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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 43, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Introduction to Armed Forces & Society: Special Issue on Women in the Military by Moore, Brenda L.; Moore, Brenda L.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p191-201, 11p; Abstract: This Armed Forces & Societyissue is on women in the contemporary armed forces in the United States and other nations to include the South African National Defense Force and the Australian Defense Force. This issue contains a collection of nine papers, each reviewing a current aspect of women serving in the military since the post–Vietnam War Era. There are also two review essays of Megan Mackenzie’s book, Beyond the Band of Brothers: The US Military and the Myth That Women Can’t Fight.An overview of changing laws and the expanding role of women in the military is provided in this introduction, as well as summaries of the nine articles, and comments on the two book reviews mentioned above.; (AN 41811133)
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2.

Conceptualizing the Tensions Evoked by Gender Integration in the Military: The South African Case by Moore, Brenda L.; Heinecken, Lindy. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p202-220, 19p; Abstract: The South African military has adopted an assertive affirmative action campaign to ensure that women are represented across all ranks and branches. This has brought about new tensions in terms of gender integration, related to issues of equal opportunities and meritocracy as well as the accommodation of gender difference and alternative values. The argument is made that the management of gender integration from a gender-neutral perspective cannot bring about gender equality, as it obliges women to conform to and assimilate masculine traits. This affects women’s ability to function as equals, especially where feminine traits are not valued, where militarized masculinities are privileged and where women are othered in ways that contribute to their subordination. Under such conditions, it is exceedingly difficult for women to bring about a more androgynous military culture espoused by gender mainstreaming initiatives and necessary for the type of missions military personnel are engaged in today.; (AN 41811136)
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3.

Just a Girl in the Army: U.S. Iraq War Veterans Negotiating Femininity in a Culture of Masculinity by Moore, Brenda L.; Crowley, Kacy; Sandhoff, Michelle. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p221-237, 17p; Abstract: This article considers the experiences of 12 U.S. Army women combat veterans. These women served in historically significant roles as some of the first women to officially serve in combat in the U.S. military. This article focuses on the role of gender in these women’s experiences in the context of the masculine culture of the military. We explore how they used performance of masculinity and metaphors of family to fit into their combat units. We also deliberate on how sexual harassment was used against these women in ways that communicated that they were not fully accepted. Finally, we consider the tension between empowerment and disempowerment in these women’s narratives of their military service.; (AN 41811134)
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4.

Australian School Student Aspirations for Military Careers: Traditional Perceptions in Shifting Contexts by Moore, Brenda L.; Gore, Jennifer; Fray, Leanne; Wallington, Claire; Holmes, Kathryn; Smith, Max. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p238-259, 22p; Abstract: Modern military organizations are making a concerted effort to recruit a more diverse range of people, with the role of women in the military at the forefront of debate. In Australia, in response to the changing role of the military and with the aim of positioning the military as an “employer of choice” for women, females are targeted as early as high school. Using data from a study of 6,492 Australian school students in Years 3–12, we examine student aspirations for military careers. Student aspirations were influenced by traditional perceptions of the military as a primarily masculine enterprise. Key reasons for student interest included dominant notions of masculinity, familial military experience, career options, and enlistment benefits. We argue that current views of the military among school children signal the need to shift such perceptions to appeal to a wider range of people and attract a more diverse workforce.; (AN 41811143)
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5.

Gender and the Military Profession: Early Career Influences, Attitudes, and Intentions by Moore, Brenda L.; Smith, David G.; Rosenstein, Judith E.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p260-279, 20p; Abstract: As increasing numbers of women are recruited into the U.S. Navy, retention of women (especially in combat occupational specialties) lags behind men. Data indicate that women and men leave the Navy because of impact on their family. Lack of career persistence for women in nontraditional professions such as science, technology, engineering, and math professions has also been attributed to social psychological factors including self-efficacy, stereotype threat, and bias. We build on this research to examine the military and service academies’ socialization of women into a traditionally male profession through role model influence. Surveys were collected from students at the U.S. Naval Academy (USNA) on their work–family expectations. Results show a gendered difference in career intentions and influences by male and female non-USNA peers, but not from their families or officers. Expected work–family conflict, gender ideology, and family formation intentions were employed to explore relationships between work and family expectations.; (AN 41811145)
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6.

Gender and Deployment Effects on Pro-Organizational Behaviors of U.S. Soldiers by Moore, Brenda L.; Woodruff, Todd; Kelty, Ryan. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p280-299, 20p; Abstract: This study examines whether gender moderates the relationships between deployment and both organizational identification and pro-organizational behaviors. The broader context motivating this study is the U.S. military’s 2016 rescission of the ground combat exclusion, accomplishing full gender integration in the armed forces. Structural equation modeling is used to test for gender moderation effects. Results reveal deployment frequency, but not current deployment, has small effects on several pro-organizational behaviors. Results also show that gender does not moderate the effects of deployment frequency on soldiers’ perceptions of the organization or economic or social satisfaction. Gender does moderate the effects of deployment frequency on soldiers’ identification with the army. Additionally, while gender was not found to moderate the relationship between combat deployments and overall pro-organizational behaviors among soldiers, it does moderate the effect of deployments on one pro-organizational item: sacrificing behavior. Implications are discussed with an eye toward full gender inclusion in the U.S. military.; (AN 41811138)
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7.

The Australian Defence Force Academy Skype Sex Scandal: Understanding the Implications of Containment by Moore, Brenda L.; Habiba, Princess. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p300-321, 22p; Abstract: In 2011, the Australian Defence Force Academy became embroiled in a sex scandal when a cadet made public, claims of abuse. Her claims led to a number of inquiries, which unveiled many other historical abuse claims. As such, this case revealed some of the potential problems associated with the containment of such disputes. To explore this further, a brief review of workplace changes (1930–present) was conducted, which highlighted the development of current containment measures. This was followed by a two-pronged case analysis of the 2011 Australian Defence Force Academy Skype sex scandal. Boltanski’s process theory was used in conjunction with Bourdieu’s field theory to study the containment of the case. Combined, these analyses revealed that, while a focus on the central players and their relations as psychologized/personal is a main strategy for containment, this approach can deflect attention from other factors that play important roles, resulting in more significant, far-reaching problems.; (AN 41811140)
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8.

Race, Gender, and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in the U.S. Military: Differential Vulnerability? by Moore, Brenda L.; Mustillo, Sarah A.; Kysar-Moon, Ashleigh. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p322-345, 24p; Abstract: U.S. service women were exposed to more combat-related trauma in recent wars compared to prior conflicts and consequently faced an increased risk of trauma-related mental health outcomes. In this study, we examined gender by race differences in self-reported post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and clinician diagnoses in a large sample of U.S. Black and White service men and women returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, to determine whether women overall and Black women in particular are at an increased risk of PTSD compared to Black and White men. Using three PTSD measures—two symptom-based measures assessed at different times and one diagnosis measure—we found more traumatic combat exposures were associated with higher PTSD risk for service women compared to service men, but there was no additional increase in risk of PTSD for Black females.; (AN 41811141)
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9.

Women Military Veterans, Disability, and Employment by Moore, Brenda L.; Prokos, Anastasia; Cabage, LeAnn N.. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p346-367, 22p; Abstract: This study contributes to the growing body of literature about women veterans of the U.S. military by investigating how veteran status and disability are related to women’s ability to work. The study uses nationally representative data to analyze labor market outcomes of women who served in the U.S. military since 1973, with a focus on findings about women who have served since 2001. Results indicate women who served after 2001 are more likely to have a disability when compared to men veterans and women nonveterans. Those women veterans who do not have a disability are more likely to be employed than their nonveteran counterparts, net of controls for demographic factors. Disability, including service-related disability, is strongly related to unemployment and being out of the labor force. The discussion considers the implications of women’s military service for their ability to work.; (AN 41811142)
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10.

Aiming High: Explaining the Earnings Advantage for Female Veterans by Moore, Brenda L.; Padavic, Irene; Prokos, Anastasia. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p368-386, 19p; Abstract: This study investigates how veteran status influences earnings for working-age American women. Recent increases in women’s participation in the U.S. military mean that the proportion of female veterans is rising and is forecast to increase over the next 30 years. Yet we still know relatively little about the relationship between women’s military experience and later labor-market outcomes. Drawing on American Community Survey data from 2008 to 2010 and employing a new set of occupational categories better suited to veterans, we investigate how occupation and race/ethnicity influence the effect of veteran status on women’s earnings. Findings corroborate previous support for the “bridging hypothesis” in two ways. First, veterans are overrepresented in higher paying occupations and underrepresented in the lowest paying ones, partially accounting for their higher earnings. Second, military experience particularly enhances the earnings of disadvantaged race/ethnic minority women.; (AN 41811144)
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11.

Book Review: Beyond the band of brothers: The U.S. military and the myth that women can’t fight by Moore, Brenda L.; Fair, Christine. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p387-390, 4p; (AN 41811137)
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12.

Book Review: Beyond the band of brothers: The U.S. military and the myth that women can’t fight by Moore, Brenda L.; Fordahl, Clayton. Armed Forces & Society, April 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 2 p390-392, 3p; (AN 41811139)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Engagement with empire as norm and in practice in Kazakh nomadic political culture (1820s–1830s) by Martin, Virginia. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p175-194, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers an analysis of the Kazakh nomadic political culture of the 1820s–30s with focus on two issues: (1) service and loyalty as elements of Kazakh engagement with the Russian Empire; and (2) the place in local political practice of the regional administrative offices (diwans) created for Middle Horde Kazakh nomads in 1822. While Russia’s goal was ‘bureaucratization’ and creation of ‘order’ in the steppe, in part through directing nomads to engage with the diwanand its elected Kazakh officials, Kazakh political actors variously embraced and rejected formal structures, and continued to define relevant norms and practices of governance. The analysis challenges both statist and nationalist narratives of nineteenth-century Kazakh steppe history by acknowledging the complexities of the Kazakh nomadic experience of empire-building. The ultimate purpose is to suggest new approaches for interpreting historical change throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth.; (AN 41729655)
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2.

Venerating the pir: patron saints of Muslim ceramists in Uzbekistan by Kikuta, Haruka. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p195-211, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn some Central Asian oasis towns, the patron saints of craftsmen, known as pirs, have continued to be venerated, despite the repression of Islam and changes to the industrial structure during the Soviet Era. This paper analyses the social function and individual significance of pirveneration in the modern era, using ethnographic observations and interviews conducted in a ceramics town in Uzbekistan. Today, many old customs practised in pottery studios have become mere formalities, and the controlling role of the pirs over ceramist groups is declining. However, this is not necessarily indicative of an immediate decline in the pirs’ power. Some ceramists believe their highly skilled masters to be quasi-pirs and that the pirprovides them with desirable goals, in addition to an ideal form to which to aspire.; (AN 41729653)
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3.

Coercive capacity, land reform and political order in Afghanistan by Murtazashvili, Ilia; Murtazashvili, Jennifer. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p212-230, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article compares four historical periods in Afghanistan to better understand whether land reform in the post-2001 context will improve prospects for political order. Its central finding is that political order can be established without land reform provided that the state is able to establish and maintain coercive capacity. However, the cost of establishing political order mainly through coercion is very low levels of economic development. We also find that when land reform was implemented in periods of weak or declining coercive capacity, political disorder resulted from grievances unrelated to land issues. In addition, land reforms implemented in the context of highly centralized political institutions increased property insecurity. This suggests the importance of investing in coercive capacity alongside land reform in the current context but also that establishing inclusive political institutions prior to land reform will increase its chances of success.; (AN 41729654)
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4.

Pathways to child work in Tajikistan: narratives of child workers and their parents by Akilova, Mashura. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p231-246, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTA recent child-work study by the International Labour Organization reports that 27% of children in Tajikistan ages 5–17 worked in 2013. Although children worked in agriculture or performed household chores in Soviet Tajikistan, child work for pay is a relatively new phenomenon in modern Tajikistan. This study examines the pathways to child work and the families’ perceptions of child work experiences. Some of the main findings of this study are the themes connected to normalization and acceptance of child work in Tajikistan. These are explained by expectations placed on children at the social, family and personal levels that are in turn affected by macroeconomic forces that are by-products of the transitional economy. The study also explores differences in expectations by gender, age and area of residence.; (AN 41729656)
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5.

Gender and the academic profession in contemporary Tajikistan: challenges and opportunities expressed by women who remain by Kataeva, Zumrad; DeYoung, Alan J.. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p247-262, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article attempts to describe the deleterious impact of higher educational changes affecting female faculty members working in Tajik universities in the post-Soviet era. Over the past two decades, the social and economic position women gained during Soviet times has significantly eroded, bringing enormous challenges to education and higher education access, completion and staffing. The demographic and cultural marginalization of women here has negatively impacted university teaching opportunities and the status of women faculty members. Ethnographic interviews – along with relevant secondary data – reveal that despite various official gender-equity policies announced by the state, female participation issues remain prominent in the university. Our interviewees also report continued difficulty entering higher faculty ranks and leadership positions in university. However, significant numbers of women are still to be found there, and they report a workable compromise between being professional educators and trying to navigate a local culture that is becoming more ‘traditional’.; (AN 41729657)
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6.

Debating gender and Kazakhness: memory and voice in poetic duel aytisbetween China and Kazakhstan by Salimjan, Guldana. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p263-280, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAytisis a central component of Kazakh oral literature. It is a duelling performance of improvised oral poetry between two aqins (poets, or bards) accompanying themselves on the dombra, a two-stringed plucked instrument. This article analyses contending issues in a transnational aytisbetween Chinese and Kazakhstani aqins, and explores how gender plays into the complex interplay of transnational identity politics, nationalism, performer positionality, and the preservation of intangible cultural heritage. This article argues that, though minority actors are subject to state-patronized national projects and the gender paradigms those projects entail, they can also obtain empowerment from performing tradition as a way to legitimize their status as culture producers and flexible citizens. Situated as the guardians of a constructed gender balance in society, women performers of oral tradition occasionally find themselves with opportunities to transgress the boundaries of their national and gender norms.; (AN 41729659)
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7.

Afghan modern: the history of a global nation by Roberts, Flora. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p281-283, 3p; (AN 41729661)
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8.

The social process of globalization: return migration and cultural change in Kazakhstan by Satlykgylyjova, Maya. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p283-285, 3p; (AN 41729658)
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9.

Staying at home: identities, memories and social networks of Kazakhstani Germans by Brown, Michael. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p285-287, 3p; (AN 41729662)
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10.

Despite cultures: early Soviet rule in Tajikistan by Samie, August. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p287-289, 3p; (AN 41729660)
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11.

Collectivization and social engineering: Soviet administration and the Jews of Uzbekistan, 1917–1939 by Kamp, Marianne. Central Asian Survey, April 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 2 p289-291, 3p; (AN 41729663)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 229, no. 1, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

Migration and Popular Resistance in Rural China: Wukan and Beyond by Lu, Yao; Zheng, Wenjuan; Wang, Wei. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p1-22, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis study draws on a case study of Wukan and interviews with migrants and peasants in other sites to examine how migration shapes popular resistance in migrant-sending communities (i.e. rural China). Findings demonstrate multidimensional roles played by migrants and returned migrants who act as a vehicle of informational and ideological transmission and at times directly participate in or even lead rural resistance in origin communities. Both the transmission and participation processes foster political consciousness and action orientations among peasants. The importance of migrants is exemplified in the Wukan protests but is also found in other settings under study. In general, migrants represent a latent political force that acts upon serious grievances back home. The findings provide a useful lens for understanding the diffusion of popular resistance and the linkage between urban and rural activism in China.; (AN 41486329)
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2.

Whither Rural China? A Case Study of Gao Village by Gao, Mobo. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p23-43, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis case study of Gao Village has two aims: to provide an update on Gao Village since 1997, when Gao Village (Gao 1999, 2014) leaves off, and to ponder the future direction of rural China. The article begins with an update on the development of Gao Village from the late 1990s up to 2015, dealing with several major thematic topics such as demography, family and marriage, living standards, education and health care. Using empirical evidence gathered during several years of fieldwork as background, the paper then moves on to discuss the future direction of rural China. This second part covers the current intellectual and policy debate on two crucial issues: land ownership and urbanization. The paper concludes that the Chinese state is still undecided on a grand narrative: whether to travel further in the direction of full-scale capitalism or whether to retain some kind of socialist collectivism.; (AN 41486318)
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3.

The Role of Tunqin Guanxiin Building Rural Resilience in North China: A Case from Qinggang by Gao, Yan; Fennell, Shailaja. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p44-63, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper explores the role of guanxi, particularly in its special form of tunqin, in building rural resilience in a poverty-stricken county in north China. The emphasis of this paper is placed on the nature and function of such guanxi. By presenting how guanxiis maintained, this paper also analyses the impact and effectiveness of local guanxias a strategy to cope with poverty. Whereas tunqin guanxiappears to have built rural resilience in order to cushion villagers against life's upheavals, the maintenance of rural guanxidiminishes this resilience as scarce resources are spent on the exchange of cash gifts, thus aggravating local poverty.; (AN 41486334)
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4.

“Stressing Out”: Cadre Calibration and Affective Proximity to the CCP in Reform-era China by Mertha, Andrew. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p64-85, 22p; Abstract: AbstractMight authoritarian one-party systems experience something akin to party identification – or affective proximity to the Party – that waxes and wanes over time? Such cycles do not centre on elections but on the politics of succession, new policy initiatives and ad hoc housecleaning, and their focus would be officials within the system as opposed to the electorate outside it. I argue that a key mechanism animating such variation in party identification of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) cadres lies within the recurring rectification efforts seeking to temper these individuals and make them more submissive to the larger political goals of the Party centre. Such priming is largely an in-house phenomenon, taking place increasingly deeper within the CCP apparatus. This process tends to involve an extensive arsenal of institutional mechanisms that constitute a particularly big stick and within which pressures to comply can be uncomfortable, even excruciating. Normative elements of these movements, such as the language and substantive written materials used during study, analysis and self-criticism are predominantly in the service of enhancing the sheer domineering quality of the Party vis-à-vis the individuals that make up its ranks. I explore this through an examination of the three stresses (san jiang) campaign of 1998–2002.; (AN 41486317)
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5.

Navigation, Circumvention and Brokerage: The Tricks of the Trade of Developing NGOs in China by Gåsemyr, Hans Jørgen. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p86-106, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChinese NGOs face strong coercive pressures and limitations yet have still emerged as notable actors in several issue areas. This article studies why and explains how a group of NGOs working on AIDS-related issues have been able to progress into relatively large and vibrant operations. It documents how NGO leaders have learned to navigate opportunities and risks, circumvent formal restrictions and broker pragmatic and largely informal arrangements that have enabled their organizations to grow and advance within China's authoritarian settings. The article contributes to the literature on Chinese NGO development and new institutionalism theory, and introduces a framework for studying NGOs based on their organizational forms and activities.; (AN 41486328)
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6.

CQY volume 229 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b2, 2p; (AN 41486326)
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7.

CQY volume 229 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 41486340)
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8.

Reforming China's State-owned Enterprises: From Structure to People by Lin, Li-Wen. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p107-129, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party has recently unveiled its new agenda for state-owned enterprise (SOE) reform. Most attention to date has focused on structural reform through the so-called “mixed ownership” policy. This article is to direct attention to a critically important yet much less analysed item on the SOE reform agenda: the professionalization of the SOE executive personnel. This article provides an empirical study on the managerial elite of China's financial and non-financial SOEs. The findings suggest a politically constrained management approach in the Chinese state-owned sector. Moreover, an innovative analysis of the SOE executive career patterns reveals that the state-controlled banks and industrial SOEs employ divergent human resource management methods. The anatomy of the SOE managerial elite in this article provides a timely evaluation of the recent SOE reform policy and a richer understanding of China's state-owned sector from a comparative capitalism perspective.; (AN 41486319)
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9.

Facilitating Public Service Provision: The Emerging Role of Municipal Television News in China by Chen, Dan. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p130-149, 20p; Abstract: AbstractDespite strict state controls, negative news about local officials is reported in China. Faced with political constraints and the incentive and pressure to earn profits, municipal television news programmes have developed and adopted the life news model (minsheng xinwen), which aims to help citizens solve problems. The production process of this news model has transformed the political role of the broadcast media at the local level. Many life news reports focus on disputes between citizens and local officials. Thus, addressing citizen grievances essentially facilitates public service provision. Based on an ethnographic case study of a municipal television news programme, this article finds that the production process of life news reports can facilitate public service provision by correcting local officials’ behaviour, regardless of whether the news reports are eventually broadcast. This unintended role is a result of the power negotiation between local officials and journalists who face immense commercial pressure.; (AN 41486341)
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10.

Precious Son, Reliable Daughter: Redefining Son Preference and Parent–Child Relations in Migrant Households in Urban China by Ling, Minhua. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p150-171, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the parent–child relations within rural-to-urban migrant households to explore the continuations and changes in the patrilineal family system under the forces of migration and urbanization in late-socialist China. Based on ethnographic data collected between 2008 and 2015 in Shanghai, it takes a processual approach to understand son preference as a contextualized family practice and examines four aspects of parent–child relations in migrant households: reproductive strategy, childrearing practices, educational investment, and parental expectation of adult children. Through exploring intimate negotiations between migrant parents and their children over material and emotional resources at different life stages, this article demonstrates how the gendered parent–child relations in migrant households in Shanghai have been shifting away from the traditional focus on sons and gradually giving way to pragmatic adjustments and emotional redefinition under the forces of socialist institutions and capitalist markets.; (AN 41486345)
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11.

Inequalities in the Pathway to College in China: When Do Students from Poor Areas Fall Behind? by Loyalka, Prashant; Chu, James; Wei, Jianguo; Johnson, Natalie; Reniker, Joel. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p172-194, 23p; Abstract: AbstractInequalities in college access are a major concern for policymakers in both developed and developing countries. Policymakers in China have largely tried to address these inequalities by helping disadvantaged students successfully transition from high school to college. However, they have paid less attention to the possibility that inequalities in college access may also arise earlier in the pathway to college. The purpose of this paper is to understand where inequalities emerge along the pathway to college in China, focusing on three major milestones after junior high. By analysing administrative data on over 300,000 students from one region of China, we find that the largest inequalities in college access emerge at the first post-compulsory milestone along the pathway to college: when students transition from junior high to high school. In particular, only 60 per cent of students from poor counties take the high school entrance exam (compared to nearly 100 per cent of students from non-poor counties). Furthermore, students from poor counties are about one and a half times less likely to attend academic high school and elite academic high school than students from non-poor counties.; (AN 41486320)
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12.

Government Work Reports: Securing State Legitimacy through Institutionalization by Wang, Zhen. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p195-204, 10p; Abstract: AbstractRelying on fieldwork conducted in two provinces, this article provides a systemic study of China's Government Work Reports (GWRs), examining their function, format, how they are formulated and implemented, their content and their research values. Whilst the existing literature mostly focuses on central government reports, this research integrates GWRs from all administrative levels. I argue that over time, the GWRs have developed into a highly institutionalized nationwide system with two important aspects – local elites’ autonomy in setting work agendas, and their compliance with central government policy priorities. Additionally, my study shows that by using quantifiable targets and celebrating achievements framed in concrete statistics, the GWRs help to sustain the legitimacy of the party-state. Finally, my study finds GWRs to be a versatile scholarly resource that can be used for various research interests and methods.; (AN 41486331)
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13.

Database Green: Software, Environmentalism and Data Flows in China by Tarantino, Matteo; Zimmermann, Basile. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p205-217, 13p; Abstract: AbstractSignificant efforts towards environmental transparency have been made by the Chinese government since 2008. This paper focuses on the technical decisions shaping a database of official pollution information built and operated by a Chinese NGO known as the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE). Issues of standardization, power distribution and institutional fragmentation are discussed. The paper illustrates a case of NGOs integrating enforcement capabilities as data centres amidst the growing reliance on processes of informational governance of environmental issues.; (AN 41486316)
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14.

China Scholars and Twitter by Sullivan, Jonathan. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p218-228, 11p; Abstract: AbstractSituating external engagement within the broader context of developments in Western higher education (HE) and technologies that are changing many aspects of academic life, this research note draws on the experiences of a large number of China scholars to assess the merits of Twitter for individual academics and the field as whole. Celebrating its tenth anniversary in March 2016, Twitter has shaken off its earlier image of celebrity stalking and inane ephemera and has become a tool used by many professionals working on China. Despite initial scepticism, many academics have recognized the utility of Twitter for various professional activities, including networking, increasing research visibility, gathering and disseminating information, and building a public profile. As external engagement activities become a routine expectation for academics in many Western universities, social media like Twitter have drawn attention as potentially useful tools. However, there are numerous obstacles to effective use, which this note addresses.; (AN 41486310)
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15.

Book Review: China in the Era of Xi Jinping: Domestic and Foreign Policy Challenges by Lampton, David M.. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p229-230, 2p; (AN 41486315)
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16.

Book Review: Useful Complaints: How Petitions Assist Decentralized Authoritarianism in China by Cai, Yongshun. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p230-232, 3p; (AN 41486314)
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17.

Book Review: Shadow Banking in China by Hsu, Sara. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p232-233, 2p; (AN 41486333)
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18.

Book Review: Law and Fair Work in China by Enjuto Martinez, Regina. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p233-235, 3p; (AN 41486325)
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19.

Book Review: Victim–Offender Reconciliation in the People's Republic of China and Taiwan by Jiang, Jue. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p235-236, 2p; (AN 41486312)
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20.

Book Review: The Rebirth of the Moral Self: The Second Generation of Modern Confucians and Their Modernization Discourses by Clower, Jason. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p237-238, 2p; (AN 41486339)
http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoah&AN=41486339&site=ehost-live

21.

Book Review: Social Ethics in a Changing China: Moral Decay or Ethical Awakening? by Angle, Stephen C.. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p239-240, 2p; (AN 41486324)
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22.

Book Review: Infectious Change: Reinventing Chinese Public Health after an Epidemic by Kaufman, Joan. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p240-242, 3p; (AN 41486313)
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23.

Book Review: Chinese Student Migration, Gender and Family by Yang, Chongmin. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p242-244, 3p; (AN 41486337)
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24.

Book Review: Oil and Water: Being Han in Xinjiang by Joniak-Lüthi, Agnieszka. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p244-245, 2p; (AN 41486323)
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25.

Book Review: Frontier Livelihoods: Hmong in the Sino-Vietnamese Borderlands by Baldanza, Kathlene. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p245-247, 3p; (AN 41486335)
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26.

Book Review: Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Taiwan by Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p247-248, 2p; (AN 41486342)
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27.

Book Review: China–Japan Relations after World War Two: Empire, Industry and War, 1949–1971 by Lee, Joyman. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p248-250, 3p; (AN 41486327)
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28.

Book Review: Maoism at the Grassroots: Everyday Life in China's Era of High Socialism by Thornton, Patricia M.. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p250-251, 2p; (AN 41486343)
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29.

Book Review: Negotiating Socialism in Rural China: Mao, Peasants, and Local Cadres in Shanxi 1949–1953 by DeMare, Brian. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p251-253, 3p; (AN 41486309)
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30.

Book Review: Revolution and Its Narratives: China's Socialist Literary and Cultural Imaginaries, 1949–1966 by Wang, Pu. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p253-255, 3p; (AN 41486332)
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31.

Book Review: Scythe and the City: A Social History of Death in Shanghai by Asen, Daniel. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p255-257, 3p; (AN 41486321)
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32.

Book Review: Changing Chinese Masculinities: From Imperial Pillars of State to Global Real Men by Moskowitz, Marc L.. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p257-258, 2p; (AN 41486344)
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33.

Book Review: The Fisher Folk of Late Imperial and Modern China: An Historical Anthropology of Boat-and-Shed Living by Baker, Hugh D. R.. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p258-260, 3p; (AN 41486330)
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34.

Book Review: Creativity Class: Art School and Culture Work in Postsocialist China by Clark, John. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p260-262, 3p; (AN 41486322)
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35.

Book Review: The Catholic Invasion of China: Remaking Chinese Christianity by Laamann, Lars Peter. The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p262-264, 3p; (AN 41486311)
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36.

Books Received The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p265-266, 2p; (AN 41486336)
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37.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, March 2017, Vol. 229 Issue: Number 1 p267-268, 2p; (AN 41486338)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 18, no. 4, October 2016

Record

Results

1.

Conflict Studies and Causality: Critical Realism and the Nomothetic/Idiographic Divide in the Study of Civil War by van Ingen, Michiel. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p387-416, 30p; Abstract: AbstractThe study of civil war has increased exponentially during the post-cold war period. This has not, however, resulted in greater levels of consensus with regard to the causes and nature of this phenomenon. In order to alleviate this situation the current article will draw on critical realist philosophy. It will argue (1) that critical realism provides conflict studies authors with a more sophisticated and coherent understanding of causality than has previously been available to them, and (2) that this understanding paves the way for an approach to social science which – rather than consistently abstracting from context– systematically engages with it.; (AN 41619603)
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2.

Joining by Number: Military Intervention in Civil Wars by Shirkey, Zachary C.. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p417-438, 22p; Abstract: AbstractUnderstanding why and when states militarily intervene in civil wars is crucial. Intervention can increase civil wars’ severity and the strategies employed in civil wars are shaped by the possibility of military intervention. This article argues that potential military interveners react to information revealed about warring parties’ intentions and relative power. Without revealed information, potential military interveners are unlikely to reconsider their initial decision to remain out of the war. Revealed information causes non-belligerent states to update their expectations about the trajectory of the civil war causing them, at times, to change their calculus about the benefits of belligerency and thus intervene. This helps explain why civil wars spread and when they do so. This explanation is tested using generalised estimating equations on a new data-set of unexpected events for the civil wars in the Correlates of War Intrastate War and PRIO Armed Conflict data-sets.; (AN 41619604)
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3.

Do Democracies Support Violent Non-governmental Organizations Less Than Autocracies Do? by Goldman, Ogen. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p439-466, 28p; Abstract: AbstractThis study draws attention to the question: Do democracies fight indirectly through material support to violent non-governmental organizations (VNGOs) which wage intrastate war against other states in general and against democracies in particular, or are democracies less warlike by proxy? The main conclusions are: democracies are less warlike by proxy than non-democratic states, and the more democratic the regime the lower the probability that it will support VNGOs waging war against other states, both in general and against other democracies in particular. The results do not unequivocally support both the monadic or dyadic argument of democratic peaceful behaviour; (AN 41619605)
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4.

Child Soldiering in Colombia: Does Poverty Matter? by Vargas, Gonzalo A.; Restrepo-Jaramillo, Nataly. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p467-487, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChild soldiering remains a challenge for the international community, and non-state armed groups are the most persistent offenders, but its drivers are poorly understood. Recent contributions suggest that decisions by armed groups are the key to explain child soldiering and that contextual variables are less relevant. This article exploits the availability of subnational, longitudinal data on child soldiering in Colombia, where insurgents and private militias have recruited children at least since the 1990s. The analysis shows that child recruitment is more likely in poorer municipalities, with limited access to education, and where coca crops are grown.; (AN 41619606)
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5.

Twenty Years After Dayton: Bosnia-Herzegovina (Still) Stable and Explosive by Kartsonaki, Argyro. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p488-516, 29p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper examines how fragile Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is and whether it is indeed in danger of collapsing, as significant amount of academic literature often claims. The research finds that BiH is not in an immediate danger of collapse. BiH remains peaceful, despite the numerous challenges it faces. However, it comprises an alarming amount of causes of conflict that have been mitigated because both international actors and local elites benefit from the current status quo. Thus, BiH finds itself in a peaceful stalemate, which is likely to continue until a structural change occurs that triggers the outbreak of violent conflict.; (AN 41619608)
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6.

Review Essay by Rose, William; Majkut, Andrew; Strayer, Michelle; Chen, Christopher. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p517-537, 21p; (AN 41619607)
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7.

Networks of Rebellion: Explaining Insurgent Cohesion and Collapse by Rafiq, Samah. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p538-541, 4p; (AN 41619609)
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8.

State Erosion: Unlootable Resources and Unruly Elites in Central Asia by Sharshenova, Aijan. Civil Wars, October 2016, Vol. 18 Issue: Number 4 p541-542, 2p; (AN 41619610)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 17 , no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

The assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the politics of exile in Dar es Salaam by Roberts, George. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p1-19, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article uses the city of Dar es Salaam as an urban lens for understanding the politics of FRELIMO in exile and the assassination of its first president, Eduardo Mondlane, in 1969. By adopting a multiarchival technique, these narratives can be broken down to a micropolitical level, shedding light on the distribution of agency in the confluence of superpower rivalry and decolonisation in the Third World. The splits within the liberation movement can be explained via the intersection of internal disagreements, Cold War dynamics, and relations with the Tanzanian state, within the context of Dar es Salaam’s cosmopolitan public sphere.; (AN 41456217)
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2.

Divide and Rule: Israel’s Tactics Regarding the Jerusalem Question and America’s Response, 1949–1950 by Heimann, Gadi. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p21-38, 18p; Abstract: AbstractIn 1949–1950, an interesting diplomatic affair took place for which details have not yet being disclosed. The Israelis who were unable to reach an agreement with the Jordanians over Jerusalem, advanced solutions in which the latter will pay the major price. However, the US was not interested in forcing a solution on the Jordanians nor to see them internationally isolated. Preventing such a development was far more important for them than promoting the internationalization plan. Thus US acted to sabotage Israelis maneuvers believing that putting the blame of failure on both sides suit best their interests. Therefore, the belief that the Americans took a passive and neutral stand over the Jerusalem question does not conform to reality. Instead, they were engaged vigorously, although mostly behind the scene, undermining the 1949 resolution.; (AN 41456218)
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3.

‘That mad hatters tea party on the East River’: Conservative journals of opinion and the United Nations 1964–1981 by Jurdem, Laurence R.. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p39-59, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the 1960s and 1970s the Right viewed the United Nations as an institution that had lost its way. Writers for the journals of conservative opinion believed America’s complacent position toward the UN’s anti-western attitudes were representative of a nation that was no longer confident as a leader in the world. It was a course they were determined to change. The actions of National Review, Human Eventsand Commentarywere not singularly responsible for the success or failure of American policy at the UN, but the language they employed contributed to the tone Ronald Reagan used during his presidency.; (AN 41456219)
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4.

The Alliance for Progress and President João Goulart’s Three-Year Plan: the deterioration of U.S.-Brazilian Relations in Cold War Brazil (1962) by Loureiro, Felipe Pereira. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p61-79, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper analyses U.S.-Brazilian relations during the elaboration of João Goulart’s Three-Year Plan in late 1962, which sought to tackle Brazil’s severe economic imbalances without compromising growth and through the implementation of distributive reforms. Although the plan followed the principles of John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress, Washington did not offer adequate assistance because of Goulart’s threats to increase links with the Soviet bloc. The United States hardened its position, seeking to change the orientation of the Brazilian government. This led to the abandonment of the Three-Year Plan, and contributed to social and political destabilisation that resulted in Brazil’s March 1964 military coup.; (AN 41456220)
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5.

Contesting France: French informants and American intelligence in the dawning Cold War by Perlman, Susan McCall. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p81-98, 18p; Abstract: AbstractBy integrating French archives and untapped US intelligence records, this article uncovers a debate within US government circles about the accuracy of the entrenched image of France at the onset of the Cold War as decadent and teetering toward revolution. In exchanges with the White House, State Department and military, right-leaning French sources bolstered this view. French contacts in the Resistance meanwhile shaped Office of Strategic Services analysis that France was a strong, worthy ally. France became a contested idea with warring factions in both capitals seeking to influence US policy – with repercussions for Franco-American relations for decades to come.; (AN 41456223)
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6.

Kissinger, vol. 1: 1923–1968: The Idealist and Kissinger’s Shadow: The Long Reach of America's Most Controversial Statesman by Hanhimäki, Jussi M.. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p99-102, 4p; (AN 41456221)
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7.

Jimmy Carter in Africa: Race and the Cold War by Saunders, Chris. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p102-104, 3p; (AN 41456222)
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8.

The Sino-Soviet Alliance: An International History by Friedman, Jeremy. Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p104-106, 3p; (AN 41456224)
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9.

Books Received Cold War History, January 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 1 p107-109, 3p; (AN 41456225)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 50, no. 1, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

“The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin's use of the wedge strategy by Hager, Robert P.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 p15-27, 13p; Abstract: Although much IR theory focuses on balancing, this paper examines a version of the wedge strategy, what Stalin allegedly called being “the laughing third man in a fight.” This is the practice of advancing one's goals by setting up other states to fight each other. The first case study is Soviet strategy in Europe from September 1939 until June 1941. The second is Soviet strategy in the Far East in 1941–45. What I am looking at here is a policy of deliberately encouraging the start of a war and/or aiding its prolongation in order to weaken both sides. The two case studies indicate that the Soviet Union used such a strategy at times in place of the usual forms of balancing, discussed in the international relations literature. Additionally, analysis of Moscow's conduct, statements by Soviet leaders, and the policies of a number of foreign communist parties indicate that, in addition to any security goals, Stalin's agenda included furthering the USSR's goal as a revolutionary state, even thought this had at times to be constrained by realpolitik.; (AN 40672426)
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2.

Ukrainian kleptocrats and America's real-life House of Cards: Corruption, lobbyism and the rule of law by Kuzio, Taras. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 p29-40, 12p; Abstract: Washington DC is not only a center for democracy promotion programs by government-funded and private foundations and think tanks. Washington DC has also attracted hundreds of millions of dollars for lobbyists, political consultants and think tanks from authoritarian political forces and kleptocrats who have little in common with American and European values. Both Republicans and Democrats have been recipients of these illicit funds from state officials and oligarchs who are seeking to ingratiate themselves with American public opinion. Political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers and think tanks which receive funds from such sources are part of a bigger problem of reverse corruption and cynicism and the export of authoritarian practices from Ukraine and post-Soviet states to the West. This was clearly seen in the hiring of Paul Manafort, Viktor Yanukovych's long-time political consultant by US presidential candidate Donald Trump. Trump's promise to ‘drain the (Washington) swamp’ rings hollow after it was revealed he accepted funds from a Ukrainian oligarch who had earlier donated funds to the Clinton's (Reader 2016).; (AN 40979758)
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3.

Active resistance to democratic diffusion by Vanderhill, Rachel. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 p41-51, 11p; Abstract: Recent research on the international diffusion of democracy has focused on demonstrating how diffusion can change regime outcomes. Although there is still debate within the field of democratization over how important democratic diffusion is relative to domestic factors, autocratic leaders believe that democratic diffusion can be a threat to their rule. It is clear that some countries, such as North Korea, prevent diffusion by severely restricting interactions with foreigners and forbidding access to external sources of information. The more intriguing question is how the states that have economic, diplomatic, and social linkages with democratic states prevent democratic diffusion. In other words, what methods do globally-engaged, autocratic governments use to limit exposure to and reduce receptivity to democratic diffusion?; (AN 40972177)
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4.

Self-rated health and barriers to healthcare in Ukraine: The pivotal role of gender and its intersections by Cockerham, William C.; Hamby, Bryant W.; Hankivsky, Olena; Baker, Elizabeth H.; Rouhani, Setareh. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 p53-63, 11p; Abstract: The ongoing health crisis in the Ukraine has persisted for 48 years with a clear division of gender-based outcomes as seen in the decline of male life expectancy and stagnation of female longevity. The purpose of this paper is to investigate differences in self-rated health and system barriers to health care applicable to gender and its intersections because of the differing negative health outcomes for men and women. Intersectionality theory provides an analytic framework for interpreting our results. Utilizing a nationwide sample of the Ukrainian population (N = 1908), we found that low socioeconomic status (SES) women rate their health worse than men generally and any other socioeconomic group. Yet women also face the greatest barriers to health care until older ages when the ailments of men cause them to likewise face the obstacles. In reviewing the barrier to health care scale, one barrier—that of health care services being too expensive—dominated the responses with some 52.5 percent of the sample reporting it. Consequently, the greatest problem in Ukraine with respect to health reform reported by the population is the out-of-pocket costs for care in a system that is officially free. These costs, constituting some 40 percent of all national health expenditures, affect women and the aged the most.; (AN 40979756)
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5.

Structural change versus turnpike optimality: A Polish perspective by Gurgul, Henryk; Lach, Ɓukasz. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 p65-76, 12p; Abstract: Using a modified dynamic IO model for Poland which allows taking into account actual trends observed in recently available statistical data we compare the rate of economic growth calculated for different growth paths resulting from the model. The goal of the research was to examine the distance between the actual structure of production and the structure on the turnpike and its impact on the economic growth of the economy under study. The results of the study indicate that the impact of structural change on output takes place in three general stages. The benefits of structural change do not outbalance the corresponding costs immediately, since it takes several periods until the growth rate of those paths which are closer to the von Neumann ray become larger than the corresponding growth rate of the benchmark growth path.; (AN 40972183)
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6.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, March 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 1 pIFC-IFC; (AN 41577379)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 36, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Russian strategy Expansion, crisis and conflict by Payne, Keith B.; Foster, John S.. Comparative Strategy, January 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 1 p1-89, 89p; Abstract: AbstractRussian foreign military actions, defense initiatives, markedly expanded conventional and nuclear arms programs, internal repression, and egregious arms control non-compliance are elements of an increasingly assertive and threatening agenda. In this text, we call out and examine the apparent grand strategy underlying Russian policies, programs and behavior.This examination demonstrates that Russian grand strategy now includes a deeply-troubling mix of ingredients, including increasing hostility toward the West, expanding conventional and nuclear weapons programs, a military doctrine that place much greater emphasis on nuclear weapons and military campaigns against neighboring states.These developments have created the potential for escalating political military crises in Europe and may be more dangerous than were Soviet Cold War policies and behavior. In particular, contemporary Russian nuclear strategy is intended to coerce the West and enforce Moscow's expansionist moves with nuclear first-use threats and planning that go well beyond Soviet Cold War behavior.; (AN 41546729)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 17, no. 2, March 2017

Record

Results

1.

State formation as it happens: insights from a repeated cross-sectional study in Afghanistan, 2007–2015 by Böhnke, Jan R.; Koehler, Jan; Zürcher, Christoph M.. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p91-116, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper contributes to an empirical understanding of state formation. Based on an original household-level data set, we provide a detailed picture of the process of state formation in Afghanistan over the last decade. State formation happens when state and society engage in reciprocal relations. Central to this relationship is an exchange of services for the acceptance of authority and increased legitimacy. Our data allows us to assess state-society relations across different dimensions. We focus on the provision of services, on the responsiveness of the state, on conflict regulation and on taxation. As a result we find more evidence of state formation than expected, but also see this as a contested process that unfolds unevenly and with different speed across different sectors.; (AN 41719920)
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2.

The insecurities of weaponised education: a critical discourse analysis of the securitised education discourse in North-West Pakistan by Ford, Kieran. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p117-139, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article presents a critical discourse analysis of the discourse surrounding education, international development and security in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, North-West Pakistan. The article notes the dissonance between a discourse emphasising global security and the experienced insecurity faced by schools and students in North-West Pakistan, under attack from the Pakistani Taliban (the most notable attack being the shooting of Malala Yousafzai in 2012). This analysis examines the impact of securitisation on the discursive production of the political realm, exploring whether securitisation engenders security or insecurity. Three key findings emerge. First, the purpose of securitised education becomes fixed on ‘mindset transformation’ from an extremist mindset to an educated mindset. Second, students are transformed into soldiers fighting against extremism as education becomes weaponised. Third, the discourse blurs the distinction between the uneducated and extremist, and the figure of the ‘threatening, uneducated Other’ emerges. The discursive production of such oppositional subjectivities throws into question whether the international community’s intervention in education in North-West Pakistan, in order to improve security and fight extremism, is not in fact producing greater insecurity.; (AN 41719917)
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3.

The revitalisation of Buddhist peace activism in post-war Cambodia by Soeung, Bunly; Lee, SungYong. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p141-161, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the Buddhist peace movements in Cambodia, which are being revitalised after a long silence since the late 1990s. Specifically, it explains how Cambodian Buddhist monks develop and maintain their normative legitimacy and connection with civilian followers by focusing on their approaches to four types of resources: religious authority, cultural knowledge, social networks, and new communication technology. Through the analysis, the study aims to offer empirical examples of religious leaders’ strategies for promoting peace activism and to demonstrate an ideal type of locally owned peace-building promoted in post-conflict contexts, both of which are rarely available in the existing literature.; (AN 41719918)
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4.

Internal borderlands: architectures of force and state expansion in India’s central ‘frontier’ by Spacek, Michael. Conflict, Security and Development, March 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p163-182, 20p; Abstract: AbstractIndia’s Maoist insurgency, a conflict in the geographic heartland of the country, is often portrayed as symptomatic of the underdevelopment and weak governance of the region. Rhetorically, the state has pursued a counter-insurgency strategy premised on a tandem of ‘security’ and development, while emphasising the conflict zone’s rootedness in the nation. This discourse ignores that historically the state has treated the region as a hostile ‘borderland’. This paper argues that the Indian state’s counter-insurgency is structured around a set of strategies of absorption. Drawing on James C. Scott’s examination of Zomia, as well as Henri Lefebvre’s theories of the state and space, this paper examines processes of militarised state expansion. Focusing on the construction of roads, government-controlled resettlement camps, forward operating bases and militarised schools, this paper conceptualises these particular state spaces as ‘architectures of force’: material manifestations of a larger project of highly militarised and acutely violent state-building.; (AN 41719919)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 38, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Changes to the editorial board by Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p1-1, 1p; (AN 41613874)
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2.

The 2017 Bernard Brodie Prize Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p2-3, 2p; (AN 41613875)
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3.

Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective by Frühling, Stephan; O’Neil, Andrew. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p4-25, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAmerica’s alliances in Europe and East Asia all involve some institutional cooperation on U.S. nuclear weapons policy, planning or employment—from consultative fora in Asia to joint policy and sharing of nuclear warheads in NATO. Such cooperation is often analyzed through the prism of “extended nuclear deterrence,” which focuses on the extension of U.S. security guarantees and their effect on potential adversaries. This article argues that this underplays the importance of institutional factors: Allies have historically addressed a range of objectives through such cooperation, which has helped to catalyze agreements about broader alliance strategy. The varied form such cooperation takes in different alliances also flows from the respective bargaining power of allies and the relative importance of consensus, rather than perceived threats. The article concludes that nuclear weapons cooperation will remain crucial in successful U.S. alliance management, as allies negotiate their relationship with each other in the face of geostrategic change.; (AN 41613879)
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4.

Security assurances and proliferation risks in the Trump administration by Knopf, Jeffrey W.. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p26-34, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTComments that Donald Trump made while campaigning to be U.S. president have raised concerns that his administration will pull back from U.S. alliance commitments and encourage countries such as Japan and South Korea to acquire nuclear arms. The new article by Frühling and O’Neil outlines an institutional framework that can be helpful in assessing the risks that Trump administration policies will lead to nuclear proliferation. An institutional perspective shows that important elements of U.S. security assurances will continue to function, and this reduces the chances that President Trump’s actions or statements will trigger proliferation by U.S. allies. The greatest risk to global non-proliferation efforts posed by a Trump administration in fact lies elsewhere, in the possibility that President Trump will seek to abrogate the Iran nuclear deal.; (AN 41613876)
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5.

Let’s make a (nuclear) deal: Bargaining, credibility, and the third offset strategy by Jackson, Van. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p35-40, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAn institutional perspective on nuclear deterrence cooperation within alliances has the potential to fundamentally reorient how we think about analyzing nuclear and deterrence decision-making between nuclear patrons and non-nuclear clients. It comes at a time when the presidency of Donald Trump is sure to test many of the core claims and assumptions in security studies, especially relating to bargaining and credibility within alliances. This article surveys questions that will be core to the research agenda involving alliance institutions and nuclear weapons during the Trump presidency and beyond.; (AN 41613878)
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6.

Goodbye to all that? Institutionalist theory, U.S. alliances, and Donald Trump by Lanoszka, Alexander. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p41-46, 6p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn an important and stimulating article, Stephan Frühling and Andrew O’Neil argue in favor of applying institutionalist theory to understand the alliance politics of U.S. nuclear weapons strategy. But what promise does institutionalist theory really hold in thinking about highly unequal alliances nested in their particular threat environments? I argue that much work remains to be done to determine how much better institutionalist variables explain intra-alliance dynamics over alternative arguments that emphasize power and interests. Balances of power and the nature of threat environments may already account for key aspects of extended deterrent relationships supported by the United States in Europe and Asia. Ironically, the implication of this more traditional interpretation of alliances is that more continuity than change will characterize how Donald Trump will manage U.S. security relationships as President.; (AN 41613877)
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7.

Nuclear weapons and alliance institutions in the era of President Trump by Frühling, Stephan; O’Neil, Andrew. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p47-53, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe swearing in of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States presages, at the very least, a period of flux in American strategy with respect to the relationship between nuclear weapons and alliances. In this response to three thoughtful rejoinders to our article, “Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective,” we clarify key aspects of our argument and discuss why alliance institutions are likely to be relatively robust in the face of change, how they can influence national decision-making, and argue that they may exert a moderating influence over the new administration.; (AN 41613883)
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8.

The nuclear education of Donald J. Trump by Michaels, Jeffrey; Williams, Heather. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p54-77, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the 2016 American presidential campaign, Democrats and Republicans alike repeatedly raised concerns at the prospect of Donald Trump being in charge of America’s nuclear arsenal based on his seemingly unstable personality. Unfortunately, this emphasis on Trump’s character distracted attention from any in-depth investigation into his long-standing interest in nuclear issues. This article seeks to remedy this shortcoming by highlighting the nuclear legacy Trump will inherit from Obama, surveying his statements on nuclear issues over more than three decades, and providing an analysis of constraining factors on his administration’s nuclear agenda, particularly domestic institutions. It finds that most of Trump’s views on nuclear issues are relatively consistent with past Republican presidents. Where he is unique, however, is in his use of social media, which has potential implications on nuclear signaling.; (AN 41613880)
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9.

Reconsidering minimum deterrence in South Asia: Indian responses to Pakistan’s tactical nuclear weapons by O’Donnell, Frank. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p78-101, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIndia’s nuclear doctrine and posture has traditionally been shaped by minimum deterrence logic. This logic includes assumptions that possession of only a small retaliatory nuclear force generates sufficient deterrent effect against adversaries, and accordingly that development of limited nuclear warfighting concepts and platforms are unnecessary for national security. The recent emergence of Pakistan’s Nasr tactical nuclear missile platform has generated pressures on Indian minimum deterrence. This article analyzes Indian official and strategic elite responses to the Nasr challenge, including policy recommendations and attendant implications. It argues that India should continue to adhere to minimum deterrence, which serves as the most appropriate concept for Indian nuclear policy and best supports broader foreign and security policy objectives. However, the form through which Indian minimum deterrence is delivered must be rethought in light of this new stage of regional nuclear competition.; (AN 41613882)
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10.

New directions for African security by Haastrup, Toni; Dijkstra, Hylke. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p102-108, 7p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAfrican security, particularly conflict-related political violence, is a key concern in international relations. This forum seeks to advance existing research agendas by addressing four key themes: domestic politics and peacekeeping; security sector reform programs; peace enforcement; and the protection of civilians. Each of the articles in this forum makes a case for analyzing African agency when it comes to African security. As a way of introduction, this short article sets out the main debates and concludes by providing further directions for future research.; (AN 41613881)
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11.

Rentier peacekeeping in neo-patrimonial systems: The examples of Burundi and Kenya by Brosig, Malte. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p109-128, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTInternational peacekeeping in Africa has developed dynamically in the last decade. The majority of global missions are deployed to the continent, the largest regional contingent of troops comes from Africa, and the African Peace and Security Architecture has made significant progress. Peacekeeping is Africanized today more than at any time before. However, mainstream research has insufficiently paid attention to African agency in this context. This article sheds light on the often neglected influence of African politics on international peacekeeping missions. The focus is set on the consequences of neo-patrimonial political systems, which can use international peacekeeping missions as an opportunity to generate rents. It will be shown that such a rent-seeking approach is highly problematic for the troop-contributing as well as mission-hosting countries. Instead of curbing conflict, rentier peacekeeping is prolonging and exporting it. The empirical examples used are the Burundian and Kenyan involvement in peacekeeping in Somalia.; (AN 41613884)
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12.

Security sector reform in Africa: Donor approaches versus local needs by Ansorg, Nadine. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p129-144, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually.; (AN 41613885)
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13.

Peace enforcement in Africa: Doctrinal distinctions between the African Union and United Nations by de Coning, Cedric. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p145-160, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen the United Nations (UN) Security Council needs to authorize a peace enforcement operation in Africa, its partner of choice is the African Union (AU). Africa has developed significant peace operations capacity over the past decade. In addition to deploying eight AU operations, Africa now contributes 50% of all UN peacekeepers. African stability operations, like its mission in Somalia, are often described as peace enforcement operations. In this article, I question whether it is accurate to categorize African stability operations as peace enforcement? I answer the question by considering what the criteria are that are used to differentiate between peace enforcement and peacekeeping operations in the UN context. I then use the peace enforcement criteria to assess whether AU stabilization operations would qualify as peace enforcement operations. In conclusion, I consider the implications of the findings for the strategic partnership between the AU and the UN.; (AN 41613886)
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14.

Civilian protection in Africa: How the protection of civilians is being militarized by African policymakers and diplomats by Gelot, Linnéa. Contemporary Security Policy, January 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 1 p161-173, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article explores how the protection of civilians is being militarized by African policymakers and diplomats. I draw on practice approaches to analyze what social groups are doing when they claim to “protect civilians.” I show how innovative protection mechanisms can be seen as a function of officials and diplomats coping with the changing circumstances of increasingly militarized politics in Africa. Specifically, accountability mechanisms for unintended and intended civilian harm by African security operations have originated in connection with this development. I argue that these are results of anchoring practices, which means that everyday informal interactions in one context become linked to another context. I argue that these emerging accountability mechanisms represent a new combination of practices, with the potential of changing the routine activities and mutual learning between policymakers and diplomats.; (AN 41613887)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 52, no. 2, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Water for peace? Post-conflict water resource management in Kosovo by Krampe, Florian. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p147-165, 19p; Abstract: Water resource management (WRM) has increasingly come to be considered within the realm of peacebuilding. Through investigating the case of water resource management in Kosovo after 1999, this study argues that the international community has treated post-conflict water resource management as a primarily technical issue, to the neglect of its complex political nature. This has impeded the peacebuilding process in three ways. First, it consolidated the physical separation of actors through allowing separate water governance structures. Second, it avoided conflictive issues instead of actively engaging in conflict resolution. Third, it incapacitated locals by placing ownership in the hands of external actors. To redress this tripartite dilemma, this study stresses the need for research that provides deeper theoretical and empirical understanding of the political mechanisms that connect WRM to post-conflict reconstruction efforts.; (AN 41896887)
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2.

How does war become a legitimate undertaking? Re-engaging the post-structuralist foundation of securitization theory by Wilhelmsen, Julie. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p166-183, 18p; Abstract: How does war become a legitimate undertaking? This article challenges the interpretation of securitization as a narrow, linear and intentional event by re-engaging the post-structuralist roots of Copenhagen School securitization theory. To uncover the social process that makes war acceptable, the framework presented in this article is informed by securitization theory but foregrounds the web of meaning and representation between a myriad of actors in society to unearth the contents – and changes – in how war is articulated and carried out with public consent. This matters not only for the question of how war becomes a legitimate undertaking, but also for the very practices through which the war is fought: the emergency measures that are enabled in a discourse of existential threat. The article re-visits the Second Chechen War to illustrate how war is made logical and legitimate to leaders and their publics.; (AN 41896880)
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3.

Civil society in a divided society: Linking legitimacy and ethnicness of civil society organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina by Puljek-Shank, Randall; Verkoren, Willemijn. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p184-202, 19p; Abstract: Civil society (CS) strengthening is central to peacebuilding policies for divided, post-war societies. However, it has been criticized for creating internationalized organizations without local backing, unable to represent citizens’ interests. Based on in-depth empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article focuses on the legitimacy of CS organizations (CSOs). It explores why legitimacy for donors rarely accompanies legitimacy for local actors. We hypothesized that whilst donors avoid supporting mono-ethnic organizations, seen as problematic for peacebuilding, ‘ethnicness’ may provide local legitimacy. However, our analysis of CSOs’ ethnicness nuances research characterizing organizations as either inclusive or divisive. Moreover, local legitimacy is not based on ethnicness per se, but CSOs’ ability to skilfully interact with ethnically divided constituencies and political structures. In addition, we offer novel explanations why few organizations enjoy both donor and local legitimacy, including local mistrust of donors’ normative frameworks and perceived lack of results. However, we also show that a combination of local and donor legitimacy is possible, and explore this rare but interesting category of organizations.; (AN 41896886)
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4.

The politics of Arctic international cooperation: Introducing a dataset on stakeholder participation in Arctic Council meetings, 1998–2015 by Knecht, Sebastian. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p203-223, 21p; Abstract: Contemporary Arctic transformations and their global causes and consequences have put international cooperation in the Arctic Council, the region’s most important forum for addressing Arctic affairs, at the forefront of research in Northern governance. With interest in Arctic regional affairs in world politics being at a historical high, the actual participation and contribution by interested actors to regional governance arrangements, such as the Arctic Council, has remained very much a blind spot. This article introduces and analyses a novel dataset on stakeholder participation in the Arctic Council (STAPAC) for all member states, Permanent Participants and observers in Ministerial, Senior Arctic Officials’ and subsidiary body meetings between 1998 and 2015. The article finds that participation in the Arctic Council varies significantly across meeting levels and type of actors, and that new admissions to the Council, a source of major contestation in recent debates, do not necessarily result in more actors attending. The article further discusses these findings in light of three prevalent debates in Arctic governance research, and shows the empirical relevance of the STAPAC dataset for the study of Arctic cooperation and conflict, observer involvement in the Arctic Council system and political representation of indigenous Permanent Participants.; (AN 41896885)
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5.

Norm advocacy networks: Nordic and Like-Minded Countries in EU gender and development policy by Elgström, Ole. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p224-240, 17p; Abstract: This article investigates the informal networks of Member States that are claimed to be the drivers of EU gender and development policy. The aim is to highlight the negotiation strategies used in gender and development negotiations and to link these to network characteristics. I categorise the characteristics of the Nordic and the like-minded groupings, relying on network theory and investigate their modes of influence. The article is based on interviews with officials at the Permanent Representations and EU institutions in Brussels. My results demonstrate that the Nordics and the Like-Minded Countries constitute informal networks with frequent interaction. Network members share information and coordinate initiatives. The findings show a preference for gradual entrapment and framing rather than shaming and exclusion. The choice of strategies can be linked to network characteristics: the like-minded network is non-formalised and open, and as the ambition is to spread the norms of the like-minded also to reluctant actors, network participants prefer gradual entrapment and traditional diplomatic initiatives before confrontation. Norm promotion normally occurs in concentric circles negotiations, mirroring the layered structure of the network. This article contributes to the literature on informal governance in EU foreign policy by highlighting key strategies used in intra-EU policy networks.; (AN 41896882)
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6.

French military careers and European security integration: How internationalisation changes military socialisation by Boncourt, Thibaud. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p241-260, 20p; Abstract: This study uses qualitative data on the trajectories of French military officers to provide preliminary hypotheses on the internationalisation of military careers and the dynamics of international military socialisation. It is divided into three sections. The first section provides an overview of the structure of the French armed forces and gives details on the biographical qualitative methods used throughout the article. The second and third sections describe the types of internationalisation that occur during the first and second phases of military careers respectively. The article mainly contends that French officers are unprepared for the type of internationalisation they experience in the framework of European security institutions. In spite of prior experiences of international contexts, they are forced to learn most of their work on the job and to improvise in their handling of international interactions and negotiations. These findings are shown to have implications for debates in the sociology of professions and the study of European security integration.; (AN 41896883)
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7.

Who governs Norwegian maritime security? Public facilitation of private security in a fragmented security environment by Aarstad, Åsne Kalland. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p261-279, 19p; Abstract: This article analyses the Norwegian governance of maritime security that surrounds the accommodation of armed private security provision on board Norwegian-registered ships, and questions the role of Norwegian public authorities. In 2011, the Norwegian government introduced a new legal framework that explicitly permitted the use of armed private security for ships transiting piracy-prone waters. Through an in-depth examination of the agenda setting, implementation and evaluation phases of the new policy, the article analyses the roles and responsibilities performed by the involved actors. Comparing the empirical case study of Norway with the governance literature, it is argued that public actors neither ‘steer’ nor ‘row’, rather they function as facilitatorsin and for a governance arrangement that is essentially industry-driven in character. This facilitating role encompasses elements of both acceptance and contribution, where a low degree of public control was accepted in return for a flexible and low-cost/risk scheme against piracy. As such, the facilitating role does not support the view that contemporary security governance is a zero-sum game between public and private actors. Instead, the facilitating capacities of public authorities are seen as their competitive advantage in an increasingly fragmented security environment. This article contends that although maritime governance inhabits peculiarities related to both the shipping industry’s global competitive character and the maritime domain’s geographical distance from public authorities, the Norwegian governance of maritime security is nevertheless deeply embedded in global governance structures. This underscores the need to address the maritime domain as constitutive of global politics and, in turn, treat the ‘facilitating argument’ developed here as potentially relevant for the broader governance literature.; (AN 41896879)
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8.

Why study EU foreign policy at all? A response to Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire by Dijkstra, Hylke; Vanhoonacker, Sophie. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p280-286, 7p; Abstract: In an important article on the state of European Union (EU) foreign policy research, Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire show that academics excessively focus on the study of the EU foreign policy system and EU implementation rather than the consequences of EU foreign policy for recipient countries. While the article is empirical, based on a dataset of 451 published articles on EU foreign policy, the normative message is that it is time to stop ‘navel-gazing’ and pay more attention to those on the receiving end of EU foreign policy. We welcome this contribution, but wonder why certain research questions have been privileged over others. We argue that this has primarily to do with the predominant puzzles of the time. We also invite Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire to make a theoretical case for a research agenda with more attention to outside-in approaches. We conclude by briefly reflecting on future research agendas in EU foreign policy.; (AN 41896888)
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9.

Book review: Diplomacy and Security Community-Building: EU Crisis Management in the Western Mediterranean by Fernandez-Molina, Irene. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p287-289, 3p; (AN 41896881)
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10.

Book review: Non-State Challenges in a Re-Ordered World: The Jackals of Westphalia by Millar, Gearoid. Cooperation and Conflict, June 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 2 p289-290, 2p; (AN 41896884)
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11

Current History
Volume 116, no. 790, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Contentious Politics of African Urbanization by Paller, Jeffrey. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p163-169, 7p; Abstract: “The prospects for sustainable urban development are embedded in larger political struggles.”; (AN 41807045)
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2.

AIDS in Africa: Progress and Obstacles by Mojola, Sanyu. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p170-175, 6p; Abstract: “Many African countries are still a long way from being able to sustain their own prevention and treatment efforts, and continued momentum is dependent on global funding and support.”; (AN 41807061)
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3.

South Africa’s Divided Working-Class Movements by Paret, Marcel. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p176-182, 7p; Abstract: “South Africa’s organized labor movement is now, arguably, weaker and more fragmented than at any other time in the past three decades. Disagreement over how unions should relate to the ruling party, the ANC, is central to this fragmentation.”Eighth in a series on labor relations around the world.; (AN 41807051)
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4.

The Long Shadow of Genocide in Rwanda by Thomson, Susan. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p183-188, 6p; Abstract: “Rather than addressing the trauma inflicted by genocidal violence, the ruling party has used a program of national ethnic unity and reconciliation to reinforce its political authority.”; (AN 41807063)
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5.

Mali’s Enduring Crisis by Wing, Susanna. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p189-193, 5p; Abstract: “The surge of resources devoted to antiterrorism has not only been ineffective. It has diverted attention from ongoing failures of the government and political elites to tackle Mali’s most challenging issues: corruption and poverty.”; (AN 41807067)
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6.

Perspective: A Nigerian President’s Disappointing Return by Obadare, Ebenezer. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p194-196, 3p; Abstract: Muhammadu Buhari, who made bold promises to clean up the political system and put the economy on a firmer footing, has dashed high expectations with his directionless leadership.; (AN 41807069)
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7.

Books: Saints and Sinners in Somalia by Menkhaus, Ken. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p197-199, 3p; Abstract: A veteran journalist’s account of the life of a colorful former mayor of Mogadishu offers insights into the complex realities of a city and a country often reduced to caricature.; (AN 41807073)
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8.

Month in Review: March 2017 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 p200-200, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in March, country by country, day by day.; (AN 41807084)
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9.

Map of Africa by History, the editors of Current. Current History, May 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 790 pmap-Map; Abstract: Map; (AN 41807083)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 28, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Carlos Pestana Barros by Gil-Alana, Luis Alberiko; Faria, Joao Ricardo. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p271-271, 1p; (AN 41898381)
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2.

The role and capabilities of major weapon systems transferred between 1950 and 2010: Empirical examinations of an arms transfer data set by Johnson, Richard A.I.. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p272-297, 26p; Abstract: Arms transfers provide exporters an avenue to provide security to other states while gaining economic benefits. Arms transfers provide importers an avenue to gain security without having to rely on alliances. Past research uses aggregate measures of the monetary or security value of major weapon system transfers without accounting for strategic differences in possible use in interstate and civil conflict. This article presents a data set on interstate transfers of major weapon systems between 1950 and 2010 building upon Stockholm Peach Research Institute’s Arms Trade Register with several improvements. First, it disaggregates land weapons and air weapons into categories reflecting their strategic capabilities. Second, model level characteristics (e.g. age, speed, and range) are drawn from Jane’s Defence sources. Additionally, the data set covers a larger range of time and states than previous data sets categorizing arms. To demonstrate the usefulness, this article first presents summary statistics of the data set and then replicates an earlier test to show that the effect of human rights and regime types on United States transfers differs across the categories of arms compared to alternative measures of arms transfers.; (AN 41898382)
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3.

The effects of local elections on national military spending: A cross-country study by Deng, Liuchun; Sun, Yufeng. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p298-318, 21p; Abstract: In this paper, we study the domestic political determinants of military spending. Our conceptual framework suggests that power distribution over local and central governments influences the government provision of national public goods, in our context, military expenditure. Drawing on a large cross-country panel, we demonstrate that having local elections will decrease a country’s military expenditure markedly, controlling for other political and economic variables. According to our preferred estimates, a country’s military expenditure is on average 20% lower if its state government officials are locally elected, which is consistent with our theoretical prediction.; (AN 41898383)
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4.

A survey of performance issues in defence innovation by Martí Sempere, Carlos. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p319-343, 25p; Abstract: This article reviews innovation processes in defence. It analyses the way and the context under which these processes are carried out. The article covers the features of defence goods with impact on innovation, the development of a new good, the institutional arrangements that support these processes and the effect of innovation on industrial market. The analysis helps to identify the causes of facts observed in practice, such as poor performance in terms of product quality, cost or delivery time, as well as to assess potential remedies. Some policy implications, which can be derived from this analysis, are finally outlined.; (AN 41898384)
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5.

Quarrelsome committees in US defense acquisition: the KC-X case by Franck, Raymond; Udis, Bernard. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p344-366, 23p; Abstract: When the US Air Force set out to acquire a new aerial tanker (the KC-X), two highly suitable alternatives were offered. What could have been a short and simple source selection turned into a prolonged embarrassment. The original selection of 100 leased KC-767s was made in May 2003. But the KC-46 is expected to be operational in 2017 – more than a decade later. Our primary purpose here is to narrate and explain key events in the KC-X program. We search for useful paradigms, based in part on the US Government being better viewed as a quarrelsome committee than a monopsonist. In addition, we consider what this case might tell us about the US defense acquisition system.; (AN 41898385)
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6.

Budget allocation, national security, military intelligence, and human capital: a dynamic model by Pecht, Eyal; Tishler, Asher. Defence and Peace Economics, May 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3 p367-399, 33p; Abstract: This study develops a dynamic model that integrates military intelligence into the defense capability of the country and the optimal allocation of its government budget. We assert that the effectiveness of the country’s military intelligence is contingent on the quality of its human capital, which, in turn, implies a long-term positive relationship between the government’s various civilian expenditures and its capacity to achieve a cost-effective intelligence and, hence, military capability. This relationship is developed within a multiple-period arms race model between two rivals. Using this model and stylized data for the Israeli–Syrian arms race, we show that an appropriate budget shift from defense to civilian expenditures during the initial periods of the planning horizon will gradually (over a decade, say) increase the quality of human capital in the country and, thus, the effectiveness of its intelligence, which, in turn, will increase the country’s future security and welfare.; (AN 41898386)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 17, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Homes for heroes? Assessing the impact of the UK’s Military Covenant by Dover, Robert; Gearson, John. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p115-134, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe British Military Covenant can be located in and from many sources and from 2011 onwards in primary legislation. This article argues that the provision of military housing amounts to an early test of how the military covenant is understood and used by those involved in defence policy, and those in the armed forces affected by it. It finds that housing was a prominent feature of how service personnel understood how they were valued, but was not explicitly understood as a covenant issue by those personnel or the officials in charge of the Defence Estates. We locate three reasons for this: (1) the covenant has been poorly translated from aspiration into policy practice, (2) the covenant is unevenly understood across its stakeholders which has the effect of generating disappointment through misaligned expectations, (3) those engaged in the reform process surrounding the Defence Infrastructure Organisation (DIO) saw the covenant as a means to energise reform. Ultimately housing was seen as a dry and technocratic business area and thus an issue ripe for being refracted through the covenant was ultimately left outside of its remit.; (AN 41945444)
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2.

The underlying causes of military outsourcing in the USA and UK: bridging the persistent gap between ends, ways and means since the beginning of the Cold War by Erbel, Mark. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p135-155, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis article reappraises the two most-studied country cases of military outsourcing: the USA and the UK. It argues that the contemporary wave of military contracting stretches back to the beginning of the cold war and not only to the demobilisation of armies in the 1990s or the neoliberal reforms introduced since the 1980s. It traces the political, technological and ideational developments that laid the groundwork for these reforms and practices since the early cold war and account for its endurance today. Importantly, it argues that a persistent gap between strategic objectives and resources, i.e. the challenge to reconcile ends and means, is an underlying driver of military contracting in both countries. Contemporary contracting is thus most closely tied to military support functions in support of wider foreign and defence political objectives. Security services in either state may not have been outsourced so swiftly, if at all, without decades of experience in outsourcing military logistics functions and the resultant vehicles, processes and familiarities with public-private partnerships. The article thus provides a wider and deeper understanding of the drivers of contractualisation, thereby improving our understanding of both its historical trajectory and the determinants of its present and potential futures.; (AN 41945446)
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3.

Missile warfare and violent non-state actors: the case of Hezbollah by Samaan, Jean-Loup. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p156-170, 15p; Abstract: AbstractOver the last three decades, Hezbollah adapted its military strategy and the operational function conferred to its missiles. Starting in 1992, rocket warfare became one of the primary tactics of the group to compel Israeli Forces in Lebanon. After the Israeli withdrawal in 2000, the strategy evolved into a deterrence posture to support the Party’s objective to remain the primary military power inside Lebanon. Hezbollah’s posture could serve as a template for smaller terrorist groups. It would broaden the array of strategic options for violent non-state actors, allowing them to implement military postures that could be described as rudimentary and low-cost denial of access strategies. However, this scenario would require the same level of state support that Hezbollah currently enjoys from Iran, and that other non-state actors (Hamas, Houthi insurgents) do not at this stage.; (AN 41945447)
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4.

British and German initiatives for defence cooperation: the Joint Expeditionary Force and the Framework Nations Concept by Saxi, Håkon Lunde. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p171-197, 27p; Abstract: AbstractAt NATO’s 2014 Wales Summit, the UK and Germany unveiled two new initiatives for European defence cooperation, known, respectively, as the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and the Framework Nations Concept (FNC). Both were the result of economic pressures and the need to exercise intra-alliance leadership, but they represented very different approaches to cooperation. The JEF was to be a UK-led contingency force for short-notice operations, selectively incorporating forces from allies and partners. The FNC sought to coordinate capability development between groups of allies, centred on larger framework nations, to develop coherent capability-clusters available to meet NATO’s force requirements. The common denominator and novelty of the initiatives was the building of forces and capabilities multinationally by having major states act as framework nations for groups of smaller allies. The UK and Germany have ownership and continue to provide leadership to these initiatives. This is one key reason why they continue to evolve to accommodate changing circumstances and are likely to endure.; (AN 41945445)
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5.

Comparable deterrence – target, criteria and purpose by Sörenson, Karl. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p198-213, 16p; Abstract: AbstractThe last decade has seen several advances in the study of deterrence. These advances have sparked some strong disagreements regarding interpretation of the models and what their contributions signify. This paper appraises the discussions from a model theoretic perspective. It is argued that when comparing rivalling models three aspects; (i) target, (ii) criteria and (iii) type of purpose should be taken into account in order to make a proper appraisal. Informed by these aspects it is evident that the three deterrence models analysed address different aspects, in different ways and to different ends. From this perspective, the so-called Perfect Deterrence model must be recognised as a clear advancement in the research field. Model comparison will always be context relative and a plurality of models should be viewed favourably.; (AN 41945448)
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6.

NATO and collective defence in the twenty-first century: an assessment of the Warsaw summit by Devanny, Joe. Defence Studies, April 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 2 p214-217, 4p; (AN 41945449)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 2, April 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin; Palmore, Julian. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p77-78, 2p; (AN 41803896)
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2.

US paramilitary programs in comparative perspective: CIA, the US Army Special Forces, and the question of organizational form by Strandquist, Jon. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p79-93, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAssumed in the long-standing debate over which agency, CIA or the Department of Defense, should conduct US paramilitary operations is the idea that these organizations’ paramilitary programs are fundamentally the same kinds of things. This article questions that assumption by investigating the organizational forms underlying these agencies’ paramilitary programs in four empirical cases drawn from South Vietnam and post-9/11 Afghanistan. A typology is constructed around two identified organizational forms: “franchising” for CIA vs. “company ownership” for the US Army Special Forces. Different paramilitary organizational forms are found to have significant operational implications that should inform the paramilitary transfer debate.; (AN 41803900)
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3.

The Millenials’ war: dilemmas of network dependency in today’s military by Crosston, Matthew. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p94-105, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis work is about how the United States military has become dependent on networked technology. As arguably the largest contributor to national security, it has become so dependent that its chief doctrine integrates networked technology into nearly every specialty, with particularly intense focus on Network Centric Warfare. As the military’s old guard is replaced by the highly technical Millenial Generation, there is cause to pause when assuming this techno-acuity brings nothing but advantage and success. Vulnerabilities stemming from such extensive dependence offer opportunities for exploitation that have not gone unnoticed. The first step to moving forward from this point is to fully understand the extent to which the military has become dependent on computer networks. It might be the Millenials’ war today, but it would be quite unwise for the United States military to think about it and fight it in a purely Millenial way.; (AN 41803895)
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4.

Life in the “Gray Zone”: observations for contemporary strategists by Wirtz, James J.. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p106-114, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe term “Gray Zone” is gaining in popularity as a way of describing contemporary security challenges. This article describes the “short-of-war” strategies – the fait accompli, proxy warfare, and the exploitation of ambiguous deterrence situations, i.e. “salami tactics” – that are captured by the term and offers several explanations for why state and non-state actors are drawn to these strategies. The analysis highlights why defense postures based on deterrence are especially vulnerable to the short-of-war strategies that populate the “Gray Zone.” The article concludes by suggesting how defense officials might adapt defense policies to life in the “Gray Zone.”; (AN 41803894)
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5.

The US NATO and military burden sharing: post-Cold War accomplishments and future prospects by Cimbala, Stephen J.; Kent Forster, Peter. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p115-130, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNATO burden sharing has become an especially timely issue in the past several years as a result of a number of factors, including Russian annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine in 2014. This article argues that alliance unity among the great democracies of Europe and North America is indispensable to peace and stability on the Eurasian continent. A fractured NATO, and especially, a large divide in purposes or commitments as between the United States and its European security partners, invites aggression and the possibility of inadvertent escalation. Past successes and failures in US-involved multinational peace and stability operations, within and outside of Europe, show that mission accomplishment requires give and take, including the occasional acceptance of unequal costs and benefits among the members, in order to achieve peace and security objectives.; (AN 41803899)
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6.

The correlates of transatlantic burden sharing: revising the agenda for theoretical and policy analysis by Becker, Jordan. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p131-157, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile recent work has attempted to update the research agenda for transatiantic defense burden-sharing, there remain significant gaps between the public choice defense economics literature and the security studies literature. The presence of such a gap is unfortunate, because defense spending choices are likely shaped by factors identified by the public choice literature, as well as the strategic and cultural variables that the security studies literature tends to focus on, as well as domestic macroeconomic factors. The independent variables identified in recent qualitative literature are extremely useful analytically, and, fortunately, they have reasonable proxies in available quantitative data, which enables scholars to study them across large groups of countries and many years. This article builds upon such work to synthesize the most notable of the factors identified in the current literature, and offers some common analytical ground that will benefit both scholars and practitioners..; (AN 41803897)
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7.

European defence industry consolidation and domestic procurement bias by Kluth, Michael. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p158-173, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow have European cross-border defence industrial mergers and acquisitions affected domestic procurement bias among the major EU powers? This article departs from the findings of Andrew Moravcsik more than two decades ago suggesting that major West European states had no ingrained preferences for defence industrial autarchy. When cross-national armament projects were derailed, this could be attributed to political efforts of national defence industrial champions favouring purely domestic projects. As former national champions join pan-European defence groups, their preferences are likely modified. Does this shift procurement towards non-European “off-the-shelf” solutions which, according to Moravcsik, are favoured by defence departments? Or does it give impetus to a stronger preference for European as opposed to domestic systems? In this article, procurement patterns in the aftermath of cross-border defence industry consolidation will be analysed. Procurement bias is assessed in two industry segments characterised by pervasive consolidation.; (AN 41803898)
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8.

“Made in China”: an emerging brand in the global arms market by Li, Ling; Matthews, Ron. Defense and Security Analysis, April 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 2 p174-189, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPossession of a brand is a sine qua nonfor economic success, not least because it connotes trust in delivering the value promised. Although Western arms exporters offer branded systems whose sales are influenced by price, there is a plethora of other economic variables, such as offset requirements and life-cycle support. Entrants to the international arms market will struggle without such arms “packages.” China’s entry, however, goes beyond the traditional economic paradigm. A four-stage historical model offers the backdrop for identifying the drivers that have forged its market entry into 55 countries worldwide. The strategy initially focused on sales of rudimentary military equipment for political purposes, but recently it has begun to commercialize exports, repositioning them from a low- to a high-tech sales trajectory. A Sino “brand” is thus emerging, reflecting both competitiveness and diplomatic considerations, especially non-interference in client state domestic affairs.; (AN 41803901)
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15

Democratization
Volume 24, no. 4, June 2017

Record

Results

1.

Reverse coattail effects in undemocratic elections: an analysis of Russian locomotives by Moraski, Bryon J.. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p575-593, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article argues that the effectiveness of the tactics ruling parties use to control the electoral arena may depend on the electoral experience of its subordinates. To substantiate this point, the work examines Russia’s “locomotives” – the practice of placing regional governors on the list of the ruling party, United Russia, during national legislative elections. It argues that electoral payoffs also came from select regions without locomotives. Given the move to appointed governors, list exclusion likely indicated gubernatorial vulnerability. As a result, governors left off United Russia’s list may have responded by seeking to demonstrate their electoral utility, and those with longer tenures were more likely to succeed in these efforts. An analysis of the 2007 Duma elections shows that United Russia’s vote share was higher in regions where long-serving governors were left off the list. Since Russia’s appointment system dramatically changed the gubernatorial corps between 2007 and 2011, the article also considers changes in the effects of list placement over time. It finds that the relationship between list exclusion and higher vote shares for United Russia disappears as governors with electoral experience were removed from office.; (AN 41664763)
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2.

Democracy and the demographic transition by Wilson, Ben; Dyson, Tim. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p594-612, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article addresses the role of demographic factors in contributing to the emergence of democracy. It maintains that, other things being equal, progress in the demographic transition promotes democratization. The argument is developed with reference to the effects of interrelated changes in mortality, natural increase (i.e. population growth), fertility, and population age structure. Suggestions are also made with respect to how demographic and democratic trends should be gauged. An analysis of data for the period 1970–2005 for 77 countries that were initially non-democratic provides substantial support for the argument. Some implications are discussed, as are future trends in democratization from a demographer’s perspective.; (AN 41664764)
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3.

Direct democracy and subjective regime legitimacy in Europe by Gherghina, Sergiu. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p613-631, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhile much research focuses on the causes and consequences of direct democracy and regime legitimacy, little attention has been paid to the potential relationship between them. In an attempt to fill this void, this paper focuses on the legal provisions for direct democracy and its use. The key argument is that possibilities for the public’s direct involvement reflect high importance given to citizens, openness of the regime towards different modes of decision-making, and ways to avoid unpopular institutions. Consequently, citizens are likely to accept and support the regime, improving or maintaining its legitimacy. The cross-national analysis includes 38 European countries ranging from transition countries to established democracies. It uses bivariate statistical analysis and country-level data collected from legislation, secondary sources, and aggregate surveys.; (AN 41664765)
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4.

#Democracy: social media use and democratic legitimacy in Central and Eastern Europe by Placek, Matthew Alan. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p632-650, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 1989, many of the former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have made the dramatic change from communist regimes to democratic nations that are integrated in the European sphere. While these sweeping changes have given rise to a successful transition to democracy unlike any the world has ever seen, there remain issues with governance as well as citizen support for the regime. While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media effects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE.; (AN 41664766)
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5.

Effects and side effects of European Union assistance on the former Soviet republics by Shyrokykh, Karina. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p651-669, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the early 1990s the European Union (EU) has been the largest donor to the post-Soviet states. In the last decade it more than doubled development assistance to the region. One of the major purposes of assistance is human rights promotion. At the same time, it is still an open question whether, and under what conditions, assistance can improve human rights in recipient countries. This study applies time-series cross-section (TSCS) analysis to identify effects of external assistance. Using data from 12 post-Soviet states over 20 years, I show that conditions under which states are more likely to display a positive effect are high state capacity and political conditionality attached to economic cooperation agreements. Whereas, when state capacity is lower, assistance might cause a slight deterioration of the human rights situation. In hybrid regimes, assistance is associated with negative effects, indicating that external assistance might induce deterioration of human rights in such regimes.; (AN 41664767)
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6.

Dead letters on a page? Civic agency and inclusive governance in neopatrimonialism by Puljek-Shank, Randall. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p670-688, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNeopatrimonialism has explanatory power regarding the limitations of post-war democratization because it considers the combination of formally-democratic institutions together with power relations based on patronage. Neopatrimonialism does not however explain why marginalized groups make political claims in such inhospitable climates, nor have their experiences of governance processes been adequately explored. This paper addresses this gap based on empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, applying a framework of civic agency to elaborate the goals and capacities of civil society actors. Under what conditions can civic agency foster inclusive governance outcomes? The research found that perceptions of limited and ambiguous outcomes from engagement in governance processes encourage civil society organizations to have incrementalist goals and limit self-perceptions of capacity. Inclusive outcomes were nonetheless more likely with persistent intentions and actions. Transactional capacities based on ties to political actors rather than participatory capacities based on political mobilization were more likely to lead to inclusive governance outcomes.; (AN 41664769)
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7.

Why monarchy persists in small states: the cases of Tonga, Bhutan and Liechtenstein by Corbett, Jack; Veenendaal, Wouter; Ugyel, Lhawang. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p689-706, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMonarchical rule is said to have become anachronistic in a modern age of legal rational orders and representative institutions. And yet, despite successive waves of democratization having usurped their authority across much of the globe, a select few monarchs remain defiant, especially in small states. This stubborn persistence raises questions about the application of Huntington’s “King’s Dilemma” in which modern monarchs are apparently trapped in a historical cycle that will ultimately strip them of meaningful power. Drawing on in-depth historical research in three small states that have sought to combine democratic and monarchical rule – Tonga, Bhutan, and Liechtenstein – we argue that, contra Huntington, monarchs in small states are neither doomed to disappear nor are they likely to be overwhelmed by the dilemma posed by modernist development. The lesson is that the size of political units is a critical variable too often overlooked in existing studies.; (AN 41664768)
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8.

Preventive action and conflict mitigation in Nigeria’s 2015 elections by Orji, Nkwachukwu. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p707-723, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPrior to the 2015 Nigerian general elections, there were concerns that the fierce political contest would lead to electoral violence in the country. However, the elections were conducted peacefully, with fewer disputes and election-related deaths than previous elections. This study accounts for the fall in the level of electoral violence in Nigeria and discusses the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents. It argues that the avoidance of destructive electoral disputes in Nigeria was the result of preventive action taken by the country’s electoral commission, civil society groups, and development partners. The specific preventive actions taken include innovations in election administration aimed at enhancing electoral transparency and credibility, election security measures such as early warning and peace messaging, and preventive diplomacy urging the main candidates and the political elite to embrace peace. The key lesson that can be drawn from Nigeria’s experience is that a well thought out conflict prevention strategy should be an integral part of electoral governance, especially in countries with a high risk of electoral violence.; (AN 41664770)
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9.

In-between liberal authoritarianism and electoral authoritarianism: Hong Kong’s democratization under Chinese sovereignty, 1997–2016 by Fong, Brian. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p724-750, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOn the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover, Hong Kong’s transition towards a full democracy remains unsettled. Drawing upon the contemporary theories of hybrid regimes, this article argues that manipulations adopted by electoral authoritarian governments have become increasingly common in Hong Kong today. As Hong Kong’s elections, opposition activities, and media have been increasingly put under electoral authoritarian-style manipulations, the city-state is now situated in the “political grey zone” in-between liberal authoritarianism and electoral authoritarianism and its transition into a full democracy remains nowhere in sight. The case study of Hong Kong will help enrich the existing comparative literature on hybrid regimes by developing a new “in-between category” and offering an interesting case of democratization of sub-national polity.; (AN 41664771)
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10.

Hitting the saturation point: unpacking the politics of bureaucratic reforms in hybrid regimes by Bolkvadze, Ketevan. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p751-769, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do the survival incentives facing incumbents in hybrid regimes affect the engineering of bureaucratic reforms? This article tackles this question by departing from the literature on competitive authoritarianism and with the help of detailed empirical evidence from Georgia’s public administration reforms (2004–2012). It first argues that in order to preserve their hold on power, dominant parties have to tilt the political playing field, while still upholding popular support. I posit that this dual incentive structure leads the incumbents to promote efficiency of public service, but to also curb these policies at a point that would jeopardize their ability to use administrative resources for partisan ends. Consequently, bureaucratic reforms reach a saturation point, beyond which no more reforms can be endured.; (AN 41664772)
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11.

The taming of democracy assistance, by Sarah Sunn Bush by Bardall, Gabrielle. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p770-772, 3p; (AN 41664773)
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12.

Can political engineering build democracy? Three Southeast Asian cases by Reilly, Benjamin. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p772-777, 6p; (AN 41664775)
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13.

African state governance: subnational politics and national power, by A. Carl LeVan, Joseph Olayinka Fashagba and Edward R. McMahon by Ferreira do Vale, Hélder. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p777-779, 3p; (AN 41664774)
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14.

Foreign pressure and the politics of autocratic survival, by Abel Escribà-Folch and Joseph Wright by Yakouchyk, Katsiaryna. Democratization, June 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 4 p779-781, 3p; (AN 41664776)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 1, February 2017

Record

Results

1.

Blogging Strategies and Political Tactics in Runet: Introduction to the Special Issue by Suslov, Mikhail. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p3-5, 3p; (AN 41391525)
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2.

Leadership and Leaders in Networked Social Movements by Nikiporets-Takigawa, Galina. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p7-22, 16p; Abstract: Abstract:The followers/leaders, participation/leadership division is less obvious in Networked Social Movements than in traditional movements. Participants in these movements, adhering to egalitarian principles, seek to emphasize the absence of leaders, which has led some to characterize the movements as “leaderless.” This article interrogates that perspective through a critical review of these interpretations and myths, as well as the autonomous leadership theory proposed by Simon Western. After demonstrating the existence of hierarchy in Networked Social Movements, the article then focuses on the leaders of the Networked Social Movements, considering their specific characteristics in comparison to traditional leaders, and discussing the influence of new technologies on these specific characteristics.; (AN 41391404)
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3.

Parody Microbloggers as Chroniclers and Commentators on Russian Political Reality by Denisova, Anastasia. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p23-41, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:In the political environment of contemporary Russia, government-controlled media dominate the discourse. However, the Internet still provides a platform for – and visibility to – alternative voices and ideas. Parody microblogging is a popular recent phenomenon of Russian-language social media. Users with satire accounts utilize the names of power holders, publish links to the news, and provide opinion and contextualization, as well as offering satirical commentary on corruption, the management of the country and media propaganda. This article studies the function of parody framing in critical microblogging in the Russian-language Twitter. It discusses accounts spoofing the elites as tactical media that disrupt the hegemonic discourse and interpret political reality for the Russian digital audience.; (AN 41391679)
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4.

Blogging in Russian Academia: Practices of Self-Representation in Public Contexts by Zvereva, Galina. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p43-61, 19p; Abstract: Abstract:Academic blogging occupies an important place in the Russian social communications system. Russian academics are now creating and maintaining blogs on various digital platforms, using diverse formats to interact with on-line audiences. This paper explores how the behaviour of academic bloggers resembles that of other bloggers on the Internet. What are the features of academic blogging that distinguish it from other social media, and how visible are Russian scholars as bloggers? The paper examines the spaces in which academics in the Russian blogosphere position themselves in the public digital environment, and analyzes the ways in which they present and identify themselves. On this basis, it provides insight into how academic professionals organize their interactions with the wider public, and the ways in which specialized knowledge is transformed and broadcast in public online culture.; (AN 41391538)
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5.

Holy Fools in the Digital Age: Strategies of Self-Positioning in the Russian-language Orthodox Blogosphere by Suslov, Mikhail. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p63-85, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes the blogs of Russian-language Orthodox priests on the platform of LiveJournal. com, focusing on how bloggers reflect on their own activities, how they manage their identities, and how they relate to the secular Other and to the Church hierarchy. The analysis draws on the medieval Russian tradition of “holy foolishness” as the context which helps bloggers orientate themselves in and make sense of the digital environment, associated with a threat to the Orthodox ethos and theology. The article argues that Orthodox bloggers are a closed circle, opposed to the secular “outside world.” In relation to the Church authority, their position is ambiguous: they simultaneously distance themselves from the task of carrying out the Church mission online, and capitalize on their spiritual status for the purpose of “creation of the self” in the digital age.; (AN 41391705)
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6.

Self-Representation in the Web World of Opera: What Do the Blogs and Social Network Accounts of Famous Russian Opera Singers Tell Us About? by Kotkina, Irina. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, February 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p87-109, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:Uppsala Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies This article examines the online self-staging strategies of famous opera singers of Russian origin in Runet (the Russian-language internet). It argues that, in the Russian media context, opera singers’ blogs create an “emotional regime” of high intensity, which helps them to destabilize political hierarchies and intimately connect the grassroots with the political sphere. The study starts from the assumption that the digital environment changes the character of relations between audiences and celebrities in several ways. The most important of these, the paper argues, is that social network communication between opera stars and their fans distorts the traditional limitations and hierarchies.; (AN 41391736)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 9, no. 1-3, September 2016

Record

Results

1.

Computational linguistics analysis of leaders during crises in authoritarian regimes by Dowell, Nia M.; Windsor, Leah C.; Graesser, Arthur C.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p1-12, 12p; Abstract: We investigated linguistic patterns in the discourse of three prominent autocratic leaders whose tenure lasted for multiple decades. The texts of Fidel Castro, Zedong Mao, and Hosni Mubarak were analyzed using a computational linguistic tool (Coh-Metrix) to explore persuasive linguistic features during social disequilibrium and stability. The analyses were guided by the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion, which contrasts central versus peripheral routes to persuasion. Results show these leaders utilize the central persuasion route, with more formal discourse patterns during times of crises versus non-crises. A significant interaction between leader age and armed conflict revealed interesting adaptive characteristics. Specifically, leaders' formality decreases over time in both crises and non-crises times, but this attenuation is less prominent during crisis periods. The implications of these results are discussed in the context of using computational linguistics analyses to generate potential predictive models of social disequilibrium and to advance our understanding of authoritarian regimes.; (AN 41221373)
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2.

What a difference two years make: patterns of radicalization in a Philippine jail by Kruglanski, Arie W.; Gelfand, Michele J.; Sheveland, Anna; Babush, Maxim; Hetiarachchi, Malkanthi; Ng Bonto, Michele; Gunaratna, Rohan. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p13-36, 24p; Abstract: AbstractRecent high-profile terrorist attacks have led to attempts by social scientists to investigate the processes behind radicalization. Prisons have been identified as possible breeding grounds for radical extremism. However, the evidence so far is based almost solely on case studies. The research provides one of the first quantitative assessments of prison radicalization with directly measured extremist attitudes among detained terrorism suspects. The findings suggest that the prisoners indeed radicalized over time. This trend was predicted partially by demographic variables such as marital status, and psychological factors such as the need for cognitive closure (NFCC) and social dominance orientation (SDO).; (AN 41221374)
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3.

Cuing moral transcendence reduces support for torture and disentangles it from retributive and utilitarian concerns by Callaghan, Bennett; Hansen, Ian G.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p37-56, 20p; Abstract: AbstractWe investigated the impact of moral schemas with differing levels of “transcendence” on attitudes towards torture. Participants were exposed to one of three morality-relevant experimental conditions priming different levels of moral transcendence – with moral transcendence understood as the primary psychological dimension distinguishing preconventional, conventional and postconventional reasoning. Participants later considered two hypothetical detainee scenarios. For each detainee, participants judged the importance of punishment and seeking information, and evaluated the appropriateness of “severe interrogation”, either abstractly conceived (ACSI) or concretely described (CDSI). Across scenarios, the correlations between desiring information, desiring punishment, and recommending CDSI were strongest in the least transcendent condition and weakest in the most transcendent, suggesting that greater primed transcendence reduced associations between supporting CDSI and two common motivations of such support. Exposure to more transcendent moral schemas was also associated with a monotonic decline in support for CDSI in the two scenarios.; (AN 41221375)
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4.

Ideological rationality and violence: An exploratory study of ISIL’s cyber profile by Derrick, Douglas C.; Sporer, Karyn; Church, Sam; Scott Ligon, Gina. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p57-81, 25p; Abstract: AbstractThis exploratory study examines the narrative space of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Specifically, we developed a methodology to gather, archive, and analyze ISIL’s online presence in social media. Our sample was drawn from transient websites (N= 8308) collected between August 2015 and October 2015. From this pool, we coded a random sample of 100 English-only articles for violent, pragmatic, and ideological themes. Exploratory factor analyses revealed two constructs: violence and ideological rationality. Our findings offer insight into the messaging and organizational dynamics of ISIL. We conclude with implications and future directions.; (AN 41221376)
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5.

Designing and implementing programmes to tackle radicalization and violent extremism: lessons from criminology by Cherney, Adrian. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p82-94, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe field of criminology has helped to inform research and debate on the causes and prevention of terrorism. It has also provided important insights into understanding and tackling radicalization and violent extremism. In this paper the criminological field of crime prevention is drawn on to highlight how lessons from crime prevention policy and practice can help inform the ways central and local governments, authorities and community-based organizations programmatically (at the level of planning, designing and implementing policy or strategies) respond to radicalization and violent extremism. The five key lessons/insights covered are (1) the possible iatrogenic effects of interventions, (2) the need to use credible voices, (3) limits of diversion, (4) tension between central and local priorities, and (5) sustainability and capacity building. The aim is to highlight how various pitfalls in programme design and delivery can be overcome in the field of deradicalization and countering violent extremism. While the issues canvassed are not an exhaustive list, this paper reflects similar attempts to identify how experiences from other policy fields can help inform counter-terrorism efforts.; (AN 41221377)
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6.

Effect of foreign military intervention and controlled territory on the operational tempo of al-Shabaab attacks by Regens, James L.; Mould, Nick; Sartorius, Christopher M.; O’Dell, Jonathan. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 p95-107, 13p; Abstract: AbstractHarakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (commonly referred to as al-Shabaab) is the largest radical Islamist organization in Somalia and one of the oldest Islamist militant groups operating in Africa. This article analyzes the effects of foreign military intervention and the ability of the group to control territory on the operational tempo of al-Shabaab’s terrorist campaign. We examine the monthly distribution of attacks for 1050 successful attacks that occurred between December 2007 and December 2014 to assess fluctuation in operational tempo. A multivariate model is specified to estimate the impact of prior operational tempo, external military intervention, and the group’s ability to control territory within Somalia on variation in current operational tempo. Precipitation is included in the model as a variable to control for the effect of the rainy season in sub-Saharan Africa, which potentially reduces the group’s operational tempo by limiting its mobility. Focusing on the patterns associated with individual attacks over time and their relationship to internal and external influences provides insights into the role that prior operational tempo, controlled territory, and foreign military intervention play in facilitating or constraining the operational dynamics of the al-Shabaab terrorist organization, which may be replicated by groups operating elsewhere that combine insurgency with terrorism.; (AN 41221378)
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7.

Editorial Board Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2016, Vol. 9 Issue: Number 1-3 pebi-ebi; (AN 41221379)
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