Skip to main content

NATO LIBRARY HOMEPAGE | NATO LIBGUIDES | CATALOG | MY ACCOUNT

NATO Multimedia Library: Journal Titles: A - D

RECENTLY RECEIVED JOURNAL ISSUES

A - D

Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

Go to List of all journal titles

1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 44, no. 1, January 2018

1.

Conceptualizing the Spectrum of the Bereavement Discourse by Levy, Yagil. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p3-24, 22p; Abstract: This article presents the spectrum of the bereavement discourse, namely, how various social groups interpret the loss of their children’s lives or the potential risk to their lives posed by their military service and translate it into public discourse, as a spectrum of attitudes. It is argued that this spectrum ranges from subversive to submissive approaches. Furthermore, within the confines of the declining casualty tolerance, two variables cumulatively determine the actors’ choice of discourse: the level of enforcement of recruitment, ranging from conscription to voluntary recruitment, and the social position of the group to which the agents belong. Given that conscription brings powerful, high-status groups into the ranks who may be unwilling to make sacrifices for war, subversive responses are more likely to occur in conscript militaries than in volunteer forces and vice versa. This article maps this spectrum and hypothesizes about its determinants.; (AN 44002186)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002186&site=ehost-live

2.

Sexual Harassment in the Military: Individual Experiences, Demographics, and Organizational Contexts by Harris, Richard J.; McDonald, Daniel P.; Sparks, Corey S.. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p25-43, 19p; Abstract: Purpose: Sexual harassment remains a persistent problem in the U.S. military despite extensive research and policy initiatives. Theoretical explanations identify individual circumstances (e.g., power differentials) and organizational factors (e.g., climate, culture). However, data constraints limit the capacity to link individual contexts with independent measures of environments.Data/Methods: A unique Defense Equality Opportunity Climate Survey allows assessment of organizational climates and individual experiences with multilevel analyses.Results: Sexist environmental context increases the likelihood of personal harassment experiences after controlling for individual-level variables. However, unit-level climate, group cohesion, and job satisfaction are not significant.Conclusion: Both individual and organizational factors are important. However, the organizational context has less to do with culture or unit cohesion and more to do with tolerance of sexism. Focusing on problem units may be effective for reducing the prevalence and persistence of sexual harassment.; (AN 44002184)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002184&site=ehost-live

3.

Elite Military Cues and Public Opinion About the Use of Military Force by Golby, James; Feaver, Peter; Dropp, Kyle. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p44-71, 28p; Abstract: Do military endorsements influence Americans’ political and foreign policy views? We find that senior military officers have the ability to nudge public attitudes under certain conditions. Through a series of large, survey-based experiments, with nearly 12,000 completed interviews from national samples, we find that participants respond to survey questions in predictable ways depending on whether they have been prompted with information about the views of senior military leaders on the very same questions. When told that senior military leaders oppose particular interventions abroad, public opposition to that intervention increases; endorsements of support boost public support but by a smaller magnitude. Subsequent causal mediation analysis suggests that military opinion influences public opinion primarily through its impact on a mission’s perceived legitimacy and, to a lesser degree, it’s perceived likelihood of success.; (AN 44002190)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002190&site=ehost-live

4.

Antecedents and Consequences of Leadership Styles: Findings From Empirical Research in Multinational Headquarters by Richter, Gregor. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p72-91, 20p; Abstract: There are numerous studies on the success of various leadership styles that refer to the link between styles and levels of performance and other relevant organizational parameters. Data from a recent survey in a multinational headquarters (HQs) replicate previous findings on leadership style concerning the preferences of the subordinates for more participation in decision-making. Although multinational HQs are in many ways unique organizations that could present unique leadership challenges, too, the findings using traditional models of leadership show how similarly, compared to civilian companies and public administrations, leadership styles are perceived and evaluated by subordinates. Apart from that, the survey data indicate that leadership style—quite different from what was expected—has no significant effect on “organizational commitment” and “mission clarity.” The reasons for that result are discussed against the backdrop of the peculiarities of the organization under investigation.; (AN 44002187)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002187&site=ehost-live

5.

Who Supports U.S. Veterans and Who Exaggerates Their Support? by Kleykamp, Meredith; Hipes, Crosby; MacLean, Alair. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p92-115, 24p; Abstract: Support for U.S. military personnel appears high, but does it extend to veterans after service ends? This study evaluates public support for social engagement with veterans and spending on recent military veterans’ health care and estimates the extent of socially desirable reporting on these forms of support. It uses a list experiment to identify the extent of socially desirable reporting on topics. Findings demonstrate that the public offers overwhelming support for spending on veterans’ health care and social engagement with the group, but they somewhat overstate this support. Support differs by age, race, and political ideology, and social desirability bias varies by race, political ideology, and prior military experience. African Americans express the lowest levels of support for returning veterans and the greatest extent of socially desirable reporting on that support. This is despite generally high rates of service and greater labor market returns to that service among this demographic group.; (AN 44002183)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002183&site=ehost-live

6.

Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain: An Exploration of Invisible Nationalism by Penn, Roger; Berridge, Damon. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p116-138, 23p; Abstract: This article examines the relationship between football (soccer) and the military in Britain to explore how “invisible nationalism” has evolved. Here, invisible nationalism refers to the phenomena by which the presence of the military at major British sporting events is both highly visual and has been rendered culturally and politically invisible: It is hidden “in plain sight.” We applied the conceptual framework associated with the “Annales” School of structuralist history to explore how the inextricable links between football, the military, the monarchy, and established church have influenced the evolution of invisible nationalism. We conducted ethnographic fieldwork, including observations, interviews, and focus groups, and also analyzed visual data. These comprised television broadcasts of national sporting events and figures taken at English football clubs. We conclude that the power of the dominant metanarratives of British nationalism serves to render these phenomena invisible to most spectators, especially those who consume football via television.; (AN 44002182)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002182&site=ehost-live

7.

A Rehabilitative Justice Pathway for War-Traumatized Offenders Caught in the Military Misconduct Catch-22 by Seamone, Evan; Sreenivasan, Shoba; McGuire, James; Smee, Dan; Clark, Sean; Dow, Daniel. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p139-155, 17p; Abstract: The United States and Canada, among others, have recognized that “misconduct stress behaviors” can be a “hidden” by-product of war-zone deployments. The American military’s paradigm of punishment over treatment creates a “military misconduct Catch-22,” in which the service member’s treatment need is identified as a result of, or only after, violations of military law. Civilian society then bears the justice, familial, and social costs of the military’s failure to address combat stress–based misconduct. As an alternative to existing punitive military pathways, we propose a rehabilitative justice pathway that builds on the successes of civilian criminal justice mental health courts—to be implemented during active duty service, beforeseparation from the Armed Forces. The approach, predicated on the circumstances of each case, promotes resilience, honorable discharge, and successful reintegration of service members into society.; (AN 44002192)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002192&site=ehost-live

8.

Transition From the Military Into Civilian Life: An Exploration of Cultural Competence by Cooper, Linda; Caddick, Nick; Godier, Lauren; Cooper, Alex; Fossey, Matt. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p156-177, 22p; Abstract: In this article, we employ the theoretical framework and concepts of Pierre Bourdieu to examine the notion of “transition” from military to civilian life for U.K. Armed Forces personnel. We put Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, capital, and fieldto work in highlighting key differences between military and civilian life. The use of social theory allows us to describe the cultural legacy of military life and how this may influence the posttransition course of veterans’ lives. There may be positive and negative transition outcomes for service personnel when moving into civilian life, and by applying Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, we explain how such outcomes can be understood. We suggest that the “rules” are different in military environments compared to civilian ones and that service personnel must navigate a complex cultural transition when moving between environments. There are numerous and significant implications—including policy applications—from understanding transition through a Bourdieusian lens, and these are highlighted throughout.; (AN 44002191)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002191&site=ehost-live

9.

Book Review: The Taliban: Afghanistan’s most lethal insurgents by Kelly, William. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p178-180, 3p; (AN 44002185)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002185&site=ehost-live

10.

Why America Should Restore the Draft: A Response to Liebert and Golby’s “Midlife Crisis? The All-Volunteer Force at 40” by Hauser, William L.. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p181-185, 5p; Abstract: While agreeing with Professor Liebert and Colonel Golby that the All-Volunteer Force—which in 1973 replaced the Selective Service System (the draft) enacted by Congress at the onset of World War II—has worsened the estrangement of America’s military from the larger society and that this estrangement constitutes a hazard to our nation’s democracy, Colonel Hauser disputes their notion that nothing much can be done to remediate that hazard other than encouraging a return to historical/traditional nonpartisanship on the part of active and retired military officers, presumably encouraged by civilian political leadership. Instead, he suggests, a return to the draft, within a program of national service, would not only ameliorate military-societal separation but also provide a multitude of strategic, social, political, and economic benefits to the entire nation.; (AN 44002188)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002188&site=ehost-live

11.

National Service and the All-Volunteer Force: A Response to Hauser’s “Why America Should Restore the Draft” by Liebert, Hugh; Golby, James. Armed Forces & Society, January 2018, Vol. 44 Issue: Number 1 p186-192, 7p; Abstract: In “Midlife Crisis? The All-Volunteer Force at Forty,” we illustrated the regional and partisan imbalance in today’s all-volunteer force (AVF), and we argued that restoring the draft is neither an effective nor a practicable policy solution to this problem. In response, Colonel Hauser has argued for restoring the draft, substantially increasing the number of U.S. ground forces and reinvigorating Congressional foreign policy-making. In this article, we question the practicability of Colonel Hauser’s proposals, and we argue that a restored draft would not improve national character, facilitate sounder foreign policy decisions, or reduce costs relative to an AVF.; (AN 44002189)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44002189&site=ehost-live

 

2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 4, October 2017

Record Results
1. Turkmenistan and the virtual politics of Eurasian energy: the case of the TAPI pipeline project by Anceschi, Luca. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p409-429, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn December 2015, leaders from Central and South Asia took part in the ground-breaking ceremony for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) natural gas pipeline project. Sixteen months later, a confusing information flow continues to obfuscate external assessments of the project’s development: official rhetoric notwithstanding, there is no certainty on the details of project financing, while the pipeline route has yet to be determined. To illuminate this obscure implementation path, this article regards TAPI as a virtual pipeline, an infrastructure project that wields invaluable influence only when it is employed as a foreign policy tool or permeates domestic discourses of progress framed by the elites of the four consortium partners. The constituent elements of TAPI virtuality are discussed here through a dedicated focus on the process of energy policy-making of Turkmenistan – the sole supplier of gas for the pipeline project and the consortium’s key stakeholder.; (AN 43980250)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980250&site=ehost-live
2. The return of the regulator: Kazakhstan’s cotton sector reforms since independence by Petrick, Martin; Oshakbayev, Dauren; Taitukova, Regina; Djanibekov, Nodir. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p430-452, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat would a ‘good’ industrial policy in the realm of cotton production look like? This article seeks to address this question through a focus on reforms to the cotton sector in Kazakhstan. In contrast with neighbouring Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, administrators in Kazakhstan had widely freed the cotton sector from government control as early as 1998. Agricultural collectives had been replaced by small private farms, and commercial cotton processors and traders entered the sector. However, in 2007, regulation tightened again and forced ginneries to use a complex warehouse receipt system without making sure that it was accepted by stakeholders and without appropriate institutions for implementing it in place. Moreover, it imposed financing restrictions on ginneries, which were major loan and input providers to farmers. In the following years, private producers and investors turned away from cotton, and cotton area and output fell substantially. We position our analysis in the broader debate about the right approach to industrial policy and argue that the cotton sector performance after 2007 shows how ill-designed regulation and government interference can turn a promising economic sector towards decline.; (AN 43980249)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980249&site=ehost-live
3. Undermining Western democracy promotion in Central Asia: China’s countervailing influences, powers and impact by Sharshenova, Aijan; Crawford, Gordon. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p453-472, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines whether and to what extent China’s involvement in Central Asian countries undermines the democracy promotion efforts of the European Union and the United States. Findings confirm that China does indeed challenge Western efforts, but in an indirect way. First, Chinese provision of substantial and unconditional financial assistance makes Western politically conditioned aid appear both ungenerous and an infringement of sovereignty. Second, the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation, inclusive of China’s leadership role, creates an institutional means through which the (semi-)authoritarianism of member states is legitimized and challenges Western emphasis on democracy and human rights. Finally, by the power of its own example, China demonstrates that democracy is not a prerequisite for prosperity, the rule of law and social well-being.; (AN 43980251)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980251&site=ehost-live
4. Transformations in Turkmen higher education: current opportunities and challenges at a new university by Gaynor, Kelly Lee. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p473-492, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article consists of two major parts. It begins with a brief summary of the philosophy and history of higher education in Turkmenistan since its independence in 1991. This discussion is based on available mass media accounts and existing research. It also provides some regional comparisons between the Republic of Turkmenistan and its Central Asian neighbours. This part concludes with a description of the current Turkmen higher education landscape. The second part uses an ethnographic case-study approach to describe daily organizational, academic and cultural life, a ‘sense of place’, at one of the several higher education institutions in Turkmenistan which is a pioneer in trying to globalize the system. The case study is particularly focused on changes and challenges associated with moving from a traditionally dominated top-down specialist degree towards the bachelor’s and master’s degree programmes and credit-hour system that this institution is attempting to implement.; (AN 43980252)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980252&site=ehost-live
5. Cultural histories of kumiss: tuberculosis, heritage and national health in post-Soviet Kazakhstan by McGuire, Gabriel. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p493-510, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the nineteenth century, European doctors began to credit kumiss(fermented mare’s milk) for the apparent absence of tuberculosis among the nomads of the Eurasian steppe. As European and American medical journals published articles on the ‘kumisscure’ and Russian doctors opened kumisssanatoria, praise for the drink’s curative powers was wound together with romanticized images of the nomadic pastoralists whose creation it was. In Soviet and now in post-Soviet Kazakhstan, kumisscame to hold the double status of medicine and of national heritage. Yet if in the nineteenth century, the steppe was notable for the absence of tuberculosis, in the late twentieth century, it is notable for its presence: Kazakhstan, like many post-Soviet countries, is currently the site of an epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis. Discussions of the epidemic now tangle together concerns over the physical health of the population with concern over the cultural health of the body politic.; (AN 43980254)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980254&site=ehost-live
6. From the Achaemenids to Somoni: national identity and iconicity in the landscape of Dushanbe’s capitol complex by Hughes, Katherine. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p511-533, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the iconicity of contemporary Dushanbe’s capitol complex, with its state-sponsored architecture and memorial culture, part of the government of Tajikistan’s national identity construction. Dushanbe’s architecture post-independence is actant, a mnemonic and iconographical bridge between the present and favoured historical periods in a quest for national origins. A bricolage of historical symbols, including those of Achaemenid Iran and the early Islamic Samanids, is displayed here in a city with Soviet foundations. Together with pan-Iranian iconography is a desire by the government of Tajikistan for monumentality for its own sake. The capitol complex evokes the natural world, connected to a Central Asian conception of sacred space, suggesting an interlacing of power and religious authority. These monumental building projects are taking place against the backdrop of the destruction of Dushanbe’s ‘authentic’ Soviet architecture and built heritage in the capitol complex, itself a container for collective memory.; (AN 43980256)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980256&site=ehost-live
7. Contested spaces: the use of place-names and symbolic landscape in the politics of identity and legitimacy in Azerbaijan by Saparov, Arsène. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p534-554, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article deals with the political manipulation of symbolic landscape, using post-Soviet Azerbaijan as a case study. In particular, it looks at the practice of toponym changes as an element of political legitimization and national identity-making. The political use and manipulation of place-names and symbolic landscape is a relatively recent phenomenon that became particularly widespread in the twentieth century. It is widely used for ideological or nationalist purposes throughout the world – from Iran to Israel, from former Yugoslavia to the USSR. However, I argue that post-Soviet Azerbaijan represents an unusual case where one can clearly see strikingly different patterns of place-name manipulation in the pursuit of political legitimacy. It argues that while questions of political legitimacy and nationalism found their reflection in the policy of place-name manipulation, their uses followed clearly different routes and were confined to separate areas.; (AN 43980253)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980253&site=ehost-live
8. Categorically misleading, dialectically misconceived: language textbooks and pedagogic participation in Central Asian nation-building projects by Pickett, James. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p555-574, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPersian language manuals uniformly adopt national categories such as Persian/Farsi (Iran), Dari (Afghanistan) and Tajik (Tajikistan). These categories at once impose an imagined contrast between the languages at the high register that is in fact marginal, while occluding profound linguistic variation withinthese nation-states at colloquial registers. Similar schemas apply to Central Asian Turkic languages such as Uyghur and Uzbek, which are closely related at the formal/literary register, but regionally diverse at lower registers. This dominant instructional approach ill prepares language learners for engaging the region on its own terms, rather than through the lens of nationalist aspirations. Students would be better served by an integrative method that teaches a transnational high language (in the case of Persian) while introducing a diverse range of dialects.; (AN 43980255)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980255&site=ehost-live
9. Veiled and unveiled in Chechnya and Daghestan by Fagan, Geraldine. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p575-577, 3p; (AN 43980259)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980259&site=ehost-live
10. Humanitarian invasion: global development in Cold War Afghanistan by Göransson, Markus. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p577-579, 3p; (AN 43980257)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980257&site=ehost-live
11. Imperial Russia’s Muslims: Islam, empire, and European modernity, 1788–1914 by Lazzerini, Edward. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p579-581, 3p; (AN 43980258)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980258&site=ehost-live
12. Muslim women of the Fergana Valley: a 19th-century ethnography from Central Asia by Ismailbekova, Aksana. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p581-583, 3p; (AN 43980261)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980261&site=ehost-live
13. Democracy in Central Asia: competing perspectives and alternative strategies by Tskhay, Aliya. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p583-585, 3p; (AN 43980262)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980262&site=ehost-live
14. Uyghur nation: reform and revolution on the Russia–China Frontier by Kamalov, Ablet. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p585-588, 4p; (AN 43980263)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980263&site=ehost-live
15. Rewriting the nation in modern Kazakh literature by Dubuisson, Eva-Marie. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p588-590, 3p; (AN 43980260)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980260&site=ehost-live
16. Trading worlds: Afghan merchants across modern frontiers by Mostowlansky, Till. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p591-592, 2p; (AN 43980267)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980267&site=ehost-live
17. The force of custom: law and the ordering of everyday life in Kyrgyzstan by Samie, August. Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p593-595, 3p; (AN 43980264)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980264&site=ehost-live
18. Books received Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p596-597, 2p; (AN 43980266)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980266&site=ehost-live
19. Erratum Central Asian Survey, October 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p598-598, 1p; (AN 43980265)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43980265&site=ehost-live

3

China Quarterly
Volume 232, no. 1, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 232 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b4, 4p; (AN 44203818)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203818&site=ehost-live

2.

CQY volume 232 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 44203840)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203840&site=ehost-live

3.

A New Direction in the People's Liberation Army's Emergent Strategic Thinking, Roles and Missions by Char, James; Bitzinger, Richard A.. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p841-865, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThe People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been undergoing a profound transformation in terms of its operational capabilities, both with regard to its hardwareas well as its heartware, i.e. the softer aspects of its development including its operational culture and military ethos. These changes have permeated every facet of the PLA – technological, organizational and doctrinal. Despite successive generations of Chinese leaders having declared their adherence to “peace” and “development,” it has become clearer that Beijing's security policy under Xi Jinping has shifted steadily away from “keeping a low profile.” In that regard, the status of the PLA in the domestic and international calculus of China's new commander-in-chief has, unsurprisingly, become more pronounced, with Xi taking noticeably greater interest in harnessing the Chinese Communist Party's coercive forces as his personal domestic powerbase and foreign policy instrument complementing China's hard economic power.; (AN 44203843)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203843&site=ehost-live

4.

Xi Jinping in Command: Solving the Principal–Agent Problem in CCP–PLA Relations? by Kou, Chien-wen. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p866-885, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe PLA has been a key player in Chinese elite politics since 1949. However, a series of developments over the last four years has prompted China watchers to re-evaluate Party–military relations. This paper argues that CCP–PLA relations in the Xi Jinping era are characterized by the centralization of power in a single civilian individual. This centralization is reflected by events such as a new emphasis on the CMC chairman responsibility system, the establishment of new coordination bodies under the top leader, radical reforms to the military command structure, the promotion of Xi's public image as the top leader, and large-scale personnel reshuffes during which Xi's trustees have gradually come to occupy key military posts while his rivals have been removed. For Xi, these measures are an antidote to the principal–agent problem in CCP–PLA relations caused by both information asymmetry and the discrepant interests of civilian leaders and the top brass of the PLA.; (AN 44203821)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203821&site=ehost-live

5.

China's New “Black Box”: Problems and Prospects for the Central National Security Commission by Wuthnow, Joel. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p886-903, 18p; Abstract: AbstractChina's establishment of a Central National Security Commission (CNSC) in late 2013 was a potentially transformative event in the evolution of China's national security decision-making structure. Yet, as of mid-2017, few details about this organization and its activities have been released, leading to continuing questions about its likely role and functions in the Chinese system. Based on an analysis of numerous authoritative but under-utilized Chinese sources, this article addresses the rationale, prospects and implications of the CNSC. It argues that the organization is both a fulfilment of a long-held desire by many in China for a centralized, permanent national security deliberation forum and also a reflection of the unique challenges facing China in the 21st century. Contrary to existing analyses, which argue that the CNSC is likely to be focused primarily on domestic security tasks, the article contends that it is more likely to play a major role in both internal andexternal security affairs. Moreover, the article argues that if certain obstacles can be addressed, the CNSC may have broad implications in areas ranging from China's crisis response capability to the role played by the Chinese Communist Party general secretary in the national security decision-making process. The conclusion recaps the findings and suggests avenues for further research.; (AN 44203826)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203826&site=ehost-live

6.

The US–China Naval Balance in the Asia-Pacific: An Overview by Goldstein, Lyle. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p904-931, 28p; Abstract: AbstractA truism in strategic studies holds that warfare is highly complex and unpredictable. What appears to be a stable and predictable military balance can be suddenly overthrown by innovative doctrines or cunning strategies. This paper attempts to fill a perceived gap in strategic studies analysis with respect to US–China naval conflict scenarios. The author is concerned that most Western analyses on the subject tend to be simplistic and unduly optimistic. The approach in this paper follows a “Chinese style” in that it examines the Asia-Pacific strategic balance as a series of interacting military campaigns. The results of the analysis yield that the US retains a strong advantage in certain warfare domains, to be sure. Yet, the assumption that the US military has a decisive advantage in the relevant scenarios becomes dubious in light of the potentially devastating blow against US and allied bases that could be made by PLA conventional missile forces. Moreover, a Chinese advantage in the use of offensive mine warfare, when combined with China's ability to prevent US and allied aerial anti-submarine forces from flying, could combine to roll back, or at least significantly limit, Washington's heretofore decisive undersea advantage.; (AN 44203815)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203815&site=ehost-live

7.

Prospects for Cross-Strait Political Negotiation: Exploring Win-Sets by Wenger, Josh; Chen, Ming-tong. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p932-955, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis study adopts a pre-negotiation approach based on Robert Putnam's win-set concept to examine domestic constraints on cross-Strait political negotiation. Survey research of elite opinion in both China and Taiwan and of public opinion in Taiwan is used to estimate each side's win-set (that is, the set of political negotiation outcomes that could win majority approval domestically) during Ma Ying-jeou's second presidential term in Taiwan (2012–2016). The possibility for overlap in win-sets that could provide a zone of possible agreement and the potential for coalitions in favour of negotiation are analysed. The study finds no win-set overlap and limited potential for coalitions favouring negotiation outcomes with the least distance from overlap, concluding that domestic conditions for formal political negotiations between Beijing and Taipei are unlikely to be ripe in the near term.; (AN 44203819)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203819&site=ehost-live

8.

The Strengths of China's Charm Offensive: Changes in the Political Landscape of a Southern Taiwan Town under Attack from Chinese Economic Power by Keng, Shu; Yu-Chen Tseng, Jean; Yu, Qiang. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p956-981, 26p; Abstract: AbstractChina's trade with Taiwan has a political motive: winning the hearts and minds of the Taiwanese people. The effectiveness of China's economic statecraft can be examined in the Syuejia (Xuejia) case, where Taiwan put up strong resistance to the generous benefits offered by China. This article investigates the political implications of the Chinese-designed contract farming programme in Syuejia and argues that if economic favours are delivered, and positive impressions also created, political attitudes can be revised. Without these two prerequisites, however, replicating the Syuejia results elsewhere and thus disturbing the cross-Strait status quo will be difficult. When put in a theoretical context, the changes in the political landscape of Syuejia illustrate the interplay of economic interests and political identity.; (AN 44203816)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203816&site=ehost-live

9.

Soft Power Rich, Public Diplomacy Poor: An Assessment of Taiwan's External Communications by Rawnsley, Gary. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p982-1001, 20p; Abstract: AbstractAccepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.; (AN 44203834)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203834&site=ehost-live

10.

Rethinking China's Coercive Capacity: An Examination of PRC Domestic Security Spending, 1992–2012 by Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1002-1025, 24p; Abstract: AbstractDiscussions of China's rising domestic security expenditure often present this spending as evidence of the Chinese Communist Party's strong coercive capacity. This article argues that a lack of theoretical clarity about domestic security has resulted in flawed conclusions about these expenditures and their implications for China's coercive capacity. Challenging the conventional wisdom, the article analyses China's domestic security spending from 1992 through 2012 and argues that it is important to consider not only the total amount that China spends but also how it spends these resources and the magnitude of the threats that this expenditure must address. It finds that China's domestic security spending is not historically unprecedented, is not expanding as a proportion of national expenditure, and is not necessarily high (or producing high coercive capacity) when compared to other countries. The article also shows that certain locations struggle more to fund their coercive capacity than others, and that these locations overlap with areas where internal security threats may be particularly acute. The challenges that the coercive apparatus must address have also grown over the same period during which domestic security spending has risen. Finally, attempts to improve the political position of China's coercive agents cannot be equated with improvements in their capacity to manage Chinese society. Cumulatively, this reassessment provides more evidence of the limitations on China's coercive capacity than of its strength.; (AN 44203831)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203831&site=ehost-live

11.

Changing Property-Rights Regimes: A Study of Rural Land Tenure in China by Brandt, Loren; Whiting, Susan H.; Zhang, Linxiu; Zhang, Tonglong. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1026-1049, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThrough two rounds of land contracting, rural households have been allocated a bundle of rights in land. We observe significant differences across villages in the amount of land to which villagers retain a claim and the institutional mechanisms governing the exchange of land rights. This study reveals the perpetuation and expansion of non-market mechanisms accruing to the benefit of village cadres and state officials and only limited emergence of market mechanisms in which households are primary beneficiaries. It identifies factors in economic, political and legal domains that incentivize and enable state officials and local cadres to capture returns from use of land. Relatedly, the study finds differences in conflict over property-rights regimes. Drawing on a pilot survey carried out by the authors in November of 2011 in Shaanxi and Jiangsu provinces (192 households in 24 villages), this paper seeks to explain heterogeneity and change in property-rights regimes over time and across space.; (AN 44203839)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203839&site=ehost-live

12.

Administrative Reform and the Transfer of Authority to Social Organizations in China by Gao, Hong; Tyson, Adam. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1050-1069, 20p; Abstract: AbstractIn this article, we examine the administrative functions that have been carried out by social organizations (SOs) in China since 2013. We use evidence from Guangdong to demonstrate that the transfer of authority to SOs is selective, tends to create more burdens for local government, and generally does not lead to greater autonomy for SOs. We focus on five types of SOs that are undertaking new administrative functions with varying degrees of operational autonomy, which relates to the consultative authoritarian model proposed by Jessica Teets. Consultative authoritarianism allows for the expansion of relatively autonomous SOs and the development of indirect state control mechanisms. The model is designed to improve governance without democratization by expanding the role played by intermediaries such as SOs in public administration and service delivery. The evidence from Guangdong permits us to conclude that the transfer of authority to SOs allows for innovations in public administration, but that politics continues to motivate government decisions as to which functions are suitable for SOs to undertake, casting doubt on the ability of the Chinese Communist Party to achieve sustainable improvements in local governance and public service provision.; (AN 44203836)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203836&site=ehost-live

13.

Market Penetration, Institutional Niches and Job Searches in Reforming China by Huang, Xianbi. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1070-1093, 24p; Abstract: AbstractUsing an institutional perspective, this paper explores coexisting job search methods in reforming China. Analysis of the 2003 Chinese General Social Survey data shows that China's labour markets are segmented into institutional niches by two key factors: the type of ownership of work organization and the status of the work organization in the market. The effectiveness of job search methods varies across the different institutional niches. Hierarchical arrangements and social networks remain powerful means of obtaining jobs in the state sector, including both monopolistic and competitive work organizations, while job searches using a market-oriented method are comparatively useful for winning jobs in the non-state sector irrespective of whether organizations are competitive or monopolistic in terms of market competition. This paper not only illustrates the value of an institutional approach to labour market research but also reveals the scope of market penetration in China's emerging labour markets.; (AN 44203838)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203838&site=ehost-live

14.

The Xinjiang Class: Multi-ethnic Encounters in an Eastern Coastal City by Yuan, Zhenjie; Qian, Junxi; Zhu, Hong. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1094-1115, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe Xinjiang Class (Xinjiang neidi ban, or Xinjiangban) has far-reaching implications for Beijing's governance of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. Existing literature has focused primarily on the Uyghur–Han dichotomy, with limited attention being paid to the actual multi-ethnic interactions that constitute the situated dynamics of policy implementation. Utilizing the notions of the space of prescription and the space of negotiation to develop an analytical framework, this paper argues that social relations in the Xinjiangbanare ongoing constructions borne by everyday experiences of domination and negotiation, and that space is constitutive of this situated dynamic. Based on nearly four years of research at a Xinjiangban, we make a case for the fluidity and incoherence of the implementation of the Xinjiangbanpolicy. Those who implement it at the school level produce a space of prescription that deploys specific spatial–temporal arrangements to manage expressions of ethnic identity. Driven by the need to achieve upward mobility, minority students are open-minded about the Han- and patriotism-centred education. However, they use innovative and improvised tactics to create spaces of negotiation to re-assert their ethnicities. In the Xinjiangban, minority students do comply with spaces of prescription, but they simultaneously keep their ethnic and religious practices alive.; (AN 44203841)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203841&site=ehost-live

15.

Book Review: Forget Chineseness: On the Geopolitics of Cultural Identification by Carrico, Kevin. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1116-1117, 2p; (AN 44203812)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203812&site=ehost-live

16.

Book Review: Making Autocracy Work: Representation and Responsiveness in Modern China by Lü, Xiaobo. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1118-1119, 2p; (AN 44203825)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203825&site=ehost-live

17.

Book Review: Democracy in China: Challenge or Opportunity by Jia, Peitao. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1119-1121, 3p; (AN 44203811)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203811&site=ehost-live

18.

Book Review: Shaken Authority: China's Communist Party and the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake by Paik, Wooyeal. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1121-1122, 2p; (AN 44203823)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203823&site=ehost-live

19.

Book Review: The Red Guard Generation and Political Activism in China by Bonnin, Michel. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1123-1125, 3p; (AN 44203830)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203830&site=ehost-live

20.

Book Review: Bitter and Sweet: Food, Meaning, and Modernity in Rural China by Bunkenborg, Mikkel. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1125-1126, 2p; (AN 44203837)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203837&site=ehost-live

21.

Book Review: Chinese Muslims and the Global Ummah: Islamic Revival and Ethnic Identity among the Hui of Qinghai Province by Cieciura, Wlodzimierz. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1126-1128, 3p; (AN 44203814)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203814&site=ehost-live

22.

Book Review: China's Quest for Great Power: Ships, Oil, and Foreign Policy by Holmes, James R.. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1128-1129, 2p; (AN 44203833)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203833&site=ehost-live

23.

Book Review: China–South Korea Relations in the New Era: Challenges and Opportunities by Chung, Jae Ho. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1130-1131, 2p; (AN 44203845)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203845&site=ehost-live

24.

Book Review: India–China Relations: Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order by Verma, Raj. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1131-1133, 3p; (AN 44203820)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203820&site=ehost-live

25.

Book Review: Inheritance of Loss: China, Japan, and the Political Economy of Redemption after Empire by Vekasi, Kristin. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1133-1134, 2p; (AN 44203829)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203829&site=ehost-live

26.

Book Review: News under Fire: China's Propaganda against Japan in the English-Language Press, 1928–1941 by Mackinnon, Stephen R.. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1134-1136, 3p; (AN 44203813)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203813&site=ehost-live

27.

Book Review: Empires of Coal: Fueling China's Entry into the Modern World Order, 1860–1920 by Eberspaecher, Cord. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1136-1137, 2p; (AN 44203827)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203827&site=ehost-live

28.

Book Review: The Body and Military Masculinity in Late Qing and Early Republican China by Ng, Michael. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1137-1139, 3p; (AN 44203835)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203835&site=ehost-live

29.

Book Review: Borderland Capitalism: Turkestan Produce, Qing Silver, and the Birth of an Eastern Market by Brophy, David. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1139-1141, 3p; (AN 44203844)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203844&site=ehost-live

30.

Book Review: Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China, 1800–2012 and Recovering Buddhism in Modern China by Barrett, T. H.. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1141-1143, 3p; (AN 44203822)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203822&site=ehost-live

31.

Book Review: The Modernization of Chinese Art: The Shanghai Art College, 1913–1937 by Holmes, Ros. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1143-1144, 2p; (AN 44203842)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203842&site=ehost-live

32.

Book Review: Filming the Everyday: Independent Documentaries in Twenty-First Century China by Robinson, Luke. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1144-1146, 3p; (AN 44203817)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203817&site=ehost-live

33.

Book Review: Chinese Avant-Garde Fiction: Quest for Historicity and Transcendent Truth by Chan, Roy. The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1146-1147, 2p; (AN 44203828)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203828&site=ehost-live

34.

Books Received The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1148-1149, 2p; (AN 44203824)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203824&site=ehost-live

35.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1150-1151, 2p; (AN 44203832)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203832&site=ehost-live

36.

Acknowledgements The China Quarterly, December 2017, Vol. 232 Issue: Number 1 p1152-1154, 3p; (AN 44203846)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44203846&site=ehost-live

 

4

Civil Wars
Volume 19, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Practitioner Note by Fisher, Jonathan; Jackson, Paul. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p117-117, 1p; (AN 43588954)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588954&site=ehost-live

2.

State Capacity, Inequality and Inter-Group Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa: 1989–2011 by Rudolfsen, Ida. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p118-145, 28p; Abstract: AbstractMost studies on internal armed conflict focus on the dyadic interaction between the state and a rebel group, leaving less attention to inter-group fighting. Addressing this gap in the literature, this study argues that the interplay between economic and political inequality and weak state capacity increases the risk of non-state conflict. An empirical analysis of 178 non-state conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa between 1989 and 2011 provides support for the theorized conditional effect, but only for the role of economic inequality. The effect of political exclusion in the context of a weak state is not confirmed, suggesting that such conditions may be more prone to violence of another kind (i.e., mobilization against the state). Overall, these findings highlight the importance of a functioning state for maintaining peaceful inter-group relations, while they also lend support to earlier research that reports divergent effects of economic and political inequalities on civil conflict risk.; (AN 43588953)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588953&site=ehost-live

3.

Myopic Government and Strategic Rebels: Exchange and Escalation of Violence by Silwal, Shikha. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p146-175, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThis study presents a model in which the innate inability of a government to fully comprehend the ramifications of its actions, herein referred to as the myopia of the government, leads to underinvestment in counterinsurgency measures and examines the nature of exchange of violence between the government and rebels. While the idea that voters’ or a government’s myopia leads to myopic policies is well established in the related literature, surprisingly, it has never been incorporated into conflict studies. As far as we are aware, this is the first ever study that analyzes the effects of a government’s myopia on the exchange and eventual escalation of violence when the rebels are in their trying stages and shows situations in which the two-sided violence could be either strategic substitutes or complements. The results suggest that in case of a foresighted government, the acts of two-sided violence are strategic complements. When the government is myopic, however, the rebels’ use of violence is a strategic substitute for the government’s violence. The trade-off, according to the model, lies in exchanging higher levels of violence for lower chances of revolt.; (AN 43588957)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588957&site=ehost-live

4.

When Peace Leads to Divorce: The Splintering of Rebel Groups in Powersharing Agreements by Plank, Friedrich. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p176-197, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhile research has already focused on power-sharing agreements by assessing specific effects of political, economic, territorial and military provisions, some provisions might be more important than others. This paper argues that the content of an agreement is crucial for the cohesion of a signatory rebel group since these are strongly affected by resource-distribution and the way in which the underlying conflict is managed. Investigating on the Free Aceh Movement and the Moro National Liberation Front, this study concludes that the implementation of power-sharing is decisive. When inner-core provisions and single factions are addressed, groups tend to stay united.; (AN 43588955)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588955&site=ehost-live

5.

From Domestic to Regional: The Civil War Conundrum and the Cases of Syria and Algeria by Belcastro, Francesco. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p198-219, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper seeks to answer a simple question: When do regional powers get involved in civil wars? Some civil wars see a significant involvement of regional actors, while others show a remarkable level of isolation. What explains this difference? This research answers this question by looking at two case studies: the Algerian civil war (1991–2002) and the Syrian civil war (2011–up to date). The paper identifies and develops five factors of regional involvement. These are: capabilities, regional dynamics, country’s relevance, regional security issues/containment and domestic–external links. civil wars are today one of the most prominent and deadly forms of conflict, and this paper contributes to understanding the important but understudied issue of regional involvement.; (AN 43588956)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588956&site=ehost-live

6.

The Post-wartime Trajectory of CNDD-FDD Party in Burundi: A Facade Transformation of Rebel Movement to Political Party by Rufyikiri, Gervais. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p220-248, 29p; Abstract: AbstractSince the Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie-Forces de Défense de la Démocratie(CNDD-FDD’s) accession to power following the 2005 elections in Burundi, governance setbacks were of great concern and constantly criticized throughout the post-wartime. This study contributes to the understanding of how legacies of wartime shape post-war trajectory of a former rebel movement by analysing the relationship between main post-2005 features of CNDD-FDD and some key elements of its history. There is substantial evidence showing that the CNDD-FDD leadership, lacking political will for real changes, has continued during the post-wartime its armed movement practices from the maquisera, leading to the conclusion of a facade transformation of CNDD-FDD rebel movement-to-political party.; (AN 43588959)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588959&site=ehost-live

7.

Rebel Governance in Civil War by Fisher, Jonathan. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p249-252, 4p; (AN 43588960)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588960&site=ehost-live

8.

Nations Torn Asunder: The Challenge of Civil Wars by Mundy, Jacob. Civil Wars, April 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 2 p252-256, 5p; (AN 43588958)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43588958&site=ehost-live

 

5

Cold War History
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Italian Public Opinion in the Atomic Age: Mass-market Magazines Facing Nuclear Issues (1963–1967) by Ciglioni, Laura. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p205-221, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThrough the analysis of a wide range of Italian mass-market magazines and a selection of public opinion surveys, this essay investigates widespread images and perceptions about nuclear issues in Italy during the Sixties. It considers the views of Italians about nuclear weapons within foreign policy debates, as well as the wide range of fears expressed about the atomic bomb. The article also analyses the image of anti-nuclear movements, as well as Italians’ views on disarmament and the easing of international relations after 1962. Deeply influenced by ideological divides and filtered through the mechanisms of mass culture – which tended to trivialise the bomb – these widespread representations of nuclear issues offer a unique perspective on Italians’ beliefs, fears, and hopes during a time of deep socio-economic change and shifting political equilibriums in the country.; (AN 42885524)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885524&site=ehost-live

2.

The five hats of Nina Ponomareva: sport, shoplifting and the Cold War by Edelman, Robert. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p223-239, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe 1956 arrest in London of the Soviet Olympic discus champion, Nina Ponomareva, for shoplifting five hats worth one pound became a major international incident. Initially, both sides followed familiar Cold War scripts. The Soviets demanded the charges be dropped, but the British refused to do so. Ponomareva went into hiding at the Soviet embassy. The matter was front page news the world over. Six weeks passed before it was resolved. This minor confrontation demonstrated both the tenacity of Cold War rhetoric and the ultimate ability of the two sides to find compromise.; (AN 42885526)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885526&site=ehost-live

3.

Between Détente and Differentiation: Nixon’s visit to Bucharest in August 1969 by Pechlivanis, Paschalis. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p241-258, 18p; Abstract: AbstractPresident Nixon’s decision to visit Romania in the summer of 1969 demarcated a symbolic turning point in the relations of Washington with Bucharest and the Eastern European communist states in general. This article examines the policies of both sides leading to this historical event and its respective outcomes. It places the opening of Romania to the United States and the latter’s embrace of such a prospect within the broader Cold War context of the time; the policy of differentiation and the imminent détente. Just a year after the invasion in Czechoslovakia, Nixon and Kissinger sought to explore the compatibility of their policy towards the rest of the socialist states with their grand design of the superpower détente with the USSR. Ceausescu’s independent profile within the Soviet bloc constituted Romania a textbook example for such an endeavour.; (AN 42885525)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885525&site=ehost-live

4.

‘Red on White’: Kim Il Sung, Park Chung Hee, and the Failure of Korea’s Reunification, 1971–1973 by Radchenko, Sergey; Schaefer, Bernd. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p259-277, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe articles argues that in 1971–1973 North Korea’s leader Kim Il Sung used the Sino-American rapprochement and the Soviet-American détente to pursue Korean reunification on his terms; his aim was to ‘democratize’ and then ‘revolutionize’ South Korea and so achieve through dialogue what he failed to achieve through militancy. Kim’s game was based on a misreading of the political dynamics in South Korea and on misplaced confidence in North Korea’s attractiveness. He also misjudged his ability to obtain China’s and the USSR’s backing for his schemes.; (AN 42885523)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885523&site=ehost-live

5.

Sir Reader Bullard, Frank Roberts and the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46: Bevin’s officials, perceptions and the adoption of a Cold War mentality in British Soviet Policy by Shaw, Alexander Nicholas. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p279-297, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article evaluates the influence of the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46 on evolving perceptions of the Soviet Union within the British Foreign Office. Utilising records from the National Archives and personal papers, it synthesises the history of the Azerbaijan crisis with studies of Britain’s changing Soviet policy, previously focused solely on the Northern Department and Moscow representative Frank Roberts. In so doing, the paper provides an original diplomatic history which argues that, although Europe remained the strategic priority for Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Iranian developments were of greater significance in prompting a perceptual transition from cooperation to Cold War confrontation.; (AN 42885527)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885527&site=ehost-live

6.

The “Ideological Offensive” in Education: the Portrayal of the United States in Secondary Curricula and Textbooks in Poland during the Stalinist Period (1948–1956) by Król, Joanna; Wojcik, Teresa G.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the period of the People’s Republic of Poland (1952–1989), schools played a decisive role in transmitting the official ideology of the ruling Communist regime and cultivating young supporters. One of the most important aspects of indoctrination was constructing in students’ hearts and minds a particular image and disposition towards the United States. While existing research has examined the high level of political propaganda in the content of textbooks and curricula during the Communist period in Poland, no one has specifically analysed how these materials depicted the United States during the critical Stalinist years (1948–1956). Analysis of official curricula and textbooks for civics and history courses in secondary schools indicates that over this period, school materials increasingly depicted the United States as ‘predatory,’ ‘imperialist,’ and ‘exploitative.’ This study illustrates how curricular materials aligned with the foreign policy objectives of the Polish United Workers’ Party and the Soviet Union.; (AN 42885528)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885528&site=ehost-live

7.

Mecca of Revolution by Zeilig, Leo. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p321-323, 3p; (AN 42885529)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885529&site=ehost-live

8.

Us Versus them: The United States, Radical Islam and the Rise of the Green Threat by Khalil, Osamah F.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p323-325, 3p; (AN 42885531)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885531&site=ehost-live

9.

Securing sex: morality and repression in the making of Cold War Brazil by Loureiro, Felipe P.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p325-327, 3p; (AN 42885530)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=42885530&site=ehost-live

 

6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 50, no. 4, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

Politically connected firms in Poland and their access to bank financing by Hasan, Iftekhar; Jackowicz, Krzysztof; Kowalewski, Oskar; Kozłowski, Łukasz. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 4 p245-261, 17p; Abstract: This paper characterizes politically connected firms and their access to bank financing. We determine that the relationship between political connections and access to long-term bank loans is weaker in Poland than in other emerging economies. The most probable explanation for this result is related to the instability of the political climate in Poland. We find that only certain kinds of political connections, such as recent connections, positively influenced access to bank financing during the sample period from 2001 to 2011. Moreover, we obtain also some evidence that the value of political connections increased during the 2007 crisis period and onward.; (AN 43661468)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43661468&site=ehost-live

2.

Structural change and transition in the agricultural sector: Experience of Serbia by Bogdanov, Natalija; Rodić, Vesna; Vittuari, Matteo. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 4 p319-330, 12p; Abstract: The economic and political crisis Serbia had to face during the nineties affected the competitive advantages its agricultural sector had in comparison with the other countries of the region. Despite a number of differences related to the specific economic, political and social settings and developments, the reform path Serbia started in 2000 showed a number of similarities, but also some differences in comparison with most of the Central and Eastern European Countries. In this paper the main features of structural changes in the Serbian agricultural sector are analyzed, also in comparison with other countries in the region, the basic factors that contributed to these changes are identified and explained, and the key consequences and implications of this process are examined.; (AN 43655149)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43655149&site=ehost-live

3.

Promoting the rule of law in Serbia. What is hindering the reforms in the justice sector? by Gomes, Teresa Maria Resende Cierco. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 4 p331-337, 7p; Abstract: EU rule of law assistance relies on supplying institutional ties as well as economic and technical support to candidate states, complemented by a demand to comply with certain political conditions. But, the establishment of the rule of law is a complex and often long-term process that includes both different facilitating and inhibiting conditions. Since 2006 Serbian government has adopted the National Judicial Reform Strategy aiming to establish a legal system based on legal security and respect for the rule of law. Nevertheless, its judiciary sector still reveals serious difficulties, especially in what concerns the independence and efficiency of judiciary.; (AN 43655152)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43655152&site=ehost-live

4.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, December 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 4 pIFC-IFC; (AN 44015447)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44015447&site=ehost-live

 

7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 36, no. 4, August 2017

Record

Results

1.

The fog of strategy: Some organizational perspectives on strategy and the strategic management challenges in the changing competitive environment by Augier, Mie; Marshall, Andrew W.. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p275-292, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to discuss some conceptions of strategy (and why it is difficult) and the need for a long-term perspective on strategy (including carefully studying competitors/opponents), and to emphasize the organizational nature of strategy (most strategies are developed by and implemented in organizations). We offer elements of an organizational framework for thinking strategically about national security, and some thoughts about implications for the education of future strategists.; (AN 43708595)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708595&site=ehost-live

2.

The art of “subversive conquest”: How states take over sovereign territories without using military force by Honig, Or Arthur; Yahel, Ido. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p293-308, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do states take over others' sovereign territories? This study explores in depth the techniques of a relatively unnoticed type of takeover—namely, through subversion but without formal annexation. Such takeovers are generally adopted when two conditions occur: seemingly high international costs associated with blunt/overt occupations and the victim state's territory not being ready for full-fledged annexation (for demographic reasons, etc.). To compensate for its lack of direct control over the territory in question, the dominating state must establish unique institutional and political arrangements that will allow it effective domination via remote control. Yet, these remote-control political arrangements are often fragile and get eroded over time, allowing the local populace to eventually rebel. Subversive method is nowadays becoming the preferred tool of choice for states to dominate others mainly due to the changing norms regarding military occupations/annexations.; (AN 43708596)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708596&site=ehost-live

3.

Cyber deterrence and critical-infrastructure protection: Expectation, application, and limitation by Wilner, Alex. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p309-318, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLinking deterrence theory to cybersecurity policy and critical-infrastructure protection is easier said than done. Recent cybersecurity incidents involving the United States, China, Russia, and North Korea illustrate the yawning gap between cyber deterrence expectations, applications, and results. This article draws on classical deterrence theory to illustrate how the logic of deterrence applies to cybersecurity policy and strategy. By differentiating between physical and digital critical infrastructure protection, the article explores the promises and pitfalls of cyber deterrence in practice. Seven limitations are explored in detail, including: denying digital access, commanding cyber retaliation, observing deterrence failure, thwarting cyber misfits, addressing the cyber power of weakness, attributing cyber attacks, and solidifying red lines.; (AN 43708597)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708597&site=ehost-live

4.

China's “Guam Express” and “Carrier Killers”: The anti-ship asymmetric challenge to the U.S. in the Western Pacific by Johnson, James Samuel. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p319-332, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA new generation of stealthier, supersonic, autonomous, and increasingly survivable Chinese anti-ship missiles (ASMs) with extended ranges, payloads, and accuracy are increasingly adept at evading U.S. defenses, and undermine the effectiveness of its surface fleets and carrier strike groups in the West Pacific. This article conceptualizes the evolution of Chinese ASMs through a structural-realist theoretical lens. It argues that the development and diffusion of these asymmetric precision-strike weapons have in important ways intensified U.S.-China security-dilemma dynamics, which could portend a paradigm shift (or at least the perception of one) in the future military balance of power in Asia.; (AN 43708598)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708598&site=ehost-live

5.

A strategic culture analysis of German ballistic missile defense policy by Kubiak, Katarzyna. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p333-353, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, territorial ballistic missile defense (BMD) has played a key role in shaping relations between the U.S., NATO, and Russia. This article applies the concept of strategic culture to examine how Berlin rationalized and legitimized BMD and Germany's participation in the NATO BMD project. For Berlin, BMD served as a tool to strengthen NATO and held promise to paving the way to strategic partnership with Russia. With the current stalemate between NATO and Russia and the internal dissent within NATO over BMD's composition and role in its broader deterrence and defense posture, the German long-term strategic interest in BMD has lost relevance. Yet Berlin still has not established a new policy line on BMD. The article argues that the German cooperative strategic culture did not provide off-the-shelf alternatives that fit the changed geopolitical circumstances. It also did not adapt, but rather exhibited a prevalence for continuity.; (AN 43708599)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708599&site=ehost-live

6.

Strategic stability in the twenty-first century: The challenge of the second nuclear age and the logic of stability interdependence by Garcia, Zenel. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p354-365, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStrategic stability has been a core pillar of nuclear-armed states since the Cold War. Despite remaining an explicit policy preference, challenges posed by the second nuclear age make it increasingly difficult for states to establish and maintain strategic stability. These challenges are based on the growing number of nuclear-armed actors and these states' different motivations and capabilities. Additionally, new conventional weapons systems have added a new layer of complexity. The diversification of ballistic missile roles into the realm of conventional strike platforms coupled with the development of ballistic missile defense, challenges two core components of strategic stability: second-strike capability and mutual vulnerability.This article addresses these challenges and contends that strategic stability cannot be established through traditional bilateral mechanisms. It argues that states are more strategically interdependent in the second nuclear age. Therefore, they must recognize that developing and deploying these new platforms inevitably affects the nuclear and conventional deterrent capabilities of another state, undermining strategic stability.; (AN 43708600)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708600&site=ehost-live

7.

Donald Trump and American foreign policy: The return of the Jacksonian tradition by Clarke, Michael; Ricketts, Anthony. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p366-379, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the wellsprings of Donald Trump's nascent foreign policy program. It argues that the locus of the Republican president's foreign policy agenda is found within the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy identified by Walter Russell Mead. Here, notions of “national honor” and “reputation” are the driving factors that underpin Trump's emerging narrative. The implications of this for U.S. strategic and defense policy may be an enhanced reliance on nuclear deterrence and the downgrading of the U.S. military's forward posture in Asia and the Middle East.; (AN 43708602)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708602&site=ehost-live

8.

The politics of nuclear weapons by Olzbaatar, Margad-Erdene. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p380-381, 2p; (AN 43708603)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708603&site=ehost-live

9.

The IISS Armed Conflict Survey 2017 by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, August 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 4 p381-382, 2p; (AN 43708601)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43708601&site=ehost-live

 

8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 17, no. 6, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Business engagement in violence prevention and peace-building: the case of Kenya by Austin, Jonathan Luke; Wennmann, Achim. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 6 p451-472, 22p; Abstract: AbstractKenyan business was important in mitigating episodes of election violence in 2007–2008 and 2013. This article finds that this role was motivated by the ethical and moral commitments of key business leaders to further peace in times of violence; and by interests in preventing future economic loss. However, by adopting a lens that situates business roles in violence prevention and peace-building within Kenya’s conflict systems and political economy, the article finds a paradox: this lens confirms the Kenyan ‘success story’ with respect to specific violent episodes; but it also reveals a much more limited role for business in transforming the underlying sources of conflict; especially when these are congruent with key business fundamentals connected to land ownership, property rights, export-oriented production or services, or a ‘limited’ access order. Overall, the article highlights that business should leverage its comparative advantages within broader multi-stakeholder coalitions, especially in terms of its ability to influence political leaders, entry-points for informal dialogue to diffuse crises and capital to support peace-building initiatives.; (AN 44211919)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44211919&site=ehost-live

2.

‘Peace-building as state-building’? Rethinking liberal interventionism in contexts of emerging states by Balthasar, Dominik. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 6 p473-491, 19p; Abstract: AbstractContemporary policy-making guided by the ‘liberal peace’ holds that peace is necessary for states to emerge, and that peace-building and state-building do not only go in tandem, but are mutually reinforcing. Yet, in view of both the historical record of state-making and empirical evidence provided by liberal interventionism, this proposition appears questionable. While scholars have shown that state-making has, historically, been as much associated with war than with peace, cases from Afghanistan to Somalia suggest that state-making is inherently conflictive, frequently upsetting nascent peace. In order to shed light on the reasons underpinning the relationship between prevailing peace-building practices and the fundamental exigencies of state-making, this article pursues a theoretical argument. It proposes that while peace-building is principally about creating a situation of non-violent co-existence despite prevailing differences and, thus, essentially geared at accepting and enshrining institutional and identity pluralism, state-making is vitally aimed at replacing institutional and identity multiplicity with greater degrees of rule hegemony and standardisation. Applying the prism of ‘rule standardisation’ to the nexus of peace-building and state-making, this paper seeks to advance existing debates on this delicate relationship.; (AN 44211920)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44211920&site=ehost-live

3.

Multilateral donors and the security-development nexus: discourse and practice in conflict-affected states by Petrikova, Ivica; Lazell, Melita. Conflict, Security and Development, November 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 6 p493-516, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article assesses how the ‘security-development nexus’ has impacted multilateral aid to conflict-affected states; an area until now understudied. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine both the policy discourse and aid commitments of the major multilateral donors: the European Commission, the World Bank and the UNDP. We investigate the extent to which these donors fund the sectors identified within the policy discourse as crucial to ensuring peace and stability – democratisation and peace, conflict, and security activities – and examine the impact of ‘Western’ security concerns on multilateral aid in conflict-affected states. Our new data indicate that in contrast to policy discourse, post-conflict states receive no more multilateral funding for democracy–building than states which have not suffered from conflict and furthermore, that in the context of the security-development nexus, multilateral aid to conflict-affected states is influenced by the key transnational security concerns of Western states. These results point to a potentially dangerous gap between policy and actual aid commitments, ignore the long-term nature of development and weaken the impartiality of multilateral aid.; (AN 44211921)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44211921&site=ehost-live

 

9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 38, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Corrigendum Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 pX-X, 1p; (AN 43620036)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620036&site=ehost-live

2.

Missile defense and strategic stability: Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in South Korea by Sankaran, Jaganath; Fearey, Bryan L.. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p321-344, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSouth Korea is threatened by its troubled relationship with North Korea. North Korea possesses a large cache of missiles as well as chemical and biological weapons, and the future potential to mount nuclear weapons on its missiles. The United States is also challenged because of its defense commitments to Seoul. As a countermeasure, the United States and South Korea decided to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile defenses in South Korea. However, China has objected. Chinese scholars believe the THAAD radar would be able to track Chinese inter-continental ballistic missiles, thereby weakening their deterrent. A technical analysis does not support this assertion. However, it is vital for South Korea, given its proximity and economic interdependence, to reassure China. South Korea should highlight that THAAD will be deployed by the United States Forces Korea and is not a commitment by Seoul to become part of U.S.-led missile defenses in the Asia-Pacific.; (AN 43620026)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620026&site=ehost-live

3.

Dangerous work: Terrorism against U.S. diplomats by Milton, Daniel J.. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p345-370, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe goal of diplomats is to represent their countries’ interests through diplomacy, not arms. Because they are not military personnel, they may be perceived as at lower risk of being the target of terrorists. However, recent events have called this perception into question. Despite this danger, there has been little research on terrorist attacks against diplomats. Drawing on the terrorism studies literature, this article argues that diplomats are targeted more than non-diplomatic targets in countries where certain U.S. foreign policies are implemented. An empirical analysis of 471 attacks against U.S. diplomats from 1970 to 2011 reveals that while U.S. alliances and foreign aid increase the likelihood of attacks against diplomats, U.S. military intervention and civil war, on the other hand, increase the risk of terrorism against non-diplomatic targets. This finding is relevant because it shows terrorist attacks against diplomats result from certain types of foreign policy.; (AN 43620027)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620027&site=ehost-live

4.

Conditional commitments: Why states use caveats to reserve their efforts in military coalition operations by Frost-Nielsen, Per Marius. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p371-397, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do states make substantial military contributions to coalition operations, while at the same time apply reservations, or caveats, to how the coalition can use the military contributions? Caveats rose to prominence in defense and policy circles with NATO’s campaign in Afghanistan. In the scholarly security literature, the term remains a buzzword for all types of reserved efforts by states in coalition warfare, but there are few theoretical accounts addressing caveats. This article contributes to the knowledge gap on caveats through a comparative case study of Denmark’s, the Netherlands’, and Norway’s contributions to NATO’s intervention in Libya in 2011. It demonstrates that caveats can occur through three different causal pathways: compromises from domestic bargaining, handling of alliance commitments, and implementation and civil–military relations. Insights into the complexity that causes caveats are highly relevant for both political and military decision-makers that are trying to coordinate states’ effort in coalition operations.; (AN 43620025)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620025&site=ehost-live

5.

Israel’s relations with the Gulf states: Toward the emergence of a tacit security regime? by Jones, Clive; Guzansky, Yoel. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p398-419, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBy drawing on the literature about security regimes, this article posits the idea that a particular type of regime, which can be termed a “tacit security regime” (TSR), has begun to emerge between Israel, on the one hand, and several Gulf Arab states, on the other. It is a regime which, unlike liberal institutional variants that attempt to privilege the promotion of collective norms, remains configured around perceptions of threats to be countered and strategic interests to be realized. By examining the development, scope, and scale of this nascent TSR, this article explores the extent to which Israel, mindful of Washington, DC’s regional retrenchment, sees the emergence of such a regime as redefining the political and strategic contours of Israel’s relations with much of the Middle East.; (AN 43620030)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620030&site=ehost-live

6.

Multinational rapid response mechanisms: Past promises and future prospects by Reykers, Yf; Karlsrud, John. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p420-426, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary rapid response mechanisms are generally understood as troops that are on standby, ready to be deployed to a crisis within a short time frame. Yet, the overall track record of the existing multinational rapid response mechanisms within the European Union, the African Union, and North Atlantic Treaty Organization remains disappointing, and the United Nations does not even have a rapidly deployable capacity anymore. Meanwhile, despite that calls for the further development of these mechanisms are still being voiced politically, scholarly literature remains fragmented. This is problematic as many of the obstacles faced by these organizations are similar. This forum uniquely compares experiences from the four aforementioned organizations. Drawing on these insights, this introductory article identifies some key factors that hamper or enable the development and deployment of multinational rapid response mechanisms.; (AN 43620028)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620028&site=ehost-live

7.

United Nations rapid reaction mechanisms: Toward a global force on standby? by Koops, Joachim A.; Novosseloff, Alexandra. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p427-442, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the main challenges and future prospects of creating United Nations (UN) rapid reaction mechanisms, particularly in the light of past attempts and current discussions about a “UN Vanguard Force” in the wake of the High-Level Panel on Peace Operations report. The article reviews major initiatives (in particular lessons from the Standby High Readiness Brigade for UN Operations) and assesses the main achievements, failures, and challenges related to past UN-led rapid reaction mechanisms. In line with the overall aim of this special forum, the article highlights the future potentials and institutional, operational, financial, and political challenges that need to be overcome in order to design and create a pragmatic and effective rapid reaction tool at the disposal of the UN.; (AN 43620029)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620029&site=ehost-live

8.

The NATO Response Force: A qualified failure no more? by Ringsmose, Jens; Rynning, Sten. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p443-456, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith much fanfare, NATO declared its rapid reaction force—the NATO Response Force (NRF)—an Initial Operational Capability in 2004. This article addresses four questions: Where did the NRF come from? What does it look like in 2017? What have been the major obstacles for the NRF fulfilling its promises? And where is the NRF likely to go? The article holds two main arguments. First, due to inadequate fill-rates and disagreements as to the force’s operational role, the NRF was for many years a “qualified failure.” The force failed to become the operational tool envisioned by the allies in 2002. While not without effect, it fell hostage to the harsh reality of the expeditionary wars of Iraq and Afghanistan. Second, the NRF is off to a fresh beginning and will likely be considered at least a partial success by the allies in the years to come.; (AN 43620034)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620034&site=ehost-live

9.

EU Battlegroups: High costs, no benefits by Reykers, Yf. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p457-470, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article reviews the gloomy saga of the EU Battlegroups, focusing on four questions: Where do they come from? What do they look like? What have they been hindered by? And where do they go from here? It builds upon earlier findings in the literature and adds novel insights based on original data. In doing so, the article pays particular attention to the standby nations’ constant calculation of political and financial costs. It argues that recognizing these cost–benefit calculations allows for identifying the most crucial areas to be tackled to make the EU Battlegroups functional. In addition, the article stresses that these considerations play out in a setting wherein the Battlegroups are just one among many policy instruments available for rapid response.; (AN 43620032)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620032&site=ehost-live

10.

The African Standby Force: The African Union’s tool for the maintenance of peace and security by Darkwa, Linda. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p471-482, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDeclared operationally ready in 2016, the African Standby Force (ASF) has not been deployed in its originally designed form. This is not for the lack of opportunities but rather a demonstration of the power of the Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs) – Africa’s sub-regional security structures – over matters of peace and security. Experience gathered from its short existence suggests that the ASF may never be deployed in its current form. It may instead evolve into a robust framework, adaptable mainly by the RECs/RMs, for addressing varied security challenges. Four things are critical to enhancing the utility of the ASF: the political willingness of the RECs/RMs, the strategic interest of the member states, predictable and sustainable financing, and clarity on the role of the African Capability for Immediate Response to Crisis, the temporary battlegroup that was created to provide the African Union with a rapid response capability, pending the ASF’s operationalization.; (AN 43620033)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620033&site=ehost-live

11.

India-Pakistan nuclear diplomacy: constructivism and the prospects for nuclear arms control and disarmament in South Asia by Rublee, Maria Rost. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p483-490, 8p; (AN 43620031)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620031&site=ehost-live

12.

Rising powers and international order: comparing Brazil and India’s strategies for admission to the great power club by Carranza, Mario E.. Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p491-498, 8p; (AN 43620037)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620037&site=ehost-live

13.

Editorial Board Contemporary Security Policy, September 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 pebi-ebi; (AN 43620035)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43620035&site=ehost-live

 

10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 52, no. 4, December 2017

Record

Results

1.

In quest of a single European Union voice in the United Nations General Assembly: The politics of Resolution 65/276 by Blavoukos, Spyros; Bourantonis, Dimitris; Galariotis, Ioannis. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p451-468, 18p; Abstract: In May 2011, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) passed Resolution 65/276 that enhances the European Union (EU) institutional mode of representation in the UNGA and other multilateral fora operating under its auspices. This followed an earlier, failed attempt that caused much embarrassment and political turmoil in the EU. The article examines the politics of this resolution, tracing its background logic, its origins and the political interactions in the UN that eventually led to its almost consensual embracement. It accounts for the failure in the first stage of the negotiations and how the EU responded to it, adjusting its bargaining strategy accordingly. This case study contributes to the better understanding of the links between intra-EU coherence and EU effectiveness as an international actor. We posit that there is one additional dimension of EU coherence not fully captured in the relevant literature. We distinguish between genuine coherence and generated coherence. The former entails homogeneity, or at least a significant degree of a priori convergence among EU member-states. The latter refers to EU positions that have emerged after hard and protracted intra-EU negotiations. The two types differ in the degree of flexibility bestowed on the EU in international negotiations.; (AN 43961805)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961805&site=ehost-live

2.

Regaining control of errant agents? Agency slack at the European Commission and the World Health Organization by Heldt, Eugénia. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p469-484, 16p; Abstract: Under which conditions are principals able to regain control when agency slack has occured? While existing research highlights a number of important factors related to the conditions under which agents engage in slack, scholars have to a less extent investigated which causal mechanisms affect the ability of states to regain control of their errant agents. Extending the principal–agent literature, this contribution argues that the ability of principals to regain control of their agents depends on three causal mechanisms: the type of monitoring mechanisms; the extent of fragmentation within an international organization; and the credibility of sanctions available to member states. To illustrate this argument, I compare two cases of agency slack: at the European Commission during the Eurozone crisis in 2015; and at the World Health Organization in the 1990s. The findings suggest that regaining control of runaway agents after slack has occurred is easier when there is a low level of fragmentation within an organization and states have centralized monitoring mechanisms and credible sanction mechanisms, such as budgetary contractions, at their disposal.; (AN 43961804)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961804&site=ehost-live

3.

Foreign aid and identity after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster: How Belarus shapes relations with Germany, Europe, Russia, and Japan by Zhukova, Ekatherina. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p485-501, 17p; Abstract: This article looks at how Belarus, the most affected state by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, discursively constructs cooperation with foreign countries that provide help in combating the consequences of the tragedy. It shows that different representations of foreign actors handling the prolonged consequences of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster contribute to developing new friendships (with Japan), questioning existing cooperation (with Russia), and softening old (with Germany) and current (with Europe) conflicts in Belarus. The article makes a contribution to three debates in identity literature in constructivist International Relations: (a) identity and foreign policy; (b) the ‘voice’ and agency of the ‘Rest’; and (c) identity and difference. It is argued that when small non-Western states (help receivers) construct an ethical identity of bigger Western and non-Western states (help providers), they challenge the existing temporal and spatial identities of old strangers, enemies, and friends and create a new platform for conflict and cooperation.; (AN 43961800)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961800&site=ehost-live

4.

International organization at war: NATO practices in the Afghan campaign by Schmitt, Olivier. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p502-518, 17p; Abstract: This article investigates the NATO campaign in Afghanistan through a practice-based approach. The structural distribution of power within NATO, which is obviously in favor of the US, does not automatically lead to Washington’s desired outcomes, and US delegates must competently perform a certain number of practices for their power advantage to take its full effect. The article also illustrates how looking at practices helps to explain policy decisions, such as NATO’s decision to engage in Afghanistan, the establishment of an International Security and Assistance Force (ISAF) strategy and the wording of policy papers. By studying a case of military diplomacy, the article contributes to the emerging scholarship aimed at bridging the gap between diplomatic studies and practice-based approaches to International Relations.; (AN 43961802)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961802&site=ehost-live

5.

Throwing stones in social science: Non-violence, unarmed violence, and the first intifada by Pressman, Jeremy. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p519-536, 18p; Abstract: Social scientists treat stone-throwing as a non-violent act or argue that protest movements may be primarily non-violent despite stone-throwing. However, this study of an iconic example, the first intifada (Palestinian uprising, 1987–1993), demonstrates that stone-throwing is better characterized as unarmed violence. Definitions of violence underscore that throwing rocks is a violent act. Moreover, informed observers and data collected on stone-induced injuries during four years of the intifada illustrate the bodily harm caused by stones. The throwing of stones was central to the intifada and its identity and definition. Stone-throwing was the most visible tactic Palestinians used in the first intifada. Lastly, most scholars emphasize the protestors’ perceptions when it might be that the targets’ perceptions matter more for understanding definitions of (non-)violence and subsequent policy changes. These findings challenge important social science work and the mainstream Israeli and Palestinian narratives about the first intifada.; (AN 43961798)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961798&site=ehost-live

6.

Killing in the name of …? Types of ethnic groups and armed conflict by Rørbæk, Lasse Lykke. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p537-552, 16p; Abstract: This paper asks whether certain types of ethnic groups are particularly likely to take part in armed conflict. Several theoretical arguments indicate that this should be the case, often highlighting religious and racial boundaries as being more conflict-prone than, for instance, linguistic boundaries. However, the potential effects of groups being mobilized around these different boundary markers remain largely untested. The paper helps to fill this gap by analyzing conflict propensity across types of ethnic groups in a global sample for the period 1946–2009. At odds with common perceptions, the results show that the probability of armed conflict onset is not affected by whether ethnic groups are mobilized around religious, linguistic, racial, or regional markers. The effect of political discrimination on armed conflict is also not conditioned by these different boundary markers. The paper thus lends support to an inclusive conception of ethnicity and suggests that we need to focus on the social and political context rather than the specific cultural content of ethnic boundaries if we want to identify the conflicts that are most likely to escalate and turn violent.; (AN 43961799)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961799&site=ehost-live

7.

Norm collision in the European Union’s external policies: The case of European Union sanctions towards Rwanda by Saltnes, Johanne Døhlie. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p553-570, 18p; Abstract: The European Union (EU) is the world’s biggest donor of aid to developing countries. The provision of EU aid is conditional on respect for human rights and democratic principles in the recipient countries. This article questions to what extent norms always yield to interests in decisions over whether to sanction breaches of human rights and democracy. Building on a theory that allows the simultaneous consideration of different norms, the article suggests that rather than interests being the determining factor when the EU takes decisions on implementing sanctions, the weighing of various norms and the choice to follow one of them can explain why sanctions have been avoided in certain cases in Rwanda. The article shows that this weighing of different norms plays an important role in foreign policy decisions and can have concrete consequences with regard to sanctions. In so doing, it advances the literature on the EU’s global role by developing a theoretical account of the evaluation process and the ultimate decision to act in accordance with one norm in particular.; (AN 43961803)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961803&site=ehost-live

8.

Book review: Contested Memories in Chinese and Japanese Foreign Policy by Gustafsson, Karl. Cooperation and Conflict, December 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 4 p571-572, 2p; (AN 43961801)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43961801&site=ehost-live

 

11

Current History
Volume 117, no. 795, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

The Elusive Goal of Global Food Security by Naylor, Rosamond. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p003-9, 7p; Abstract: “What will it take to meet the global food needs of up to 10 billion people by midcentury in the midst of expanding civil conflicts, human displacement, extreme climate events, and other natural disasters?”; (AN 44354305)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354305&site=ehost-live

2.

The United Nations and Sovereignty in the Age of Trump by Weiss, Thomas. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p010-15, 6p; Abstract: “Sovereignty can be and has been interpreted more inclusively�"including during World War II�"to justify cooperation in the face of common, existential threats.”; (AN 44354306)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354306&site=ehost-live

3.

The Right Way to Build Resilience to Climate Change by Aldrich, Daniel. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p016-21, 6p; Abstract: “Focusing solely on physical infrastructure runs the risk of overlooking another critical component of resilience: social infrastructure.” Fourth in a series on climate adaptation around the world.; (AN 44354307)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354307&site=ehost-live

4.

The Strained Marriage of Public Debts and Private Contracts by Gelpern, Anna. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p022-28, 7p; Abstract: “[S]overeign debt is a complex political institution, which cannot be reduced to creditor coordination or any other contract problem.”; (AN 44354308)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354308&site=ehost-live

5.

How Big Data Feeds Big Crime by Wall, David. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p029-34, 6p; Abstract: “Big data and big crimes are powered by cloud technologies and the Internet of Things...”; (AN 44354309)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354309&site=ehost-live

6.

Perspective: Fear, Loathing, and Nuclear Disarmament by Squassoni, Sharon. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p035-37, 3p; Abstract: A volatile US president has stirred up new angst over the nuclear peril. The UN treaty banning the bomb may not have much immediate effect, but it could be a first step toward a safer future.; (AN 44354310)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354310&site=ehost-live

7.

Books: Beginning of the End? by Lustig, Joshua. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p038-39, 2p; Abstract: A pair of political scientists warn that history offers many examples of democracies collapsing after demagogues come to power�"and the United States is not immune; (AN 44354311)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354311&site=ehost-live

8.

The Month in Review: November 2017 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 p040-40, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in November, country by country, day by day.; (AN 44354312)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354312&site=ehost-live

9.

A Statistical Snapshot of the World by History, the editors of Current. Current History, January 2018, Vol. 117 Issue: Number 795 pmap-map; Abstract: Charts; (AN 44354313)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44354313&site=ehost-live

 

12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 29, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Military and Veterans’ Health, Health Care, and Wellbeing by Amara, Jomana H.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p1-5, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThe U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) and the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) need to bridge a gap in their understanding of service members’ health outcomes and the issues involved in treatment, such as cost. In addition, clinicians and policy analysts must overcome existing knowledge barriers. Clinicians need to be aware of policy changes that will affect their patient load in numbers and in treatment needs. Policy analysts need to be aware of issues relevant to clinical treatment, such as quality and timeliness of care. Given the need for services and support to military personnel and families, and the fact that the fastest growing expenses in defense are health care costs, a multi-disciplinary line of research will help lawmakers understand the most efficient and effective resource use across the health care services.; (AN 44235467)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235467&site=ehost-live

2.

Analysis of an Alternative Military Healthcare Benefit Design by Burns, Sarah K.; Lurie, Philip M.; Whitley, John E.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p6-23, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe Military Compensation and Retirement Modernization Commission was established by the Congress in 2013 to perform a systematic review of military compensation to address rising costs and other trends. Their recommendation for reforming the TRICARE health care program was sweeping, and differed greatly from earlier proposals that focused on increasing beneficiary cost shares. Specifically, the commission proposed overhauling the current benefit delivery model and replacing it with a premium-based insurance model offering a menu of DoD-sponsored private health plans. The analysis presented here is based on work that supported the commission by estimating the budgetary impact of its proposed reforms. Results indicate that movement towards the premium-based model would produce an annual budgetary cost savings in the $2 billion to $4 billion range, with a best savings estimate of $3.2 billion.; (AN 44235466)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235466&site=ehost-live

3.

Health Insurance, Health Conditions, and Veteran Health Care Utilization by Ghosh, Projesh P.; Negrusa, Sebastian; Warner, John T.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p24-43, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe utilization of health care services by veterans has received much attention in recent years. However, the impact of the large array of factors affecting the veterans’ demand for health care services remains understudied. These factors include individual socio-demographic and economic characteristics, the availability of various sources of health insurance, and the prevalence of medical conditions. We use public data to analyze how veterans’ utilization of health care services varies with these factors. We also analyze how the reliance on VA services varies when alternative sources of health insurance are available to veterans. Based on the estimated relationships, we use a micro-simulation model to forecast future health care utilization, both inside and outside of VA.; (AN 44235470)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235470&site=ehost-live

4.

Casualty Rates of US Military Personnel During the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan by Goldberg, Matthew S.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p44-61, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn Operation Iraqi Freedom, which ended in August 2010, nearly 3500 hostile deaths occurred among US military personnel and 32,000 more were wounded in action (WIA). More than 1800 hostile deaths occurred during Operation Enduring Freedom (in and around Afghanistan) through 2014 and about 20,000 were WIA. A larger proportion of wounded personnel survived in Iraq and Afghanistan than during the Vietnam War, but the increased survival rates were not as high as some studies have asserted. The survival rates were 90.2% in Iraq and 91.6% in Afghanistan, compared with 86.5% in Vietnam. The casualty rates varied between the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan and before, during, and after the respective surges. Amputation rates are difficult to measure consistently, but I estimate that 2.6% of all WIA and 9.0% of medically evacuated WIA from the Iraq and Afghanistan theaters combined resulted in the major loss of a limb. Elevated non-hostile death rates (including deaths due to accidents, illnesses, homicides, or suicides) resulted in about 220 more deaths in Iraq and about 200 more deaths in Afghanistan than would have been expected in peacetime among populations of the size deployed to those two conflicts.; (AN 44235468)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235468&site=ehost-live

5.

Contrasting the Impacts of Combat and Humanitarian Assistance/Disaster Relief Missions on the Mental Health of Military Service Members by Cunha, Jesse M.; Shen, Yu-Chu; Burke, Zachary R.. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p62-77, 16p; Abstract: AbstractWe study the differential impacts of combat and humanitarian assistance/disaster relief (HA/DR) missions on the mental health of U.S. Marine Corps members. The deployment experiences of any individual Marine are plausibly random conditional on the observable characteristics which are used to assign Marines into units. Leveraging this exogenous variation, we compare the incidence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and suicide deaths among Marines who deployed to either Operation Enduring Freedom/Operation Iraqi Freedom (OEF/OIF) or HA/DR missions between 2001 and 2011. We find that the hazard of PTSD is close to eight times higher among Marines returning from OEF/OIF compared to those never deployed, and just 1.33 times higher among those returning from HA/DR (and never participated in OEF/OIF). Those returning from OEF/OIF missions are 1.81 times more likely than those never deployed to die by suicide when they were still active duty, and the hazard increases to almost 3 after they have left the military. In contrast, we find no difference in the hazards of suicide death between those that deployed to only HA/DR missions and non-deployed Marines.; (AN 44235469)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235469&site=ehost-live

6.

Clinical Characterization of Insomnia among Veterans with PTSD: Identifying Risk Factors for Diagnosis and Treatment with Sedative-Hypnotics by Bramoweth, Adam D.; Luther, James; Hanusa, Barbara H.; Walker, Jon D.; Atwood, Charles W.; Germain, Anne. Defence and Peace Economics, January 2018, Vol. 29 Issue: Number 1 p78-90, 13p; Abstract: AbstractInsomnia is prevalent among Veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), it exacerbates PTSD symptoms, and it contributes to impaired functioning and quality of life. To improve treatment outcomes, it is important to identify risk factors for insomnia and sedative-hypnotic use. Classification and regression trees and logistic regression models were used to identify variables associated with insomnia or sedative-hypnotic use. Key findings include low insomnia diagnosis rates (3.5–5.6%) and high rates of sedative-hypnotics (44.2–49.0%). Younger Veterans and those without a breathing-related sleep disorder (BRSD) were more likely to receive an insomnia diagnosis. Veterans with greater service connection and those with an alcohol/substance use disorder were more likely to be prescribed sedative-hypnotics. Interaction terms may have identified potential groups at risk of being under-diagnosed with insomnia (i.e. non-black Veterans with psychiatric co-morbidity, black Veterans without psychiatric co-morbidity) as well as groups at risk for sedative-hypnotic use (i.e. younger Veterans without BRSD). In sum, Veterans with PTSD have high rates of sedative-hypnotic use despite minimal evidence they are effective. This is counter to recommendations indicating behavioral interventions are the first-line treatment. Policy changes are needed to reduce use of sedative-hypnotics and increase access to behavioral insomnia interventions.; (AN 44235471)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44235471&site=ehost-live

 

13

Defence Studies
Volume 17, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The limits of robotic solutions to human challenges in the land domain by Galliott, Jai. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p327-345, 19p; Abstract: AbstractIn the face of rapid technological change and the creation of ambitious military modernisation programmes, this paper argues that land forces, in managing the relationship between force levels and the adoption of military robotics, must recognise that there are inherent limits to techno-centric force reduction efforts and realise the inefficacy of substituting skilled soldiers with robots. It begins with an overview of how the proper integration of robotics into a military’s force structure can improve capability, save lives and potentially reduce costs, but suggests that common accounts of robot utility are exaggerated and endanger the risk assessment processes governing the adoption of said technologies and relevant personnel settings. The paper explores the limits of robotic solutions to military problems, discussing their technical limitations, redundancy and related issues that, when combined with a technico-moral skills degradation problem also detailed within, point to the need to reshape force structures to suit the adoption of robotics while preserving existing levels of human staffing.; (AN 43535836)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535836&site=ehost-live

2.

“Effing” the military: a political misunderstanding of management by White, Kenton. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p346-358, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe use of commercial business management techniques is widespread in all government departments, including the Ministry of Defence. This article examines the use of popular management techniques in the Armed Forces and argues that their application is misplaced. It looks at what the “effs” – “efficiency” and “effectiveness” – mean in the business world and to the Armed Forces. It compares the definitions both in business and the Armed Forces and finds that there are few, if any, situations where the same measurements can be applied. Whilst many management techniques are suited for business, the function of the Armed Forces and its output cannot be measured in the same way, complicated by the different metrics of “efficiency” in peace and in war. This difference may not be clearly understood by some politicians, or indeed by some senior military personnel. Using examples from some of the most popular management techniques such as “Lean” and “Agile” it is possible to see that their use might actually diminish the capabilities of the Armed Forces when it comes to performing their principal role – the use of force to achieve political objectives.; (AN 43535839)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535839&site=ehost-live

3.

Meanings of military ranks by Mattila, Jukka; Tukiainen, Sampo; Kajalo, Sami. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p359-378, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper studies what kinds of meanings reserve officers ascribe to military ranks. The study builds on existing literature on reserve forces and hypothesizes that military ranks among reserve officers are subject to rendering the ranks with multiple meanings, and which are bound to create ambiguity of interpretation. To elaborate these theoretical insights a survey among Finnish reserve officers was conducted (N = 6193). The data was analyzed using factor analysis and correlation analysis. The results show that military ranks are ascribed, in addition to the functionalistic, hierarchical meaning, also with meanings of prestige, proficiency, and identity. The main theoretical contribution of the paper is in complementing the previous literature on ambiguity of military ranks by specifying four different meanings in the interpretation of the ranks.; (AN 43535838)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535838&site=ehost-live

4.

The socialization of military power: security cooperation and doctrine development through multinational military exercises by Frazier, Derrick V.; Hutto, J. Wesley. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p379-397, 19p; Abstract: AbstractMultinational Military Exercises (MMEs) are often viewed by states as opportunities to increase interoperability, improve cooperation, and solve common security problems. We argue that in addition to this, MMEs work as tools to shape the shared beliefs of coalition partners surrounding threat. Specifically, MMEs allow multinational forces to identify best practices, consolidate beliefs, and codify behavior through doctrine, typically by means of some institutional process. We examine our argument on MMEs through an analysis of various multinational and coalition partner efforts to identify security threats and cooperate through the development of common doctrine at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of warfare. Our analysis suggests that the use of MMEs for doctrine development does help to socialize states in terms of identifying common threats and subsequently sharing a process by which to address them.; (AN 43535840)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535840&site=ehost-live

5.

War: a beginner’s guide by Craig, Tony. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p398-399, 2p; (AN 43535837)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535837&site=ehost-live

6.

Unwinnable: Britain’s war in Afghanistan 2001–2014 by Bury, Patrick. Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 p399-401, 3p; (AN 43535841)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535841&site=ehost-live

7.

Editorial board Defence Studies, October 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 43535842)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43535842&site=ehost-live

 

14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p289-291, 3p; (AN 44013793)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013793&site=ehost-live

2.

The danger of “hybrid warfare” from a sophisticated adversary: the Russian “hybridity” in the Ukrainian conflict by Veljovski, Gjorgji; Taneski, Nenad; Dojchinovski, Metodija. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p292-307, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe term “hybrid warfare” is a new one that the West began to use to explain its failure to cope with asymmetric threats. Focusing on the war on global terrorism, the West temporarily withdrew its attention from traditional adversaries, such as Russia, which has used this gap and has audaciously returned to the stage as a global actor. Until the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and inflaming the Ukrainian crisis, most Western authors attributed “hybrid threats” mostly to non-state actors. But the Ukrainian scenario showed the true face of “hybridity” in the modern battlefield when practised by a powerful state actor. Russian “hybrid warfare” in Ukraine has already been seen as a combination of conventional and unconventional methods, that have been complemented with other instruments of national power – diplomatic, economic and information. The purpose of this article is, through an analysis of the Ukrainian scenario, to demonstrate that although the term “hybrid” is new, the concept itself is old and is a continuation of already seen doctrine from the Cold War era. Although “hybrid threats” can come both from state and non-state actors, the Russian interference in Ukraine is proof that they are especially dangerous for the West if, or when, they are initiated from a traditional, sophisticated adversary that has the capacity to use all forms of warfare.; (AN 44013791)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013791&site=ehost-live

3.

Turkey’s imperial legacy and the conflict potential in the Balkans by Bebler, Anton. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p308-319, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTurkey is the only Eurasian state surrounded in almost a full circle by acute hot or “frozen conflicts,” ranging from low-intensity violence, terrorism to fully fledged wars. The prevailing pattern of intercommunal and interethnic conflicts in the continental Balkans and on Cyprus has long been different from those in the rest of Europe and in the Near East. This difference is closely related to the fact that these lands had experienced in the past centuries-long rule by the Ottoman Empire, whose legal successor is the Republic of Turkey. The intercommunal conflict potential in the rest of Europe used to differ substantially, but the difference has been greatly reduced as Western Europe has, in one respect, become “balkanized.”; (AN 44013792)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013792&site=ehost-live

4.

The politics of renewed quest for a Biafra Republic in Nigeria by Johnson, Idowu; Olaniyan, Azeez. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p320-332, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe quest for a Biafran Republic by the Igbo ethnic group has become a recurring demand in Nigeria since the late 1960s. The agitation has been premised on claims of marginalisation and exclusion of the Igbo people in the Nigerian body politic. In spite of the consistency of the agitation through various Administrations, there was a noticeable lull in such demands during the time of President Goodluck Jonathan, only to assume a frightening proportion since the advent of the Administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. This article locates the factors in the outcomes of the 2015 general elections: the question of inclusion and representation; the unfinished nature of the Nigerian civil war; economic challenges, miscalculation both on the part of the Igbo people and indiscretion in the initial appointments made by President Muhammadu Buhari. The article recommends political restructuring of Nigeria as one of the ways to address secessionist tendencies.; (AN 44013790)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013790&site=ehost-live

5.

Perspectives for the development of key industrial capabilities for Canada’s defence sector by Cimon, Yan. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p333-346, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWith the Canada First Defence Strategy, Canada has put forth a major opportunity to reconcile national security imperatives and industrial policy. The Jenkins Report (2013) set out to examine ways to use that procurement effort to foster key industrial capabilities (KICs) that would put the Canadian defence industry at an advantage both nationally and internationally. The Canadian defence industry should then develop highly focused capabilities with a view to moving up global value chains. As such, KICs that hold the best potential should be selected. They should be sustained through a range of strategies that are however contingent on the elimination of policy gaps. This leads to a balancing act between the need to control intellectual property assets versus accessing them in a world where national boundaries are eroded. Canada’s industry should target opportunities outside North America while continuing to focus on better integration with the North American industry.; (AN 44013795)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013795&site=ehost-live

6.

Threats and civil–military relations: explaining Singapore’s “trickle down” military innovation by Laksmana, Evan A.. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p347-365, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explains why Singapore, despite its small size and semi-authoritarian regime, retains one of the best military forces in the Indo-Pacific. It unpacks Singapore’s ability to continuously innovate since the 1960s – technologically, organizationally, and conceptually – and even recently joined the Revolution in Military Affairs bandwagon. Drawing from the broader military innovation studies literature, this article argues evolutionary peacetime military innovation is more likely to occur in a state with a unified civil–military relation and whose military faces a high-level diverse set of threats. This argument explains how the civil–military fusion under the People’s Action Party-led government since Singapore’s founding moment has been providing coherent and consistent strategic guidance, political support, and financial capital, allowing the Singapore Armed Forces to continuously innovate in response to high levels and diversity of threats.; (AN 44013797)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013797&site=ehost-live

7.

NATO’s push into the Caucasus: geopolitical flashpoints and limits for expansion by Antonopoulos, Paul; Velez, Renato; Cottle, Drew. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p366-379, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Caucasus has been a major flashpoint of contention between NATO and a resurgent Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The rivalry saw the escalation of hostility in the region during the brief 2008 Russo-Georgian War where a NATO-backed Georgia challenged South Ossetia supported by the Russian military. In 2011, NATO officially recognised Georgia as a potential member, challenging Russia’s traditional sphere of influence in the Caucasus. Moscow says the Eastward expansion of NATO into the Baltics and to include Georgia as a member state is a method of containing a resurgent Russia. However, the former Soviet Republics of Ukraine, the Baltics and Georgia, maintain that Russia represents a threat to their sovereignty, as seen by the Russian support of the breakaway unrecognised Republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. A hostile rivalry between the Russian-backed Armenia and Azerbaijan, which is reliant upon NATO-member Turkey, intensifies the polarisation in the Caucasus.; (AN 44013798)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013798&site=ehost-live

8.

The art of meddling: a theoretical, strategic and historical analysis of non-official covers for clandestine Humint by Musco, Stefano. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 p380-394, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe building of reliable covers has always been of the utmost importance for clandestine Humint. Using both primary and secondary sources, this study seeks to examine how classical authors and modern scholars have dealt with this topic, and which kind of covers have been the most used throughout history in different sociopolitical contexts, and what are the new perspectives for today’s challenges. Findings suggest that a careful reading of the political milieu in which intelligence officers are required to work, and a certain degree of creativity, are the essential premises for the construction of a plausible cover; that some apparently outdated disguises such as merchants, itinerant monks and philosophers should be understood more broadly today to include business people, humanitarian NGOs and academics; that undercover practices have been theoretically and historically recognized as necessary and convenient by a great number of societies, often with scant regard for ethical considerations.; (AN 44013794)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013794&site=ehost-live

9.

Editorial board Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 pebi-ebi; (AN 44013799)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013799&site=ehost-live

10.

RETRACTED ARTICLE: Boko Haram “Jama'atu Ahlus-Sunnah Lidda'Awati Wal Jihad” in North-eastern Nigeria: implications for Sub-Saharan African peace and security by Bamidele, Oluwaseun. Defense and Security Analysis, October 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 4 piii-xiv, 12p; (AN 44013796)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44013796&site=ehost-live

 

15

Democratization
Volume 25, no. 1, January 2018

Record

Results

1.

Justice institutions in autocracies: a framework for analysis by Ríos-Figueroa, Julio; Aguilar, Paloma. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat role do justice institutions play in autocracies? We bring together the literatures on authoritarian political institutions and on judicial politics to create a framework to answer this question. We start from the premise that autocrats use justice institutions to deal with the fundamental problems of controland power-sharing. Unpacking “justice institutions” we argue that prosecutors and ordinary courts can serve, respectively, as “top-down” and “bottom-up” monitoring and information-gathering mechanisms helping the dictator in the choice between repression and cooptation. We also argue that representation in the Supreme Court and special jurisdictions enables the dictator and his ruling coalition to solve intra-elite conflicts facilitating coordination. We provide several examples from Mexico under the hegemonic system of the PRI and of Spain under Francisco Franco, as well as punctual illustrations from other countries around the world. We conclude by reflecting on some of the potential consequences of this usage of justice institutions under autocracy for democratization.; (AN 44063891)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063891&site=ehost-live

2.

Measuring subnational democracy: toward improved regime typologies and theories of regime change by McMann, Kelly M.. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p19-37, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSocial scientists have been limited in their work by the paucity of global time series data about subnational institutions and practices. Such data could help scholars refine regime typologies, improve theories of democratization and regime change, better understand subnational democracy, and illuminate issues of development, conflict, and governance. This article addresses the lack of data by introducing 22 subnational measures from a new dataset, Varieties of Democracy. Validity tests demonstrate that the measures’ strengths outweigh their weaknesses. The measures excel in covering all subnational levels for most countries, capturing different elements of subnational elections, and including a variety of dimensions of elections and civil liberties. The measures also offer unmatched global and temporal coverage. The article demonstrates how these strengths can provide scholars with the benefits described above.; (AN 44063892)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063892&site=ehost-live

3.

Legitimacy and protest under authoritarianism: explaining student mobilization in Egypt and Morocco during the Arab uprisings by Thyen, Kressen; Gerschewski, Johannes. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p38-57, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPolitical protests constitute a major concern to authoritarian regimes. Existing research has argued that they indicate a lack of regime legitimacy. However, empirical evidence on the relationship between legitimacy and protest participation remains rare. Based on new survey data from Morocco and Egypt, this study investigates whether legitimacy played a significant role in student mobilization during the 2011 uprisings. In doing so, we first develop a context-sensitive concept of legitimacy. This allows us to differentiate the ruler’s legitimacy claims and the citizens’ legitimacy beliefs. Furthermore, we distinguish between two different objects of legitimacy: the broader political community and specific regime institutions. Our empirical analysis suggests that legitimacy had an independent and significant impact on students’ protest participation, yet in more nuanced ways than generally assumed. While protest participation was driven by nationalist sentiments in Egypt, it was motivated by dissatisfaction with the political performance of specific regime institutions in Morocco.; (AN 44063894)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063894&site=ehost-live

4.

Electoral system effects re-examined using the largest vote share variable by Li, Yuhui. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p58-77, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn the search for a less controversial pattern between electoral systems and party systems, especially the institutional conditions for multipartism, this article develops and analyses a complete post-war dataset on largest parties’ vote shares. In contrast to the vague wording in the Duvergerian literature, it defends a strong proposition that majority parties are almost always a result of disproportionality. With some rare exceptions, they are either manufactured (without a majority of popular votes) or, less frequently, held together by heterogeneous groups (indicated either by a large number of swing voters or an exceptionally restrictive system) through strategic voting. I explain the phenomenon using a theory on politicians’ incentive for office turnover and voters’ demand for party accountability, and also theorize why South Africa and Namibia are the only two outliers to the pattern.; (AN 44063893)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063893&site=ehost-live

5.

Institutional stepping stones for democracy: how and why multipartyism enhances democratic change by Teorell, Jan; Wahman, Michael. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p78-97, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTScholars of electoral authoritarianism and comparative institutions have emphasized how authoritarian regimes implement multiparty elections to stabilize authoritarian rule and diffuse political opposition. Consequently, the literature has advised against the notion that multiparty elections constitute a general lever for democratization. This article presents evidence in support of a more positive understanding of multipartyism and democracy. We argue that multiparty elections create an institutional space for oppositional parties, instrumentally motivated to promote further positive democratic change. We hypothesize that multiparty regimes are (1) generally more likely to experience positive democratic change, and (2) more importantly, more likely to do so when faced by internal or external regime threats. We test these hypotheses using cross-section time-series data on 166 countries in the period 1973–2010. Our results show a general positive effect of multipartyism for democratic change, and that multiparty regimes are more likely to improve their levels of democracy when faced with demonstrations and economic crisis.; (AN 44063897)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063897&site=ehost-live

6.

Minority Arab voting: village dynamics and electoral observations in Israel by Miles, William F.S.. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p98-114, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFor all the novelty of a democratizing “Arab Spring”, there have long been pockets in the Middle East where Arabic-speaking voters have gone to the polls in competitive elections, albeit as minority citizens. This article sheds light on such voting at the grassroots level, in Israel, where passions are intense even as the issues and candidates are local. Contradictions between Western notions of electoral democracy and the power of the Arab extended family (hamula) result in what we call “electoral hamulism”. Unexamined heretofore in the scholarly literature are the variability of polling station openness and the methodology of electoral observation in the Arab electoral world. Also underappreciated are psycho-cultural consequences of electoral loss. Overall, the article takes up Valbjørn’s call for “meta-study” analysis and “self-reflective” rethinking of the study of Arab politics.; (AN 44063895)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063895&site=ehost-live

7.

Sources of Muslim democracy: the supply and demand of religious policies in the Muslim world by Driessen, Michael D.. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p115-135, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores the supply of and demand for religiously infused democratic politics in the Muslim majority world. The first half of the article reexamines the widespread support of Muslim publics for both democracy and shari’a law. Results from 15 years of public opinion polls in the Muslim world highlight a clear pattern of support for pious political candidates, but not clerical control of politics. These results, the article further claims, are consistent with contemporary scholars’ understanding of Muslim democracy. The second half of the article formulates and then tests several hypotheses about the role of states’ religious policies in generating this public demand for Muslim democracy. Using cross-national data on religion-state arrangements and Arab Barometer and World Values Survey data, the article finds support for the hypothesis that religious favouritism increases demand for pious political candidates, but less support for the hypothesis that religious regulation reduces demand for clerical control of politics.; (AN 44063896)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063896&site=ehost-live

8.

Unravelling semi-presidentialism: democracy and government performance in four distinct regime types by Sedelius, Thomas; Linde, Jonas. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p136-157, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDo semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes, however. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analysed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential subtypes in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on a par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.; (AN 44063899)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063899&site=ehost-live

9.

Schools of democracy: how trade union membership impacts political participation in Africa’s emerging democracies by Karreth, Ann K.. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p158-177, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTrade unions in Africa have become increasingly vocal in calling attention to the widening socio-economic inequalities that have accompanied global market integration across the continent. This article argues that, in their quest to challenge neoliberal policies, labour movements have contributed to processes of democratization in Africa by acting as instruments of political socialization for their members. Using survey data from respondents in 18 African countries, this article demonstrates an empirical relationship between trade union membership and political participation. The article finds that membership in a labour organization increases one’s propensity to participate in a range of political activities. Specifically, labour movements encourage participation by forging “participatory spillover effects”, which mobilize unionists across different arenas of the political landscape. Finally, the article finds that the effect of union membership on political participation is stronger in countries where unions maintain independence from ruling parties. This research contributes to literature on political participation across Africa and furthers our understanding of the role of labour movements in bottom-up processes of democratization on the continent.; (AN 44063900)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063900&site=ehost-live

10.

International democracy promotion and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa by Abbott, Lucy M.. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p178-184, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers an overview of the literature on international democracy promotion in relation to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It draws on the criteria of process tracing to evaluate the mechanisms, processes and episodes of democratization associated with international democracy promotion in the region. It finds that the literature lacks a clear account of how international democracy promotion relates to conditions for democratization and could pay greater attention to the role of media in either supporting or counteracting democracy promotion activities which impact democratization processes in the region.; (AN 44063898)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063898&site=ehost-live

11.

How armies respond to revolutions and why, by Zoltan Barany by Kuehn, David. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p185-186, 2p; (AN 44063901)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063901&site=ehost-live

12.

North Korea: markets and military rule, by Hazel Smith by Goldring, Edward. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p187-188, 2p; (AN 44063903)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063903&site=ehost-live

13.

Power and change in Iran: politics of contention and conciliation, edited by Daniel Brumberg and Farideh Farhi by Fadaee, Simin. Democratization, January 2018, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p188-190, 3p; (AN 44063904)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44063904&site=ehost-live

 

16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Same but Different: “Re-understanding” Elections in Contemporary Post-Soviet Space by Nizhnikau, Ryhor; Bedford, Sofie. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p337-359, 23p; Abstract: Abstract: In this introductory essay, the co-editors of this special issue lay out the role of elections in the post-Soviet context.; (AN 43856416)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856416&site=ehost-live

2.

Guiding Voice to Exit: Elections of Sitz-Chairman in Moldova, Inc. by Nizhnikau, Ryhor. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p361-380, 20p; Abstract: Abstract: This article analyzes the presidential elections in Moldova in the context of domestic developments in the country between 2015 and 2017. It looks at how the regime consolidated its power in 2015–2016 and the role elections played in this process. First, the article conceptualizes the regime as a dual state and shows the takeover of the prerogative and normative states by a single ruling faction. Second, it studies how the prerogative state uses elections and societal cleavages to control its (potential) opponents and society. In particular, unlike in other cases of autocratic backsliding, the regime used the presidential elections to channel away widespread dissatisfaction and reinstate a collective action problem in society. As a result, although there are potential triggers for regime change, the Moldovan elections further strengthened the foundations of a new political regime in Moldova.; (AN 43856393)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856393&site=ehost-live

3.

“The Election Game:” Authoritarian Consolidation Processes in Belarus by Bedford, Sofie. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p381-405, 25p; Abstract: Abstract: Elections without content are characteristic of electoral authoritarianism. This article illustrates how the “election game” featuring “elections for the sake of elections” can contribute to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. It analyzes how Belarusian authorities’ “menu of manipulation” shaped both the discourse and “practice” of “politics” in favor of the current system. Using selective repression – targeting mainly those openly wanting to change the status quo, while allowing some controlled openness for individuals, as long as they refrain from “doing politics” – discouraged political activism and contributed to a negative perception of the “opposition” as a noisy sub-group of the population. Such developments reinforced a perception of organized politics in general, and elections in particular, as abstract, unattractive and irrelevant to most.; (AN 43856989)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856989&site=ehost-live

4.

Menus of Manipulation: Authoritarian Continuities in Central Asian Elections by Beacháin, Donnacha Ó; Kevlihan, Rob. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p407-434, 28p; Abstract: Abstract: This paper examines continuities, adaptions and innovations in elite electoral processes in Central Asian states between the Soviet and post-Soviet period. We argue that the authoritarian leaders of these states have utilized menus of manipulation developed during Soviet times to manage potentially challenging electoral processes, adapting these menus to changed circumstances, including the new reality of nominally pluralist political landscapes. The continuities highlighted by this analysis, particularly in the means used to manufacture implausibly high turnout figures and overwhelming vote shares for incumbents and ruling parties, illustrate patterns of autocratic governance practice in Central Asia and the continued relevance of Soviet legacies in understanding electoral processes in the region even more than 25 years after the end of the Soviet period.; (AN 43857303)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43857303&site=ehost-live

5.

The Mechanism of Direct Democracy in Authoritarian Countries: The Case of the Constitutional Referendum in Azerbaijan by Dominioni, Samuele. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p435-453, 19p; Abstract: Abstract: This article investigates the reasons for the constitutional referendum held in Azerbaijan on September 26, 2016 and the functions that it played. It analyzes why President Ilham Aliyev opted to hold a referendum instead of using other tools to modify the Constitution and explores the implications of that referendum for the current rulers. Hence, by looking at how direct democracy instruments have been used in the past, the study provides a broad picture of the referendum’s significance for the development of the Azerbaijani regime. The research contributes to the literature on the use of instruments of direct democracy in nondemocratic contexts by providing insights on why and how these are applied by authoritarian rulers.; (AN 43856394)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856394&site=ehost-live

6.

Electoral Sources of Authoritarian Resilience in Russia: Varieties of Electoral Malpractice, 2007–2016 by Zavadskaya, Margarita; Grömping, Max; i Coma, Ferran Martinez. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p455-480, 26p; Abstract: Abstract: Elections do not always serve as instruments of democracy, but can successfully sustain modern forms of authoritarianism by maintaining political cooptation, signaling the regime’s invincibility, distributing rent among elites, and maintaining linkages with territorial communities. Russia exemplifies electoral practices adapted to the needs of authoritarian survival. Recent institutional reforms reflect the regime’s constant adjustment to emerging challenges. This study traces the evolution of the role of elections in Russia for ruling elites, the opposition, and parties. It argues that the information-gathering and co-optation functions of elections help sustain authoritarian rule, whereas insufficient co-optation and failure to signal regime strength may lead to anti-regime mobilization and weaken the regime. The study utilizes new data from an expert survey on electoral integrity and malpractice in Russia carried out immediately after the legislative elections to the State Duma in September 2016.; (AN 43856641)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856641&site=ehost-live

7.

Against the Stream: Political Opposition in the Russian Regions During the 2012–2016 Electoral Cycle by Semenov, Andrei. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p481-502, 22p; Abstract: Abstract: Political opposition in Russia has frequently been regarded as a “dying species.” Indeed, despite the wave of anti-governmental political mobilization in 2011–2012, United Russia increased its share of the vote from 49.3 percent in 2011 to 54.2 percent in 2016, as well as dramatically improving its position in the federal parliament by winning 203 of 225 single-member districts in the last elections. The anti-governmental mobilization of 2011–2012 may have temporarily opened the opportunity structure, but the political opposition faces growing pressure from the regime. Yet in certain subnational elections between 2012 and 2016, both systemic and non-systemic opposition groups have managed to survive and even oust incumbents. In this study, I examine the variation in regime-opposition interactions by analyzing the data on 84 regional elections between 2012 and 2016. I argue that there is a learning curve on the both sides of the contest: while incumbents rely heavily on access to state resources and actively manipulate the legal and political electoral framework, the opposition tries to exploit elite fractures and use organizational power to attract voters and entrench its position in the electoral arena.; (AN 43856787)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856787&site=ehost-live

8.

Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the “Russia Factor” by Kolstø, Pål; Blakkisrud, Helge. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p503-528, 26p; Abstract: Abstract: In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the “Russia factor.” We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria’s dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.; (AN 43856690)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856690&site=ehost-live

9.

Informal Governance & Electorate Perceptions in Hybrid Regimes: The 2016 Parliamentary Elections in Georgia by Lebanidze, Bidzina; Kakachia, Kornely. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p529-549, 21p; Abstract: Abstract: This paper explores the impact of two important informal leaders – former president Mikheil Saakashvili and former Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili – on recent parliamentary elections in Georgia. It is argued that informal governance has predominated in Georgia’s political system for a long time and that the interference of informal leaders in the 2016 parliamentary elections was the latest manifestation of this tendency. It is further contended that the electorate’s perceptions of the consequences of interference by informal leaders determined the outcome of the elections. Whereas the role of Bidzina Ivanishvili – the informal leader of the governing GD party – was perceived as undesirable yet necessary to stabilize political processes in the country, the active role played by Mikheil Saakashvili – the former president and exiled leader of the main opposition party – was assessed rather critically and contributed to handing the ruling GD party a somewhat unexpected easy win.; (AN 43856827)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856827&site=ehost-live

10.

Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, October 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 4 p551-553, 3p; (AN 43856638)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=43856638&site=ehost-live

 

17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 10, no. 2-3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Call for papers Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2-3 p79-79, 1p; (AN 44326561)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44326561&site=ehost-live

2.

Letter from the Editorial Team by Ligon, Gina Scott; Windisch, Steven. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2-3 p80-80, 1p; (AN 44326562)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44326562&site=ehost-live

3.

Occupy this: why some colleges had Occupy Wall Street protests by Asal, Victor; Testa, Alexander; Young, Joseph. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2-3 p81-103, 23p; Abstract: AbstractDuring autumn 2011, Occupy Wall Street protests began rapidly emerging at college and university campuses across the United States. Many of these student groups developed an agenda based on localized issues at their particular college. Still, nearly all Occupy student protests also followed the common goal of bringing change to a system plagued with an inequality gap between the “99 and 1 percent”, massive financial debt, rising tuition costs, and a poor labour market for students who spend thousands of dollars for their education. While these students are taking aim at large, powerful, “elitist” institutions, data indicate that these protestors belong to institutions similar to those they are opposing. Our data from 191 colleges and universities with an “Occupy” event indicate that protests are more likely to occur at four-year institutions that have a largely white population. Additionally, these protests emerge at institutions with the greatest amount of resources including larger staffs, higher faculty wages, and higher tuition fees.; (AN 44326563)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44326563&site=ehost-live

4.

Outlawing sexual violence: rape law and the likelihood of civil war by Avdan, Nazli; Asal, Victor. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2-3 p104-123, 20p; Abstract: AbstractAn expanding body of literature maintains that gender inequality heightens the probability of intrastate conflict by creating a structure of violence. The paper proposes the legal system as the missing link between social norms and conflict occurrence. Gender neutrality of the penal code coheres with norms of equality and, further, embodies egalitarian, progressive values associated with pacific norms of conflict resolution. The criminalization of rape enhances female empowerment by offering a legal commitment on the part of the state to safeguard women’s physical security. More broadly, legal prohibitions against rape protect women and other vulnerable individuals from sexual aggression. The statistical analysis uses novel data on rape legislation for 194 states over the 1965 to 2005 time period. The length of punitive sentence proxies for the stringency of rape legislation. The empirical findings demonstrate that longer punitive sentences against rape crimes are associated with a significantly lower probability of intrastate conflict. Sanctions against both female and male perpetrators of rape are analyzed separately. The results show that gender neutrality of law whereby the penal code establishes similar sentences for female and male offenders alike also significantly decreases conflict propensity.; (AN 44326565)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44326565&site=ehost-live

5.

Support for political mobilization and protest in Egypt and Morocco: an online experimental study by Lemieux, Anthony F.; Kearns, Erin M.; Asal, Victor; Walsh, James Igoe. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 2-3 p124-142, 19p; Abstract: AbstractWhy do individuals engage in or support acts of contentious politics? Building from previous work, this article uses a 2 (high/low grievance) × 2 (high/low risk) × 2 (high/low opportunity) online experimental design to examine the impact of these factors on political action with participants from Egypt (n = 517) and Morocco (n = 462). Participants assumed a first-person perspective as a member of a fictional oppressed ethnic minority group in one of eight vignettes. Participants then indicated the extent to which they would engage in various forms of protest and violence, and how justified such actions were. Participants answered several social-personality measures: Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), and Activism and Radicalism Intentions Scale (AIS and RIS). Analyses show that higher SDO and RIS scores largely drive violent engagement and justification for these actions. Higher AIS scores predicted protest engagement and justification, while SDO negatively influenced non-violence. RWA scores decreased engagement in and support for any form of political action. In contrast with previous experimental findings, grievance did not impact decisions about political mobilization.; (AN 44326564)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=44326564&site=ehost-live

 

.

MY ACCOUNT   |   CATALOG   |   NATO LIBGUIDES   |   JOURNAL TITLES   |   ASK A QUESTION