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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 43, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Saving Samuel Huntington and the Need for Pragmatic Civil–Military Relations by Travis, Donald S.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p395-414, 20p; Abstract: How the U.S. military establishment interacts with other parts of the American government and the people impacts American national power. Because civil–military relationships are influenced by the context of the environment and the “kind of war” being waged, there are a variety of ways that military and civilian leaders can work together to improve the nation’s security. This article proposes an alternative civil–military relations model called pragmatic civilian control. It integrates Samuel Huntington’s objective civilian control theory with traditional American political philosophy and concepts established by Morris Janowitz, while accounting for current geopolitical conditions.; (AN 42556953)
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2.

Authorship and Affiliation in Armed Forces & Society: Developmental Trends Across Volumes 1–41 by Sookermany, Anders McD.; Sand, Trond Svela; Ender, Morten G.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p415-435, 21p; Abstract: Armed Forces & Society(AF&S) was founded in 1974 with the overall intention of creating an international arena for interdisciplinary approaches to the study of the military institution and the intersection of armed forces and their society. The present study is both a follow-up and an update of Morten Enders’s article “Authorship and Affiliation in Armed Forces & Society” covering 1,139 articles in the 41 volumes published from 1974 until 2015. The scope has been to look for the evolving trends on Authorship and Affiliation (A&A) within AF&Sso as to say something about what AF&Shas become over these years, as a consequence of whom the authors are and where they come from. Our findings suggest a developmental narrative of A&A in AF&Sof a continuously higher author–article ratio, an increased female authorship ratio, and a wider range of disciplines from more continents, countries, and institutions, plus a trend of increased cross-national coauthorship.; (AN 42556949)
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3.

Markets and Manpower: The Political Economy of Compulsory Military Service by Cohn, Lindsay P.; Toronto, Nathan W.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p436-458, 23p; Abstract: Economic studies of military manpower systems emphasize the advantages of voluntarism under all but the most total threats, but this explains neither the persistence of institutionalized conscription in many states nor the timing of shifts from such conscription systems to volunteer militaries. Traditional explanations focus on external threat levels, but this has also proven unsatisfying. We theorize that threat variables establish the state’s baseline need for manpower, but structural economic variables determine whether the necessary manpower can be more efficiently obtained by conscription or voluntarism. Using a new data set of 99 countries over 40 years, we find that states with British origins are less likely and those experiencing greater external threat are more likely to employ conscripts. Most importantly, states with more highly regulated labor markets are more likely to employ conscripts, which suggests that, controlling for a number of relevant factors, labor markets matter in military manpower decisions.; (AN 42556954)
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4.

Team Learning and Leadership in Multinational Military Staff Exercises by Hedlund, Erik. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p459-477, 19p; Abstract: Cooperation in multinational military operations is one of the main tasks for the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF), which means that Swedish officers need to be able to meet international military staff standards. For this reason, the SAF and the Swedish Defence University organize an annual international staff exercise which aims to train officers in and increase their knowledge of North Atlantic Treaty Organization staff methods and procedures. The essence of successful staff work is good leadership and effective team work. In this article, we present findings from three staff exercises that have significant impact on leadership and possibilities for good team learning that relate to a team learning model. These findings have great potential to be of value in planning and improving leadership education and training in both military and civilian contexts.; (AN 42556947)
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5.

Integrating Two Theoretical Models to Understand and Prevent Military and Veteran Suicide by Wolfe-Clark, Andrea L.; Bryan, Craig J.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p478-499, 22p; Abstract: Despite increasing prevention efforts, military suicide rates have surpassed those of the general population. This trend may reflect a deficit in our understanding of suicide, historically atheoretical and based on decreasing risk factors of suicide. The interpersonal–psychological theory of suicide (IPTS) provides a theoretical foundation to understand suicide but only assesses three risk factors of suicide and is primarily aimed at explaining who may die by suicide, but not when. The fluid vulnerability theory (FVT) provides a broad theoretical framework to understand and organize risk and protective factors of suicide in order to understand the process of suicide risk over time. Overlaying the IPTS’s constructs of thwarted belongingness, perceived burdensomeness, and the acquired capability for suicide within the FVT framework provides a robust model to understand not only whois at risk for suicide but also whensuicide risk is likely to emerge.; (AN 42556952)
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6.

Civil War Mediation and Rebel Use of Violence Against Civilians by Pospieszna, Paulina; DeRouen, Karl. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p500-522, 23p; Abstract: Violence against civilians is portrayed as an antecedent of civil war, a cause, or both. Civil war creates opportune environments for planning and carrying out these acts that in turn can have detrimental effects on peace processes. Since not all civil war factions will see peace as beneficial, some actors may use violence to undermine the peace talks. The rebels may use indiscriminate violence to demonstrate their ability to exact costs on the government thus forcing the latter to negotiate. This article focuses upon acts of violence committed by rebel groups during mediated peace process. The central hypothesis is that violence against civilians increases the probability of mediation that in turn increases the prospects for violence. Using all civil war episodes from 1970 to 2008 as observations results from bivariate probit analysis endogenizing the choice of mediation bear out this theoretical argument.; (AN 42556950)
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7.

Political Activism of the National Security Council in Turkey After the Reforms by Kars Kaynar, Ayşegül. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p523-544, 22p; Abstract: Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military’s protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military’s power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK’s political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers.; (AN 42556946)
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8.

Diversionary Theory of War and the Case Study Design: President Clinton’s Strikes on Iraq and Yugoslavia by Blomdahl, Mikael. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p545-565, 21p; Abstract: This article examines President Clinton’s decisions to launch military actions against Iraq in June 1993 and Kosovo in 1999. This study represents an attempt to test the descriptive accuracy and further developing the diversionary theory of war. Using a qualitative framework for diversionary use of force developed by another researcher, Ryan C. Hendrickson, this research examines and compares the two cases in order to determine whether or not these strikes appear to be diversionary in nature. This article generally suggests that empirical support for the diversionary argument in these cases is “mixed” but has more validity in the actions against Iraq. Two proposals to further develop qualitative tests for diversionary use of force are advanced.; (AN 42556951)
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9.

Message Strategies in Military Recruitment Advertising: A Research Note by Park, Sejin; Shoieb, Zienab; Taylor, Ronald E.. Armed Forces & Society, July 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 3 p566-573, 8p; Abstract: This study investigates message strategies used in U.S. military commercials using Taylor’s six-segment strategy wheel. A content analysis of 125 military television commercials reveals that (1) majority of military commercials employed transformational strategy rather than informational strategy; (2) military commercials only used high involvement message strategies (i.e., ration, ego, and social) and no acute need, routine, and sensory commercials were observed; and (3) message strategies in military advertising varied across the number of wars and recruiting targets. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.; (AN 42556948)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Engagement with empire as norm and in practice in Kazakh nomadic political culture (1820s–1830s) by Martin, Virginia. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p175-194, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers an analysis of the Kazakh nomadic political culture of the 1820s–30s with focus on two issues: (1) service and loyalty as elements of Kazakh engagement with the Russian Empire; and (2) the place in local political practice of the regional administrative offices (diwans) created for Middle Horde Kazakh nomads in 1822. While Russia’s goal was ‘bureaucratization’ and creation of ‘order’ in the steppe, in part through directing nomads to engage with the diwanand its elected Kazakh officials, Kazakh political actors variously embraced and rejected formal structures, and continued to define relevant norms and practices of governance. The analysis challenges both statist and nationalist narratives of nineteenth-century Kazakh steppe history by acknowledging the complexities of the Kazakh nomadic experience of empire-building. The ultimate purpose is to suggest new approaches for interpreting historical change throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth.; (AN 41729655)
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2.

Venerating the pir: patron saints of Muslim ceramists in Uzbekistan by Kikuta, Haruka. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p195-211, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn some Central Asian oasis towns, the patron saints of craftsmen, known as pirs, have continued to be venerated, despite the repression of Islam and changes to the industrial structure during the Soviet Era. This paper analyses the social function and individual significance of pirveneration in the modern era, using ethnographic observations and interviews conducted in a ceramics town in Uzbekistan. Today, many old customs practised in pottery studios have become mere formalities, and the controlling role of the pirs over ceramist groups is declining. However, this is not necessarily indicative of an immediate decline in the pirs’ power. Some ceramists believe their highly skilled masters to be quasi-pirs and that the pirprovides them with desirable goals, in addition to an ideal form to which to aspire.; (AN 41729653)
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3.

Coercive capacity, land reform and political order in Afghanistan by Murtazashvili, Ilia; Murtazashvili, Jennifer. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p212-230, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article compares four historical periods in Afghanistan to better understand whether land reform in the post-2001 context will improve prospects for political order. Its central finding is that political order can be established without land reform provided that the state is able to establish and maintain coercive capacity. However, the cost of establishing political order mainly through coercion is very low levels of economic development. We also find that when land reform was implemented in periods of weak or declining coercive capacity, political disorder resulted from grievances unrelated to land issues. In addition, land reforms implemented in the context of highly centralized political institutions increased property insecurity. This suggests the importance of investing in coercive capacity alongside land reform in the current context but also that establishing inclusive political institutions prior to land reform will increase its chances of success.; (AN 41729654)
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4.

Pathways to child work in Tajikistan: narratives of child workers and their parents by Akilova, Mashura. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p231-246, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA recent child-work study by the International Labour Organization reports that 27% of children in Tajikistan ages 5–17 worked in 2013. Although children worked in agriculture or performed household chores in Soviet Tajikistan, child work for pay is a relatively new phenomenon in modern Tajikistan. This study examines the pathways to child work and the families’ perceptions of child work experiences. Some of the main findings of this study are the themes connected to normalization and acceptance of child work in Tajikistan. These are explained by expectations placed on children at the social, family and personal levels that are in turn affected by macroeconomic forces that are by-products of the transitional economy. The study also explores differences in expectations by gender, age and area of residence.; (AN 41729656)
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5.

Gender and the academic profession in contemporary Tajikistan: challenges and opportunities expressed by women who remain by Kataeva, Zumrad; DeYoung, Alan J.. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p247-262, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article attempts to describe the deleterious impact of higher educational changes affecting female faculty members working in Tajik universities in the post-Soviet era. Over the past two decades, the social and economic position women gained during Soviet times has significantly eroded, bringing enormous challenges to education and higher education access, completion and staffing. The demographic and cultural marginalization of women here has negatively impacted university teaching opportunities and the status of women faculty members. Ethnographic interviews – along with relevant secondary data – reveal that despite various official gender-equity policies announced by the state, female participation issues remain prominent in the university. Our interviewees also report continued difficulty entering higher faculty ranks and leadership positions in university. However, significant numbers of women are still to be found there, and they report a workable compromise between being professional educators and trying to navigate a local culture that is becoming more ‘traditional’.; (AN 41729657)
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6.

Debating gender and Kazakhness: memory and voice in poetic duel aytisbetween China and Kazakhstan by Salimjan, Guldana. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p263-280, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAytisis a central component of Kazakh oral literature. It is a duelling performance of improvised oral poetry between two aqins (poets, or bards) accompanying themselves on the dombra, a two-stringed plucked instrument. This article analyses contending issues in a transnational aytisbetween Chinese and Kazakhstani aqins, and explores how gender plays into the complex interplay of transnational identity politics, nationalism, performer positionality, and the preservation of intangible cultural heritage. This article argues that, though minority actors are subject to state-patronized national projects and the gender paradigms those projects entail, they can also obtain empowerment from performing tradition as a way to legitimize their status as culture producers and flexible citizens. Situated as the guardians of a constructed gender balance in society, women performers of oral tradition occasionally find themselves with opportunities to transgress the boundaries of their national and gender norms.; (AN 41729659)
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7.

Afghan modern: the history of a global nation by Roberts, Flora. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p281-283, 3p; (AN 41729661)
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8.

The social process of globalization: return migration and cultural change in Kazakhstan by Satlykgylyjova, Maya. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p283-285, 3p; (AN 41729658)
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9.

Staying at home: identities, memories and social networks of Kazakhstani Germans by Brown, Michael. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p285-287, 3p; (AN 41729662)
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10.

Despite cultures: early Soviet rule in Tajikistan by Samie, August. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p287-289, 3p; (AN 41729660)
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11.

Collectivization and social engineering: Soviet administration and the Jews of Uzbekistan, 1917–1939 by Kamp, Marianne. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p289-291, 3p; (AN 41729663)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 230, no. 1, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 230 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b4, 4p; (AN 42578570)
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2.

CQY volume 230 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f6, 6p; (AN 42578556)
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3.

Unveiling Neoliberal Dynamics: Government Purchase (goumai) of Social Work Services in Shenzhen's Urban Periphery by Cho, Mun Young. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p269-288, 20p; Abstract: AbstractHow has social work, which has emerged as a distinct profession in the PRC with the full support of the party-state, come to produce neoliberal outcomes similar to those found in other, capitalist countries? In this article, I draw attention to the government purchase (goumai) of social work services, which is commonly considered as confirmation of state capacity and leadership rather than the passing on of state responsibilities to civil sectors with tight budgets. Ethnographic research on the actual social work practices in Shenzhen's Foxconn town reveals how neoliberal-style outsourcing has converged with diverse historical legacies, thus creating precarious labour conditions for frontline social workers. Neoliberal dynamics end up filling most of these social work positions with migrant youth from the countryside, reproducing and perpetuating China's rural–urban divide. Institutional efforts at social care may not only reduce the existing inequalities but may also rely upon and even reinforce them.; (AN 42578565)
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4.

The Educational Gradient in Health in China by Chen, Qiulin; Eggleston, Karen; Zhang, Wei; Zhao, Jiaying; Zhou, Sen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p289-322, 34p; Abstract: AbstractIt has been well established that better educated individuals enjoy better health and longevity. In theory, the educational gradients in health could be flattening if diminishing returns to improved average education levels and the influence of earlier population health interventions outweigh the gradient-steepening effects of new medical and health technologies. This paper documents how the gradients are evolving in China, a rapidly developing country, about which little is known on this topic. Based on recent mortality data and nationally representative health surveys, we find large and, in some cases, steepening educational gradients. We also find that the gradients vary by cohort, gender and region. Further, we find that the gradients can only partially be accounted for by economic factors. These patterns highlight the double disadvantage of those with low education, and suggest the importance of policy interventions that foster both aspects of human capital for them.; (AN 42578552)
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5.

The Rise of “Localism” and Civic Identity in Post-handover Hong Kong: Questioning the Chinese Nation-state by Veg, Sebastian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p323-347, 25p; Abstract: AbstractWhile it was traditionally accepted that Hongkongers shared a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that did not contradict their local distinctiveness, over the last decade Hong Kong has seen the rise of new types of local identity discourses. Most recently, “localists” have been a vocal presence. Hong Kong has – quite unexpectedly – developed a strong claim for self-determination. But how new is “localism” with respect to the more traditional “Hong Kong identity” that appeared in the 1970s? The present study takes a two-dimensional approach to study these discourses, examining not only their framework of identification (local versus pan-Chinese) but also their mode of identification (ethno-cultural versus civic). Using three case studies, the June Fourth vigil, the 2012 anti-National Education protest and the 2014 Umbrella movement, it distinguishes between groups advocating civic identification with the local community (Scholarism, HKFS) and others highlighting ethnic identification (Chin Wan). It argues that while local and national identification were traditionally not incompatible, the civic-based identification with a local democratic community, as advocated by most participants in recent movements, is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ethnic and cultural definition of the Chinese nation that is now being promoted by the Beijing government.; (AN 42578573)
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6.

Negotiating Positive Non-interventionism: Regulating Hong Kong's Finance Companies, 1976–1986 by Schenk, Catherine R.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p348-370, 23p; Abstract: AbstractSince colonial times to the present day, Hong Kong's position as a global financial centre is one of the enduring economic strengths of the territory. This success is often attributed to the distinctive role of the state, coined in the 1970s by the-then financial secretary, Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, as “positive non-interventionism.” The relationship between the market and the state has also been characterized as a form of corporatism, particularly in the financial sector as bankers were able to influence policy. However, closer examination of the behind-the-scenes relations between bankers and the state reveals a much more complex relationship, with the banks seeking protection that the government was not willing to provide. Moreover, the reluctance to regulate financial markets resulted in piecemeal interventions and weak implementation that undermined the stability of this sector and of the economy as a whole. This paper demonstrates the confusion over the concept and practicalities of positive non-interventionism, even for Haddon-Cave, and how the concept evolved towards a policy of “when in doubt, do nothing” during a period of financial instability. Along the way, the paper presents new evidence about the origins of Hong Kong's current banking structure.; (AN 42578541)
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7.

The Losing Media? An Empirical Study of Defamation Litigation in China by He, Xin; Lin, Fen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p371-398, 28p; Abstract: AbstractFollowing a well-established research tradition on court decisions, this study analyses 524 defamation cases in China from 1993 to 2013, explores the media's success possibilities, and investigates the role of party capacity, political influence and the medium effect. Contrary to the existing assertions, we find that the media are not necessarily losing. On average, from 1993 to 2013, the success rate of news media in Chinese defamation courts was 42 per cent, and this rate has been increasing since 2005. We also find that government officials and Party organs had consistent advantages in court, while ordinary plaintiffs, magazines and websites had less success. The medium of the media (i.e. print, broadcast, internet) makes a difference, as do the government policies governing the media. In addition, local protectionism exists, but it is less rampant than expected. These findings compel us to rethink the dynamics among the media, the courts and the state, and their implications on China's institutional resilience.; (AN 42578545)
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8.

Thought Work Contested: Ideology and Journalism Education in China by Repnikova, Maria. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p399-419, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the dynamic evolution of China's ideology work through the prism of journalism education. Official sensitivity about both student activism and the media makes journalism education a critical sector for observing how the Party attempts to instil ideology. The article interrogates the process of negotiation of official ideology among authorities, educators and students at elite journalism schools. It demonstrates that alongside state-sanctioned media commercialization and globalization, official influence still looms large in journalism training. Ideological teachings continue to occupy a core place in the curricula, and the authorities deploy a mix of structural oversight, ad hoc surveillance and coercion to keep the educators in check. The effects of the official ideology work, however, are ambivalent, as educators and students engage in the active reinterpretation of the Party's media principles. While these practices do not directly undermine the Party's legitimacy, they demonstrate that official ideology has merely constructed what Yurchak terms a “hegemony of form,” highlighting a degree of vulnerability in China's mode of adaptive authoritarianism.; (AN 42578549)
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9.

Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags: Building Discipline and Collegiality among China's Traditional Rural Midwives in the 1950s by Fang, Xiaoping. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p420-443, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores how the new Communist government developed a political consciousness of discipline and collegiality among traditional rural midwives in Chinese villages during the 1950s. It argues that selected traditional rural midwives were taught to observe discipline by attending meetings and studying, and to develop collegiality with peers through criticism and self-criticism of their birth attendance techniques and personal characters in short training courses from 1951 onwards. A legitimized midwife identity gradually formed in rural communities, but with it came conflicts and rivalry. By keeping these midwives under institutional surveillance and creating a dynamic and constant moulding process, the new government intended to foster professional and political discipline and collegiality within the group based on a normativized notion of selflessness performed within a changing series of indoctrination schemes that demonstrated continuity and complementarity and which I have described as common, preliminary, institutionalized, and dynamic schemes. This article examines how the state attempted to retrain marginalized and derided midwives with appropriate class backgrounds in order to incorporate them into the modern medical world, then still dominated by doctors and nurses with suspect class backgrounds. Ironically, in creating “socialist new people” to intervene in traditional rural birthing practices and introducing fee-for-service professionalism, the CCP accidentally created a degree of petit-capitalist thinking among women whose traditional mode of work may have been more selfless, thus complicating the process of indoctrinating selfless dedication.; (AN 42578559)
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10.

Neither “Bad” nor “Dirty”: High-end Sex Work and Intimate Relationships in Urban China by Yuk-ha Tsang, Eileen. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p444-463, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe relationship between sex workers and their clients is generally characterized as being based entirely on the direct exchange of sexual favours for money. However, this received wisdom cannot account for a nation such as China which attaches significant value to “face,” social status and interpersonal dignity. This paper draws parallels with high-end sex workers elsewhere in Asia as well as globally. With a focus on the high-end sector, I examine how workers and their clients engage not only in pecuniary transactions but also in genuinely intimate and non-remunerative relationships. High-end sex workers make use of their earned economic capital to acquire cultural capital, and use online apps as marketing tools to target local elites and expats to forge longer-term intimate relationships. Male clients in more commercialized, post-industrial cities in China continue to seek diverse types of sexual experiences, with some clients seeking genuine intimacy. Furthermore, I explore how Chinese and foreign clients overcome social barriers to develop such relationships with sex workers. Building on this sociocultural perspective, this paper analyses ethnographically both sides of the female sex worker–client relationship in high-end karaoke lounges and bars in Dongguan, southern China.; (AN 42578551)
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11.

Evaluating the Behaviour of Chinese Stakeholders Engaged in Large Hydropower Projects in Asia and Africa by Tan-Mullins, May; Urban, Frauke; Mang, Grace. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p464-488, 25p; Abstract: AbstractHydropower dams are back in the spotlight owing to a shifting preference for low carbon energy generation and their possible contribution to mitigating climate change. At the forefront of the renaissance of large hydropower dams are Chinese companies, as the builders of the world's largest dams at home and abroad, opening up opportunities for low- and middle-income countries. However, large hydropower dams, despite their possible developmental and carbon reduction contributions, are accompanied by huge economic costs, profound negative environmental changes and social impacts. Using fieldwork data from four hydropower projects in Ghana, Nigeria, Cambodia and Malaysia, this paper evaluates the behaviour of Chinese stakeholders engaged in large hydropower projects in Asia and Africa. We do this by first exploring the interests of the different Chinese stakeholders and then by investigating the wider implications of these Chinese dams on the local, national and international contexts. The paper concludes that hydropower dams will continue to play a prominent role in future efforts to increase energy security and reduce energy poverty worldwide, therefore the planning, building and mitigation strategies need to be implemented in a more sustainable way that takes into account national development priorities, the needs of local people and the impacts on natural habitats.; (AN 42578569)
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12.

Resource Conflict Resolution in China by Zhan, Jing Vivian; Ming, Zeng. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p489-511, 23p; Abstract: AbstractMineral resource extraction has frequently caused social tensions in China. This research examines the reactive and pre-emptive strategies used by the Chinese state to cope with resource conflicts. Based on extensive fieldwork in multiple mining areas, we find that the Chinese local state actively mediates between the mining sector and local citizens, and skilfully suppresses collective protests. More importantly, it pre-emptively intervenes in dispute-prone processes and redistributes resource wealth to create vested interests and mitigate popular grievances. We argue that the active state intervention in resource conflicts in China is driven by the party-state's tight control of local officials, which prevents local capture by resource interests, and enabled by the party-state's deep reach into society, which allows grassroots governments to negotiate between conflicting interests and mobilize resources towards conflict resolution.; (AN 42578562)
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13.

Anti-dumping Practices and China's Implementation of WTO Rulings by Zhou, Weihuan; Zhang, Shu. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p512-527, 16p; Abstract: AbstractWe explore China's behaviour in taking anti-dumping actions, with a focus on those which have been challenged under the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. We argue that the typical motivations behind China's resort to anti-dumping measures include protection, retaliation, industrial development and export promotion. These motivations are likely to carry more weight than China's observance of WTO obligations when deciding whether to impose anti-dumping measures and whether to implement WTO rulings. Brief recommendations are provided to foreign governments and exporters on how to avoid China's anti-dumping actions.; (AN 42578567)
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14.

Book Review: Will Africa Feed China? by Taylor, Ian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p528-529, 2p; (AN 42578542)
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15.

Book Review: The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century by Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p529-531, 3p; (AN 42578557)
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16.

Book Review: Paper Tigers, Hidden Dragons: Firms and the Political Economy of China's Technological Development by Hsieh, Michelle F.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p531-533, 3p; (AN 42578568)
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17.

Book Review: Goodbye iSlave: A Manifesto for Digital Abolition by Chan, Jenny. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p533-535, 3p; (AN 42578547)
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18.

Book Review: Globalization and Security Relations across the Taiwan Strait: In the Shadow of China by Dickey, Lauren. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p535-537, 3p; (AN 42578564)
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19.

Book Review: China and Tibet: The Perils of Insecurity by Weiner, Benno Ryan. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p537-538, 2p; (AN 42578543)
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20.

Book Review: Contesting the Yellow Dragon: Ethnicity, Religion, and the State in the Sino-Tibetan Borderland by Klingberg, Travis. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p538-540, 3p; (AN 42578550)
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21.

Book Review: Chinese Thought as Global Theory: Diversifying Knowledge Production in the Social Sciences and Humanities by Sorace, Christian P.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p540-541, 2p; (AN 42578558)
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22.

Book Review: Children in China by Liu, Fengshu. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p541-543, 3p; (AN 42578571)
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23.

Book Review: Women Warriors and Wartime Spies of China by Roberts, Rosemary. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p543-545, 3p; (AN 42578548)
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24.

Book Review: The Diplomacy of Migration: Transnational Lives and the Making of US–Chinese Relations in the Cold War by Hamilton, Peter E.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p545-547, 3p; (AN 42578561)
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25.

Book Review: China's Porcelain Capital: The Rise, Fall and Reinvention of Ceramics in Jingdezhen by Dillon, Michael. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p547-548, 2p; (AN 42578554)
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26.

Book Review: Taiping Theology: The Localization of Christianity in China, 1843–64 by Kaiser, Andrew T.. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p548-550, 3p; (AN 42578553)
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27.

Book Review: Fact in Fiction: 1920s China and Ba Jin's Family and The Lost Geopoetic Horizon of Li Jieren: The Crisis of Writing Chengdu in Revolutionary China by Veg, Sebastian. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p550-553, 4p; (AN 42578572)
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28.

Book Review: Screening Post-1989 China: Critical Analysis of Chinese Film and Television by Berry, Chris. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p553-554, 2p; (AN 42578546)
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29.

Book Review: Telemodernities: Television and Transforming Lives in Asia by Zhu, Ying. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p554-556, 3p; (AN 42578563)
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30.

Book Review: The Sinophone Cinema of Hou Hsiao-hsien: Culture, Style, Voice and Motion by Udden, James. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p556-557, 2p; (AN 42578566)
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31.

Book Review: To Build a Free China: A Citizen's Journey by Jia, Mark. The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p558-559, 2p; (AN 42578544)
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32.

Books Received The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p560-562, 3p; (AN 42578560)
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33.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, June 2017, Vol. 230 Issue: Number 1 p563-564, 2p; (AN 42578555)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 18, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Conflict Studies and Causality: Critical Realism and the Nomothetic/Idiographic Divide in the Study of Civil War by van Ingen, Michiel. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p387-416, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThe study of civil war has increased exponentially during the post-cold war period. This has not, however, resulted in greater levels of consensus with regard to the causes and nature of this phenomenon. In order to alleviate this situation the current article will draw on critical realist philosophy. It will argue (1) that critical realism provides conflict studies authors with a more sophisticated and coherent understanding of causality than has previously been available to them, and (2) that this understanding paves the way for an approach to social science which – rather than consistently abstracting from context– systematically engages with it.; (AN 41619603)
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2.

Joining by Number: Military Intervention in Civil Wars by Shirkey, Zachary C.. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p417-438, 22p; Abstract: AbstractUnderstanding why and when states militarily intervene in civil wars is crucial. Intervention can increase civil wars’ severity and the strategies employed in civil wars are shaped by the possibility of military intervention. This article argues that potential military interveners react to information revealed about warring parties’ intentions and relative power. Without revealed information, potential military interveners are unlikely to reconsider their initial decision to remain out of the war. Revealed information causes non-belligerent states to update their expectations about the trajectory of the civil war causing them, at times, to change their calculus about the benefits of belligerency and thus intervene. This helps explain why civil wars spread and when they do so. This explanation is tested using generalised estimating equations on a new data-set of unexpected events for the civil wars in the Correlates of War Intrastate War and PRIO Armed Conflict data-sets.; (AN 41619604)
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3.

Do Democracies Support Violent Non-governmental Organizations Less Than Autocracies Do? by Goldman, Ogen. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p439-466, 28p; Abstract: AbstractThis study draws attention to the question: Do democracies fight indirectly through material support to violent non-governmental organizations (VNGOs) which wage intrastate war against other states in general and against democracies in particular, or are democracies less warlike by proxy? The main conclusions are: democracies are less warlike by proxy than non-democratic states, and the more democratic the regime the lower the probability that it will support VNGOs waging war against other states, both in general and against other democracies in particular. The results do not unequivocally support both the monadic or dyadic argument of democratic peaceful behaviour; (AN 41619605)
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4.

Child Soldiering in Colombia: Does Poverty Matter? by Vargas, Gonzalo A.; Restrepo-Jaramillo, Nataly. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p467-487, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChild soldiering remains a challenge for the international community, and non-state armed groups are the most persistent offenders, but its drivers are poorly understood. Recent contributions suggest that decisions by armed groups are the key to explain child soldiering and that contextual variables are less relevant. This article exploits the availability of subnational, longitudinal data on child soldiering in Colombia, where insurgents and private militias have recruited children at least since the 1990s. The analysis shows that child recruitment is more likely in poorer municipalities, with limited access to education, and where coca crops are grown.; (AN 41619606)
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5.

Twenty Years After Dayton: Bosnia-Herzegovina (Still) Stable and Explosive by Kartsonaki, Argyro. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p488-516, 29p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper examines how fragile Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is and whether it is indeed in danger of collapsing, as significant amount of academic literature often claims. The research finds that BiH is not in an immediate danger of collapse. BiH remains peaceful, despite the numerous challenges it faces. However, it comprises an alarming amount of causes of conflict that have been mitigated because both international actors and local elites benefit from the current status quo. Thus, BiH finds itself in a peaceful stalemate, which is likely to continue until a structural change occurs that triggers the outbreak of violent conflict.; (AN 41619608)
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6.

Review Essay by Rose, William; Majkut, Andrew; Strayer, Michelle; Chen, Christopher. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p517-537, 21p; (AN 41619607)
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7.

Networks of Rebellion: Explaining Insurgent Cohesion and Collapse by Rafiq, Samah. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p538-541, 4p; (AN 41619609)
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8.

State Erosion: Unlootable Resources and Unruly Elites in Central Asia by Sharshenova, Aijan. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p541-542, 2p; (AN 41619610)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 17, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

China and the end of the Cold War in Europe by Westad, Odd Arne. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p111-113, 3p; (AN 42587001)
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2.

Socialism Capitalism and Sino-European Relations in the Deng Xiaoping Era, 1978–1992 by Albers, Martin; Chen, Zhong Zhong. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p115-119, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis special issue of Cold War History looks at Sino-European relations during the Reform and Opening period in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the late 1970s onwards. In different ways, the PRC’s connections with states in both Eastern and Western Europe helped shape Beijing’s reform policies under Deng Xiaoping, which laid the basis for China’s economic rise.; (AN 42587000)
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3.

The Soviet Union and China in the 1980s: reconciliation and divorce by Zubok, Vladislav. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p121-141, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article discusses Soviet and Chinese reforms and foreign policies in the 1980s in comparative perspective, in the light of recent archival findings. Ideological rivalry, the main driver of the Sino-Soviet tensions, disappeared and new interests of Beijing and Moscow pushed the two communist countries towards normalisation of relations. The role of geopolitics, security interests, and memories of the past played the role in the Sino-Soviet relations, but this role was secondary to the strategies of reforms and modernisation. Ultimately, the reformist aspirations in both countries pulled them towards the US-led global capitalist system, not towards each other. The article argues that key policy choices by Deng Xiaoping and Mikhail Gorbachev, which made possible China’s rise and the Soviet Union’s collapse, can be better understood in the comparative perspective.; (AN 42587004)
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4.

‘Socialist friends should help each other in crises’: Sino-Polish relations within the Cold War dynamics, 1980–1987 by Gnoinska, Margaret K.. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p143-159, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe article argues that the deep political, economic, and social crisis in Poland in 1980–1981 served as a vehicle for China to pursue its political and ideological agenda towards Eastern Europe, which it previously treated as marginal in its economic modernization efforts. The article also shows that while the Polish leadership used China economically to help with its survival, it did not go beyond the constraints laid out by the framework dictated by the Sino-Soviet split.; (AN 42587003)
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5.

To ‘educate’ Deng Xiaoping in capitalism: Thatcher’s visit to China and the future of Hong Kong in 1982 by Mark, Chi-kwan. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p161-180, 20p; Abstract: This article examines Thatcher’s 1982 visit to China concerning Hong Kong’s future. The visit occurred at the critical historical junctures of the rise of Thatcherism in post-Falklands Britain and of the growth of Deng Xiaoping’s nationalist sensitivities. With her strong belief in capitalism, Thatcher aimed to convince Deng that Hong Kong’s prosperity depended on confidence, which in turn rested on the continuation of British administration beyond 1997. With his nationalist feelings towards Taiwan stirred by America, Deng regarded Hong Kong’s return to China as a non-negotiable principle. Thatcher’s project of ‘educating’ Deng in capitalism was doomed to failure.; (AN 42587002)
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6.

A significant periphery of the Cold War: Italy-China bilateral relations, 1949–1989 by Fardella, Enrico. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p181-197, 17p; Abstract: This paper aims to analyse the evolution of Sino-Italian relations from the foundation of the PRC to the end of the Cold War, with a special focus on the construction of the official relationship from 1970 to 1992. The article has been divided into three parts: a critical reflection on the historical context that set the ground for the evolution of Sino-Italian relations between the 1950s and the 1970s; an assessment of the historical impact of normalisation; and a reconstruction of the main dynamics in bilateral relations between 1970 and 1992.; (AN 42587005)
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7.

A Superpower Transformed: The Remaking of American Foreign Relations in the 1970s by Mitchell, Nancy. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p198-200, 3p; (AN 42587006)
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8.

Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World by Lüthi, Lorenz. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p200-201, 2p; (AN 42587007)
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9.

Innocent Weapons: The Soviet and American Politics of Childhood in the Cold War by Baron, Nick. Cold War History, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p202-204, 3p; (AN 42587008)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 50, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Historical memory and political propaganda in the Russian Federation by Vázquez-Liñán, Miguel. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p77-86, 10p; Abstract: This paper explores the hegemonic discourse on historical memory in contemporary Russia, in addition to its political implications. Furthermore, the role played by the Russian media system in the dissemination of the memory discourse endorsed by the Kremlin, and its impact, are also described. The analysis is carried out in a theoretical framework that advocates for the need for delving deeper into the intersections between communication and memory studies.; (AN 41884024)
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2.

Gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy by Wegren, Stephen K.; Nikulin, Alexander; Trotsuk, Irina; Golovina, Svetlana. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p87-98, 12p; Abstract: This article analyzes gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy. Continuation of unequal gendered roles in Russia's rural informal economy suggests that tradition and custom remain strong. Gender differentials in time spent tending the household garden remain significant, as is the distribution of household tasks into gendered roles in ways that effect professional advancement for women. Land ownership is the domain of men, and women are not owners in Russia's new economy. Moreover, men earn more from entrepreneurial activity, a function of how male and female services are valued and priced in society. Responsibility that is shared includes the marketing of household food. The conclusion is that institutional change is less impactful on gender inequality than persistence of culture and tradition.; (AN 41884025)
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3.

Post-communist democracy vs. totalitarianism: Contrasting patterns of need satisfaction and societal frustration by Klicperova-Baker, Martina; Košťál, Jaroslav. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p99-111, 13p; Abstract: Frustration/satisfaction under the post-Communist democracy and under the pre-1989 Communist authoritarianism were studied in the Czech Republic in 2008 using a nationwide sample of 1093 respondents and an original Societal Frustration inventory. The patterns of frustration were contrastingly opposite: The past was dominated by the memory of oppression, of curtailed self-actualization yet fulfilled basic needs. In contrast, current democracy allowed for free self-actualization but the intensity of the current frustrations has exceeded the past frustrating memories. Main current complaints included a) general insecurity, lack of fulfillment of basic needs; b) corruption, low political culture, decline of civility (rudeness, envy, and ethnic intolerance). The results and their discussion help to explain the psychology of Communism, post-Communism, transition, and democratic consolidation.; (AN 41884026)
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4.

The Eastern partnership in Georgia: Europeanizing civil society? by Rommens, Thijs. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p113-123, 11p; Abstract: Through the Eastern Partnership the EU specifically attempts to strengthen democracy in Georgia. Lacking strong conditionality, the EU has to rely on a different approach to democracy assistance, such as a network governance mode. The implementation of EU policies has led to an expanding institutional network where NGO inclusion has been strengthened. However, this form of network governance operates within the realities of the domestic political and international context, influencing its effectiveness and impact. Despite the increased involvement of NGOs in EU policies the role and impact of civil society within Georgian politics and society has remained limited.; (AN 41884023)
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5.

On Europeanisation, national sentiments and confused identities in Georgia by Tsuladze, Lia. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p125-133, 9p; Abstract: This paper analyses Georgians' popular online discourses on Europeanisation in the period between Georgia's initialling and signing of the Association Agreement with the EU (November 2013–June 2014). It investigates the ambivalence encountered by Georgians: Despite their long-lasting aspiration towards EU integration, hopes of gaining political security, economic stability, and cultural integration are accompanied by doubts and fears of asymmetric power relations, diminishing national sovereignty, and declining national identity. Despite these doubts, EU integration is considered to be the only right choice for the country, encouraging Georgians, who readily perform their pro-European aspirations on the international “front stage”, to push their uncertainties and respective national sentiments to the domestic “backstage”.; (AN 41884028)
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6.

Elite preferences and transparency promotion in Kazakhstan by Öge, Kerem. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p135-143, 9p; Abstract: This paper evaluates the factors that shape the establishment of transparent institutions in resource-rich countries with a specific focus on Kazakhstan. Specifically, it draws upon in-depth interviews and analysis of key institutions to understand the pace and intensity of transparency reforms in the Central Asian state. It argues that external transparency promotion can lead to institutional reform only when it is matched with strong elite incentives in favor of reforms. Kazakhstan has had few incentives to comply with Western-initiated norms before 2014, an era of relative economic security. As a consequence, the political elite often stalled the successful implementation of reforms. However, the economic turbulence following the fall of oil prices and Russia's annexation of Crimea have motivated the Kazakh government to embrace the norm of transparency in order to attract foreign investment.; (AN 41884027)
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7.

Corruption-oriented model of governance in contemporary Russia by Pavroz, Alexander. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 p145-155, 11p; Abstract: This article reveals Russian paradox: the combination of high level of corruption with strong and relatively effective government. In the focus of attention lies the examination of relations between the corruption and the processes of socio-political transformations of the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries and the particularities of the corruption integration into the government of Russia. Basing upon the concept of the corruption as a political and administrative rent the author arrives to the conclusion about the formation of the corrupt model of governance in Russia. The article analyses factors which give relative efficiency to the Russian model of corrupt governance as well as the costs and contradictions of it. The author also reaches the conclusion that corruption-oriented model of governance is prospectless and makes a point that effective anti-corruption measures in Russia can be carried out only in case of current regime change and consequent realization of democratic, market and administrative reforms.; (AN 41884029)
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8.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, June 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 2 pIFC-IFC; (AN 42414752)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 36, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Russian strategy Expansion, crisis and conflict by Payne, Keith B.; Foster, John S.. Comparative Strategy, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p1-89, 89p; Abstract: AbstractRussian foreign military actions, defense initiatives, markedly expanded conventional and nuclear arms programs, internal repression, and egregious arms control non-compliance are elements of an increasingly assertive and threatening agenda. In this text, we call out and examine the apparent grand strategy underlying Russian policies, programs and behavior.This examination demonstrates that Russian grand strategy now includes a deeply-troubling mix of ingredients, including increasing hostility toward the West, expanding conventional and nuclear weapons programs, a military doctrine that place much greater emphasis on nuclear weapons and military campaigns against neighboring states.These developments have created the potential for escalating political military crises in Europe and may be more dangerous than were Soviet Cold War policies and behavior. In particular, contemporary Russian nuclear strategy is intended to coerce the West and enforce Moscow's expansionist moves with nuclear first-use threats and planning that go well beyond Soviet Cold War behavior.; (AN 41546729)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 17, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction by Tadros, Mariz; Allouche, Jeremy. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p183-186, 4p; (AN 42585638)
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2.

Political settlements as a violent process: deconstructing the relationship between political settlements and intrinsic, instrumental and resultant forms of violence by Tadros, Mariz; Allouche, Jeremy. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p187-204, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis article explores the opportunities and conundrums of understanding violence at critical junctures following ruptures in political orders through the prism of political settlements. While there is an emerging body of scholarship on political settlements, we specifically examine its relationship to violence, which we argue has been under-theorised. Through comparative country case studies (Bangladesh, Egypt, Kenya, Sierra Leone), we examine in a historicised manner how these types of settlements interact with various forms of violence at various scales. The article reconceptualises political settlements in relation to three forms of violence, intrinsic, instrumental and resultant, and shows how multi-scale dynamics and formal/informal interactions shape the violent nature of political settlements in different contexts.; (AN 42585640)
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3.

Violence and the breakdown of the political settlement: an uncertain future for Bangladesh? by Hassan, Mirza; Nazneen, Sohela. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p205-223, 19p; Abstract: AbstractWe explore the dynamics of the elite political settlement in Bangladesh after the democratic transition in 1991 and its impact on the elite interactions in the arena of competitive electoral democracy. We trace the history of how a political settlement around regime succession developed in the mid-1990s, and then experienced difficulties in multiple stages, and finally broke down in 2011. Violence was instrumentally used, by the ruling elites and the main opposition party, to influence the processes of negotiations around the succession of power. We argue that ‘partyarchy’—where political parties exert informal control of the party through formal processes and institutions—and dynastic rule prevent the political elites from reaching a stable settlement around regime succession. We also show how the changes to the rules of the game around regime succession have led to a qualitative shift in the extent and nature of violence in the political domain, and explore why democratic consolidation remains elusive.; (AN 42585639)
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4.

Politics, exit strategy and political settlement in Sierra Leone: a critical analysis of a laboratory experiment (1991–2015) by Allouche, Jeremy. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p225-246, 22p; Abstract: AbstractA glance at key indicators—in terms of growth forecast and stable elections—will project Sierra Leone as a political settlement model for a post-conflict state. Sierra Leone has been an important laboratory for UN and international donors’ interventions and thinking. However, efforts by the international donor community to decentralise power to the margins, both geographically and demographically, have failed. Instead, this focus on the institutions of governance has allowed the same elite to maintain power. Sierra Leone today shares similar socio-economic and political conditions with the Sierra Leone before the outbreak of the civil war. A detailed analysis of the country’s socio-economic trends, its political institutions and the logic and dynamics of violence show a disturbing picture. While the international community considered that an exit strategy was feasible, the political settlement remains an experiment in that it is detached from everyday life and livelihood concerns of Sierra Leoneans and reveals the structural violence behind this process.; (AN 42585642)
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5.

Small wars in Marsabit County: devolution and political violence in northern Kenya by Scott-Villiers, Patta. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p247-264, 18p; Abstract: AbstractWhen the elections of 2013 devolved budgetary and legislative powers to 47 counties in Kenya, there was nationwide relief when they passed off peacefully. The new county governments settled down to bargaining over local powers and appointments, delivering on their new institutional mandates, spending money and dealing with recentralisation manoeuvres. Now with the 2017 elections looming, the question has been raised, will there be violence? Based on qualitative interviews with citizens of the northern town of Marsabit shortly after the 2013 elections, this article presents citizens’ views on how devolution affected political competition, including how familiar repertoires of violence were used to influence not only the vote but also the construction of the new country government. To explain what concerned voters in the newly devolved county, the article explores the role played by colonially constituted ‘ethnicity’ in control of land and citizenship in the pastoralist north of Kenya and in the evolution of politics and the state after independence. It shows how the new configuration of power brought by devolution in 2013 has not yet resolved people’s feelings of deep insecurity over territorial tenure. It offers insight into the task faced by devolved institutions in relation to land, adding texture to current literature on the politics of devolution.; (AN 42585641)
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6.

A political settlements lens onto Egypt’s critical junctures and cyclic violence (2011–2014) by Tadros, Mariz. Conflict, Security and Development, May 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p265-286, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhile there is a copious body of literature explaining Egypt’s political trajectory post-Mubarak through the lens of democratisation and transition theory, this paper argues that by using a political settlements lens, a less linear reading of the events can be offered, which highlights several attempts through both peaceful and violent means of arriving at negotiated agreements. The paper analyses the forging of three political settlements, one informal (2011) and two formal (2012, 2013) following the demise of the Mubarak regime in Egypt and the influence of intrinsic, instrumental and resultant violence on power configurations. It argues that the formal political settlement forged in Egypt in 2013 following the ousting of President Morsi cannot be read independently of the exclusionary outcomes of the informal political settlement forged in 2011 and the demise of the Fairmont Agreement of 2012. The paper relies on empirical data, including survey and focus groups undertaken in 2013–2014, complemented with secondary literature in Arabic and English.; (AN 42585643)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 38, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Changes to the editorial board by Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 41613874)
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2.

The 2017 Bernard Brodie Prize Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p2-3, 2p; (AN 41613875)
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3.

Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective by Frühling, Stephan; O’Neil, Andrew. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p4-25, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmerica’s alliances in Europe and East Asia all involve some institutional cooperation on U.S. nuclear weapons policy, planning or employment—from consultative fora in Asia to joint policy and sharing of nuclear warheads in NATO. Such cooperation is often analyzed through the prism of “extended nuclear deterrence,” which focuses on the extension of U.S. security guarantees and their effect on potential adversaries. This article argues that this underplays the importance of institutional factors: Allies have historically addressed a range of objectives through such cooperation, which has helped to catalyze agreements about broader alliance strategy. The varied form such cooperation takes in different alliances also flows from the respective bargaining power of allies and the relative importance of consensus, rather than perceived threats. The article concludes that nuclear weapons cooperation will remain crucial in successful U.S. alliance management, as allies negotiate their relationship with each other in the face of geostrategic change.; (AN 41613879)
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4.

Security assurances and proliferation risks in the Trump administration by Knopf, Jeffrey W.. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p26-34, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTComments that Donald Trump made while campaigning to be U.S. president have raised concerns that his administration will pull back from U.S. alliance commitments and encourage countries such as Japan and South Korea to acquire nuclear arms. The new article by Frühling and O’Neil outlines an institutional framework that can be helpful in assessing the risks that Trump administration policies will lead to nuclear proliferation. An institutional perspective shows that important elements of U.S. security assurances will continue to function, and this reduces the chances that President Trump’s actions or statements will trigger proliferation by U.S. allies. The greatest risk to global non-proliferation efforts posed by a Trump administration in fact lies elsewhere, in the possibility that President Trump will seek to abrogate the Iran nuclear deal.; (AN 41613876)
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5.

Let’s make a (nuclear) deal: Bargaining, credibility, and the third offset strategy by Jackson, Van. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p35-40, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAn institutional perspective on nuclear deterrence cooperation within alliances has the potential to fundamentally reorient how we think about analyzing nuclear and deterrence decision-making between nuclear patrons and non-nuclear clients. It comes at a time when the presidency of Donald Trump is sure to test many of the core claims and assumptions in security studies, especially relating to bargaining and credibility within alliances. This article surveys questions that will be core to the research agenda involving alliance institutions and nuclear weapons during the Trump presidency and beyond.; (AN 41613878)
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6.

Goodbye to all that? Institutionalist theory, U.S. alliances, and Donald Trump by Lanoszka, Alexander. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p41-46, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn an important and stimulating article, Stephan Frühling and Andrew O’Neil argue in favor of applying institutionalist theory to understand the alliance politics of U.S. nuclear weapons strategy. But what promise does institutionalist theory really hold in thinking about highly unequal alliances nested in their particular threat environments? I argue that much work remains to be done to determine how much better institutionalist variables explain intra-alliance dynamics over alternative arguments that emphasize power and interests. Balances of power and the nature of threat environments may already account for key aspects of extended deterrent relationships supported by the United States in Europe and Asia. Ironically, the implication of this more traditional interpretation of alliances is that more continuity than change will characterize how Donald Trump will manage U.S. security relationships as President.; (AN 41613877)
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7.

Nuclear weapons and alliance institutions in the era of President Trump by Frühling, Stephan; O’Neil, Andrew. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p47-53, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe swearing in of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States presages, at the very least, a period of flux in American strategy with respect to the relationship between nuclear weapons and alliances. In this response to three thoughtful rejoinders to our article, “Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective,” we clarify key aspects of our argument and discuss why alliance institutions are likely to be relatively robust in the face of change, how they can influence national decision-making, and argue that they may exert a moderating influence over the new administration.; (AN 41613883)
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8.

The nuclear education of Donald J. Trump by Michaels, Jeffrey; Williams, Heather. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p54-77, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the 2016 American presidential campaign, Democrats and Republicans alike repeatedly raised concerns at the prospect of Donald Trump being in charge of America’s nuclear arsenal based on his seemingly unstable personality. Unfortunately, this emphasis on Trump’s character distracted attention from any in-depth investigation into his long-standing interest in nuclear issues. This article seeks to remedy this shortcoming by highlighting the nuclear legacy Trump will inherit from Obama, surveying his statements on nuclear issues over more than three decades, and providing an analysis of constraining factors on his administration’s nuclear agenda, particularly domestic institutions. It finds that most of Trump’s views on nuclear issues are relatively consistent with past Republican presidents. Where he is unique, however, is in his use of social media, which has potential implications on nuclear signaling.; (AN 41613880)
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9.

Reconsidering minimum deterrence in South Asia: Indian responses to Pakistan’s tactical nuclear weapons by O’Donnell, Frank. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p78-101, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIndia’s nuclear doctrine and posture has traditionally been shaped by minimum deterrence logic. This logic includes assumptions that possession of only a small retaliatory nuclear force generates sufficient deterrent effect against adversaries, and accordingly that development of limited nuclear warfighting concepts and platforms are unnecessary for national security. The recent emergence of Pakistan’s Nasr tactical nuclear missile platform has generated pressures on Indian minimum deterrence. This article analyzes Indian official and strategic elite responses to the Nasr challenge, including policy recommendations and attendant implications. It argues that India should continue to adhere to minimum deterrence, which serves as the most appropriate concept for Indian nuclear policy and best supports broader foreign and security policy objectives. However, the form through which Indian minimum deterrence is delivered must be rethought in light of this new stage of regional nuclear competition.; (AN 41613882)
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10.

New directions for African security by Haastrup, Toni; Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p102-108, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfrican security, particularly conflict-related political violence, is a key concern in international relations. This forum seeks to advance existing research agendas by addressing four key themes: domestic politics and peacekeeping; security sector reform programs; peace enforcement; and the protection of civilians. Each of the articles in this forum makes a case for analyzing African agency when it comes to African security. As a way of introduction, this short article sets out the main debates and concludes by providing further directions for future research.; (AN 41613881)
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11.

Rentier peacekeeping in neo-patrimonial systems: The examples of Burundi and Kenya by Brosig, Malte. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p109-128, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInternational peacekeeping in Africa has developed dynamically in the last decade. The majority of global missions are deployed to the continent, the largest regional contingent of troops comes from Africa, and the African Peace and Security Architecture has made significant progress. Peacekeeping is Africanized today more than at any time before. However, mainstream research has insufficiently paid attention to African agency in this context. This article sheds light on the often neglected influence of African politics on international peacekeeping missions. The focus is set on the consequences of neo-patrimonial political systems, which can use international peacekeeping missions as an opportunity to generate rents. It will be shown that such a rent-seeking approach is highly problematic for the troop-contributing as well as mission-hosting countries. Instead of curbing conflict, rentier peacekeeping is prolonging and exporting it. The empirical examples used are the Burundian and Kenyan involvement in peacekeeping in Somalia.; (AN 41613884)
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12.

Security sector reform in Africa: Donor approaches versus local needs by Ansorg, Nadine. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p129-144, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually.; (AN 41613885)
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13.

Peace enforcement in Africa: Doctrinal distinctions between the African Union and United Nations by de Coning, Cedric. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen the United Nations (UN) Security Council needs to authorize a peace enforcement operation in Africa, its partner of choice is the African Union (AU). Africa has developed significant peace operations capacity over the past decade. In addition to deploying eight AU operations, Africa now contributes 50% of all UN peacekeepers. African stability operations, like its mission in Somalia, are often described as peace enforcement operations. In this article, I question whether it is accurate to categorize African stability operations as peace enforcement? I answer the question by considering what the criteria are that are used to differentiate between peace enforcement and peacekeeping operations in the UN context. I then use the peace enforcement criteria to assess whether AU stabilization operations would qualify as peace enforcement operations. In conclusion, I consider the implications of the findings for the strategic partnership between the AU and the UN.; (AN 41613886)
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14.

Civilian protection in Africa: How the protection of civilians is being militarized by African policymakers and diplomats by Gelot, Linnéa. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p161-173, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how the protection of civilians is being militarized by African policymakers and diplomats. I draw on practice approaches to analyze what social groups are doing when they claim to “protect civilians.” I show how innovative protection mechanisms can be seen as a function of officials and diplomats coping with the changing circumstances of increasingly militarized politics in Africa. Specifically, accountability mechanisms for unintended and intended civilian harm by African security operations have originated in connection with this development. I argue that these are results of anchoring practices, which means that everyday informal interactions in one context become linked to another context. I argue that these emerging accountability mechanisms represent a new combination of practices, with the potential of changing the routine activities and mutual learning between policymakers and diplomats.; (AN 41613887)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 52, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Water for peace? Post-conflict water resource management in Kosovo by Krampe, Florian. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p147-165, 19p; Abstract: Water resource management (WRM) has increasingly come to be considered within the realm of peacebuilding. Through investigating the case of water resource management in Kosovo after 1999, this study argues that the international community has treated post-conflict water resource management as a primarily technical issue, to the neglect of its complex political nature. This has impeded the peacebuilding process in three ways. First, it consolidated the physical separation of actors through allowing separate water governance structures. Second, it avoided conflictive issues instead of actively engaging in conflict resolution. Third, it incapacitated locals by placing ownership in the hands of external actors. To redress this tripartite dilemma, this study stresses the need for research that provides deeper theoretical and empirical understanding of the political mechanisms that connect WRM to post-conflict reconstruction efforts.; (AN 41896887)
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2.

How does war become a legitimate undertaking? Re-engaging the post-structuralist foundation of securitization theory by Wilhelmsen, Julie. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p166-183, 18p; Abstract: How does war become a legitimate undertaking? This article challenges the interpretation of securitization as a narrow, linear and intentional event by re-engaging the post-structuralist roots of Copenhagen School securitization theory. To uncover the social process that makes war acceptable, the framework presented in this article is informed by securitization theory but foregrounds the web of meaning and representation between a myriad of actors in society to unearth the contents – and changes – in how war is articulated and carried out with public consent. This matters not only for the question of how war becomes a legitimate undertaking, but also for the very practices through which the war is fought: the emergency measures that are enabled in a discourse of existential threat. The article re-visits the Second Chechen War to illustrate how war is made logical and legitimate to leaders and their publics.; (AN 41896880)
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3.

Civil society in a divided society: Linking legitimacy and ethnicness of civil society organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina by Puljek-Shank, Randall; Verkoren, Willemijn. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p184-202, 19p; Abstract: Civil society (CS) strengthening is central to peacebuilding policies for divided, post-war societies. However, it has been criticized for creating internationalized organizations without local backing, unable to represent citizens’ interests. Based on in-depth empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article focuses on the legitimacy of CS organizations (CSOs). It explores why legitimacy for donors rarely accompanies legitimacy for local actors. We hypothesized that whilst donors avoid supporting mono-ethnic organizations, seen as problematic for peacebuilding, ‘ethnicness’ may provide local legitimacy. However, our analysis of CSOs’ ethnicness nuances research characterizing organizations as either inclusive or divisive. Moreover, local legitimacy is not based on ethnicness per se, but CSOs’ ability to skilfully interact with ethnically divided constituencies and political structures. In addition, we offer novel explanations why few organizations enjoy both donor and local legitimacy, including local mistrust of donors’ normative frameworks and perceived lack of results. However, we also show that a combination of local and donor legitimacy is possible, and explore this rare but interesting category of organizations.; (AN 41896886)
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4.

The politics of Arctic international cooperation: Introducing a dataset on stakeholder participation in Arctic Council meetings, 1998–2015 by Knecht, Sebastian. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p203-223, 21p; Abstract: Contemporary Arctic transformations and their global causes and consequences have put international cooperation in the Arctic Council, the region’s most important forum for addressing Arctic affairs, at the forefront of research in Northern governance. With interest in Arctic regional affairs in world politics being at a historical high, the actual participation and contribution by interested actors to regional governance arrangements, such as the Arctic Council, has remained very much a blind spot. This article introduces and analyses a novel dataset on stakeholder participation in the Arctic Council (STAPAC) for all member states, Permanent Participants and observers in Ministerial, Senior Arctic Officials’ and subsidiary body meetings between 1998 and 2015. The article finds that participation in the Arctic Council varies significantly across meeting levels and type of actors, and that new admissions to the Council, a source of major contestation in recent debates, do not necessarily result in more actors attending. The article further discusses these findings in light of three prevalent debates in Arctic governance research, and shows the empirical relevance of the STAPAC dataset for the study of Arctic cooperation and conflict, observer involvement in the Arctic Council system and political representation of indigenous Permanent Participants.; (AN 41896885)
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5.

Norm advocacy networks: Nordic and Like-Minded Countries in EU gender and development policy by Elgström, Ole. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p224-240, 17p; Abstract: This article investigates the informal networks of Member States that are claimed to be the drivers of EU gender and development policy. The aim is to highlight the negotiation strategies used in gender and development negotiations and to link these to network characteristics. I categorise the characteristics of the Nordic and the like-minded groupings, relying on network theory and investigate their modes of influence. The article is based on interviews with officials at the Permanent Representations and EU institutions in Brussels. My results demonstrate that the Nordics and the Like-Minded Countries constitute informal networks with frequent interaction. Network members share information and coordinate initiatives. The findings show a preference for gradual entrapment and framing rather than shaming and exclusion. The choice of strategies can be linked to network characteristics: the like-minded network is non-formalised and open, and as the ambition is to spread the norms of the like-minded also to reluctant actors, network participants prefer gradual entrapment and traditional diplomatic initiatives before confrontation. Norm promotion normally occurs in concentric circles negotiations, mirroring the layered structure of the network. This article contributes to the literature on informal governance in EU foreign policy by highlighting key strategies used in intra-EU policy networks.; (AN 41896882)
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6.

French military careers and European security integration: How internationalisation changes military socialisation by Boncourt, Thibaud. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p241-260, 20p; Abstract: This study uses qualitative data on the trajectories of French military officers to provide preliminary hypotheses on the internationalisation of military careers and the dynamics of international military socialisation. It is divided into three sections. The first section provides an overview of the structure of the French armed forces and gives details on the biographical qualitative methods used throughout the article. The second and third sections describe the types of internationalisation that occur during the first and second phases of military careers respectively. The article mainly contends that French officers are unprepared for the type of internationalisation they experience in the framework of European security institutions. In spite of prior experiences of international contexts, they are forced to learn most of their work on the job and to improvise in their handling of international interactions and negotiations. These findings are shown to have implications for debates in the sociology of professions and the study of European security integration.; (AN 41896883)
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7.

Who governs Norwegian maritime security? Public facilitation of private security in a fragmented security environment by Aarstad, Åsne Kalland. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p261-279, 19p; Abstract: This article analyses the Norwegian governance of maritime security that surrounds the accommodation of armed private security provision on board Norwegian-registered ships, and questions the role of Norwegian public authorities. In 2011, the Norwegian government introduced a new legal framework that explicitly permitted the use of armed private security for ships transiting piracy-prone waters. Through an in-depth examination of the agenda setting, implementation and evaluation phases of the new policy, the article analyses the roles and responsibilities performed by the involved actors. Comparing the empirical case study of Norway with the governance literature, it is argued that public actors neither ‘steer’ nor ‘row’, rather they function as facilitatorsin and for a governance arrangement that is essentially industry-driven in character. This facilitating role encompasses elements of both acceptance and contribution, where a low degree of public control was accepted in return for a flexible and low-cost/risk scheme against piracy. As such, the facilitating role does not support the view that contemporary security governance is a zero-sum game between public and private actors. Instead, the facilitating capacities of public authorities are seen as their competitive advantage in an increasingly fragmented security environment. This article contends that although maritime governance inhabits peculiarities related to both the shipping industry’s global competitive character and the maritime domain’s geographical distance from public authorities, the Norwegian governance of maritime security is nevertheless deeply embedded in global governance structures. This underscores the need to address the maritime domain as constitutive of global politics and, in turn, treat the ‘facilitating argument’ developed here as potentially relevant for the broader governance literature.; (AN 41896879)
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8.

Why study EU foreign policy at all? A response to Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire by Dijkstra, Hylke; Vanhoonacker, Sophie. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p280-286, 7p; Abstract: In an important article on the state of European Union (EU) foreign policy research, Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire show that academics excessively focus on the study of the EU foreign policy system and EU implementation rather than the consequences of EU foreign policy for recipient countries. While the article is empirical, based on a dataset of 451 published articles on EU foreign policy, the normative message is that it is time to stop ‘navel-gazing’ and pay more attention to those on the receiving end of EU foreign policy. We welcome this contribution, but wonder why certain research questions have been privileged over others. We argue that this has primarily to do with the predominant puzzles of the time. We also invite Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire to make a theoretical case for a research agenda with more attention to outside-in approaches. We conclude by briefly reflecting on future research agendas in EU foreign policy.; (AN 41896888)
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9.

Book review: Diplomacy and Security Community-Building: EU Crisis Management in the Western Mediterranean by Fernandez-Molina, Irene. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p287-289, 3p; (AN 41896881)
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10.

Book review: Non-State Challenges in a Re-Ordered World: The Jackals of Westphalia by Millar, Gearoid. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p289-290, 2p; (AN 41896884)
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11

Current History
Volume 116, no. 790, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Contentious Politics of African Urbanization by Paller, Jeffrey. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p163-169, 7p; Abstract: “The prospects for sustainable urban development are embedded in larger political struggles.”; (AN 41807045)
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2.

AIDS in Africa: Progress and Obstacles by Mojola, Sanyu. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p170-175, 6p; Abstract: “Many African countries are still a long way from being able to sustain their own prevention and treatment efforts, and continued momentum is dependent on global funding and support.”; (AN 41807061)
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3.

South Africa’s Divided Working-Class Movements by Paret, Marcel. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p176-182, 7p; Abstract: “South Africa’s organized labor movement is now, arguably, weaker and more fragmented than at any other time in the past three decades. Disagreement over how unions should relate to the ruling party, the ANC, is central to this fragmentation.”Eighth in a series on labor relations around the world.; (AN 41807051)
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4.

The Long Shadow of Genocide in Rwanda by Thomson, Susan. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p183-188, 6p; Abstract: “Rather than addressing the trauma inflicted by genocidal violence, the ruling party has used a program of national ethnic unity and reconciliation to reinforce its political authority.”; (AN 41807063)
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5.

Mali’s Enduring Crisis by Wing, Susanna. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p189-193, 5p; Abstract: “The surge of resources devoted to antiterrorism has not only been ineffective. It has diverted attention from ongoing failures of the government and political elites to tackle Mali’s most challenging issues: corruption and poverty.”; (AN 41807067)
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6.

Perspective: A Nigerian President’s Disappointing Return by Obadare, Ebenezer. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p194-196, 3p; Abstract: Muhammadu Buhari, who made bold promises to clean up the political system and put the economy on a firmer footing, has dashed high expectations with his directionless leadership.; (AN 41807069)
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7.

Books: Saints and Sinners in Somalia by Menkhaus, Ken. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p197-199, 3p; Abstract: A veteran journalist’s account of the life of a colorful former mayor of Mogadishu offers insights into the complex realities of a city and a country often reduced to caricature.; (AN 41807073)
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8.

Month in Review: March 2017 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p200-200, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in March, country by country, day by day.; (AN 41807084)
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9.

Map of Africa by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 pmap-Map; Abstract: Map; (AN 41807083)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 28, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Carlos Pestana Barros by Gil-Alana, Luis Alberiko; Faria, Joao Ricardo. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p271-271, 1p; (AN 41898381)
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2.

The role and capabilities of major weapon systems transferred between 1950 and 2010: Empirical examinations of an arms transfer data set by Johnson, Richard A.I.. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p272-297, 26p; Abstract: Arms transfers provide exporters an avenue to provide security to other states while gaining economic benefits. Arms transfers provide importers an avenue to gain security without having to rely on alliances. Past research uses aggregate measures of the monetary or security value of major weapon system transfers without accounting for strategic differences in possible use in interstate and civil conflict. This article presents a data set on interstate transfers of major weapon systems between 1950 and 2010 building upon Stockholm Peach Research Institute’s Arms Trade Register with several improvements. First, it disaggregates land weapons and air weapons into categories reflecting their strategic capabilities. Second, model level characteristics (e.g. age, speed, and range) are drawn from Jane’s Defence sources. Additionally, the data set covers a larger range of time and states than previous data sets categorizing arms. To demonstrate the usefulness, this article first presents summary statistics of the data set and then replicates an earlier test to show that the effect of human rights and regime types on United States transfers differs across the categories of arms compared to alternative measures of arms transfers.; (AN 41898382)
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3.

The effects of local elections on national military spending: A cross-country study by Deng, Liuchun; Sun, Yufeng. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p298-318, 21p; Abstract: In this paper, we study the domestic political determinants of military spending. Our conceptual framework suggests that power distribution over local and central governments influences the government provision of national public goods, in our context, military expenditure. Drawing on a large cross-country panel, we demonstrate that having local elections will decrease a country’s military expenditure markedly, controlling for other political and economic variables. According to our preferred estimates, a country’s military expenditure is on average 20% lower if its state government officials are locally elected, which is consistent with our theoretical prediction.; (AN 41898383)
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4.

A survey of performance issues in defence innovation by Martí Sempere, Carlos. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p319-343, 25p; Abstract: This article reviews innovation processes in defence. It analyses the way and the context under which these processes are carried out. The article covers the features of defence goods with impact on innovation, the development of a new good, the institutional arrangements that support these processes and the effect of innovation on industrial market. The analysis helps to identify the causes of facts observed in practice, such as poor performance in terms of product quality, cost or delivery time, as well as to assess potential remedies. Some policy implications, which can be derived from this analysis, are finally outlined.; (AN 41898384)
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5.

Quarrelsome committees in US defense acquisition: the KC-X case by Franck, Raymond; Udis, Bernard. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p344-366, 23p; Abstract: When the US Air Force set out to acquire a new aerial tanker (the KC-X), two highly suitable alternatives were offered. What could have been a short and simple source selection turned into a prolonged embarrassment. The original selection of 100 leased KC-767s was made in May 2003. But the KC-46 is expected to be operational in 2017 – more than a decade later. Our primary purpose here is to narrate and explain key events in the KC-X program. We search for useful paradigms, based in part on the US Government being better viewed as a quarrelsome committee than a monopsonist. In addition, we consider what this case might tell us about the US defense acquisition system.; (AN 41898385)
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6.

Budget allocation, national security, military intelligence, and human capital: a dynamic model by Pecht, Eyal; Tishler, Asher. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p367-399, 33p; Abstract: This study develops a dynamic model that integrates military intelligence into the defense capability of the country and the optimal allocation of its government budget. We assert that the effectiveness of the country’s military intelligence is contingent on the quality of its human capital, which, in turn, implies a long-term positive relationship between the government’s various civilian expenditures and its capacity to achieve a cost-effective intelligence and, hence, military capability. This relationship is developed within a multiple-period arms race model between two rivals. Using this model and stylized data for the Israeli–Syrian arms race, we show that an appropriate budget shift from defense to civilian expenditures during the initial periods of the planning horizon will gradually (over a decade, say) increase the quality of human capital in the country and, thus, the effectiveness of its intelligence, which, in turn, will increase the country’s future security and welfare.; (AN 41898386)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 17, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Homes for heroes? Assessing the impact of the UK’s Military Covenant by Dover, Robert; Gearson, John. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p115-134, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe British Military Covenant can be located in and from many sources and from 2011 onwards in primary legislation. This article argues that the provision of military housing amounts to an early test of how the military covenant is understood and used by those involved in defence policy, and those in the armed forces affected by it. It finds that housing was a prominent feature of how service personnel understood how they were valued, but was not explicitly understood as a covenant issue by those personnel or the officials in charge of the Defence Estates. We locate three reasons for this: (1) the covenant has been poorly translated from aspiration into policy practice, (2) the covenant is unevenly understood across its stakeholders which has the effect of generating disappointment through misaligned expectations, (3) those engaged in the reform process surrounding the Defence Infrastructure Organisation (DIO) saw the covenant as a means to energise reform. Ultimately housing was seen as a dry and technocratic business area and thus an issue ripe for being refracted through the covenant was ultimately left outside of its remit.; (AN 41945444)
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2.

The underlying causes of military outsourcing in the USA and UK: bridging the persistent gap between ends, ways and means since the beginning of the Cold War by Erbel, Mark. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p135-155, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reappraises the two most-studied country cases of military outsourcing: the USA and the UK. It argues that the contemporary wave of military contracting stretches back to the beginning of the cold war and not only to the demobilisation of armies in the 1990s or the neoliberal reforms introduced since the 1980s. It traces the political, technological and ideational developments that laid the groundwork for these reforms and practices since the early cold war and account for its endurance today. Importantly, it argues that a persistent gap between strategic objectives and resources, i.e. the challenge to reconcile ends and means, is an underlying driver of military contracting in both countries. Contemporary contracting is thus most closely tied to military support functions in support of wider foreign and defence political objectives. Security services in either state may not have been outsourced so swiftly, if at all, without decades of experience in outsourcing military logistics functions and the resultant vehicles, processes and familiarities with public-private partnerships. The article thus provides a wider and deeper understanding of the drivers of contractualisation, thereby improving our understanding of both its historical trajectory and the determinants of its present and potential futures.; (AN 41945446)
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3.

Missile warfare and violent non-state actors: the case of Hezbollah by Samaan, Jean-Loup. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p156-170, 15p; Abstract: AbstractOver the last three decades, Hezbollah adapted its military strategy and the operational function conferred to its missiles. Starting in 1992, rocket warfare became one of the primary tactics of the group to compel Israeli Forces in Lebanon. After the Israeli withdrawal in 2000, the strategy evolved into a deterrence posture to support the Party’s objective to remain the primary military power inside Lebanon. Hezbollah’s posture could serve as a template for smaller terrorist groups. It would broaden the array of strategic options for violent non-state actors, allowing them to implement military postures that could be described as rudimentary and low-cost denial of access strategies. However, this scenario would require the same level of state support that Hezbollah currently enjoys from Iran, and that other non-state actors (Hamas, Houthi insurgents) do not at this stage.; (AN 41945447)
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4.

British and German initiatives for defence cooperation: the Joint Expeditionary Force and the Framework Nations Concept by Saxi, Håkon Lunde. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p171-197, 27p; Abstract: AbstractAt NATO’s 2014 Wales Summit, the UK and Germany unveiled two new initiatives for European defence cooperation, known, respectively, as the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and the Framework Nations Concept (FNC). Both were the result of economic pressures and the need to exercise intra-alliance leadership, but they represented very different approaches to cooperation. The JEF was to be a UK-led contingency force for short-notice operations, selectively incorporating forces from allies and partners. The FNC sought to coordinate capability development between groups of allies, centred on larger framework nations, to develop coherent capability-clusters available to meet NATO’s force requirements. The common denominator and novelty of the initiatives was the building of forces and capabilities multinationally by having major states act as framework nations for groups of smaller allies. The UK and Germany have ownership and continue to provide leadership to these initiatives. This is one key reason why they continue to evolve to accommodate changing circumstances and are likely to endure.; (AN 41945445)
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5.

Comparable deterrence – target, criteria and purpose by Sörenson, Karl. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p198-213, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe last decade has seen several advances in the study of deterrence. These advances have sparked some strong disagreements regarding interpretation of the models and what their contributions signify. This paper appraises the discussions from a model theoretic perspective. It is argued that when comparing rivalling models three aspects; (i) target, (ii) criteria and (iii) type of purpose should be taken into account in order to make a proper appraisal. Informed by these aspects it is evident that the three deterrence models analysed address different aspects, in different ways and to different ends. From this perspective, the so-called Perfect Deterrence model must be recognised as a clear advancement in the research field. Model comparison will always be context relative and a plurality of models should be viewed favourably.; (AN 41945448)
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6.

NATO and collective defence in the twenty-first century: an assessment of the Warsaw summit by Devanny, Joe. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p214-217, 4p; (AN 41945449)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin; Palmore, Julian. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p77-78, 2p; (AN 41803896)
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2.

US paramilitary programs in comparative perspective: CIA, the US Army Special Forces, and the question of organizational form by Strandquist, Jon. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p79-93, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAssumed in the long-standing debate over which agency, CIA or the Department of Defense, should conduct US paramilitary operations is the idea that these organizations’ paramilitary programs are fundamentally the same kinds of things. This article questions that assumption by investigating the organizational forms underlying these agencies’ paramilitary programs in four empirical cases drawn from South Vietnam and post-9/11 Afghanistan. A typology is constructed around two identified organizational forms: “franchising” for CIA vs. “company ownership” for the US Army Special Forces. Different paramilitary organizational forms are found to have significant operational implications that should inform the paramilitary transfer debate.; (AN 41803900)
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3.

The Millenials’ war: dilemmas of network dependency in today’s military by Crosston, Matthew. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p94-105, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis work is about how the United States military has become dependent on networked technology. As arguably the largest contributor to national security, it has become so dependent that its chief doctrine integrates networked technology into nearly every specialty, with particularly intense focus on Network Centric Warfare. As the military’s old guard is replaced by the highly technical Millenial Generation, there is cause to pause when assuming this techno-acuity brings nothing but advantage and success. Vulnerabilities stemming from such extensive dependence offer opportunities for exploitation that have not gone unnoticed. The first step to moving forward from this point is to fully understand the extent to which the military has become dependent on computer networks. It might be the Millenials’ war today, but it would be quite unwise for the United States military to think about it and fight it in a purely Millenial way.; (AN 41803895)
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4.

Life in the “Gray Zone”: observations for contemporary strategists by Wirtz, James J.. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p106-114, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe term “Gray Zone” is gaining in popularity as a way of describing contemporary security challenges. This article describes the “short-of-war” strategies – the fait accompli, proxy warfare, and the exploitation of ambiguous deterrence situations, i.e. “salami tactics” – that are captured by the term and offers several explanations for why state and non-state actors are drawn to these strategies. The analysis highlights why defense postures based on deterrence are especially vulnerable to the short-of-war strategies that populate the “Gray Zone.” The article concludes by suggesting how defense officials might adapt defense policies to life in the “Gray Zone.”; (AN 41803894)
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5.

The US NATO and military burden sharing: post-Cold War accomplishments and future prospects by Cimbala, Stephen J.; Kent Forster, Peter. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p115-130, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNATO burden sharing has become an especially timely issue in the past several years as a result of a number of factors, including Russian annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine in 2014. This article argues that alliance unity among the great democracies of Europe and North America is indispensable to peace and stability on the Eurasian continent. A fractured NATO, and especially, a large divide in purposes or commitments as between the United States and its European security partners, invites aggression and the possibility of inadvertent escalation. Past successes and failures in US-involved multinational peace and stability operations, within and outside of Europe, show that mission accomplishment requires give and take, including the occasional acceptance of unequal costs and benefits among the members, in order to achieve peace and security objectives.; (AN 41803899)
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6.

The correlates of transatlantic burden sharing: revising the agenda for theoretical and policy analysis by Becker, Jordan. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p131-157, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile recent work has attempted to update the research agenda for transatiantic defense burden-sharing, there remain significant gaps between the public choice defense economics literature and the security studies literature. The presence of such a gap is unfortunate, because defense spending choices are likely shaped by factors identified by the public choice literature, as well as the strategic and cultural variables that the security studies literature tends to focus on, as well as domestic macroeconomic factors. The independent variables identified in recent qualitative literature are extremely useful analytically, and, fortunately, they have reasonable proxies in available quantitative data, which enables scholars to study them across large groups of countries and many years. This article builds upon such work to synthesize the most notable of the factors identified in the current literature, and offers some common analytical ground that will benefit both scholars and practitioners..; (AN 41803897)
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7.

European defence industry consolidation and domestic procurement bias by Kluth, Michael. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p158-173, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow have European cross-border defence industrial mergers and acquisitions affected domestic procurement bias among the major EU powers? This article departs from the findings of Andrew Moravcsik more than two decades ago suggesting that major West European states had no ingrained preferences for defence industrial autarchy. When cross-national armament projects were derailed, this could be attributed to political efforts of national defence industrial champions favouring purely domestic projects. As former national champions join pan-European defence groups, their preferences are likely modified. Does this shift procurement towards non-European “off-the-shelf” solutions which, according to Moravcsik, are favoured by defence departments? Or does it give impetus to a stronger preference for European as opposed to domestic systems? In this article, procurement patterns in the aftermath of cross-border defence industry consolidation will be analysed. Procurement bias is assessed in two industry segments characterised by pervasive consolidation.; (AN 41803898)
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8.

“Made in China”: an emerging brand in the global arms market by Li, Ling; Matthews, Ron. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p174-189, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPossession of a brand is a sine qua nonfor economic success, not least because it connotes trust in delivering the value promised. Although Western arms exporters offer branded systems whose sales are influenced by price, there is a plethora of other economic variables, such as offset requirements and life-cycle support. Entrants to the international arms market will struggle without such arms “packages.” China’s entry, however, goes beyond the traditional economic paradigm. A four-stage historical model offers the backdrop for identifying the drivers that have forged its market entry into 55 countries worldwide. The strategy initially focused on sales of rudimentary military equipment for political purposes, but recently it has begun to commercialize exports, repositioning them from a low- to a high-tech sales trajectory. A Sino “brand” is thus emerging, reflecting both competitiveness and diplomatic considerations, especially non-interference in client state domestic affairs.; (AN 41803901)
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15

Democratization
Volume 24, no. 5, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Midwives or gravediggers of democracy? The military’s impact on democratic development by Kuehn, David. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p783-800, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe political role of the military and its impact on the emergence, persistence and consolidation of new democracies has generated a large body of scholarship. In the light of military coups in a number of Third Wave democracies such as Ecuador (2000), Thailand (2006 and 2014), Honduras (2006) and Mali (2012), the return to electoral competition in a number of military-dominated regimes, and the military’s pivotal role during the Arab Spring, this research has recently focused on the forms, reasons and consequences of military contestation on democratic development. This special issue contributes to this recent scholarship by analysing both the potentially beneficial as well as the deleterious implications of military contestation on democratic transitions, quality and persistence in different world regions. This article introduces the special issue by providing a broader context for the four individual contributions and relates their findings to the recent theoretical and empirical literature on the military’s role as a midwife or gravedigger of democracy.; (AN 42167012)
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2.

Military loyalty and the failure of democratization in Africa: how ethnic armies shape the capacity of presidents to defy term limits by Harkness, Kristen A.. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p801-818, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe military plays a crucial role in furthering or hindering democratization in Africa. Beyond direct intervention through coups, armies more subtly and perniciously condition the political trajectory of states through their loyalty. Leaders who can rely on unwavering military support for protection against internal unrest face fewer risks and greater chances of success in rolling back liberalization and entrenching authoritarian practices. Constructing ethnic armies, which tie the fate of soldiers to the regime, is a profoundly powerful way to affect such loyalty. Through a mixed methods analysis of presidential bids to challenge term limits, including a paired comparison of Senegal and Cameroon, I demonstrate that ethnic armies triple the chances of success and, in so doing, encourage defiance in the first place: 82% of presidents backed by ethnic armies attempt to defy their constitutions and extend their hold on power, as opposed to 31% of other leaders. Conversely, ethnically diverse armies are far more likely to defend constitutional politics and constrain leaders to abide by term limits. The ethnic composition of the military thus critically shapes the prospects for African liberalization.; (AN 42167013)
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3.

Economic interdependence and post-coup democratization by Chacha, Mwita; Powell, Jonathan. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p819-838, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite being traditionally seen as the largest threat to democratization, coups have recently been argued to provide a window of opportunity for a democratic transition. Central to post-coup democratization is the belief that the international community can exert sufficient leverage to coerce coup-born governments to allow a transition to civilian rule. We contribute to this young body of work by theorizing that less coercive aspects of transnational economics can prompt coup-born governments to voluntarily transition to civilian rule. In short, we argue that coups in states that are more closely tied to the international economy through trade dependence, and are more vulnerable to loss of investor confidence due to reliance on high contract intensiveness, will see coup-born governments attempt to legitimize a new government and to restore confidence in the rule of law by swiftly stepping down. A cross-national assessment of over 200 coups from 1950 to 2010 provides strong support for the argument, as trade dependence and contract intensive money are far stronger determinants of post-coup democratization than other factors commonly associated with democratization.; (AN 42167016)
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4.

Explaining military coups and impeachments in Latin America by Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal; Polga-Hecimovich, John. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p839-858, 20p; Abstract: We develop a unified theory of presidential instability to explain why presidents are removed from office through military coups or through legal procedures. While some causal factors motivate opponents to overthrow the president irrespective of the specific mechanism employed, other factors expand the relative capabilities of groups inclined to pursue military or civilian action. The first group of variables, including economic recession, protests, and radicalization, explains why presidents fall. The second set of variables, including regional diffusion, partisan support for the executive, and normative support for democracy, explains how they are ousted. We test this theory using discrete-time event history models with sample selection on a novel database for 19 Latin American countries between 1945 and 2010.; (AN 42167015)
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5.

Conditions of military contestation in populist Latin America by Kuehn, David; Trinkunas, Harold. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p859-880, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLatin America experienced recurring episodes of populism, and of military reaction against populists, during the twentieth century, frequently ending in coups d’état. In the twenty-first century, military coups appear to have died out even as populist regimes returned during the third wave of democracy. This paper examines military contestation in populist regimes, both left and right, and how it has changed in the contemporary period. Combining fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Latin American presidencies (1982–2012) and four focused case analyses, we find that military contestation in contemporary populist regimes is driven by radical presidential policies that threaten or actually violate the institutional interests of key elites, among them the military, which in turn is facilitated by the interplay of political, social, economic, and international conditions. Counterintuitively, two of these conditions, the presence of rents and regime capacity for mass mobilization, operate in theoretically unexpected ways, contributing to military contestation.; (AN 42167014)
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6.

The international politics of authoritarian rule, by Oisín Tansey by Kamerling, Jil. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p881-882, 2p; (AN 42167018)
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7.

Recycling dictators in Latin American elections: legacies of military rule by Brett J. Kyle by Pion-Berlin, David. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p882-884, 3p; (AN 42167017)
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8.

Armies and insurgencies in the Arab Spring, edited by Holger Albrecht, Aurel Croissant, and Fred Lawson by Bou Nassif, Hicham. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p884-886, 3p; (AN 42167019)
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9.

Military missions in democratic Latin America, by David Pion-Berlin by Kuehn, David. Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 5 p886-888, 3p; (AN 42167020)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Female Heroes in a Man's World: The Construction of Female Heroes in Kyrgyzstan's Symbolic Nation-building by Blakkisrud, Helge; Abdykapar kyzy, Nuraida. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p113-135, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:This article explores how Kurmanzhan Datka and other female heroes fit into the heavily male-dominated narrative traditionally promoted by Kyrgyz nation-builders. From a reading of state-approved secondary school history textbooks, the article traces the construction of female heroes and discusses how this construction contributes to the gender dimension of Kyrgyz nation-building: What values do these female symbols appear to represent? Which roles have they been assigned in the process of Kyrgyz nation-building? And what consequences may this have for the reproduction of hegemonic gender conceptions?; (AN 42055509)
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2.

Lake Baikal and Russia's Environmental Policy Process by Martus, Ellen. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p137-153, 17p; Abstract: Abstract:Lake Baikal is an important environmental symbol in Russia, and one of the few cases to have attracted significant attention from environmentalists, the government, and the international community. While in many ways a unique case, the protection of Lake Baikal provides valuable insight into policymaking in Russia and highlights some of the major challenges associated with environmental conservation efforts. This article will focus on key developments in the post-Soviet environmental policy process, using the examples of the 1999 Law on Baikal, and the closure of the Baikal Pulp and Paper Plant. The case of Lake Baikal reveals a policy process characterized by high levels of intervention from political leadership, frequent changes in direction, and an insular decision-making context with only limited input from environmental actors.; (AN 42055295)
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3.

The Rise and Fall of Local Self-Government in Petrozavodsk by Turchenko, Mikhail. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p155-173, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines the causal mechanism that resulted in the recall of the Petrozavodsk city mayor at the end of 2015. The analysis shows that the regional authorities played the leading role in occasioning this outcome. They decided to remove the Petrozavodsk mayor after failing to control her actions in office. The key step toward implementing this decision was eliminating the autonomy of local political elites, who supported the mayor. The regional authorities replaced popular mayoral elections in the city with the appointment of a city manager in order to assure their political control in the future. This case study demonstrates that the survival of mayoral governance and direct mayoral elections in Russian cities depend on mayoral loyalty to the regional authorities.; (AN 42055397)
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4.

The Donbass War: Outbreak and Deadlock by Matsuzato, Kimitaka. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 2 p175-201, 27p; Abstract: Abstract:Between 1997 and 2004, the Party of Regions (POR) became the dominant party in Eastern Ukraine by channeling social discontent to regionalist protests and grabbing the potentially pro-Communist vote. Yet, precisely because of this, the population of Eastern Ukraine lost an outlet for social discontent that it had had during the Communist dominance there in the 1990s. After the Euromaidan Revolution, aware that their position had been weakened by Yanukovych's flight, the POR leaders of Donets'k Oblast appeased the Novorussian movement to use it as a bargaining chip with the new Kyivan authorities. This appeasement gave the early Novorussian movement tremendous opportunity to consolidate itself. The Novorussian movement consolidated itself as the Donets'k and Luhans'k People's Republics, but Russia requested that these republics' leaders abandon their initial revolutionary targets and obey the Minsk Process if they wished Russia to help them.; (AN 42055465)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 9, no. 1-3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Computational linguistics analysis of leaders during crises in authoritarian regimes by Dowell, Nia M.; Windsor, Leah C.; Graesser, Arthur C.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p1-12, 12p; Abstract: We investigated linguistic patterns in the discourse of three prominent autocratic leaders whose tenure lasted for multiple decades. The texts of Fidel Castro, Zedong Mao, and Hosni Mubarak were analyzed using a computational linguistic tool (Coh-Metrix) to explore persuasive linguistic features during social disequilibrium and stability. The analyses were guided by the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion, which contrasts central versus peripheral routes to persuasion. Results show these leaders utilize the central persuasion route, with more formal discourse patterns during times of crises versus non-crises. A significant interaction between leader age and armed conflict revealed interesting adaptive characteristics. Specifically, leaders' formality decreases over time in both crises and non-crises times, but this attenuation is less prominent during crisis periods. The implications of these results are discussed in the context of using computational linguistics analyses to generate potential predictive models of social disequilibrium and to advance our understanding of authoritarian regimes.; (AN 41221373)
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2.

What a difference two years make: patterns of radicalization in a Philippine jail by Kruglanski, Arie W.; Gelfand, Michele J.; Sheveland, Anna; Babush, Maxim; Hetiarachchi, Malkanthi; Ng Bonto, Michele; Gunaratna, Rohan. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p13-36, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent high-profile terrorist attacks have led to attempts by social scientists to investigate the processes behind radicalization. Prisons have been identified as possible breeding grounds for radical extremism. However, the evidence so far is based almost solely on case studies. The research provides one of the first quantitative assessments of prison radicalization with directly measured extremist attitudes among detained terrorism suspects. The findings suggest that the prisoners indeed radicalized over time. This trend was predicted partially by demographic variables such as marital status, and psychological factors such as the need for cognitive closure (NFCC) and social dominance orientation (SDO).; (AN 41221374)
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3.

Cuing moral transcendence reduces support for torture and disentangles it from retributive and utilitarian concerns by Callaghan, Bennett; Hansen, Ian G.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p37-56, 20p; Abstract: AbstractWe investigated the impact of moral schemas with differing levels of “transcendence” on attitudes towards torture. Participants were exposed to one of three morality-relevant experimental conditions priming different levels of moral transcendence – with moral transcendence understood as the primary psychological dimension distinguishing preconventional, conventional and postconventional reasoning. Participants later considered two hypothetical detainee scenarios. For each detainee, participants judged the importance of punishment and seeking information, and evaluated the appropriateness of “severe interrogation”, either abstractly conceived (ACSI) or concretely described (CDSI). Across scenarios, the correlations between desiring information, desiring punishment, and recommending CDSI were strongest in the least transcendent condition and weakest in the most transcendent, suggesting that greater primed transcendence reduced associations between supporting CDSI and two common motivations of such support. Exposure to more transcendent moral schemas was also associated with a monotonic decline in support for CDSI in the two scenarios.; (AN 41221375)
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4.

Ideological rationality and violence: An exploratory study of ISIL’s cyber profile by Derrick, Douglas C.; Sporer, Karyn; Church, Sam; Scott Ligon, Gina. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p57-81, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis exploratory study examines the narrative space of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Specifically, we developed a methodology to gather, archive, and analyze ISIL’s online presence in social media. Our sample was drawn from transient websites (N= 8308) collected between August 2015 and October 2015. From this pool, we coded a random sample of 100 English-only articles for violent, pragmatic, and ideological themes. Exploratory factor analyses revealed two constructs: violence and ideological rationality. Our findings offer insight into the messaging and organizational dynamics of ISIL. We conclude with implications and future directions.; (AN 41221376)
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5.

Designing and implementing programmes to tackle radicalization and violent extremism: lessons from criminology by Cherney, Adrian. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p82-94, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe field of criminology has helped to inform research and debate on the causes and prevention of terrorism. It has also provided important insights into understanding and tackling radicalization and violent extremism. In this paper the criminological field of crime prevention is drawn on to highlight how lessons from crime prevention policy and practice can help inform the ways central and local governments, authorities and community-based organizations programmatically (at the level of planning, designing and implementing policy or strategies) respond to radicalization and violent extremism. The five key lessons/insights covered are (1) the possible iatrogenic effects of interventions, (2) the need to use credible voices, (3) limits of diversion, (4) tension between central and local priorities, and (5) sustainability and capacity building. The aim is to highlight how various pitfalls in programme design and delivery can be overcome in the field of deradicalization and countering violent extremism. While the issues canvassed are not an exhaustive list, this paper reflects similar attempts to identify how experiences from other policy fields can help inform counter-terrorism efforts.; (AN 41221377)
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6.

Effect of foreign military intervention and controlled territory on the operational tempo of al-Shabaab attacks by Regens, James L.; Mould, Nick; Sartorius, Christopher M.; O’Dell, Jonathan. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p95-107, 13p; Abstract: AbstractHarakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (commonly referred to as al-Shabaab) is the largest radical Islamist organization in Somalia and one of the oldest Islamist militant groups operating in Africa. This article analyzes the effects of foreign military intervention and the ability of the group to control territory on the operational tempo of al-Shabaab’s terrorist campaign. We examine the monthly distribution of attacks for 1050 successful attacks that occurred between December 2007 and December 2014 to assess fluctuation in operational tempo. A multivariate model is specified to estimate the impact of prior operational tempo, external military intervention, and the group’s ability to control territory within Somalia on variation in current operational tempo. Precipitation is included in the model as a variable to control for the effect of the rainy season in sub-Saharan Africa, which potentially reduces the group’s operational tempo by limiting its mobility. Focusing on the patterns associated with individual attacks over time and their relationship to internal and external influences provides insights into the role that prior operational tempo, controlled territory, and foreign military intervention play in facilitating or constraining the operational dynamics of the al-Shabaab terrorist organization, which may be replicated by groups operating elsewhere that combine insurgency with terrorism.; (AN 41221378)
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7.

Editorial Board Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 pebi-ebi; (AN 41221379)
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