some actors may use violence to undermine the peace talks. The rebels may use indiscriminate violence to demonstrate their ability to exact costs on the government thus forcing the latter to negotiate. This article focuses upon acts of violence committed by rebel groups during mediated peace process. The central hypothesis is that violence against civilians increases the probability of mediation that in turn increases the prospects for violence. Using all civil war episodes from 1970 to 2008 as observations results from bivariate probit analysis endogenizing the choice of mediation bear out this theoretical argument.; (AN 42556950)
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7.

Political Activism of the National Security Council in Turkey After the Reforms by Kars Kaynar, Ayşegül. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p523-544, 22p; Abstract: Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military’s protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military’s power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK’s political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers.; (AN 42556946)
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8.

Diversionary Theory of War and the Case Study Design: President Clinton’s Strikes on Iraq and Yugoslavia by Blomdahl, Mikael. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p545-565, 21p; Abstract: This article examines President Clinton’s decisions to launch military actions against Iraq in June 1993 and Kosovo in 1999. This study represents an attempt to test the descriptive accuracy and further developing the diversionary theory of war. Using a qualitative framework for diversionary use of force developed by another researcher, Ryan C. Hendrickson, this research examines and compares the two cases in order to determine whether or not these strikes appear to be diversionary in nature. This article generally suggests that empirical support for the diversionary argument in these cases is “mixed” but has more validity in the actions against Iraq. Two proposals to further develop qualitative tests for diversionary use of force are advanced.; (AN 42556951)
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9.

Message Strategies in Military Recruitment Advertising: A Research Note by Park, Sejin; Shoieb, Zienab; Taylor, Ronald E.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p566-573, 8p; Abstract: This study investigates message strategies used in U.S. military commercials using Taylor’s six-segment strategy wheel. A content analysis of 125 military television commercials reveals that (1) majority of military commercials employed transformational strategy rather than informational strategy; (2) military commercials only used high involvement message strategies (i.e., ration, ego, and social) and no acute need, routine, and sensory commercials were observed; and (3) message strategies in military advertising varied across the number of wars and recruiting targets. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.; (AN 42556948)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Corrigendum Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 pci-ci, 1p; (AN 42893354)
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2.

The Helsinki Final Act four decades on by Foroughi, Payam. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p293-299, 7p; (AN 42893343)
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3.

The OSCEs of Central Asia by Dunay, Pál. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p300-312, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCentral Asia is the ‘best customer’ of the OSCE. It is the area of five post-Soviet OSCE participating states that are in significant need of support by the organization that prides itself on cooperative security and that have many shortcomings primarily in the humanitarian dimension, which the organization should foster to change. Central Asia has demonstrated less political and socio-economic transformation since its independence than it could have. While it receives reduced interest due to the declining importance of those two matters that contributed to it (rich natural resources and energy bearers and the vicinity of Afghanistan), the OSCE is the organization where Central Asia is ‘at home’. Central Asian states would like to face less soft persuasion (and even less hard pressure), but they would like to benefit from the assistance of the organization and its participating states. It is for this reason that there is more than one OSCE in Central Asia trying to meet the different needs of the area.; (AN 42893342)
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4.

Human rights concepts in the OSCE region: changes since the Helsinki Final Act by Rhodes, Aaron. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p313-330, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Helsinki Accords resonated with dissident movements in the Soviet Bloc that had reconstructed a classical liberal approach to human rights. Human rights campaigns on both sides of the Iron Curtain emphasized civil and political rights. But human rights revisionism, expanding the scope of human rights, was growing in international institutions. In 1993, the international community embraced the concept of the ‘indivisibility’ of human rights. An expansive, ‘post-modern’ vision of human rights de-emphasized the protection of basic individual freedoms, while expanding global regulation. A strong moral and political challenge to classical human rights has emerged in the form of Eurasianism, a statist doctrine that denies the existence of universal human rights and insists that each culture has its own values. The idea of human rights as protections for basic freedoms, diluted and weakened over decades by assaults and compromises, may lack the moral clarity needed to confront the Eurasian challenge.; (AN 42893345)
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5.

Overlap with contestation? Comparing norms and policies of regional organizations in the post-Soviet space by Russo, Alessandra; Gawrich, Andrea. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p331-352, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTwo sets of regional organizations contribute to the overlapping regionalism in the former Soviet space. On one side we find the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe (COE), whose original ‘Cold War agenda’ was to enhance the political dialogue across the East–West divide in Europe. On the other side is a kaleidoscopic group of organizations which have been established in the framework of (re-)emerging ambitions of regional leadership, if not hegemony, whose creation has been often interpreted in ‘reactive’ terms, to counterbalance Western influences and projects in the Eurasian geopolitical theatre. The article aims at conceptualizing these regional overlaps, focusing on drivers and effects in terms of regional governance in the post-Soviet region. The authors investigate the similarities and contradictions among four organizations (OSCE, COE, Commonwealth of Independent States and Shanghai Cooperation Organization) from the two different organizational sets, regarding leading norms and policies that address both human and security dimensions.; (AN 42893344)
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6.

Benefactor, industry or intruder? Perceptions of international organizations in Central Asia – the case of the OSCE in Tajikistan by Kluczewska, Karolina. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p353-372, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSoon after the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991, a civil war started in Tajikistan (1992–97). This was also the period when a number of international organizations arrived in the country to distribute humanitarian assistance and assist in conflict resolution and stabilization. After the UN, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) was the second key organization which appeared in the conflict-stricken country. Like other key international organizations in Tajikistan, the OSCE, which has been in the country since 1994, has seen a shift in its original functions of monitoring and emergency assistance. Some see its avowed objectives in the new century as formalistic, virtual and ineffective. By capturing perceptions of foreign assistance to Tajikistan among employees of the OSCE and other international organizations, NGO workers, government officials and ordinary citizens, this article explores how Tajikistan ‘socialized’ the OSCE, making the organization simultaneously a benefactor, an industry and even an intruder.; (AN 42893346)
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7.

Helsinki’s counterintuitive effect? OSCE/ODIHR’s election observation missions and solidification of virtual democracy in post-communist Central Asia: the case of Tajikistan, 2000–2013 by Foroughi, Payam; Mukhtorova, Uguloy. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p373-390, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the late 1990s, the post-communist states of Central Asia, as ‘participating States’ of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, have been regularly persuaded by the organization to invite its Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to monitor their national parliamentary and presidential elections. The OSCE/ODIHR’s objectives have been to assist the Central Asian participating states in holding free and fair elections and aid in a presumed ongoing post-communist democratization process. We argue that contrary to OSCE’s assumptions, repeated OSCE/ODIHR election observations of Central Asian states with histories of fraudulent elections (as demonstrated by the case study of Tajikistan during 2000–2013) have not contributed to the flourishing of democracy and political pluralism, but rather inadvertently aided in the solidification of authoritarianism and ‘virtual democracy’ – a phenomenon we refer to as ‘Helsinki’s counterintuitive effect’. Using stakeholder interviews, we test four hypotheses in support of this general proposition.; (AN 42893348)
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8.

Timur Kasymovich Beisembiev, 1955–2016 by Morrison, Alexander. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p391-394, 4p; (AN 42893349)
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9.

Making Uzbekistan: nation, empire, and revolution in the early USSR by Penati, Beatrice. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p395-398, 4p; (AN 42893347)
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10.

Oil and water: being Han in Xinjiang by Eitzen, Hilda. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p398-400, 3p; (AN 42893350)
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11.

The Šabdan Baatır Codex: epic and the writing of northern Kyrgyz history by Dwyer, Arienne M.. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p400-403, 4p; (AN 42893351)
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12.

The state as investment market: Kyrgyzstan in comparative perspective by Sakiev, Azamat. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p403-405, 3p; (AN 42893352)
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13.

Iranian languages and literatures of Central Asia: from the eighteenth century to the present by Perry, John R.. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p405-407, 3p; (AN 42893353)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 230, no. 1, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 230 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b4, 4p; (AN 42578570)
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2.

CQY volume 230 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f6, 6p; (AN 42578556)
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3.

Unveiling Neoliberal Dynamics: Government Purchase (goumai) of Social Work Services in Shenzhen's Urban Periphery by Cho, Mun Young. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p269-288, 20p; Abstract: AbstractHow has social work, which has emerged as a distinct profession in the PRC with the full support of the party-state, come to produce neoliberal outcomes similar to those found in other, capitalist countries? In this article, I draw attention to the government purchase (goumai) of social work services, which is commonly considered as confirmation of state capacity and leadership rather than the passing on of state responsibilities to civil sectors with tight budgets. Ethnographic research on the actual social work practices in Shenzhen's Foxconn town reveals how neoliberal-style outsourcing has converged with diverse historical legacies, thus creating precarious labour conditions for frontline social workers. Neoliberal dynamics end up filling most of these social work positions with migrant youth from the countryside, reproducing and perpetuating China's rural–urban divide. Institutional efforts at social care may not only reduce the existing inequalities but may also rely upon and even reinforce them.; (AN 42578565)
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4.

The Educational Gradient in Health in China by Chen, Qiulin; Eggleston, Karen; Zhang, Wei; Zhao, Jiaying; Zhou, Sen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p289-322, 34p; Abstract: AbstractIt has been well established that better educated individuals enjoy better health and longevity. In theory, the educational gradients in health could be flattening if diminishing returns to improved average education levels and the influence of earlier population health interventions outweigh the gradient-steepening effects of new medical and health technologies. This paper documents how the gradients are evolving in China, a rapidly developing country, about which little is known on this topic. Based on recent mortality data and nationally representative health surveys, we find large and, in some cases, steepening educational gradients. We also find that the gradients vary by cohort, gender and region. Further, we find that the gradients can only partially be accounted for by economic factors. These patterns highlight the double disadvantage of those with low education, and suggest the importance of policy interventions that foster both aspects of human capital for them.; (AN 42578552)
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5.

The Rise of “Localism” and Civic Identity in Post-handover Hong Kong: Questioning the Chinese Nation-state by Veg, Sebastian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p323-347, 25p; Abstract: AbstractWhile it was traditionally accepted that Hongkongers shared a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that did not contradict their local distinctiveness, over the last decade Hong Kong has seen the rise of new types of local identity discourses. Most recently, “localists” have been a vocal presence. Hong Kong has – quite unexpectedly – developed a strong claim for self-determination. But how new is “localism” with respect to the more traditional “Hong Kong identity” that appeared in the 1970s? The present study takes a two-dimensional approach to study these discourses, examining not only their framework of identification (local versus pan-Chinese) but also their mode of identification (ethno-cultural versus civic). Using three case studies, the June Fourth vigil, the 2012 anti-National Education protest and the 2014 Umbrella movement, it distinguishes between groups advocating civic identification with the local community (Scholarism, HKFS) and others highlighting ethnic identification (Chin Wan). It argues that while local and national identification were traditionally not incompatible, the civic-based identification with a local democratic community, as advocated by most participants in recent movements, is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ethnic and cultural definition of the Chinese nation that is now being promoted by the Beijing government.; (AN 42578573)
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6.

Negotiating Positive Non-interventionism: Regulating Hong Kong's Finance Companies, 1976–1986 by Schenk, Catherine R.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p348-370, 23p; Abstract: AbstractSince colonial times to the present day, Hong Kong's position as a global financial centre is one of the enduring economic strengths of the territory. This success is often attributed to the distinctive role of the state, coined in the 1970s by the-then financial secretary, Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, as “positive non-interventionism.” The relationship between the market and the state has also been characterized as a form of corporatism, particularly in the financial sector as bankers were able to influence policy. However, closer examination of the behind-the-scenes relations between bankers and the state reveals a much more complex relationship, with the banks seeking protection that the government was not willing to provide. Moreover, the reluctance to regulate financial markets resulted in piecemeal interventions and weak implementation that undermined the stability of this sector and of the economy as a whole. This paper demonstrates the confusion over the concept and practicalities of positive non-interventionism, even for Haddon-Cave, and how the concept evolved towards a policy of “when in doubt, do nothing” during a period of financial instability. Along the way, the paper presents new evidence about the origins of Hong Kong's current banking structure.; (AN 42578541)
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7.

The Losing Media? An Empirical Study of Defamation Litigation in China by He, Xin; Lin, Fen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p371-398, 28p; Abstract: AbstractFollowing a well-established research tradition on court decisions, this study analyses 524 defamation cases in China from 1993 to 2013, explores the media's success possibilities, and investigates the role of party capacity, political influence and the medium effect. Contrary to the existing assertions, we find that the media are not necessarily losing. On average, from 1993 to 2013, the success rate of news media in Chinese defamation courts was 42 per cent, and this rate has been increasing since 2005. We also find that government officials and Party organs had consistent advantages in court, while ordinary plaintiffs, magazines and websites had less success. The medium of the media (i.e. print, broadcast, internet) makes a difference, as do the government policies governing the media. In addition, local protectionism exists, but it is less rampant than expected. These findings compel us to rethink the dynamics among the media, the courts and the state, and their implications on China's institutional resilience.; (AN 42578545)
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8.

Thought Work Contested: Ideology and Journalism Education in China by Repnikova, Maria. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p399-419, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the dynamic evolution of China's ideology work through the prism of journalism education. Official sensitivity about both student activism and the media makes journalism education a critical sector for observing how the Party attempts to instil ideology. The article interrogates the process of negotiation of official ideology among authorities, educators and students at elite journalism schools. It demonstrates that alongside state-sanctioned media commercialization and globalization, official influence still looms large in journalism training. Ideological teachings continue to occupy a core place in the curricula, and the authorities deploy a mix of structural oversight, ad hoc surveillance and coercion to keep the educators in check. The effects of the official ideology work, however, are ambivalent, as educators and students engage in the active reinterpretation of the Party's media principles. While these practices do not directly undermine the Party's legitimacy, they demonstrate that official ideology has merely constructed what Yurchak terms a “hegemony of form,” highlighting a degree of vulnerability in China's mode of adaptive authoritarianism.; (AN 42578549)
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9.

Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags: Building Discipline and Collegiality among China's Traditional Rural Midwives in the 1950s by Fang, Xiaoping. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p420-443, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores how the new Communist government developed a political consciousness of discipline and collegiality among traditional rural midwives in Chinese villages during the 1950s. It argues that selected traditional rural midwives were taught to observe discipline by attending meetings and studying, and to develop collegiality with peers through criticism and self-criticism of their birth attendance techniques and personal characters in short training courses from 1951 onwards. A legitimized midwife identity gradually formed in rural communities, but with it came conflicts and rivalry. By keeping these midwives under institutional surveillance and creating a dynamic and constant moulding process, the new government intended to foster professional and political discipline and collegiality within the group based on a normativized notion of selflessness performed within a changing series of indoctrination schemes that demonstrated continuity and complementarity and which I have described as common, preliminary, institutionalized, and dynamic schemes. This article examines how the state attempted to retrain marginalized and derided midwives with appropriate class backgrounds in order to incorporate them into the modern medical world, then still dominated by doctors and nurses with suspect class backgrounds. Ironically, in creating “socialist new people” to intervene in traditional rural birthing practices and introducing fee-for-service professionalism, the CCP accidentally created a degree of petit-capitalist thinking among women whose traditional mode of work may have been more selfless, thus complicating the process of indoctrinating selfless dedication.; (AN 42578559)
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10.

Neither “Bad” nor “Dirty”: High-end Sex Work and Intimate Relationships in Urban China by Yuk-ha Tsang, Eileen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p444-463, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe relationship between sex workers and their clients is generally characterized as being based entirely on the direct exchange of sexual favours for money. However, this received wisdom cannot account for a nation such as China which attaches significant value to “face,” social status and interpersonal dignity. This paper draws parallels with high-end sex workers elsewhere in Asia as well as globally. With a focus on the high-end sector, I examine how workers and their clients engage not only in pecuniary transactions but also in genuinely intimate and non-remunerative relationships. High-end sex workers make use of their earned economic capital to acquire cultural capital, and use online apps as marketing tools to target local elites and expats to forge longer-term intimate relationships. Male clients in more commercialized, post-industrial cities in China continue to seek diverse types of sexual experiences, with some clients seeking genuine intimacy. Furthermore, I explore how Chinese and foreign clients overcome social barriers to develop such relationships with sex workers. Building on this sociocultural perspective, this paper analyses ethnographically both sides of the female sex worker–client relationship in high-end karaoke lounges and bars in Dongguan, southern China.; (AN 42578551)
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11.

Evaluating the Behaviour of Chinese Stakeholders Engaged in Large Hydropower Projects in Asia and Africa by Tan-Mullins, May; Urban, Frauke; Mang, Grace. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p464-488, 25p; Abstract: AbstractHydropower dams are back in the spotlight owing to a shifting preference for low carbon energy generation and their possible contribution to mitigating climate change. At the forefront of the renaissance of large hydropower dams are Chinese companies, as the builders of the world's largest dams at home and abroad, opening up opportunities for low- and middle-income countries. However, large hydropower dams, despite their possible developmental and carbon reduction contributions, are accompanied by huge economic costs, profound negative environmental changes and social impacts. Using fieldwork data from four hydropower projects in Ghana, Nigeria, Cambodia and Malaysia, this paper evaluates the behaviour of Chinese stakeholders engaged in large hydropower projects in Asia and Africa. We do this by first exploring the interests of the different Chinese stakeholders and then by investigating the wider implications of these Chinese dams on the local, national and international contexts. The paper concludes that hydropower dams will continue to play a prominent role in future efforts to increase energy security and reduce energy poverty worldwide, therefore the planning, building and mitigation strategies need to be implemented in a more sustainable way that takes into account national development priorities, the needs of local people and the impacts on natural habitats.; (AN 42578569)
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12.

Resource Conflict Resolution in China by Zhan, Jing Vivian; Ming, Zeng. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p489-511, 23p; Abstract: AbstractMineral resource extraction has frequently caused social tensions in China. This research examines the reactive and pre-emptive strategies used by the Chinese state to cope with resource conflicts. Based on extensive fieldwork in multiple mining areas, we find that the Chinese local state actively mediates between the mining sector and local citizens, and skilfully suppresses collective protests. More importantly, it pre-emptively intervenes in dispute-prone processes and redistributes resource wealth to create vested interests and mitigate popular grievances. We argue that the active state intervention in resource conflicts in China is driven by the party-state's tight control of local officials, which prevents local capture by resource interests, and enabled by the party-state's deep reach into society, which allows grassroots governments to negotiate between conflicting interests and mobilize resources towards conflict resolution.; (AN 42578562)
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13.

Anti-dumping Practices and China's Implementation of WTO Rulings by Zhou, Weihuan; Zhang, Shu. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p512-527, 16p; Abstract: AbstractWe explore China's behaviour in taking anti-dumping actions, with a focus on those which have been challenged under the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. We argue that the typical motivations behind China's resort to anti-dumping measures include protection, retaliation, industrial development and export promotion. These motivations are likely to carry more weight than China's observance of WTO obligations when deciding whether to impose anti-dumping measures and whether to implement WTO rulings. Brief recommendations are provided to foreign governments and exporters on how to avoid China's anti-dumping actions.; (AN 42578567)
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14.

Book Review: Will Africa Feed China? by Taylor, Ian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p528-529, 2p; (AN 42578542)
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15.

Book Review: The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century by Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p529-531, 3p; (AN 42578557)
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16.

Book Review: Paper Tigers, Hidden Dragons: Firms and the Political Economy of China's Technological Development by Hsieh, Michelle F.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p531-533, 3p; (AN 42578568)
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17.

Book Review: Goodbye iSlave: A Manifesto for Digital Abolition by Chan, Jenny. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p533-535, 3p; (AN 42578547)
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18.

Book Review: Globalization and Security Relations across the Taiwan Strait: In the Shadow of China by Dickey, Lauren. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p535-537, 3p; (AN 42578564)
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19.

Book Review: China and Tibet: The Perils of Insecurity by Weiner, Benno Ryan. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p537-538, 2p; (AN 42578543)
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20.

Book Review: Contesting the Yellow Dragon: Ethnicity, Religion, and the State in the Sino-Tibetan Borderland by Klingberg, Travis. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p538-540, 3p; (AN 42578550)
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21.

Book Review: Chinese Thought as Global Theory: Diversifying Knowledge Production in the Social Sciences and Humanities by Sorace, Christian P.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p540-541, 2p; (AN 42578558)
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22.

Book Review: Children in China by Liu, Fengshu. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p541-543, 3p; (AN 42578571)
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23.

Book Review: Women Warriors and Wartime Spies of China by Roberts, Rosemary. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p543-545, 3p; (AN 42578548)
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24.

Book Review: The Diplomacy of Migration: Transnational Lives and the Making of US–Chinese Relations in the Cold War by Hamilton, Peter E.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p545-547, 3p; (AN 42578561)
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25.

Book Review: China's Porcelain Capital: The Rise, Fall and Reinvention of Ceramics in Jingdezhen by Dillon, Michael. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p547-548, 2p; (AN 42578554)
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26.

Book Review: Taiping Theology: The Localization of Christianity in China, 1843–64 by Kaiser, Andrew T.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p548-550, 3p; (AN 42578553)
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27.

Book Review: Fact in Fiction: 1920s China and Ba Jin's Family and The Lost Geopoetic Horizon of Li Jieren: The Crisis of Writing Chengdu in Revolutionary China by Veg, Sebastian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p550-553, 4p; (AN 42578572)
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28.

Book Review: Screening Post-1989 China: Critical Analysis of Chinese Film and Television by Berry, Chris. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p553-554, 2p; (AN 42578546)
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29.

Book Review: Telemodernities: Television and Transforming Lives in Asia by Zhu, Ying. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p554-556, 3p; (AN 42578563)
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30.

Book Review: The Sinophone Cinema of Hou Hsiao-hsien: Culture, Style, Voice and Motion by Udden, James. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p556-557, 2p; (AN 42578566)
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31.

Book Review: To Build a Free China: A Citizen's Journey by Jia, Mark. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p558-559, 2p; (AN 42578544)
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32.

Books Received The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p560-562, 3p; (AN 42578560)
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33.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p563-564, 2p; (AN 42578555)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 19, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Statement – New Civil Wars Team by Fisher, Jonathan; Jackson, Paul. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 42856340)
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2.

Everyday Social Practices and Boundary-Making in Deeply Divided Societies by Mac Ginty, Roger. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p4-25, 22p; Abstract: AbstractBased on empirical evidence and conceptual scoping, this article builds a typology of everyday social practices in a deeply divided society. The typology distinguishes between moderating and non-moderating practices relating to boundaries. Based on a case study of contemporary Lebanon, it describes how boundary making and maintaining are the stuff of everyday life in deeply divided societies. But it also describes how the society under study also contains much evidence of fluidity and permeability in relation to boundaries. Many of these instances of boundary crossing do not threaten the meta politico-religious boundary, but they do compel us to re-evaluate views of deeply divided societies as comprised of homogenous and uncompromising blocs.; (AN 42856339)
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3.

Fettered Self-determination: South Sudan’s Narrowed Path to Secession by de Vries, Lotje; Schomerus, Mareike. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p26-45, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe interpretation of self-determination as a vote for secession shaped the state that South Sudan has become since the 2011 referendum. Self-determination, this paper argues, is a democratic political process in which citizens determine their preferred form of statehood and nature of governance for their country. In South Sudan, however, political actors—with international support—established conditions that reduced such complex democratic processes to narrow technical matters. Equating self-determination with secession consolidated political and military domination in a process designed to end such domination. This was done at the expense of a more inclusive, process-oriented and political interpretation of self-determination.; (AN 42856341)
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4.

When to Get Out of the Trench? Using Smart Pressure to Resolve Civil Wars by Duursma, Allard. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p46-64, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article puts forward a theory of smart pressure, which emphasises that third-party pressure only works if the conflict parties under pressure can agree with the endpoint of this pressure. Hence, a potential mutually acceptable agreement needs to be formulated before a mediator starts to apply pressure. To this argument, this article employs two case studies: the mediation efforts leading up to the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement concluded in 2005 and the Darfur Peace Agreement concluded in 2006. These cases support the smart pressure theory and suggest that mediators need to be modest about what they can accomplish using pressure.; (AN 42856342)
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5.

State-making at Gunpoint: The Role of Violent Conflict in Somaliland’s March to Statehood by Balthasar, Dominik. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p65-86, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe role of war in processes of state-making has long been hotly disputed. Although generally considered an African ‘success story’, the case of Somaliland, whose unilateral declaration of independence was embedded in violent conflict, may be instructive. Applying the conceptual prism of ‘rule standardization’, this article argues that episodes of large-scale violence were constitutive of Somaliland’s state-making trajectory. Based on theoretical reasoning and empirical findings, the article concludes that, while collective political violence is neither an angel of order nor a daemon of decay, war can be constitutive of state-making under the condition that it advances institutional and identity standardization.; (AN 42856343)
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6.

The Uneven Application of the ‘Civil War’ Label to Iraq by Scarcelli, Marc. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p87-107, 21p; Abstract: AbstractMany scholars and policy practitioners believe that the US invasion of Iraq triggered a civil war. Several major scholarly data-sets, however, do not code a civil war, due to the challenge of coding multiple simultaneous patterns of violence. Further, many political actors have resisted the term, due to obvious political and public relations concerns. This paper analyses these discrepancies in the use of the label, arguing that, for scholars, the coding problem could limit or even bias models of civil war, while for policymakers, the failure to see Iraq’s civil war as such has contributed to major policy failures, from the Bush administration’s state of denial early in the war to the Obama administration’s withdrawal and the subsequent reescalation of violence.; (AN 42856346)
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7.

Fundamentals of Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention by Lawrinson, Blake. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p108-111, 4p; (AN 42856345)
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8.

Managing Conflicts in India: Policies of Coercion and Accommodation by Waterman, Alex. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p111-115, 5p; (AN 42856344)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Italian Public Opinion in the Atomic Age: Mass-market Magazines Facing Nuclear Issues (1963–1967) by Ciglioni, Laura. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p205-221, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThrough the analysis of a wide range of Italian mass-market magazines and a selection of public opinion surveys, this essay investigates widespread images and perceptions about nuclear issues in Italy during the Sixties. It considers the views of Italians about nuclear weapons within foreign policy debates, as well as the wide range of fears expressed about the atomic bomb. The article also analyses the image of anti-nuclear movements, as well as Italians’ views on disarmament and the easing of international relations after 1962. Deeply influenced by ideological divides and filtered through the mechanisms of mass culture – which tended to trivialise the bomb – these widespread representations of nuclear issues offer a unique perspective on Italians’ beliefs, fears, and hopes during a time of deep socio-economic change and shifting political equilibriums in the country.; (AN 42885524)
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2.

The five hats of Nina Ponomareva: sport, shoplifting and the Cold War by Edelman, Robert. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p223-239, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe 1956 arrest in London of the Soviet Olympic discus champion, Nina Ponomareva, for shoplifting five hats worth one pound became a major international incident. Initially, both sides followed familiar Cold War scripts. The Soviets demanded the charges be dropped, but the British refused to do so. Ponomareva went into hiding at the Soviet embassy. The matter was front page news the world over. Six weeks passed before it was resolved. This minor confrontation demonstrated both the tenacity of Cold War rhetoric and the ultimate ability of the two sides to find compromise.; (AN 42885526)
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3.

Between Détente and Differentiation: Nixon’s visit to Bucharest in August 1969 by Pechlivanis, Paschalis. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p241-258, 18p; Abstract: AbstractPresident Nixon’s decision to visit Romania in the summer of 1969 demarcated a symbolic turning point in the relations of Washington with Bucharest and the Eastern European communist states in general. This article examines the policies of both sides leading to this historical event and its respective outcomes. It places the opening of Romania to the United States and the latter’s embrace of such a prospect within the broader Cold War context of the time; the policy of differentiation and the imminent détente. Just a year after the invasion in Czechoslovakia, Nixon and Kissinger sought to explore the compatibility of their policy towards the rest of the socialist states with their grand design of the superpower détente with the USSR. Ceausescu’s independent profile within the Soviet bloc constituted Romania a textbook example for such an endeavour.; (AN 42885525)
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4.

‘Red on White’: Kim Il Sung, Park Chung Hee, and the Failure of Korea’s Reunification, 1971–1973 by Radchenko, Sergey; Schaefer, Bernd. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p259-277, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe articles argues that in 1971–1973 North Korea’s leader Kim Il Sung used the Sino-American rapprochement and the Soviet-American détente to pursue Korean reunification on his terms; his aim was to ‘democratize’ and then ‘revolutionize’ South Korea and so achieve through dialogue what he failed to achieve through militancy. Kim’s game was based on a misreading of the political dynamics in South Korea and on misplaced confidence in North Korea’s attractiveness. He also misjudged his ability to obtain China’s and the USSR’s backing for his schemes.; (AN 42885523)
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5.

Sir Reader Bullard, Frank Roberts and the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46: Bevin’s officials, perceptions and the adoption of a Cold War mentality in British Soviet Policy by Shaw, Alexander Nicholas. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p279-297, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article evaluates the influence of the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46 on evolving perceptions of the Soviet Union within the British Foreign Office. Utilising records from the National Archives and personal papers, it synthesises the history of the Azerbaijan crisis with studies of Britain’s changing Soviet policy, previously focused solely on the Northern Department and Moscow representative Frank Roberts. In so doing, the paper provides an original diplomatic history which argues that, although Europe remained the strategic priority for Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Iranian developments were of greater significance in prompting a perceptual transition from cooperation to Cold War confrontation.; (AN 42885527)
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6.

The “Ideological Offensive” in Education: the Portrayal of the United States in Secondary Curricula and Textbooks in Poland during the Stalinist Period (1948–1956) by Król, Joanna; Wojcik, Teresa G.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the period of the People’s Republic of Poland (1952–1989), schools played a decisive role in transmitting the official ideology of the ruling Communist regime and cultivating young supporters. One of the most important aspects of indoctrination was constructing in students’ hearts and minds a particular image and disposition towards the United States. While existing research has examined the high level of political propaganda in the content of textbooks and curricula during the Communist period in Poland, no one has specifically analysed how these materials depicted the United States during the critical Stalinist years (1948–1956). Analysis of official curricula and textbooks for civics and history courses in secondary schools indicates that over this period, school materials increasingly depicted the United States as ‘predatory,’ ‘imperialist,’ and ‘exploitative.’ This study illustrates how curricular materials aligned with the foreign policy objectives of the Polish United Workers’ Party and the Soviet Union.; (AN 42885528)
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7.

Mecca of Revolution by Zeilig, Leo. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p321-323, 3p; (AN 42885529)
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8.

Us Versus them: The United States, Radical Islam and the Rise of the Green Threat by Khalil, Osamah F.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p323-325, 3p; (AN 42885531)
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9.

Securing sex: morality and repression in the making of Cold War Brazil by Loureiro, Felipe P.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p325-327, 3p; (AN 42885530)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 50, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Historical memory and political propaganda in the Russian Federation by Vázquez-Liñán, Miguel. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p77-86, 10p; Abstract: This paper explores the hegemonic discourse on historical memory in contemporary Russia, in addition to its political implications. Furthermore, the role played by the Russian media system in the dissemination of the memory discourse endorsed by the Kremlin, and its impact, are also described. The analysis is carried out in a theoretical framework that advocates for the need for delving deeper into the intersections between communication and memory studies.; (AN 41884024)
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2.

Gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy by Wegren, Stephen K.; Nikulin, Alexander; Trotsuk, Irina; Golovina, Svetlana. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p87-98, 12p; Abstract: This article analyzes gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy. Continuation of unequal gendered roles in Russia's rural informal economy suggests that tradition and custom remain strong. Gender differentials in time spent tending the household garden remain significant, as is the distribution of household tasks into gendered roles in ways that effect professional advancement for women. Land ownership is the domain of men, and women are not owners in Russia's new economy. Moreover, men earn more from entrepreneurial activity, a function of how male and female services are valued and priced in society. Responsibility that is shared includes the marketing of household food. The conclusion is that institutional change is less impactful on gender inequality than persistence of culture and tradition.; (AN 41884025)
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3.

Post-communist democracy vs. totalitarianism: Contrasting patterns of need satisfaction and societal frustration by Klicperova-Baker, Martina; Košťál, Jaroslav. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p99-111, 13p; Abstract: Frustration/satisfaction under the post-Communist democracy and under the pre-1989 Communist authoritarianism were studied in the Czech Republic in 2008 using a nationwide sample of 1093 respondents and an original Societal Frustration inventory. The patterns of frustration were contrastingly opposite: The past was dominated by the memory of oppression, of curtailed self-actualization yet fulfilled basic needs. In contrast, current democracy allowed for free self-actualization but the intensity of the current frustrations has exceeded the past frustrating memories. Main current complaints included a) general insecurity, lack of fulfillment of basic needs; b) corruption, low political culture, decline of civility (rudeness, envy, and ethnic intolerance). The results and their discussion help to explain the psychology of Communism, post-Communism, transition, and democratic consolidation.; (AN 41884026)
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4.

The Eastern partnership in Georgia: Europeanizing civil society? by Rommens, Thijs. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p113-123, 11p; Abstract: Through the Eastern Partnership the EU specifically attempts to strengthen democracy in Georgia. Lacking strong conditionality, the EU has to rely on a different approach to democracy assistance, such as a network governance mode. The implementation of EU policies has led to an expanding institutional network where NGO inclusion has been strengthened. However, this form of network governance operates within the realities of the domestic political and international context, influencing its effectiveness and impact. Despite the increased involvement of NGOs in EU policies the role and impact of civil society within Georgian politics and society has remained limited.; (AN 41884023)
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5.

On Europeanisation, national sentiments and confused identities in Georgia by Tsuladze, Lia. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p125-133, 9p; Abstract: This paper analyses Georgians' popular online discourses on Europeanisation in the period between Georgia's initialling and signing of the Association Agreement with the EU (November 2013–June 2014). It investigates the ambivalence encountered by Georgians: Despite their long-lasting aspiration towards EU integration, hopes of gaining political security, economic stability, and cultural integration are accompanied by doubts and fears of asymmetric power relations, diminishing national sovereignty, and declining national identity. Despite these doubts, EU integration is considered to be the only right choice for the country, encouraging Georgians, who readily perform their pro-European aspirations on the international “front stage”, to push their uncertainties and respective national sentiments to the domestic “backstage”.; (AN 41884028)
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6.

Elite preferences and transparency promotion in Kazakhstan by Öge, Kerem. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p135-143, 9p; Abstract: This paper evaluates the factors that shape the establishment of transparent institutions in resource-rich countries with a specific focus on Kazakhstan. Specifically, it draws upon in-depth interviews and analysis of key institutions to understand the pace and intensity of transparency reforms in the Central Asian state. It argues that external transparency promotion can lead to institutional reform only when it is matched with strong elite incentives in favor of reforms. Kazakhstan has had few incentives to comply with Western-initiated norms before 2014, an era of relative economic security. As a consequence, the political elite often stalled the successful implementation of reforms. However, the economic turbulence following the fall of oil prices and Russia's annexation of Crimea have motivated the Kazakh government to embrace the norm of transparency in order to attract foreign investment.; (AN 41884027)
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7.

Corruption-oriented model of governance in contemporary Russia by Pavroz, Alexander. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p145-155, 11p; Abstract: This article reveals Russian paradox: the combination of high level of corruption with strong and relatively effective government. In the focus of attention lies the examination of relations between the corruption and the processes of socio-political transformations of the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries and the particularities of the corruption integration into the government of Russia. Basing upon the concept of the corruption as a political and administrative rent the author arrives to the conclusion about the formation of the corrupt model of governance in Russia. The article analyses factors which give relative efficiency to the Russian model of corrupt governance as well as the costs and contradictions of it. The author also reaches the conclusion that corruption-oriented model of governance is prospectless and makes a point that effective anti-corruption measures in Russia can be carried out only in case of current regime change and consequent realization of democratic, market and administrative reforms.; (AN 41884029)
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8.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 pIFC-IFC; (AN 42414752)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 36, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

The evolved psychology of coercion by McDermott, Rose. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p91-98, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCoercion can be employed both to entice people to do something they do not want to do, as well as to force them to stop doing something they want to do. Yet, some influence strategies work better than others. Current policy undermines coercive goals by depending on economic models for incentivizing behavior which are totally at odds with human psychology. Psychological models provide more accurate understandings of the nature of coercion, and offer more effective strategies for accomplishing such goals. Such an approach might improve both our understanding and practice of coercion in real-life decision-making situations.; (AN 42654736)
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2.

Futile superiority: Decision making and the development of new-generation nuclear weapons by Malewich, Baruch N.. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p99-114, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article covers the history of nuclear weapons development in the United States by comparing the debates over each weapon generation, dividing the influencing factors into strategic and nonstrategic considerations. Though strategic factors seem to be more dominant, they are clearly influenced by nonstrategic factors and vice versa. The comparison also provides insight on how bureaucratic pluralism can be used to strengthen political pressure on the bureaucracy. The conclusions of this article may serve to gain better understanding of the ongoing debate regarding the moral and strategic effects of a new generation of nuclear weapons, should such weapons be proven feasible.; (AN 42654737)
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3.

U.S. national security strategies: Patterns of continuity and change, 1987–2015 by Ettinger, Aaron. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p115-128, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat are the patterns of continuity and change in U.S. national security strategies? This article addresses this question by analyzing three major national-security and foreign-policy considerations: problems of definition, the ends of national interest, and the means of achieving them. Part I analyzes national security strategies published between 2002 and 2015. Part II compares the post–September 11, 2001, era with the 1987–2001 period. Across 28 years, 16 national security strategies and five presidencies, this research finds considerable continuity in problem definition and national-interest ends, and surprising continuity in means, even among the most controversial parts of the Bush Doctrine.; (AN 42654738)
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4.

International support for state building in war-torn Africa: Are there alternative strategies? by Burgess, Stephen F.. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p129-142, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates that there are multiple strategies for state building, peace building, and security for civilian populations. In five cases of ongoing conflict, the liberal model of top-down state building and elections has caused considerable loss of lives and resources and could be considered to have failed. There are no long-term prospects for success in any of the five countries where the liberal model is being implemented with international assistance. The liberal model of power sharing followed by democratic elections has not provided greater protection from internal and external threats than would have one or more of the alternatives in four of the cases. In three of the cases, where there has been considerable bloodshed and displacement, freezing the conflict, separating the factions, and providing protection for civilian populations is an option that is less costly than the liberal model. Where conflicts are frozen, there can be international assistance for building the state in two or more sections. Where long-term prospects in building a unitary state are not good, freezing the conflict, protecting civilians, and sealing borders, as well as building the state from below, are less costly than the liberal model.; (AN 42654740)
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5.

A study in technology strategy: The curious case of Alfred von Tirpitz by Arquilla, John. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p143-152, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile studies of technology and war abound, the processes and reasoning that undergird choices about what to emphasize—i.e., “technology strategy”—have received much less attention. This analysis focuses upon the case of Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz, who had a virtually free hand in setting German naval development strategy during the decades leading up to the outbreak of World War I. As significant technological advances characterized this period, Tirpitz's strategic choices from among a range of promising options comprise a fruitful subject of inquiry. That the current era features similarly significant technological advances and opportunities implies the possibility of drawing useful insights from the study of technology strategy in this earlier time.; (AN 42654739)
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6.

Introducing al-Ansari as a classic of intelligence by Musco, Stefano. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p153-165, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to analyze a very little-known classic of strategy, written by a Muslim scholar of the late fourteenth century called al-Ansari, which extensively discusses intelligence, strategy, deception, and stratagems. When comparing his work with those of some renowned authors such as Sun Tzu and Kautilya on intelligence issues, astonishing similarities and intriguing nuances emerge. In addition, al-Ansari develops a quite original argument on the relationship between spies and their dispatchers, with special reference to the psychological attentiveness between the two parties.; (AN 42654741)
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7.

In or out? Canada, the Netherlands, and support to the invasion of Iraq by Jockel, Joseph T.; Massie, Justin. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p166-181, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do democratic allies manage their participation in U.S.-led coalition operations? This article compares the Canadian and Dutch management of domestic and international expectations of support to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It argues that the decision whether to support coalition operations often does not amount to a simplistic “yes” or “no” answer. It entails a management process involving several strategies, as well as a wide range of mutually inclusive support options. Canadian and Dutch management of support to coalition operations reveals that similarly core U.S. allies misunderstood U.S. expectations, mismanaged their country's stance by sending confusing signals to both their domestic and international audiences, and adopted varied trade-off strategies. The study of multinational coalition operations should thus conceptualize political and military support separately, but examine their causal interrelationships and measure them on a qualitative, case-specific continuum, in order to properly understand the variations and trade-offs involved in the allied management of support to military coalitions.; (AN 42654745)
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8.

The $650 billion bargain: The case for modest growth in America's defense budget by Miller, Franklin C.. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p182-184, 3p; (AN 42654742)
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9.

The demon of geopolitics: How Karl Haushofer “educated” Hitler and Hess by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, March 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p184-186, 3p; (AN 42654744)
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10.

Understanding "Asymmetric" Threats to the United States by Lambakis, Steven; Kiras, James; Kolet, Kristin. Comparative Strategy, October 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p241-277, 37p; Abstract: This article evaluates whether the concept of asymmetry has analytical utility and characterizes the threat environment facing the United States. The concept of asymmetry has come to bear too great a burden, as it is used to explain: different and challenging threats; the United States' position in the world and the security challenges it faces; U.S. legal and political self-imposed constraints; vulnerabilities to new and old threats; and novel approaches designed to offset U.S. strengths. The term does reflect the uncertainty that currently exists in the international security environment, and it does impress upon us that the United States is either vulnerable to some menace or unprepared at some level to cope with a selection of modern-day threats. Yet, can such a concept serve defense planners and policy makers well? This article finds that the utility of the term "asymmetry" for understanding security matters has diminished since it was introduced in the mid-1990s. Examination of specific uses of the term "asymmetry" indicates that the frequent references today to threats that are so labeled do little to help order defense priorities. Given the international security realities and the analytical shortcomings of this concept, and given the clear imperative today to clarify national defense priorities, the relatively young concept of asymmetry will fade from defense jargon in the years ahead.; (AN 42075517)
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11.

European Perspectives on U.S. Ballistic Missile Defense by Gray, Colin S.. Comparative Strategy, October 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p279-310, 32p; Abstract: Because of their distinctive histories, cultures, and geopolitical contexts, Europeans and Americans have generally contrasting perspectives on national missile defense. Few U.S. policymakers have recognized the depth of European skepticism, and even opposition. As a result, much political capital has been expended in futile endeavors to persuade Europeans of the true wisdom in U.S. policy. For a real dialogue on national missile defenses, it is necessary for each side of the Atlantic to understand the deeper reasons which have shaped the other's policy perspective.; (AN 42075515)
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12.

Documentation Comparative Strategy, October 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p337-345, 9p; (AN 42075518)
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13.

Book Reviews Comparative Strategy, October 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 4 p347-349, 3p; (AN 42075516)
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14.

Book Reviews by III, John J. Kohout. Comparative Strategy, April 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p121-122, 2p; (AN 42075513)
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15.

Documentation Comparative Strategy, April 2002, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p123-160, 38p; (AN 42075514)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 17, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Masculinity and male survivors of wartime sexual violence: a Bosnian case study by Clark, Janine Natalya. Conflict, Security and Development, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p287-311, 25p; Abstract: AbstractWhile conflict-related sexual violence affects men and women, male survivors are often overlooked or marginalised. The case of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a poignant example. Twenty-two years after the Bosnian war ended, little attention has been given to the men who suffered diverse forms of sexual violence during the conflict. The present article contributes to addressing this gap. Based on semi-structured interviews with 10 men who endured the horrors of the Čelopek camp in north-east BiH, it focuses on the lives of these men today. Exploring the men’s silences and the intersection of their trauma with ongoing everyday problems, it goes beyond the commonly made argument that sexual violence against men constitutes an attack on masculinity. Fundamentally, it examines how masculinity norms and expectations have shaped the men’s stories, coping strategies, and current needs. This use of a masculinity lens highlights important gaps within transitional justice, which to date has narrowly focused on violent and militarised forms of masculinity. The article thus calls for transitional justice processes to give more attention to masculinities affectedby violence.; (AN 42688081)
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2.

The demise of the intervention paradigm—resilience thinking in the Merida Initiative by Finkenbusch, Peter. Conflict, Security and Development, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p313-332, 20p; Abstract: AbstractPost-Cold War interventions have gone through a series of distinct paradigms—each allowing for its own oppositional discourse. This possibility seems to be diminishing with the rise of resilience thinking. In the early 1990s, liberal internationalist framings drove intervention by prioritising individual human rights over state rights to non-interference. Here, it was possible to oppose intervention as illegal boundary violation and unaccountable foreign rule. Neo-liberal approaches circumvented the legal problematic by conflating sovereignty with the capacity for good governance. However, they depended on a strong sociocultural dichotomy, giving rise to accusations of neo-colonialism. In contrast, the resilience discourse emphasises the positive, transformative aspects of local agency, rather than seeing it as deficient and needing paternal guidance. This paper argues that by claiming to merely plus up already existing social practices, international policy engagement in the Global South becomes difficult to conceive as boundary transgression or hierarchical imposition. These insights are drawn out with reference to the Merida Initiative, a US-Mexican security agreement signed in 2007.; (AN 42688084)
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3.

Breaking the cycle of violence: applying conflict sensitivity to transitional justice by Haider, Huma. Conflict, Security and Development, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p333-360, 28p; Abstract: AbstractThe legacies of mass violence can, if left unaddressed, fuel future conflicts. Transitional justice seeks to address the legacies of large-scale past abuses. Despite the sensitive nature of transitional justice and recognition that initiatives can adversely influence conflict-affected contexts, there has been limited attempt to extend the application of conflict sensitivity to transitional justice. Conflict sensitivity is an approach and tool to help aid actors to understand the unintended consequences of aid and to act to minimise harm and achieve positive outcomes. Transitional justice initiatives can exacerbate tensions by replicating existing tensions; introducing resources that become a struggle for control; or challenging power and vested interests. This article argues that conflict sensitivity should be applied to transitional justice; and identifies tools and factors that could contribute to conflict sensitive transitional justice. They include promoting: broad-based participation; resonance with local actors; social cohesion; public outreach; collaboration with other sectors; and appropriate sequencing.; (AN 42688082)
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4.

‘It’s not just the economy, stupid’. The multi-directional security effects of the private sector in post-conflict reconstruction by Martin, Mary; Bojicic-Dzelilovic, Vesna. Conflict, Security and Development, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p361-380, 20p; Abstract: AbstractUsing a human security lens, this article explores the interface between transnational corporations (TNCs) and post-conflict, post-crisis societies. It demonstrates how TNCs influence political and economic transition, through impacting the everyday experience of security, creating multiple and ambiguous effects on individuals and communities. Examples of two foreign corporate engagements: carmaker Fiat’s investment in Serbia and steelmaker ArcelorMittal’s takeover in Zenica in Bosnia-Herzegovina are used to illustrate the density of relationships between global companies, host governments, civil society and local communities whose effects extend beyond economics to broader aspects of the conflict space, and have a bearing on the transition and reconstruction agenda. Our findings question the quality of development and industrialisation policies championed by post-conflict reconstruction approaches, and challenge the assumption that economic growth and investment, by foreign companies in particular, will necessarily deliver peaceful transition. The article contributes to the scholarly debate about the connection between security and development, and to policy discussions about appropriate means for reviving economies within externally led peace-building and conflict prevention initiatives.; (AN 42688083)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 38, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

The transformation of targeted killing and international order by Senn, Martin; Troy, Jodok. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p175-211, 37p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces the special issue’s question of whether and how the current transformation of targeted killing is transforming the global international order and provides the conceptual ground for the individual contributions to the special issue. It develops a two-dimensional concept of political order and introduces a theoretical framework that conceives the maintenance and transformation of international order as a dynamic interplay between its behavioral dimension in the form of violence and discursive processes and its institutional dimension in the form of ideas, norms, and rules. The article also conceptualizes targeted killing and introduces a typology of targeted-killing acts on the basis of their legal and moral legitimacy. Building on this conceptual groundwork, the article takes stock of the current transformation of targeted killing and summarizes the individual contributions to this special issue.; (AN 42886043)
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2.

Targeted killings: Drones, noncombatant immunity, and the politics of killing by Gregory, Thomas. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p212-236, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe use of drones to kill suspected militants seems to provide a simple technical fix to a complex ethico-political problem: the need to discriminate between combatants and noncombatants. The technological ability of drones, combined with the rhetorical commitment to reducing civilian casualties, suggests that the principle of noncombatant immunity is firmly entrenched in debates about targeted killings. However, this article will argue that a peculiar effect of this enhanced technological capability has been to draw attention to the conceptual confusion that surrounds the distinction. Rather than assuming that it is a fixed feature of international law, I will argue that it should be viewed as a discursive formation that is contingent upon a precarious process of repetition and reiteration. Moreover, I will show how the laws designed to restrain the violence inflicted on civilian bodies have been invoked to render certain civilians vulnerable, constituting them as killable, their lives profoundly losable.; (AN 42886044)
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3.

Not completely the new normal: How Human Rights Watch tried to suppress the targeted killing norm by Jose, Betcy. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p237-259, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do human rights groups prevent the normalization of practices they find troubling? Existing international relations research provides insights into how states resist the new norms human rights activists introduce into the global arena. But it tells us less about how governments themselves promote norms and how activists push back against this advocacy. This article explores this issue by examining the interplay between Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the United States around the emerging norm of targeted killing. It argues that Bin Laden’s death opened a window of opportunity for the potential emergence of a targeted killing norm, with the United States as its norm advocate. To prevent its emergence, HRW deployed some of the same strategies states have used to suppress the emergence of norms they dislike. In illustrating these dynamics, this article helps us better understand why some norms rise, why some fall, and why they might change over time.; (AN 42886046)
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4.

Friction, not erosion: Assassination norms at the fault line between sovereignty and liberal values by Großklaus, Mathias. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p260-280, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReframed as “targeted killing,” state-sponsored assassination is moving toward normalization. I maintain that this development can only be understood in the context of long-standing frictions between meta-norms. The regulation of assassination as an instrument of foreign policy is a normative amalgam that is connected to both state sovereignty and liberal thought. Those discursive links structure both the evolution of the norm and its transformation, as they can be invoked by actors in order to reinterpret and reshape it. As I argue, the prevalent “norm erosion” perspective fails to grasp such incremental processes in that it tends to limit its analytical view to single, narrowly defined norms and overemphasizes external shocks. I thus stress the need for a more comprehensive account of normative change that highlights the surrounding meta-norms that are able to connect single norms to their larger position within the international order.; (AN 42886045)
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5.

The evolution of targeted killing practices: Autonomous weapons, future conflict, and the international order by Haas, Michael Carl; Fischer, Sophie-Charlotte. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p281-306, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the potential use of autonomous aerial weapons for targeted killing purposes and, in doing so, looks beyond the now-familiar “global war on terror.” We argue that the combination of novel capabilities with the pre-existing military-theoretical frameworks of advanced Western states, within which autonomous weapons will be embedded, may be conducive to an expansion of targeted killings to scenarios other than military counter-terrorism. The confluence of autonomous weapons and targeted killing practices may therefore lead to a further weakening of long-standing norms regulating the use of force, including in interstate scenarios. We also find that international regulation is unlikely to forestall this outcome, and that political-military insistence on centralized operational control may mitigate—but not negate—the disruptive potential of these developments. As a result, the possible consequences for the international order of an evolution of targeted killing practices along these lines should not be underestimated.; (AN 42886047)
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6.

Targeted killing in international relations theory: Recursive politics of technology, law, and practice by Hurd, Ian. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p307-319, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs new technologies make possible new modes of war, they cause tension in the previously prevailing conceptual categories. This is evident, as the practice of targeted killing by governments has increased in frequency and prominence, largely due to the American use of armed drones around the world. The essays in this special issue explore how norms, rules, and laws that many people thought were settled have been roiled by new technologies of targeted killing. This includes rules on sovereignty, territory, due process, and the distinction between civilian and combatant. The essays sketch an implicit research program around the recursive relation between rules and practice. I draw these out into a more general model for scholarship at the boundaries between law and politics and between concepts and practices.; (AN 42886048)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 52, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

For whom do local peace processes function? Maintaining control through conflict management by Millar, Gearoid. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p293-308, 16p; Abstract: Recent peacebuilding literature provides a sustained critique of externally designed conflict management processes and promotes instead local mechanisms. Such mechanisms, it is argued, will provide more ownership and agency to local actors and, thus, a more sustainable peace. But while there are many examples of local conflict management institutions, and many discussions of the hybrid outcomes of interaction between the global and local, the literature rarely explores exactly what transpires on the ground when international actors influence the operation of local peace processes; this article provides exactly this insight. The data presented illustrate how local conflict management institutions in rural Sierra Leone are subtly manipulated by actors – both international and local – to maintain and enhance existing relations of power. The article illustrates, therefore, the problems that arise when local conflict management institutions become interlaced with new forms of power and start themselves to serve as sites of contestation and resistance.; (AN 42915267)
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2.

The likelihood of local allies free-riding: Testing economic theories of alliances in US counterinsurgency interventions by Elias, Barbara. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p309-331, 23p; Abstract: In counterinsurgency interventions, free-riding by small, local allies is persistent. Yet, the literature on free-riding by small allies is largely limited to conventional multilateral partnerships, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, neglecting other types of asymmetric alliances. Using new data containing 144 US requests to local allies in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, this article tests the logic of economic theories of alliances in counterinsurgency interventions. I find even when small allies are explicitly asked to contribute to alliance-wide security goods, they are likely to free-ride almost half the time (45%), and the likelihood of free-riding is dependent on whether local allies can be excluded by larger allies. This conclusion upholds the logic of economic models, since shared defense goods that exclude local allies fail to meet the criteria of public goods.; (AN 42915272)
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3.

Could rebel child soldiers prolong civil wars? by Haer, Roos; Böhmelt, Tobias. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p332-359, 28p; Abstract: While we know why rebels may recruit children for their cause, our understanding of the consequencesof child soldiering by non-state armed groups remains limited. The following research contributes to addressing this by examining how rebels’ child recruitment practice affects the duration of internal armed conflicts. We advance the argument that child soldiering increases the strength of rebel organizations vis-a-vis the government. This, in turn, lowers the capability asymmetry between these non-state actors and the incumbent, allowing the former to sustain dispute. Ultimately, the duration of armed conflicts is likely to be prolonged. We analyse this relationship with quantitative data on child soldier recruitment by rebel groups in the post-1989 period. The results confirm our main hypothesis: disputes are substantially longer when rebels recruit children. This work has important implications for the study of armed conflicts, conflict duration and our understanding of child soldiering.; (AN 42915269)
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4.

Transporting and re-inventing conflicts: Conflict-generated diasporas and conflict autonomisation by Féron, Élise. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p360-376, 17p; Abstract: Like other types of diaspora groups, conflict-generated diasporas display a strong attachment to their countries of origin, and structure their identities and ideologies around discourses referring to their homeland. However, their inner cleavages, born out of the conflicts raging in their home countries, can run very deep. The maintenance of their ethnic, religious, linguistic or political divisions even generations after the migration process has taken place sometimes leads to conflict transportation processes, whereby the conflicts raging in their home countries are reproduced and maintained in countries of settlement. Incidents opposing rival diaspora groups are thus often interpreted as a prolongation or reproduction of core conflicts raging in their regions of origin. Against this assumption, this article argues that if transported conflicts often formally take the shape of core conflicts, and emulate them by using the same language, symbols and ethnic/religious/linguistic categories, they are also deeply transformed by the migration process itself. In this perspective, this article explores the transformation and reinvention of conflict-generated diasporas’ politics, and proposes to look at the autonomisationprocesses they display vis-à-vis the core conflicts, in terms of content but also of objectives, ultimately generating a drift at the political and organisational levels.; (AN 42915274)
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5.

Resolving international border disputes: The Irish experience by Coakley, John. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p377-398, 22p; Abstract: This article explores the value of a specific model of norm replacement in accounting for the circumstances leading to Ireland’s Good Friday agreement (1998), which formally and finally settled the long-running territorial dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK). Drawing on the theoretical literature, it identifies three phases in this process. First, from the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 until the civil unrest in Northern Ireland peaked in 1972 the irredentist norm was substantially unchallenged. It was embedded in the 1937 constitution, which defined the national territory as extending over the whole island of Ireland – including Northern Ireland, a part of the UK. The second phase, from about 1972 to 1998, was one of norm competition. The irredentist norm was severely challenged by new political realities in Northern Ireland, and was potentially destabilising for the state itself. It was increasingly challenged by an alternative ‘consent’ norm, one embracing in effect the geopolitical status quo. The third phase, from 1998 onwards, was one of consolidation of the new norm, now written into the Irish constitution to replace the wording of 1937. The article suggests that this model plays a valuable role in accounting for the changing status of the Irish border, but also that the Irish experience has implications for the broad shape of the model.; (AN 42915270)
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6.

Symposium on Stefano Guzzini’s (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe? Social mechanisms and foreign policy identity crises by Agnew, John; Checkel, Jeffrey T; Deudney, Daniel; Mitzen, Jennifer; Guzzini, Stefano. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p399-422, 24p; (AN 42915273)
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7.

Militarizing politics, essentializing identities: Interpretivist process tracing and the power of geopolitics by Guzzini, Stefano. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p423-445, 23p; Abstract: This reply to the Symposium on Stefano Guzzini (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe?, answers the criticisms by John Agnew, Jeffrey Checkel, Dan Deudney and Jennifer Mitzen. It justifies (1) its specific definition and critique of geopolitics as a theory – and not just a foreign policy strategy; (2) its proposed interpretivist process tracing; (3) the role of mechanisms in constructivist theorizing and foreign policy theory; and (4) its usage of non-Humean causality in the analysis of multiple parallel processes and their interaction. At the same time, it develops the logic of the book’s main mechanism of foreign policy identity crisis reduction.; (AN 42915268)
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8.

Book review: China’s International Relations and Harmonious World: Time, Space and Multiplicity in World Politics by Krolikowski, Alanna. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p446-448, 3p; (AN 42915271)
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9.

The Myrdal Legacy: Racism and Underdevelopment as Dilemmas by Wallerstein, Immanuel. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: Wallerstein, I. The Myrdal Legacy: Racism and Underdevelopment as Dilemmas. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 1-18.The legacy of Gunnar Myrdal is in his having posed in very important ways two central questions: the explanations of, and practical solutions for, racism and under development ; the relationship between the scientist and his valuations and the objects of scientific enquiry. It is argued here that racism and underdevelopment are consti tutive of the capitalist world-economy as an historical system, and are not curable maladies within the system. It is further argued that social scientific theorizing is going through a great sea-change at present, along with the theory of physical science which is in the process of rejecting its previous Newtonian premises. Myrdal's views are as pertinent as ever.; (AN 42556796)
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10.

External Dynamics of the Korean Conflict: The Present Soviet Policy Reorientation by Skak, Mette. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p19-33, 15p; Abstract: Skak, M. External Dynamics of the Korean Conflict: The Present Soviet Policy Reorientation. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 19-33.Great power policy dynamics are decisive determinants for developments within the Korean conflict, and this contribution focuses upon Soviet Korean policy in the framework of the present overall policy reorientation of the Soviet Union. The 1984 rapprochement between the USSR and North Korea serves as the point of departure, because observers saw this as an ominous sign, i.e. as a stimulus for North Korean and/or Soviet militancy. The point is, however, that North Korea is dependent upon the USSR, and the analysis of the new Soviet leadership's interest perception and actual policy in relation to Korea suggests serious strains in the Soviet-North Korean relationship. Soviet conduct in connection with the Seoul Olympics and Soviet-South Korean economic contacts are obvious signs of this, as is the non-militant Soviet approach to regional conflicts. None of the great powers have a significant interest in a new war between the two Koreas, not even in a peaceful reunification of Korea (with the possible exception of China). All of them can be assumed to have a vital interest in an inter-Korean détente (Germanization), which is an argument that the wise reunification policy of the Korean nation is the tactical and incremental one.; (AN 42556799)
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11.

Greenland's International Fisheries Relations: A Coastal State in the "North" with Problems of the "South"? by Fløistad, Brit. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p35-48, 14p; Abstract: Fløistad, B. Greenland's International Fisheries Relations: A Coastal State in the "North" with Problems of the "South"? Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 35- 48.Two questions are addressed in this article. One is whether Greenland, a fisheries state of the "North", can be said to have many of the features characterizing coastal states of the "South". The other question relates to whether any sign of "Nordism" can be found in the relationship between Greenland and her Nordic neighbours. Having formally left the European Community, Greenland's need for financial funding from the EC puts her in a situation characteristic of that of coastal states in the Third World, namely of having to sell the resources in the sea today in order to develop her national fishery tomorrow. Any sign of special considerations from Nordic neigh bours — "Nordism" — is found only when it supports, or at least does not come contrary to, these countries' foreign and security policy objectives.; (AN 42556797)
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12.

Book Review : Clive Archer & David Scrivener: Northern Waters. London & Sydney: Croom Helm for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London, 1986, 240 pp by Melby, Svein. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p49-53, 5p; (AN 42556798)
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11

Current History
Volume 116, no. 790, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Contentious Politics of African Urbanization by Paller, Jeffrey. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p163-169, 7p; Abstract: “The prospects for sustainable urban development are embedded in larger political struggles.”; (AN 41807045)
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2.

AIDS in Africa: Progress and Obstacles by Mojola, Sanyu. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p170-175, 6p; Abstract: “Many African countries are still a long way from being able to sustain their own prevention and treatment efforts, and continued momentum is dependent on global funding and support.”; (AN 41807061)
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3.

South Africa’s Divided Working-Class Movements by Paret, Marcel. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p176-182, 7p; Abstract: “South Africa’s organized labor movement is now, arguably, weaker and more fragmented than at any other time in the past three decades. Disagreement over how unions should relate to the ruling party, the ANC, is central to this fragmentation.”Eighth in a series on labor relations around the world.; (AN 41807051)
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4.

The Long Shadow of Genocide in Rwanda by Thomson, Susan. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p183-188, 6p; Abstract: “Rather than addressing the trauma inflicted by genocidal violence, the ruling party has used a program of national ethnic unity and reconciliation to reinforce its political authority.”; (AN 41807063)
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5.

Mali’s Enduring Crisis by Wing, Susanna. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p189-193, 5p; Abstract: “The surge of resources devoted to antiterrorism has not only been ineffective. It has diverted attention from ongoing failures of the government and political elites to tackle Mali’s most challenging issues: corruption and poverty.”; (AN 41807067)
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6.

Perspective: A Nigerian President’s Disappointing Return by Obadare, Ebenezer. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p194-196, 3p; Abstract: Muhammadu Buhari, who made bold promises to clean up the political system and put the economy on a firmer footing, has dashed high expectations with his directionless leadership.; (AN 41807069)
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7.

Books: Saints and Sinners in Somalia by Menkhaus, Ken. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p197-199, 3p; Abstract: A veteran journalist’s account of the life of a colorful former mayor of Mogadishu offers insights into the complex realities of a city and a country often reduced to caricature.; (AN 41807073)
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8.

Month in Review: March 2017 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p200-200, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in March, country by country, day by day.; (AN 41807084)
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9.

Map of Africa by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 pmap-Map; Abstract: Map; (AN 41807083)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 28, no. 4, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Perlo-Freeman, Sam. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p401-403, 3p; (AN 42687992)
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2.

SIPRI’s New Long Data-set on Military Expenditure: The Successes and Methodological Pitfalls by Perlo-Freeman, Sam. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p404-421, 18p; Abstract: AbstractSIPRI has collected data on military expenditure almost since its foundation in the 1960s, but various historical difficulties led to breaks in the consistency of the data series, so that until recently SIPRI’s consistent military expenditure database has only provided data from 1988 onwards. This paper describes recent efforts at SIPRI that have succeeded in extending these consistent series for most countries back to at least the 1960s, and in some cases to 1949. It describes the underlying difficulties involved in collecting military expenditure data and ensuring consistent series, the sources used in the reconstruction of the long data-set, the methodological choices made, and the results of the exercise. Overall, consistent constant price data series have been extended back as far as 1957 for half of the countries covered by the SIPRI database that existed at the time. Europe and the Americas generally have the best data coverage. One of the biggest problems with the extended data-set is the extensive use of estimates to splice together overlapping, but disagreeing series for the same country, adjusting the older series upwards or downwards by an appropriate ratio to give greater consistency with the later series. A number of case studies are investigated where parallel series exist for countries, suggesting that this approach may in some cases involve significant margins for error.; (AN 42687989)
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3.

Military Expenditure Data: Theoretical and Empirical Considerations by Smith, Ron P.. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p422-428, 7p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper discusses some of the methodological issues involved in analysing military expenditure data, with particular reference to the extended SIPRI data-set. The discussion is organised under the headings of validity, what is the appropriate concept to measure? reliability, how well is it being measured? and comparability, is the same thing being measured over time and space? The paper then considers some of the econometric issues involved in the use of such data.; (AN 42687990)
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4.

Does Military Spending Matter for Long-run Growth? by d’Agostino, Giorgio; Dunne, J. Paul; Pieroni, Luca. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p429-436, 8p; Abstract: AbstractThe effects of military spending has on the economy continues to be a subject of considerable debate, with a lack of consensus in the literature. This paper takes advantage of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute extended data-set to contribute to the debate using empirical methods made available, or more applicable, by the extra observations. It constructs a large panel of countries for the period 1970–2014 to explore the long-run equilibrium relationship between military spending and economic growth, applies the more flexible pooled mean group estimator, and compares the results with the more restrictive dynamic fixed effect method used in earlier influential studies. It also compares results from different time and country samples. Across the specifications it finds a significant and persistent negative effect of military burden on economic growth that is robust across different country groups, with the largest impact being for OECD countries.; (AN 42687991)
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5.

Factor Models in Panels with Cross-sectional Dependence: An Application to the Extended SIPRI Military Expenditure Data by Cavatorta, Elisa; Smith, Ron P.. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p437-456, 20p; Abstract: Strategic interactions between countries, such as arms races, alliances and wider economic and political shocks, can induce strong cross-sectional dependence in panel data models of military expenditure. If the assumption of cross-sectional independence fails, standard panel estimators such as fixed or random effects can lead to misleading inference. This paper shows how to improve estimation of dynamic, heterogenous, panel models of the demand for military expenditure allowing for cross-sectional dependence in errors using two approaches: Principal Components and Common Correlated Effect estimators. Our results show that it is crucial to allow for cross-sectional dependence, that the bulk of the effect is regional and there are large gains in fit by allowing for both dynamics and between country heterogeneity in models of the demand for military expenditures.; (AN 42687993)
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6.

Trading Arms and the Demand for Military Expenditures: Empirical Explorations Using New SIPRI-Data by Pamp, Oliver; Thurner, Paul W.. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p457-472, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyzes the impact of arms imports and exports on national military expenditures. The recent literature on the determinants of military expenditures has mainly focused on countries’ external security environments and their regime type. Based on existing theoretical work, we argue that, in addition to these factors, arms trade flows may have an important role to play. First, we show that rising imports of major conventional weapons do not necessarily translate into higher defense spending. Rather, this relationship depends on political, economic, and contract conditions that influence different choices of financing imports. Therefore, the effect should be very heterogenous. Second, exports may have both a negative or a positive impact depending on regime type and the perceived impact of exports on national security. We empirically test these expectations for 156 countries from 1949 to 2013 using arms trade and new military expenditure data provided by SIPRI. Employing static and dynamic panel data models, we find that the effect of arms imports on defense budgets does indeed differ between regions and time periods. With respect to exports, there is evidence of a strategic substitution effect between military expenditures and arms exports in democratic countries: increases in arms exports are followed by a reduction in military expenditures. For non-democratic societies on the other hand, arms exports do not tend to be associated with lower military spending.; (AN 42687995)
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7.

Economic Growth and Demand for Military Expenditure in the Indo-Pacific Asia Region by Markowski, Stefan; Chand, Satish; Wylie, Robert. Defence and Peace Economics, July 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 4 p473-490, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn this paper, we use new data on military expenditure (milex) compiled by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) to investigate the relationship between military spending and economic growth. We focus on selected countries in Indo-Pacific Asia – an economically diverse but increasingly prosperous region with pockets of strategic competition and growing milex. We confirm the robustness of SIPRI’s milex data by corroborating it with defence budget data published by Australia’s Defence Intelligence Organisation (ADIO). We find no conclusive evidence of an arms race in the region. It is the growing economic prosperity that accounts for most of the growth in Indo-Pacific Asia’s milex. But we also find wide variations in the economic burden imposed by milex at the national level and that milex’ high level of aggregation masks important changes in national military capabilities. We argue that such capabilities can increase despite a constant or even declining milex burden and, hence, prejudice the peaceful resolution of international conflicts and, thus, undermine the fragile regional stability. We propose limited disaggregation of milex to highlight national spending on military force structure and preparedness so as to facilitate better understanding of military capability formation.; (AN 42687994)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Defence industries in the 21st century: a comparative analysis by Kurç, Çağlar; Neuman, Stephanie G.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p219-227, 9p; (AN 42881376)
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2.

Israel’s defence industries – an overview by Rubin, Uzi. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p228-241, 14p; Abstract: AbstractIsrael is currently one of the world’s leading exporters of defence goods and services. Its defence industries originated in the covert workshops of the Hagana and other resistance groups in the pre-independence era of the 1930s, supplying the pre-state armed forces with light weapons. Mainly relying on imported weapons, the French arms embargo in 1967 came as a shock to Israel’s leadership and public, causing a shift in policy towards self-sufficiency in major battlefield platforms (combat aircraft, armoured vehicles and warships) through indigenous research, development and fabrication. This policy of self-sufficiency was later modified to apply only to such weapons or systems that could not be obtained from abroad either for political or technical reasons. It can be expected that Israel defence industries now will focus more on sophisticated PGM’s and battlefield robotics, whilst the Government will strive to fully privatize the remaining state owned defence industries. How successful this will be remains to be seen.; (AN 42881378)
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3.

Commentary on The value of domestic arms industries: security of supply or military adaptation? by DeVore, Marc R.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p242-259, 18p; Abstract: AbstractFew issues are more important yet less understood than how the domestic production of armaments impacts military power. Scholars generally explain states’ drive to develop defense industries in terms of a quest for supply security. Technological changes are, however, rendering an “autonomy preference” increasingly unaffordable. This raises the question of whether states can still derive strategic value from their defense industries. This study addresses the issue by examining whether Israel’s and Serbia’s defense industrial bases contributes to either the traditional goal of supply security or the alternative objective of military adaptability. To preview the conclusion, the strategic value that most states can extract from domestic defense firms lies in enhanced military adaptability. This advantage is far from negligible. Since war is unpredictable, it is often the side that adapts most rapidly to unexpected circumstances that prevails. Domestic defense industries contribute significantly to adapt both because of their technical capabilities and their patterns of routinized cooperation with a states’ armed force. Supply security, by way of contrast, is today unattainable for all but the largest states.; (AN 42881379)
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4.

Between defence autarky and dependency: the dynamics of Turkish defence industrialization by Kurç, Çağlar. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p260-281, 22p; Abstract: AbstractTurkish defence industries have significantly improved their production capabilities since the 1980s. According to the official documents, Turkey reached 54% local production level in 2011. Encouraged by this impressive defence industrial development, the government of Turkey declared that defence industrial autarky, the country’s main goal since the 1980s, would be reached by 2023. This paper evaluates the possibility of Turkey’s defence autarky. Contrary to the existing approaches in the literature that assess technological capabilities and cost-effectiveness, this paper argues that Turkey’s search for defence autarky is hindered by the interplay of institutional deficiencies, dependency on foreign inputs, and the United States’ continuing influence over Turkish politics.; (AN 42881380)
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5.

Commentary on Assessing the Turkish defense industry: structural issues and major challenges by Mevlutoglu, Arda. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p282-294, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe reform process of Turkish defense industry as launched in the last quarter of the twentieth century has seen several achievements, as well as downfalls, and passed through major milestones. The resultant industrial structure is unique, compared to the other sectors in the country. Dominated by the TSKGV (Turkish Armed Forces Foundation), the major goal of the sector has always been involved in attaining self-sufficiency, indicative of an import substitution-oriented industry policy. This strategy is evident in decision-making and execution processes of virtually all defense procurement programs. However, lack of an efficient mechanism for science and technology policy-making mechanism, is observed as a major obstacle toward sustainable development of the sector. Although benefited from the overall economic take-off during the 2000s, today the Turkish defense industry faces to the challenge of sustainability, which is heavily dependent on export performance. The forthcoming period will test the sector, revealing the necessary coordination and communication by and between the military and civilian bureaucracies.; (AN 42881377)
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6.

Asian arms industries and impact on military capabilities by Bitzinger, Richard A.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p295-311, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAsia is a leading consumer of arms, and some of the most modern and most advanced armaments are finding their way into the inventories of Asian militaries. As a result, many Asian-Pacific militaries have experienced a significant, if not unprecedented, build-up over past several years, both in terms of quantity and quality. In addition to this trend, however, Asia has become an increasingly significant producer of armaments. Many nations in the region, if they can, have sought to supplant, or at least supplement, foreign arms suppliers with indigenous producers of needed weapons systems. However, for most Asian-Pacific militaries (the possible exception being China) indigenously produced weapons add only partial value to military capabilities. Consequently, imports of advanced weaponry remain a critical dependency for most of Asian-Pacific nations.; (AN 42881382)
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7.

Commentary on Asian arms industries and impact on military capabilities by Cheung, Tai Ming. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p312-316, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper shows how alliance networks have affected defence industrialization policies and processes in countries in the Asia-Pacific region. In countries that enjoyed security assurances from the United States like Japan and South Korea, they are primarily focused industrialization and technology development in civilian sectors, and consequently, defence industrialization is a secondary priority. On the other hand, defence industrialization was/is of higher priority for states that face acute security threats such as China and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In contemporary industrialization processes, the paper concludes that the preference between commercial and defence industrialization is now closing, leading towards an integrated model from which both sectors can benefit.; (AN 42881383)
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8.

Conclusion: the need for continuous in-depth and comparative study by Neuman, Stephanie G.; Kurç, Çağlar. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p317-325, 9p; Abstract: AbstractThe debate over the benefits and drawbacks of defence industrialisation, particularly for emerging states, is far from settled but, as the case studies in this symposium suggest, a growing number of these states are taking steps to advance their defence industrial capabilities. In this volume, we attempt to decipher the reasons why states make that choice and why they choose to adopt a particular defence industrial policy.; (AN 42881381)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin; Palmore, Julian. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p77-78, 2p; (AN 41803896)
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2.

US paramilitary programs in comparative perspective: CIA, the US Army Special Forces, and the question of organizational form by Strandquist, Jon. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p79-93, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAssumed in the long-standing debate over which agency, CIA or the Department of Defense, should conduct US paramilitary operations is the idea that these organizations’ paramilitary programs are fundamentally the same kinds of things. This article questions that assumption by investigating the organizational forms underlying these agencies’ paramilitary programs in four empirical cases drawn from South Vietnam and post-9/11 Afghanistan. A typology is constructed around two identified organizational forms: “franchising” for CIA vs. “company ownership” for the US Army Special Forces. Different paramilitary organizational forms are found to have significant operational implications that should inform the paramilitary transfer debate.; (AN 41803900)
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3.

The Millenials’ war: dilemmas of network dependency in today’s military by Crosston, Matthew. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p94-105, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis work is about how the United States military has become dependent on networked technology. As arguably the largest contributor to national security, it has become so dependent that its chief doctrine integrates networked technology into nearly every specialty, with particularly intense focus on Network Centric Warfare. As the military’s old guard is replaced by the highly technical Millenial Generation, there is cause to pause when assuming this techno-acuity brings nothing but advantage and success. Vulnerabilities stemming from such extensive dependence offer opportunities for exploitation that have not gone unnoticed. The first step to moving forward from this point is to fully understand the extent to which the military has become dependent on computer networks. It might be the Millenials’ war today, but it would be quite unwise for the United States military to think about it and fight it in a purely Millenial way.; (AN 41803895)
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4.

Life in the “Gray Zone”: observations for contemporary strategists by Wirtz, James J.. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p106-114, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe term “Gray Zone” is gaining in popularity as a way of describing contemporary security challenges. This article describes the “short-of-war” strategies – the fait accompli, proxy warfare, and the exploitation of ambiguous deterrence situations, i.e. “salami tactics” – that are captured by the term and offers several explanations for why state and non-state actors are drawn to these strategies. The analysis highlights why defense postures based on deterrence are especially vulnerable to the short-of-war strategies that populate the “Gray Zone.” The article concludes by suggesting how defense officials might adapt defense policies to life in the “Gray Zone.”; (AN 41803894)
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5.

The US NATO and military burden sharing: post-Cold War accomplishments and future prospects by Cimbala, Stephen J.; Kent Forster, Peter. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p115-130, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNATO burden sharing has become an especially timely issue in the past several years as a result of a number of factors, including Russian annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine in 2014. This article argues that alliance unity among the great democracies of Europe and North America is indispensable to peace and stability on the Eurasian continent. A fractured NATO, and especially, a large divide in purposes or commitments as between the United States and its European security partners, invites aggression and the possibility of inadvertent escalation. Past successes and failures in US-involved multinational peace and stability operations, within and outside of Europe, show that mission accomplishment requires give and take, including the occasional acceptance of unequal costs and benefits among the members, in order to achieve peace and security objectives.; (AN 41803899)
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6.

The correlates of transatlantic burden sharing: revising the agenda for theoretical and policy analysis by Becker, Jordan. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p131-157, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile recent work has attempted to update the research agenda for transatiantic defense burden-sharing, there remain significant gaps between the public choice defense economics literature and the security studies literature. The presence of such a gap is unfortunate, because defense spending choices are likely shaped by factors identified by the public choice literature, as well as the strategic and cultural variables that the security studies literature tends to focus on, as well as domestic macroeconomic factors. The independent variables identified in recent qualitative literature are extremely useful analytically, and, fortunately, they have reasonable proxies in available quantitative data, which enables scholars to study them across large groups of countries and many years. This article builds upon such work to synthesize the most notable of the factors identified in the current literature, and offers some common analytical ground that will benefit both scholars and practitioners..; (AN 41803897)
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7.

European defence industry consolidation and domestic procurement bias by Kluth, Michael. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p158-173, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow have European cross-border defence industrial mergers and acquisitions affected domestic procurement bias among the major EU powers? This article departs from the findings of Andrew Moravcsik more than two decades ago suggesting that major West European states had no ingrained preferences for defence industrial autarchy. When cross-national armament projects were derailed, this could be attributed to political efforts of national defence industrial champions favouring purely domestic projects. As former national champions join pan-European defence groups, their preferences are likely modified. Does this shift procurement towards non-European “off-the-shelf” solutions which, according to Moravcsik, are favoured by defence departments? Or does it give impetus to a stronger preference for European as opposed to domestic systems? In this article, procurement patterns in the aftermath of cross-border defence industry consolidation will be analysed. Procurement bias is assessed in two industry segments characterised by pervasive consolidation.; (AN 41803898)
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8.

“Made in China”: an emerging brand in the global arms market by Li, Ling; Matthews, Ron. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p174-189, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPossession of a brand is a sine qua nonfor economic success, not least because it connotes trust in delivering the value promised. Although Western arms exporters offer branded systems whose sales are influenced by price, there is a plethora of other economic variables, such as offset requirements and life-cycle support. Entrants to the international arms market will struggle without such arms “packages.” China’s entry, however, goes beyond the traditional economic paradigm. A four-stage historical model offers the backdrop for identifying the drivers that have forged its market entry into 55 countries worldwide. The strategy initially focused on sales of rudimentary military equipment for political purposes, but recently it has begun to commercialize exports, repositioning them from a low- to a high-tech sales trajectory. A Sino “brand” is thus emerging, reflecting both competitiveness and diplomatic considerations, especially non-interference in client state domestic affairs.; (AN 41803901)
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15

Democratization
Volume 24, no. 6, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Judicial independence and state-business relations: the case of Taiwan’s ordinary courts by Ma, David K.. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p889-905, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe question of how ordinary courts in new and emerging democracies may gain judicial independence remains an understudied subject compared to its constitutional court counterpart. Through a case study of Taiwan, this article adopts and expands upon the concept of power diffusion from the extant literature, arguing that the growing power of Taiwan’s private corporate sector led the dominant political party Kuomintang (KMT) to grant independence to the ordinary courts as a means to check against this threat, because the excessive rent-seeking and corruption brought about by these empowered corporations were threatening the nation’s successful economic model and its rule of law. Also, due to the corporate sector’s growing influence on the ruling party itself, the KMT leadership had to devise strategies that can credibly commit to ordinary court independence, which would otherwise be reversed thereafter. This unique implication guides a qualitative empirical analysis that reinterprets the historical events surrounding the judicial reforms that took place in the mid-1990s. The results yield strong evidence in support of the theory.; (AN 42786825)
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2.

Developing political trust in a developing country: the impact of institutional and cultural factors on political trust in Ghana by Godefroidt, Amélie; Langer, Arnim; Meuleman, Bart. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p906-928, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPolitical distrust is often widespread in African countries, but the prospects for increasing trust are uncertain given the lack of research on the origins of political trust in the region. Using the 2013 NSS Survey in Ghana and employing hierarchical regression analyses, we develop a model of institutional trust based on insights from both cultural and institutional performance theories. The results clearly support the superiority of institutional performance theories while at the same time providing limited support for cultural explanations. National pride, however, does also substantially encourage institutional trust. This asks for future, cultural-specific studies on trust-building in developing countries trying to establish working institutions using more representative, cross-national, and longitudinal data.; (AN 42786824)
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3.

Party nationalization following democratization: modelling change in turbulent times by Mustillo, Thomas. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p929-950, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhich political parties grow more or less statically nationalized in the immediate aftermath of a democratic transition? What accounts for these changes? This is the first broadly cross-national analysis of this dimension of stabilization of the democratic regime. It uses a sample of 64 moderate and large political parties from 19 countries in South Europe and Latin America. In the first stage of the analysis, I use growth curve models on panels of district-level, lower house, election results to test each party for changes in static nationalization. Results show that 41% of the cases grow more nationalized, about 22% grow less nationalized, and the rest show no evidence of change. Then, I test explanations of increasing static nationalization derived from (a) the competitive context; (b) the institutional context; and (c) the social structural context. I find that parties become more nationalized when (a) they are jointly programmatic and in government, and the party system is less fragmented; (b) the political system is centralized and a presidential election is concurrent; and (c) society is less ethnically fragmented. Finally, I confirm that more statically nationalized parties are associated with a higher quality of democracy.; (AN 42786826)
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4.

Ethnic politics and election campaigns in contemporary Africa: evidence from Ghana and Kenya by Taylor, Charles Fernandes. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p951-969, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do some political parties in new democracies base their campaigns on promises of national public goods while others do not? Parties in new democracies often eschew programmatic policy proposals in favour of appealing to voters’ ethnic identities, distributing non-programmatic benefits, or emphasizing the personalities of their candidates. However, this is not universally the case. This article examines recent campaign strategies in two nascent democracies in Africa: Ghana and Kenya. The findings suggest that programmatic campaigning is much more common than is assumed, but that parties have different preferences for how much programmatic content they include in their campaigns. The article argues that differences in campaign strategies are largely due to differences in the composition of ethnic support for competing parties. Parties that draw a majority of their support from a single large ethnic group are morelikely to develop campaign strategies based on programmatic, policy-based appeals in the form of specific proposals for national public goods than are parties with a more diverse ethnic base of supporters. I argue that these appeals serve as a pre-election commitment to counteract fears among the electorate of domination by the large ethnic core of the party.; (AN 42786827)
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5.

Electoral competition and democratic decline in Nicaragua: uncovering an electorally viable platform for the right by Anderson, Leslie E.; Dodd, Lawrence C.; Park, Won-ho. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p970-986, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBetween the 1980s and 2006 Nicaragua was a competitive democracy where parties of the left and right won national presidential elections and relinquished power when their terms ended. More recently the quality of Nicaragua’s democracy has deteriorated. This change is due partly to autocratic behaviour by the elected leftist president, Daniel Ortega. But democratic decline is also the result of factional divisions and vague, outmoded policy commitments on the right that have crippled its electoral competitiveness, enabling Ortega’s behaviour. Utilizing an experimental research design, this article identifies two modernized policy platforms that could significantly broaden rightist electoral support in presidential campaigns, aiding democratic resurgence in Nicaragua. At a point when opposition parties are struggling to retain strength and coherence in many other democracies, the study presents a research strategy that could help clarify the ways such parties might reinvigorate their electoral competitiveness.; (AN 42786828)
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6.

Using civil society as an authoritarian legitimation strategy: Algeria and Mozambique in comparative perspective by Lorch, Jasmin; Bunk, Bettina. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p987-1005, 19p; Abstract: Recent research on civil society in authoritarian regimes shows that civil society can contribute to legitimating authoritarian rule. This finding has not, however, been connected with the nascent literature on authoritarian regime legitimation. This article seeks to bridge this gap by synthesizing the relevant theoretical literature and presenting an in-depth comparative analysis of Algeria and Mozambique. We argue that in both cases the ruling authoritarian regime has used civil society as a legitimation tool. The article identifies five patterns according to which authoritarian regimes can use civil society for legitimation purposes.; (AN 42786829)
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7.

What does democracy mean? Activist views and practices in Athens, Cairo, London and Moscow by Ishkanian, Armine; Glasius, Marlies. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1006-1024, 19p; Abstract: We shed light on the discontent with and the appeal of democracy by interviewing some of the most committed critical citizens: core activists in street protests. Based on interviews in Athens, Cairo, London, and Moscow, we found that they rejected representative democracy as insufficient, and believed democracy to entail having a voice and a responsibility to participate intensively in political decision-making. Activists saw themselves as engaged in prefigurative politics by fostering democratic practices within the movement and, ultimately, in society, but also raised concerns about internal power dynamics reproducing existing inequalities and exclusions. The insistence by activists that citizens have both a right and a duty to participate should be taken more seriously by political scientists and policymakers, not just as a threat to democracy and democratization, but as an opportunity. However, contemporary social movements are not straightforward sites of prefiguration, but sites of struggle between experimental and traditional forms of organizing, between inclusive aspirations and exclusive tendencies.; (AN 42786831)
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8.

Conquering versus democratizing the state: political Islamists and fourth wave democratization in Turkey and Tunisia by Somer, Murat. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1025-1043, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat do we learn from Turkey and Tunisia regarding the relationship between political Islamism and democratization? Variables identified by current research such as autonomy, “moderation”, and cooperation with secular actors can cut both ways depending on various political-institutional conditions and prerogatives. Particularly, the article argues that preoccupation with “conquering the state from within as opposed to democratizing it” has been a key priority and intervening variable undermining the democratizing potential of the main Turkish and Tunisian political Islamic actors – primarily the AKP and Ennahda. These actors have prioritized acceptance by and ownership of their respective nation states over other goals and strategies, such as revolutionary takeover or Islamization of the state and confrontations with state elites. This has led to a relative neglect of designing and building institutions, whether for Islamic or democratic transformation. Hence, while contributing to democratization at various stages, these actors have a predisposition to adopt and regenerate, reframe and at times augment the authoritarian properties of their states. Research should ask how secular and religious actors can agree on institutions of vertical and horizontal state accountability that would help to address the past and present sources of the interest of political Islamists in conquering rather than democratizing the state.; (AN 42786832)
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9.

The substance of EU democratic governance promotion via transgovernmental cooperation with the Eastern neighbourhood by Panchuk, Dmytro; Bossuyt, Fabienne; Orbie, Jan. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1044-1065, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting studies of the European Union’s (EU) democratic governance promotion via transgovernmental cooperation in the EU’s neighbourhood seem to take the substance of what is being promoted by the EU for granted. In filling this gap, this article examines the substance of EU democratic governance promotion by assessing (1) to what extent norms of democratic governance appear in EU Twinning projects implemented in the Eastern neighbourhood, and (2) what factors account for differences in the presence of democratic governance norms across those projects. To explain possible variation, the article hypothesizes that the democratic governance substance of Twinning projects will vary with the country’s political liberalization, sector politicization, sector technical complexity, and EU conditionality attached to reform progress in a given policy sector. Data are retrieved from a content analysis of 117 Twinning project fiches from the Eastern neighbourhood and analysed via standard multiple regression. The article finds that the EU mostly promotes moderate, mixed democratic governance substance, which varies across different projects. This variation may be best explained by the level of political liberalization of the beneficiary country and the politicization and technical complexity of the policy sectors and institutions involved in respective Twinning projects.; (AN 42786833)
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10.

Pathways of Islamist adaptation: the Egyptian Muslim Brothers’ lessons for inclusion moderation theory by Pahwa, Sumita. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1066-1084, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Muslim Brothers’ transition from religious movement to majority-seeking party in Egypt’s post 2011 democratic experiment offered a key test of the inclusion-moderation hypothesis. While the MB’s increasing religious and organizational conservatism at new electoral thresholds appears to challenge the hypothesis, I argue that it was the result of strategic adaptation based on functional alternative interpretations of political opportunity that did not require a trade-off between power-seeking and expressive goals, constrained by prior pathways of electoral adaptation, and shaped by the ambiguous political incentives of democratic transition. This article shows that the MB, like other religious parties, has alternated between strategies for electoral adaptation, challenging expectations of linear evolution; that majority-seeking sometimes encourages intra-movement dynamics that are radicalizing as well as moderating; and shows that expressive goals and identity remain important to religious parties even in office, and make some paths of adaptation more attractive while precluding others. While the case affirms the relevance of political learning mechanisms predicted by inclusion-moderation theory, the divergent outcomes of this learning suggest the need to focus on the contexts and motivations that set movements along one of multiple possible adaptive pathways.; (AN 42786830)
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11.

Weathering the storm: why was there no Arab uprising in Algeria? by Del Panta, Gianni. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1085-1102, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article re-opens the discussion of why there was “no Arab Uprising in Algeria.” After critically reviewing previous findings, the paper suggests that the stability of the Algerian regime was mainly a result of the non-formation of a cross-class and cross-ideological coalition. Splitting this hypothesis into its two main parts, it will be shown, first, that the working class was the missing element. Two factors explain this: (a) the numerical and strategic marginalization of productive workers – in turn, an effect of the process of de-industrialization that hit the country from the late 1980s onwards; and (b) the presence of an aristocracy of labour in the hydrocarbon sector, from which a tiny minority of workers produced an overwhelming amount of wealth. Secondly, the enduring distrust among opposition groups – a direct legacy of the still-too-recent civil war, as well as an effect of the specific institutional environment that developed from the mid 1990s onwards – prevented the establishment of a “negative coalition” through which all opposition forces could jointly mobilize against the regime.; (AN 42786836)
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12.

Foreign aid, democracy, and gender quota laws by Edgell, Amanda B.. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1103-1141, 39p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.; (AN 42786835)
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13.

International assistance to democratic reform in Ukraine: an opportunity missed or an opportunity squandered? by Leitch, Duncan. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1142-1158, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe article examines the impact of international expert advice on efforts to introduce democratizing reforms in Ukraine’s system of public administration following independence in 1991. The focus of the analysis is on an area which has particular resonance in the light of recent events in Ukraine, the relationship between Kyiv and the regions. The article argues that the effectiveness of external assistance has been compromised as much by institutional factors affecting the behaviour of international donors as by corresponding factors on the Ukrainian side, and that an opportunity to contribute to the democratic transformation of Ukraine has been needlessly wasted.; (AN 42786834)
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14.

Online clustering, fear and uncertainty in Egypt’s transition by Lynch, Marc; Freelon, Deen; Aday, Sean. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1159-1177, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDoes the uncertainty associated with post-authoritarian transitions cause political and social polarization? Does ubiquitous social media exacerbate these problems and thus make successful democratic transitions less likely? This article examines these questions in the case of Egypt between the 11 February 2011 fall of President Hosni Mubarak and the 3 July 2013 military coup, which overthrew President Mohamed el-Morsi. The analysis is based on a Twitter dataset including 62 million tweets by 7 million unique users. Using a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods, we demonstrate how clusters of users form and evolve over time, the density of interactions between them, and the flow of particular types of information through the clustered network structure. We show that the Egyptian Twitter public developed into increasingly isolated clusters of the like-minded which shared information unevenly. We argue that the growing distance between these clusters encouraged political conflict and facilitated the spread of fear and hatred, which ultimately undermined the democratic transition and won popular support for the military coup.; (AN 42786837)
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15.

Political activism in Iran: strategies for survival, possibilities for resistance and authoritarianism by Rivetti, Paola. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1178-1194, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines mobilizations and activism in authoritarian settings by considering the case of Iran. By focusing on the transformation of activism since the 1990s and the green movement, it advances an explanation of how oppositional political groups have been able to survive and produce forms of resistant subjectivity despite authoritarian constraints. In order to do so, the article brings together two scholarly traditions, namely Social Movement Theory (SMT) and the study of subjectivity and resistance as framed by Sari Hanafi. SMT explains how activists have been able to navigate repression and create opportunities for mobilization while shifting between formal and informal politics. The study of subjectivity helps conceptualize the type of subjects or political citizens that authoritarian environments generate. The article builds on field research with activists conducted in Iran and Turkey between 2007 and 2016. It argues that authoritarian constraints allow autonomous activism to flourish while emptying of meaning the regime-sanctioned political infrastructures.; (AN 42786839)
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16.

Trials, lustration, and clean elections: the uneven effects of transitional justice mechanisms on electoral manipulation by Greenstein, Claire; Harvey, Cole J.. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1195-1214, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTransitional justice aims to promote democratization, but previous research has found that it has mixed effects. We address this puzzle by focussing on how transitional justice affects a necessary condition for democracy: clean elections. We test for the effects of four transitional justice mechanisms – truth commissions, lustration policies, amnesties, and trials – on two different types of electoral manipulation, using data from 187 post-transition elections held in 63 countries around the world from 1980 to 2004. We find that post-transition trials limit illegal forms of electoral manipulation, such as vote-buying and falsification of results, but have no effect on legal forms of manipulation. By contrast, lustration policies limit legal manipulation tactics, like intimidation and harassment of opponents by the security services, but do not affect illegal tactics. By showing that different aspects of transitional justice can have varying influence on electoral integrity, this project improves understanding of the mechanisms that link transitional justice and democratization.; (AN 42786838)
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17.

Social contention, authoritarian resilience, and political change by Fumagalli, Matteo. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1215-1223, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article takes stock of recent advances in the field of comparative authoritarianism. The four books reviewed shed light on the effects of social activism, claim-making and social protests on authoritarian resilience. Taken as a whole, they intervene in the scholarly debates that examine the rise of collective, often contentious action under authoritarian rule. In so doing they account both for how states tolerate or even encourage collective action and the extent to which, in turn, protests by distinct social groups re-shape the political system. As authoritarian institutions, democratic-looking or otherwise, have received considerable attention of late, this article calls for greater attention to the economic and ideational dimensions of authoritarianism and, more generally, a broader research agenda.; (AN 42786840)
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18.

How armies respond to revolutions and why, by Zoltan Barany by Kuehn, David. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1224-1225, 2p; (AN 42786841)
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19.

Ukraine’s Euromaidan. Analyses of a civil revolution, edited by David R. Marples and Frederick V. Mills by Delcour, Laure. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1225-1227, 3p; (AN 42786842)
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20.

The populist radical right in Central and Eastern Europe. Ideology, impact, and electoral performance, by Andrea L. P. Pirro by Worschech, Susann. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1227-1229, 3p; (AN 42786843)
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21.

Electoral protest and democracy in the developing world, by Emily Beaulieu by Yildirim, Tevfik Murat. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1229-1231, 3p; (AN 42786844)
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22.

Democratization in Hong Kong – and China?, by Lynn T. White III by Ortmann, Stephan. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1231-1233, 3p; (AN 42786846)
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23.

Connecting peace, justice & reconciliation, by Elisabeth Porter by Grimm, Sonja. Democratization, September 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 6 p1233-1234, 2p; (AN 42786845)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Female Heroes in a Man's World: The Construction of Female Heroes in Kyrgyzstan's Symbolic Nation-building by Blakkisrud, Helge; Abdykapar kyzy, Nuraida. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p113-135, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:This article explores how Kurmanzhan Datka and other female heroes fit into the heavily male-dominated narrative traditionally promoted by Kyrgyz nation-builders. From a reading of state-approved secondary school history textbooks, the article traces the construction of female heroes and discusses how this construction contributes to the gender dimension of Kyrgyz nation-building: What values do these female symbols appear to represent? Which roles have they been assigned in the process of Kyrgyz nation-building? And what consequences may this have for the reproduction of hegemonic gender conceptions?; (AN 42055509)
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2.

Lake Baikal and Russia's Environmental Policy Process by Martus, Ellen. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p137-153, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:Lake Baikal is an important environmental symbol in Russia, and one of the few cases to have attracted significant attention from environmentalists, the government, and the international community. While in many ways a unique case, the protection of Lake Baikal provides valuable insight into policymaking in Russia and highlights some of the major challenges associated with environmental conservation efforts. This article will focus on key developments in the post-Soviet environmental policy process, using the examples of the 1999 Law on Baikal, and the closure of the Baikal Pulp and Paper Plant. The case of Lake Baikal reveals a policy process characterized by high levels of intervention from political leadership, frequent changes in direction, and an insular decision-making context with only limited input from environmental actors.; (AN 42055295)
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3.

The Rise and Fall of Local Self-Government in Petrozavodsk by Turchenko, Mikhail. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p155-173, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines the causal mechanism that resulted in the recall of the Petrozavodsk city mayor at the end of 2015. The analysis shows that the regional authorities played the leading role in occasioning this outcome. They decided to remove the Petrozavodsk mayor after failing to control her actions in office. The key step toward implementing this decision was eliminating the autonomy of local political elites, who supported the mayor. The regional authorities replaced popular mayoral elections in the city with the appointment of a city manager in order to assure their political control in the future. This case study demonstrates that the survival of mayoral governance and direct mayoral elections in Russian cities depend on mayoral loyalty to the regional authorities.; (AN 42055397)
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4.

The Donbass War: Outbreak and Deadlock by Matsuzato, Kimitaka. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p175-201, 27p; Abstract: Abstract:Between 1997 and 2004, the Party of Regions (POR) became the dominant party in Eastern Ukraine by channeling social discontent to regionalist protests and grabbing the potentially pro-Communist vote. Yet, precisely because of this, the population of Eastern Ukraine lost an outlet for social discontent that it had had during the Communist dominance there in the 1990s. After the Euromaidan Revolution, aware that their position had been weakened by Yanukovych's flight, the POR leaders of Donets'k Oblast appeased the Novorussian movement to use it as a bargaining chip with the new Kyivan authorities. This appeasement gave the early Novorussian movement tremendous opportunity to consolidate itself. The Novorussian movement consolidated itself as the Donets'k and Luhans'k People's Republics, but Russia requested that these republics' leaders abandon their initial revolutionary targets and obey the Minsk Process if they wished Russia to help them.; (AN 42055465)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 10, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the Editorial Team Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 42847040)
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2.

A terrible beauty is born: teaching about identity salience and conflict by Asal, Victor; Griffith, Lewis. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p3-13, 11p; Abstract: AbstractTeaching students about the impact of identity and identity salience and its impact on conflict can be very challenging for many students who have not experienced discrimination, oppression or violent conflict. The two exercises laid out in this article can be used in classes to help students understand how identity can be formed by experiences with discrimination and violence and how these experiences can shape people's choices in politics as well as choosing to mobilize for causes. Our exercise first seeks to have students confront their own identity and its salience to themselves. The second part of the exercise utilizes highly mobilized identity rhetoric in the form of nationalist poetry to provide the students with an opportunity to sample, quickly but effectively, the impact and nature of identity politics in conflict cases. Using this exercise, students are able to grapple with their own identity formation, its potential salience and possibility for mobilization, as well as the power of identity mobilization writ large, in a powerful but controlled and relatively apolitical manner that supports teaching about identity as a political phenomenon.; (AN 42847044)
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3.

Assassination as a terrorist tactic: a global analysis by Mandala, Marissa. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p14-39, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThis study investigates what social, political, and economic conditions are associated with terrorist assassinations, and whether these conditions differ for suicide attacks. A series of negative binomial regressions are conducted across four two-year periods: 1995–1996, 2000–2001, 2005–2006 and 2010–2011. The dependent variables represent the count of total terrorist assassinations and suicide attacks taking place in countries worldwide. Independent variables measuring country-level conditions from various sources are used. Both assassinations and suicide attacks were found to be associated with some similar indicators. Certain indicators were uniquely associated with either assassinations or suicide attacks. Across most periods, countries that respect physical integrity rights experienced fewer assassinations and suicide attacks. During one period, politically stable countries experienced fewer assassinations and suicide attacks, while countries with a higher GDP per capita encountered more assassinations and suicide attacks. Across most periods, countries with more religious diversity experienced fewer assassinations, while countries with a high incidence of major episodes of political violence were associated with more assassinations. During one period, countries with more internally displaced persons experienced fewer assassinations, and more refugees originating from a country were related to more suicide attacks. Findings suggest that different terrorist tactics may stem from different underlying problems.; (AN 42847045)
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4.

The stability of the Islamic State (IS) narrative: implications for the future by Kuznar, Lawrence A.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p40-53, 14p; Abstract: AbstractQuantitative analysis of IS thought leader discourse is used to examine the extent to which the IS narrative has changed throughout its history, and the degree to which it has been similar to the rhetoric of other extremist organizations. The IS narrative has remained remarkably stable, indicating an ideological commitment to the narrative by its propagandists. Furthermore, the narrative has worked well for IS as a recruiting and inspirational tool. Therefore, their core narrative is predicted to remain stable, despite future manifestations of the organization. This stability has implications for how the narrative can be countered and the need for credible allies in that effort.; (AN 42847046)
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5.

Should conventional terrorist bombings be considered weapons of mass destruction terrorism? by Early, Bryan R.; Martin, Erika G.; Nussbaum, Brian; Deloughery, Kathleen. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p54-73, 20p; Abstract: AbstractSince weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are typically thought of as chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear (CBRN) weapons, the designation of conventional bombings as WMD terrorism under US law has generated controversy and can affect how policymakers plan for future attacks. Using quantitative data on terrorist attacks, federal planning documents, and the academic literature, we argue that placing the conventional terrorist bombings in the same legal category as CBRN terrorism confuses two distinct terrorist threats with different risks of occurrence, casualty profiles, consequences, and emergency response requirements. We explore the logical and practical reasons why such threat conflation could create policy problems. We conclude that the current definition of WMD terrorism under US law that aggregates conventional terrorist bombings with CBRN terrorism should be revised.; (AN 42847048)
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6.

Misunderstanding Terrorism by McCauley, Clark. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p74-77, 4p; (AN 42847047)
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