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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 43, no. 4, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

Who Should the Military Recruit? The Effects of Institutional, Occupational, and Self-Enhancement Enlistment Motives on Soldier Identification and Behavior by Woodruff, Todd D.. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p579-607, 29p; Abstract: The U.S. military spends millions of dollars and substantial institutional effort to understand enlistment motives and appropriately target incentives, recruiting effort, and marketing to prospective members. Similarly, researchers have worked for decades to identify, understand, and conceptualize enlistment motives. Much less effort has been made to understand the effect enlistment motives/goals have on individuals after they join. This research uses well-established enlistment motives/goals to identify and understand their effects on soldiers’ value to the military in terms of organizational identification and critical discretionary behaviors. Using multicohort cross-sectional data from future, initial training, and currently serving soldiers, this research finds that intrinsic enlistment motives/goals, such as altruistic service and self-enhancement, create greater relational and behavioral value than most extrinsic/economic enlistment motives/goals such as pay, gaining skills for future employment, and educational funding. Intrinsic enlistment motives/goals have a strong positive effect on perceptions of the organization, social satisfaction, organizational identification, and discretionary pro-organizational behaviors. Conversely, economic enlistment goals tend to be associated with higher levels of economic satisfaction but decreased organizational identification and pro-organizational behavior. Importantly, these effects tend to persist among soldiers who have been in the military for years. Contrary to the institutional–occupational framework, self-focused enlistment goals, both intrinsic and extrinsic, can creative substantial value for the military when they are aligned with organizational interests. Based on these findings, the practice of using enlistment motives/goals to maximizing enlistment without considering their long-term impact on relationship quality and behavior appears myopic and may fail to maximize long-term value for the military.; (AN 42998954)
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2.

Recruitment and Retention in British Army Reserve Logistics Units by Bury, Patrick. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p608-631, 24p; Abstract: The British Army Reserve (AR), and in particular its logistics component, is undergoing profound changes. The Future Reserves 2020 policy aims to expand the AR and make it more deployable on operations. However, to date, FR20 has struggled to attract the recruits required to man this more deployable reserve force, despite recruitment campaigns offering increased monetary benefits. This study sampled AR logistics soldiers’ reasons for joining, remaining in service, and mobilizing when deployed. Consistent with the previous research, the study found that soldiers who joined for institutional reasons were more associated with longer career intentions and mobilizing for intrinsic reasons. Soldiers who joined for occupational reasons were less satisfied with all elements of reserve service and deployed in order to fulfill their contracts. These trends suggest that recruitment campaigns that stress the pecuniary benefits of reserve service may attract soldiers less committed to reserve service and deployments and who are harder to retain.; (AN 42998951)
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3.

Soldiers’ Recruitment in South Asia: An Empirical Case Study of the Propensity of Indian Gujarati Youth to Enlist by Singh, Mainpal. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p632-653, 22p; Abstract: This study uses a survey to examine the propensity of Indian Gujarati youth to enlist in the Army. The predictors were organized in three categories of demographic, individual characteristics of personality, routine and behavior, and socioeconomic and cultural aspects to measure their impact on the intention to enlist. The relationship between son’s intent to enlist and the father’s intent to allow the son’s enlistment was tested by logistic regression. The results of the study showed that non-Gujarati domiciles of Gujarat and the higher number of people working in the industrial plants had positive effect on enlistment propensity, whereas location of a factory near their residence had negative effect on the intention to enlist. Members of National Cadet Corps and those who did not have a family role model showed a positive intention to enlist.; (AN 42998959)
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4.

The Impact of Deployment on Children From Canadian Military Families by Skomorovsky, Alla; Bullock, Amanda. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p654-673, 20p; Abstract: Children in military families experience various stressors associated with the demands of military life, such as parental absences due to deployments. However, there is a limited understanding of children’s well-being to parental deployment from Canadian military families. This study was conducted to examine the impact of deployment on the well-being of school age children from Canadian Armed Forces families and to consider the resilience factors in their well-being. Focus groups with children (N= 85) showed that deployment negatively impacted children’s well-being, routines, and family dynamics. Active distraction and social support seeking served as the most effective protective factors against deployment stress. Recommendations for mitigating the impact of deployment are offered.; (AN 42998953)
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5.

Add Female Veterans and Stir? A Feminist Perspective on Gendering Veterans Research by Eichler, Maya. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p674-694, 21p; Abstract: This article examines how scholarship on veterans has begun to incorporate gender as a relevant category of research. Drawing on feminist theory, it identifies different approaches to gender within the field of veterans studies and suggests avenues for advancing this aspect of research. The vast majority of gender research on veterans treats gender as a descriptive category or variable through a focus on female veterans or gender differences. This article argues that research on veterans can be enriched by employing gender as an analytical category. Focusing on gender norms, power and inequality based on gender, and the intersections of gender with other categories of social difference opens up new questions for gender research on veterans. This kind of broader, analytical conceptualization of gender reveals the ways in which gender shapes the transition to civilian life for all veterans and how veterans policies and programs impact gender relations.; (AN 42998957)
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6.

The Recent Occupation and Industry Employment Patterns of American Veterans by Schulker, David. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p695-710, 16p; Abstract: Programs aiming to ease the transition from military to civilian life have increasingly focused on specific occupation areas where veteran skills might overlap with civilian job requirements. This research uses the American Community Survey to examine the occupations and industries that veterans tend to work in as well as how veteran incomes compare to similar nonveterans in each area. Results show that veterans tend to seek civilian occupations where military experience is likely to apply, as areas of veteran overrepresentation echo technical military functions. Furthermore, veterans generally tend to earn higher incomes than similar nonveterans in these areas of potential military–civilian overlap, but most income differences are relatively moderate. The results imply that programs encouraging transitioning military members to find a civilian occupation that is similar to their military experience may better assist those in military occupations with clear civilian applications.; (AN 42998950)
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7.

The Military Role in Filling the Security Gap After Armed Conflict: Three Cases by Neuteboom, Peter; Soeters, Joseph. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p711-733, 23p; Abstract: During stabilization operations, the host nation and the international community are often confronted with a security gap, which could be a prelude to an explosive growth of crime and public disorder. In the absence of a functioning local police, an alternative is that the (international) military temporarily intervenes as interim police. This article analyzes how the Netherlands’ military performed during security gaps in three (post)conflict areas: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Iraq. It concludes that army units frequently were involved in interim policing and de facto operated as hybrid organizations, without leaving the military paradigm behind. Policing is generally not seen as a primary task of the military, however. To adapt to the reality of security gaps and to increase the operational effectiveness in the field of public security, the military would benefit from reflecting on their current military paradigm and on what they could learn from current policing practices.; (AN 42998955)
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8.

Prospect Theory and Civil–Military Conflict: The Case of the 1976 Korean Axe Murder Incident by Winger, Gregory. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p734-757, 24p; Abstract: This article investigates the potential use of prospect theory to understand civil–military disputes over the use of force. Specifically, I argue that distinct realms of responsibility can lead civilian and military authorities to inhabit different frames of reference when confronting the same crisis. This divergence in perspective causes each to asses risk in fundamentally disparate ways and ultimately produces competing policy recommendations. To illustrate this theory, I analyze the case of the 1976 Korean tree cutting incident. During this crisis, American military authorities define the situation narrowly as pertaining to the Korean peninsula, whereas the civilian leadership viewed it as part of a global challenge to American resolve. As a result, each party weighed the risks of escalation differently and promoted conflicting policy prescriptions.; (AN 42998958)
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9.

Book Review: European Military Culture and Security Governance: Soldiers, Scholars and National Defence Universities by Mäkinen, Juha. Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p758-760, 3p; (AN 42998952)
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10.

Acknowledgment of Reviewers Armed Forces & Society, October 2017, Vol. 43 Issue: Number 4 p761-763, 3p; (AN 42998956)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 36, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Corrigendum Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 pci-ci, 1p; (AN 42893354)
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2.

The Helsinki Final Act four decades on by Foroughi, Payam. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p293-299, 7p; (AN 42893343)
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3.

The OSCEs of Central Asia by Dunay, Pál. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p300-312, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCentral Asia is the ‘best customer’ of the OSCE. It is the area of five post-Soviet OSCE participating states that are in significant need of support by the organization that prides itself on cooperative security and that have many shortcomings primarily in the humanitarian dimension, which the organization should foster to change. Central Asia has demonstrated less political and socio-economic transformation since its independence than it could have. While it receives reduced interest due to the declining importance of those two matters that contributed to it (rich natural resources and energy bearers and the vicinity of Afghanistan), the OSCE is the organization where Central Asia is ‘at home’. Central Asian states would like to face less soft persuasion (and even less hard pressure), but they would like to benefit from the assistance of the organization and its participating states. It is for this reason that there is more than one OSCE in Central Asia trying to meet the different needs of the area.; (AN 42893342)
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4.

Human rights concepts in the OSCE region: changes since the Helsinki Final Act by Rhodes, Aaron. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p313-330, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Helsinki Accords resonated with dissident movements in the Soviet Bloc that had reconstructed a classical liberal approach to human rights. Human rights campaigns on both sides of the Iron Curtain emphasized civil and political rights. But human rights revisionism, expanding the scope of human rights, was growing in international institutions. In 1993, the international community embraced the concept of the ‘indivisibility’ of human rights. An expansive, ‘post-modern’ vision of human rights de-emphasized the protection of basic individual freedoms, while expanding global regulation. A strong moral and political challenge to classical human rights has emerged in the form of Eurasianism, a statist doctrine that denies the existence of universal human rights and insists that each culture has its own values. The idea of human rights as protections for basic freedoms, diluted and weakened over decades by assaults and compromises, may lack the moral clarity needed to confront the Eurasian challenge.; (AN 42893345)
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5.

Overlap with contestation? Comparing norms and policies of regional organizations in the post-Soviet space by Russo, Alessandra; Gawrich, Andrea. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p331-352, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTwo sets of regional organizations contribute to the overlapping regionalism in the former Soviet space. On one side we find the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe (COE), whose original ‘Cold War agenda’ was to enhance the political dialogue across the East–West divide in Europe. On the other side is a kaleidoscopic group of organizations which have been established in the framework of (re-)emerging ambitions of regional leadership, if not hegemony, whose creation has been often interpreted in ‘reactive’ terms, to counterbalance Western influences and projects in the Eurasian geopolitical theatre. The article aims at conceptualizing these regional overlaps, focusing on drivers and effects in terms of regional governance in the post-Soviet region. The authors investigate the similarities and contradictions among four organizations (OSCE, COE, Commonwealth of Independent States and Shanghai Cooperation Organization) from the two different organizational sets, regarding leading norms and policies that address both human and security dimensions.; (AN 42893344)
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6.

Benefactor, industry or intruder? Perceptions of international organizations in Central Asia – the case of the OSCE in Tajikistan by Kluczewska, Karolina. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p353-372, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSoon after the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991, a civil war started in Tajikistan (1992–97). This was also the period when a number of international organizations arrived in the country to distribute humanitarian assistance and assist in conflict resolution and stabilization. After the UN, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) was the second key organization which appeared in the conflict-stricken country. Like other key international organizations in Tajikistan, the OSCE, which has been in the country since 1994, has seen a shift in its original functions of monitoring and emergency assistance. Some see its avowed objectives in the new century as formalistic, virtual and ineffective. By capturing perceptions of foreign assistance to Tajikistan among employees of the OSCE and other international organizations, NGO workers, government officials and ordinary citizens, this article explores how Tajikistan ‘socialized’ the OSCE, making the organization simultaneously a benefactor, an industry and even an intruder.; (AN 42893346)
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7.

Helsinki’s counterintuitive effect? OSCE/ODIHR’s election observation missions and solidification of virtual democracy in post-communist Central Asia: the case of Tajikistan, 2000–2013 by Foroughi, Payam; Mukhtorova, Uguloy. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p373-390, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince the late 1990s, the post-communist states of Central Asia, as ‘participating States’ of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, have been regularly persuaded by the organization to invite its Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to monitor their national parliamentary and presidential elections. The OSCE/ODIHR’s objectives have been to assist the Central Asian participating states in holding free and fair elections and aid in a presumed ongoing post-communist democratization process. We argue that contrary to OSCE’s assumptions, repeated OSCE/ODIHR election observations of Central Asian states with histories of fraudulent elections (as demonstrated by the case study of Tajikistan during 2000–2013) have not contributed to the flourishing of democracy and political pluralism, but rather inadvertently aided in the solidification of authoritarianism and ‘virtual democracy’ – a phenomenon we refer to as ‘Helsinki’s counterintuitive effect’. Using stakeholder interviews, we test four hypotheses in support of this general proposition.; (AN 42893348)
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8.

Timur Kasymovich Beisembiev, 1955–2016 by Morrison, Alexander. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p391-394, 4p; (AN 42893349)
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9.

Making Uzbekistan: nation, empire, and revolution in the early USSR by Penati, Beatrice. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p395-398, 4p; (AN 42893347)
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10.

Oil and water: being Han in Xinjiang by Eitzen, Hilda. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p398-400, 3p; (AN 42893350)
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11.

The Šabdan Baatır Codex: epic and the writing of northern Kyrgyz history by Dwyer, Arienne M.. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p400-403, 4p; (AN 42893351)
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12.

The state as investment market: Kyrgyzstan in comparative perspective by Sakiev, Azamat. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p403-405, 3p; (AN 42893352)
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13.

Iranian languages and literatures of Central Asia: from the eighteenth century to the present by Perry, John R.. Central Asian Survey, July 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p405-407, 3p; (AN 42893353)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 231, no. 1, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 231 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b6, 6p; (AN 43458740)
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2.

CQY volume 231 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 43458758)
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3.

Foreword by the Editor by Pringle, Tim. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p565-566, 2p; (AN 43458754)
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4.

Central–Local Relations: Recentralization and Environmental Governance in China by Kostka, Genia; Nahm, Jonas. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p567-582, 16p; Abstract: AbstractRecent literature on environmental governance in China frequently ascribes blame for China's environmental problems to sub-national governments' lax environmental enforcement. Such research implicitly assumes that more central control would lead to better results but, as yet, the role of the centre in environmental governance remains underresearched. In the context of the current phase of recentralization, this article studies central and local interests, capacities and interactions across policy issues and government agencies. By “bringing the centre back” into the study of central–local relations in China, we examine both where such recentralization has in fact occurred and whether such recentralization efforts have improved environmental outcomes. We argue that centralization does not improve outcomes in every case. Further, central and local levels of governance are not as different as they might seem. Indeed, there are significant areas of overlapping interests and similar patterns of behaviour, both positive (enforcement) and negative (shirking), between central and local administrations. The results draw an empirically and theoretically rich picture of central–local relations that highlights the innate complexity of China's environmental governance patterns during the current phase of recentralization.; (AN 43458739)
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5.

Centralizing Trends and Pollution Law Enforcement in China by van Rooij, Benjamin; Zhu, Qiaoqiao; Na, Li; Qiliang, Wang. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p583-606, 24p; Abstract: AbstractThis article analyses centralizing trends that may be able to reduce the negative influence of local protectionism on environmental law enforcement in China. The article finds that as centralizing trends unfolded, enforcement over time has become stricter and more frequent, however with only minor effects in reducing pollution. Moreover it finds a situation of uneven enforcement with richer and more urbanized areas having much stronger and more frequent enforcement than inland areas. Centralizing trends may thus have spurred stronger enforcement, but concurrently allowed for an uneven enforcement. At the same time, the article finds a continued local influence, keeping enforcement too weak to have much effect in reducing pollution and allowing for local interests to shape enforcement into unequal outcomes.; (AN 43458756)
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6.

Neither Centre nor Local: Community-Driven Experimentalist Governance in China by Shin, Kyoung. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p607-633, 27p; Abstract: AbstractBased on findings from three years of site-intensive fieldwork at the local level, this article presents evidence to suggest that binary governance frameworks like centre–local relations are insufficient to understand certain local regulatory outcomes in contemporary China. I seek to specify a distinct type of local governance that has been emerging in recent years, which blurs existing binary concepts. It can be distinguished along two main dimensions: ostensible structure and modalities of governance. Two cases are analysed to illustrate the ways in which it impacts local regulatory outcomes. The analyses point to the need for expanding our portfolio of approaches to understanding local governance in contemporary China.; (AN 43458747)
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7.

Understanding Blame Politics in China's Decentralized System of Environmental Governance: Actors, Strategies and Context by Ran, Ran. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p634-661, 28p; Abstract: AbstractDecentralized environmental governance theory suggests that decentralization can produce better environmental performance mainly because lower-level governments are closer to the people and environmental issues and are considered more legitimate than the national government. However, China's decentralized system of environmental governance has been often regarded as a key factor in creating pollution problems rather than in solving them. To explain this puzzle, this article, using Blame Avoidance Behaviour in government theory as a theoretical framework, examines how blame avoidance behaviour shapes China's decentralized system of environmental governance from three perspectives: first, actors and the chain of blame shaped by the hierarchical power structure among environmental policymakers and implementers; second, the strategies of discursive domination and decentralization for blaming environmental problems on local officials; and lastly, the contextual factor of “hierarchical governmental trust.” Drawing on documentary discursive analysis and extensive fieldwork, this article suggests that the dysfunction of China's decentralized environmental governance structure may in fact be an outcome of a blame-shifting game between central and local governments.; (AN 43458733)
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8.

China's War on Air Pollution: Can Existing Governance Structures Support New Ambitions? by Wong, Christine; Karplus, Valerie J.. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p662-684, 23p; Abstract: AbstractUnprecedented and highly visible degraded air quality in China's urban centres has prompted a step change in central government control efforts in recent years. This “War on Air Pollution” has included a mixture of administrative controls, regulatory clampdowns, economic incentives and public education campaigns. A critical constraint on how policies are designed and implemented is the central government's capacity to access accurate cost information, and monitor, evaluate and enforce the policies at subordinate levels of government. We examine in detail the directives and arrangements that underpin China's “War on Air Pollution” at the provincial level, taking Hebei province as a case study. Located upwind of Beijing, Hebei's heavy industries have been a particular focus of the environmental policies. The current approach, which requires highly specific and costly local actions, yet allocates funds centrally, suffers from misaligned incentives and does not address longstanding weaknesses in local policy monitoring, evaluation and enforcement.; (AN 43458729)
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9.

Central Protectionism in China: The “Central SOE Problem” in Environmental Governance by Eaton, Sarah; Kostka, Genia. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p685-704, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the so-called “central State Owned Enterprise (SOE) problem” in China's environmental governance system, namely central SOEs' defiance of environmental regulation. We present evidence showing that, in the last decade, central SOEs have been the source of a large number of serious pollution incidents and have often failed to comply with environmental guidelines and regulations. Central SOEs in the electricity generation and oil and gas industries are particularly culpable, with six firms alone accounting for 62 per cent of all 2,370 reported violations (2004–2016). We argue that a combination of “central protectionism” of state-owned national champions and insufficient regulatory capacity in the environmental bureaucracy have provided state firms under central management with both incentives and opportunities to shirk on environmental regulations. Yet, while the institutions of central protectionism are deeply rooted, countervailing forces within the complex Chinese state are also gaining momentum. In spite of the considerable regulatory challenges, officials in the environment bureaucracy display increasing resolve and ingenuity in trying to strengthen their enforcement capacity.; (AN 43458759)
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10.

Exploiting the Implementation Gap: Policy Divergence and Industrial Upgrading in China's Wind and Solar Sectors by Nahm, Jonas. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p705-727, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that manufacturing policies of Chinese local governments have provided an important corrective to some of the weaknesses inherent in the central government's indigenous innovation framework, most importantly its inattention to the importance of advanced manufacturing capabilities for innovation. Based on an original dataset of over one hundred executive interviews conducted with 43 Chinese wind and solar firms, I identify both central government R&D funding and continued local government support for manufacturing as critical factors in enabling innovation among China's renewable energy firms. In particular, this article shows that firms have utilized a combination of both central and local government policies to establish unique engineering capabilities required for innovation in commercialization and scale-up to mass production. The findings suggest that continued local government support for the manufacturing economy has not undermined central government innovation policies, but has (1) broadened the range of resources available to entrepreneurial firms and (2) enabled new options for industrial upgrading that are outside the conceptualization of innovation underlying the central government's indigenous innovation framework.; (AN 43458757)
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11.

Local Governance Pathways to Decarbonization in China and India by Gilley, Bruce. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p728-748, 21p; Abstract: AbstractReducing greenhouse gas emissions in the world's two largest countries requires feasible governance pathways that integrate politics, policy and administration. Using examples of successful mitigation at the local level in China (Guangzhou) and India (Gujarat), this article identifies integrated governance solutions that work in both cases through different types of linkages. In China, it is mainly intra-governmental linkages, while in India it is mainly state–society linkages. In neither case do international negotiations concerning emissions targets have significant effects, while national frameworks have only marginal effects. Approaching the problem in this comparative manner helps to clarify how greenhouse gas governance operates in each country, the lessons for central–local environmental relations, and the implications for international assistance.; (AN 43458736)
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12.

Implementation of Pollution Control Targets in China: Has a Centralized Enforcement Approach Worked? by Zhang, Xuehua. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p749-774, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThe scholarly work on China's environmental regulations in the context of “central–local” relations is dominated by the preference for a centralized approach. This article examines a centrally imposed and executed verification programme of locally reported pollution data, a rare and sustained central effort to enforce an environmental policy, namely the national pollution reduction target system. The programme was established in 2007 to curtail perceived widespread data falsification and to enhance the quality of emission data, the basis for assessing local compliance with targets. Based on an analysis of official documents and interviews with environmental officials and industry representatives, this article found that the verification programme appears to have reduced the overreporting problem with emission data, enhanced local monitoring and enforcement capacity, and to a certain degree deterred violations due to the increased frequency of national and local inspections. Nevertheless, significant challenges remain. Verification is highly resource intensive, it has involved little external oversight and public participation, the central authority has exerted significant yet unchecked discretionary powers, and poor data quality has remained an issue. Over time, the verification programme appears to have turned into essentially a “numbers game.” All those challenges indicate that a centralized enforcement approach is arguably ineffective in addressing China's long-standing problem of weak environmental policy implementation. This study also sheds lights on the classical “principal-agent” theory in the study of public bureaucracy. Not only does the principal distrust the agent, which is the main concern of the theory, but the agent also distrusts the principal.; (AN 43458744)
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13.

The Ecology of Chinese Academia: A Third-Eye Perspective by Tenzin, Jinba. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p775-796, 22p; Abstract: AbstractWhile Chinese academic excellence is gaining increasing international recognition, plagiarism, corruption, nepotism and other negative practices are reportedly rampant in academia in China. Many point the finger at fundamental flaws within the tizhi, the highly structured Chinese socio-political system. I propose re-examining Chinese academia and its practices by applying and expanding Pierre Bourdieu's notion of fieldas this framework helps to identify the predicament of the “deep water” in which Chinese scholars and institutes find themselves. The four fields I outline – ideological, quasi-official, fame–profit and guanxifields – spotlight academic practices with “Chinese characteristics.” I elaborate on my own experiences and reflections as both an insider and outsider to these practices, a position which I refer to as a third-eye perspective. I argue that despite the constraints of the “deep water,” the field-oriented angle of investigation reveals that the depths and types of “deep water” vary from one institute to another and also that the internally generated ongoing initiatives promise a step-by-step transformation in Chinese academia. To provoke further thought, I contend that the Chinese case is both a non-exception and alternative to the Western (and other) practices. In so doing, I call for a balanced perspective to re-examine Chinese academic ecology.; (AN 43458749)
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14.

Missing Girls or Hidden Girls? A Comment on Shi and Kennedy's “Delayed Registration and Identifying the ‘Missing Girls’ in China” by Cai, Yong. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p797-803, 7p; Abstract: In a recent article published in this journal, Yaojiang Shi and John Kennedy suggest that China's missing girls problem is much more a statistical artefact than previously known. According to their analysis, unreported female births, or hidden girls, account for 73 per cent of the 15 million missing girls from the 1990–2010 birth cohorts in the 2010 census. Their conclusion is based in part on their fieldwork, but the numerical estimate is grounded on their understanding and analyses of Chinese census data. While the insights from their fieldwork – that China's political system leaves ample room for data manipulation and delayed registration – cannot be faulted, Shi and Kennedy's analyses of Chinese census data are questionable and their conclusion is in contradiction with the “missing girls” shown in other data sources. In this short note, I present three lines of evidence to challenge Shi and Kennedy's conclusion: one from the censuses, one from official education statistics, and one from survey data. For the sake of clarity, I use two terms to describe missing girls: nominal missing – the number of missing girls as revealed by population statistics, and truly missing – the number of missing girls excluding those hidden (unreported) girls. My conclusion backs the conventional wisdom about the missing girls phenomenon in China: the elevated sex ratios in Chinese population, or “missing girls,” is not a statistical artefact, but a real social challenge that China has to face for now and for the foreseeable future.; (AN 43458730)
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15.

Missing Girls, Indirect Measures and Critical Assumptions: A Response to Yong Cai's Comments by Shi, Yaojiang; Kennedy, John James. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p804-810, 7p; Abstract: We thank Yong Cai for his comments and insights regarding our piece on the “missing girls.” We also recognize and appreciate his expertise in the field of population studies. In short, we agree that we have overestimated the number of nominally missing girls and that the number of hidden or recovered girls may be closer to 10 million or half of the truly missing girls rather than 15 million. Of course, the number of truly missing girls is inconclusive due to the lack of direct measures and the reliance on proxy measures such as previous census data, surveys and state education data. Given the absence of direct measures for the truly missing, scholars also rely on assumptions of villager behaviour and local policy implementation, such as the continued prevalence of son preference as well as the implementation of birth control measures across rural China. Our aim for the “missing girls” article is not to solely challenge the numbers (because we realize the margin of error is in the millions), but we want to challenge the social and political assumptions behind the truly missing. Therefore, we believe the debate over the general estimates of the truly missing is real and should continue.; (AN 43458741)
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16.

Book Review: Centrifugal Empire: Central–Local Relations in China by Mertha, Andrew. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p811-812, 2p; (AN 43458755)
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17.

Book Review: The Making of the Chinese Middle Class: Small Comfort and Great Expectations by Goodman, David S. G.. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p812-814, 3p; (AN 43458731)
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18.

Book Review: The Economics of Air Pollution in China: Achieving Better and Cleaner Growth by Ahlers, Anna L.. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p814-815, 2p; (AN 43458743)
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19.

Book Review: Governing the Commons in China by Barr, Michael. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p815-817, 3p; (AN 43458732)
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20.

Book Review: Networking China: The Digital Transformation of the Chinese Economy by Yu, Haiqing. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p817-819, 3p; (AN 43458737)
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21.

Book Review: The Magic of Concepts: History and the Economic in Twentieth-Century China by Wright, Tim. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p819-820, 2p; (AN 43458752)
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22.

Book Review: China and Islam: The Prophet, the Party, and Law by Leibold, James. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p821-822, 2p; (AN 43458753)
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23.

Book Review: Finding Women in the State: A Socialist Feminist Revolution in the People's Republic of China, 1949–1964 by Altehenger, Jennifer. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p822-824, 3p; (AN 43458738)
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24.

Book Review: Family Life in China by Liu, Fengshu. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p824-826, 3p; (AN 43458735)
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25.

Book Review: Hong Kong in the Shadow of China: Living with the Leviathan and Democratization in Hong Kong – and China? by Fong, Brian C. H.. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p826-828, 3p; (AN 43458745)
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26.

Book Review: Hong Kong's Indigenous Democracy: Origins, Evolution and Contentions by Kwan, Chung-Yin. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p828-830, 3p; (AN 43458760)
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27.

Book Review: China–India Relations in the Contemporary World: Dynamics of National Interest and Identity by Verma, Raj. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p830-831, 2p; (AN 43458742)
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28.

Book Review: Mapping Chinese Rangoon: Place and Nation among the Sino-Burmese by Li, Yi. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p832-833, 2p; (AN 43458750)
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29.

Book Review: A World Trimmed with Fur: Wild Things, Pristine Places, and the Natural Fringes of Qing Rule by Marks, Robert B.. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p833-835, 3p; (AN 43458734)
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30.

Book Review: Recite and Refuse: Contemporary Chinese Prose Poetry by Wang, Pu. The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p835-836, 2p; (AN 43458746)
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31.

Books Received The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p837-838, 2p; (AN 43458748)
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32.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, September 2017, Vol. 231 Issue: Number 1 p839-840, 2p; (AN 43458751)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 19, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Statement – New Civil Wars Team by Fisher, Jonathan; Jackson, Paul. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p1-3, 3p; (AN 42856340)
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2.

Everyday Social Practices and Boundary-Making in Deeply Divided Societies by Mac Ginty, Roger. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p4-25, 22p; Abstract: AbstractBased on empirical evidence and conceptual scoping, this article builds a typology of everyday social practices in a deeply divided society. The typology distinguishes between moderating and non-moderating practices relating to boundaries. Based on a case study of contemporary Lebanon, it describes how boundary making and maintaining are the stuff of everyday life in deeply divided societies. But it also describes how the society under study also contains much evidence of fluidity and permeability in relation to boundaries. Many of these instances of boundary crossing do not threaten the meta politico-religious boundary, but they do compel us to re-evaluate views of deeply divided societies as comprised of homogenous and uncompromising blocs.; (AN 42856339)
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3.

Fettered Self-determination: South Sudan’s Narrowed Path to Secession by de Vries, Lotje; Schomerus, Mareike. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p26-45, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThe interpretation of self-determination as a vote for secession shaped the state that South Sudan has become since the 2011 referendum. Self-determination, this paper argues, is a democratic political process in which citizens determine their preferred form of statehood and nature of governance for their country. In South Sudan, however, political actors—with international support—established conditions that reduced such complex democratic processes to narrow technical matters. Equating self-determination with secession consolidated political and military domination in a process designed to end such domination. This was done at the expense of a more inclusive, process-oriented and political interpretation of self-determination.; (AN 42856341)
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4.

When to Get Out of the Trench? Using Smart Pressure to Resolve Civil Wars by Duursma, Allard. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p46-64, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article puts forward a theory of smart pressure, which emphasises that third-party pressure only works if the conflict parties under pressure can agree with the endpoint of this pressure. Hence, a potential mutually acceptable agreement needs to be formulated before a mediator starts to apply pressure. To this argument, this article employs two case studies: the mediation efforts leading up to the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement concluded in 2005 and the Darfur Peace Agreement concluded in 2006. These cases support the smart pressure theory and suggest that mediators need to be modest about what they can accomplish using pressure.; (AN 42856342)
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5.

State-making at Gunpoint: The Role of Violent Conflict in Somaliland’s March to Statehood by Balthasar, Dominik. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p65-86, 22p; Abstract: AbstractThe role of war in processes of state-making has long been hotly disputed. Although generally considered an African ‘success story’, the case of Somaliland, whose unilateral declaration of independence was embedded in violent conflict, may be instructive. Applying the conceptual prism of ‘rule standardization’, this article argues that episodes of large-scale violence were constitutive of Somaliland’s state-making trajectory. Based on theoretical reasoning and empirical findings, the article concludes that, while collective political violence is neither an angel of order nor a daemon of decay, war can be constitutive of state-making under the condition that it advances institutional and identity standardization.; (AN 42856343)
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6.

The Uneven Application of the ‘Civil War’ Label to Iraq by Scarcelli, Marc. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p87-107, 21p; Abstract: AbstractMany scholars and policy practitioners believe that the US invasion of Iraq triggered a civil war. Several major scholarly data-sets, however, do not code a civil war, due to the challenge of coding multiple simultaneous patterns of violence. Further, many political actors have resisted the term, due to obvious political and public relations concerns. This paper analyses these discrepancies in the use of the label, arguing that, for scholars, the coding problem could limit or even bias models of civil war, while for policymakers, the failure to see Iraq’s civil war as such has contributed to major policy failures, from the Bush administration’s state of denial early in the war to the Obama administration’s withdrawal and the subsequent reescalation of violence.; (AN 42856346)
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7.

Fundamentals of Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention by Lawrinson, Blake. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p108-111, 4p; (AN 42856345)
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8.

Managing Conflicts in India: Policies of Coercion and Accommodation by Waterman, Alex. Civil Wars, January 2017, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 1 p111-115, 5p; (AN 42856344)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Italian Public Opinion in the Atomic Age: Mass-market Magazines Facing Nuclear Issues (1963–1967) by Ciglioni, Laura. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p205-221, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThrough the analysis of a wide range of Italian mass-market magazines and a selection of public opinion surveys, this essay investigates widespread images and perceptions about nuclear issues in Italy during the Sixties. It considers the views of Italians about nuclear weapons within foreign policy debates, as well as the wide range of fears expressed about the atomic bomb. The article also analyses the image of anti-nuclear movements, as well as Italians’ views on disarmament and the easing of international relations after 1962. Deeply influenced by ideological divides and filtered through the mechanisms of mass culture – which tended to trivialise the bomb – these widespread representations of nuclear issues offer a unique perspective on Italians’ beliefs, fears, and hopes during a time of deep socio-economic change and shifting political equilibriums in the country.; (AN 42885524)
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2.

The five hats of Nina Ponomareva: sport, shoplifting and the Cold War by Edelman, Robert. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p223-239, 17p; Abstract: AbstractThe 1956 arrest in London of the Soviet Olympic discus champion, Nina Ponomareva, for shoplifting five hats worth one pound became a major international incident. Initially, both sides followed familiar Cold War scripts. The Soviets demanded the charges be dropped, but the British refused to do so. Ponomareva went into hiding at the Soviet embassy. The matter was front page news the world over. Six weeks passed before it was resolved. This minor confrontation demonstrated both the tenacity of Cold War rhetoric and the ultimate ability of the two sides to find compromise.; (AN 42885526)
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3.

Between Détente and Differentiation: Nixon’s visit to Bucharest in August 1969 by Pechlivanis, Paschalis. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p241-258, 18p; Abstract: AbstractPresident Nixon’s decision to visit Romania in the summer of 1969 demarcated a symbolic turning point in the relations of Washington with Bucharest and the Eastern European communist states in general. This article examines the policies of both sides leading to this historical event and its respective outcomes. It places the opening of Romania to the United States and the latter’s embrace of such a prospect within the broader Cold War context of the time; the policy of differentiation and the imminent détente. Just a year after the invasion in Czechoslovakia, Nixon and Kissinger sought to explore the compatibility of their policy towards the rest of the socialist states with their grand design of the superpower détente with the USSR. Ceausescu’s independent profile within the Soviet bloc constituted Romania a textbook example for such an endeavour.; (AN 42885525)
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4.

‘Red on White’: Kim Il Sung, Park Chung Hee, and the Failure of Korea’s Reunification, 1971–1973 by Radchenko, Sergey; Schaefer, Bernd. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p259-277, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThe articles argues that in 1971–1973 North Korea’s leader Kim Il Sung used the Sino-American rapprochement and the Soviet-American détente to pursue Korean reunification on his terms; his aim was to ‘democratize’ and then ‘revolutionize’ South Korea and so achieve through dialogue what he failed to achieve through militancy. Kim’s game was based on a misreading of the political dynamics in South Korea and on misplaced confidence in North Korea’s attractiveness. He also misjudged his ability to obtain China’s and the USSR’s backing for his schemes.; (AN 42885523)
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5.

Sir Reader Bullard, Frank Roberts and the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46: Bevin’s officials, perceptions and the adoption of a Cold War mentality in British Soviet Policy by Shaw, Alexander Nicholas. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p279-297, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis article evaluates the influence of the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945–46 on evolving perceptions of the Soviet Union within the British Foreign Office. Utilising records from the National Archives and personal papers, it synthesises the history of the Azerbaijan crisis with studies of Britain’s changing Soviet policy, previously focused solely on the Northern Department and Moscow representative Frank Roberts. In so doing, the paper provides an original diplomatic history which argues that, although Europe remained the strategic priority for Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Iranian developments were of greater significance in prompting a perceptual transition from cooperation to Cold War confrontation.; (AN 42885527)
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6.

The “Ideological Offensive” in Education: the Portrayal of the United States in Secondary Curricula and Textbooks in Poland during the Stalinist Period (1948–1956) by Król, Joanna; Wojcik, Teresa G.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p299-319, 21p; Abstract: AbstractDuring the period of the People’s Republic of Poland (1952–1989), schools played a decisive role in transmitting the official ideology of the ruling Communist regime and cultivating young supporters. One of the most important aspects of indoctrination was constructing in students’ hearts and minds a particular image and disposition towards the United States. While existing research has examined the high level of political propaganda in the content of textbooks and curricula during the Communist period in Poland, no one has specifically analysed how these materials depicted the United States during the critical Stalinist years (1948–1956). Analysis of official curricula and textbooks for civics and history courses in secondary schools indicates that over this period, school materials increasingly depicted the United States as ‘predatory,’ ‘imperialist,’ and ‘exploitative.’ This study illustrates how curricular materials aligned with the foreign policy objectives of the Polish United Workers’ Party and the Soviet Union.; (AN 42885528)
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7.

Mecca of Revolution by Zeilig, Leo. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p321-323, 3p; (AN 42885529)
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8.

Us Versus them: The United States, Radical Islam and the Rise of the Green Threat by Khalil, Osamah F.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p323-325, 3p; (AN 42885531)
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9.

Securing sex: morality and repression in the making of Cold War Brazil by Loureiro, Felipe P.. Cold War History, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p325-327, 3p; (AN 42885530)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 50, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

North Korea's new capitalists and their workers: Business practice and labor relations by Lankov, Andrei; Ward, Peter; Yoo, Ho-yeol; Kim, Ji-young. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p157-167, 11p; Abstract: Over the last two decades, North Korea has gone through a remarkable, though incomplete, transformation. Markets have proliferated and have largely supplanted the moribund state economy. This article discusses labor relations in North Korea's nascent private sector. It is based on interviews with a number of North Korean entrepreneurs who now reside in the South.; (AN 42627927)
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2.

Migration and development policies: The state of affairs before the 2015 European migration crises in the Czech Republic and its current implications by Stojanov, Robert; Bureš, Oldřich; Duží, Barbora. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p169-181, 13p; Abstract: This article analyses attitudes of key stakeholders towards migration and development policies in the Czech Republic. It is generally understood that migration policy is a set of measures aimed primarily at handling immigration flows to developed countries, while development policy seeks to foster sustainable growth in developing countries. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 experts from the public decision-making, non-governmental, academic and private (legal) spheres to gather their opinions on the practice of, and relations between, the Czech migration and development policies. The findings of our research point to the lack of coherence between these two types of policies and they highlight several specific discrepancies across individual policy instruments. Moreover, albeit our research was conducted prior to the escalation of the EU migration crisis in 2015, several of our findings contextualize the Czech response to this crisis, both at the national and European Union level.; (AN 42639450)
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3.

Economics and politics of the currency convergence: The case of Poland by Kolodko, Grzegorz W.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p183-194, 12p; Abstract: Of the 11 post-socialist states that have already become European Union members only five have joined the common currency Eurozone. The other six, including Poland, the region's largest economy, have, pursuant to accession treaties, the right and obligation to adopt euro as their currency. They fail to exercise their right and meet their obligation, which has both causes and consequences. These are economic and political in nature and that is why there is no certainty about how the situation will evolve in future. However, from both of those perspectives, and especially for economic reasons, Eastern European EU members should join the Eurozone, as the resulting benefits, not only for Poland, significantly outweigh the conversion costs. Thus, new countries, especially Poland, adopting euro would have a positive impact on the European integration process, which is experiencing a serious structural, institutional and political crisis.; (AN 42639449)
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4.

“High modernism” and its limits – Assessing state incapacity in Putin's Russia, 2000–2008 by Hashim, S. Mohsin. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p195-205, 11p; Abstract: This paper uses an analytical framework developed from James C. Scott's concept of state-sponsored “high modernism” to understand the scope and limits of Putin's attempt to reconfigure state-society relations under the guise of “managed democracy.” It argues that Kremlin, under Putin's first two presidential terms (2000–2008), attempted to treat society as a reified object separate from the state and as an object of management. The paper analyzes the Russian state's weak regulatory capacity that coexists with its relatively strong coercive and extractive capacities. It is argued that, in spite of accessing vast resources from the energy sector, the state under Putin's presidency was unable to successfully carry out civil service reform or implement critical reforms in the pension and housing sectors. The analytical framework used offers insights into the limits of authoritarian state-crafting and modernization in contemporary Russia.; (AN 42627929)
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5.

Civil society development in Russia and Ukraine: Diverging paths by Stewart, Susan; Dollbaum, Jan Matti. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p207-220, 14p; Abstract: The authors compare civil society development in Russia and Ukraine in recent years in terms of civil society's structure and relationships with the state and the broader society. They find major differences in 1) the treatment of civil society by state actors and 2) the level of trust placed in civil society by the population. They use these and other findings to assess civil society's ability to play economic, political and social roles as defined by Michael Edwards in Civil Society (Edwards, 2009) and discover important differences emerging with regard to the political and social roles.; (AN 42982291)
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6.

Do citizens of the former Soviet Union trust state institutions and why: The case of Azerbaijan by Valiyev, Anar; Babayev, Azer; Huseynova, Hajar; Jafarova, Khalida. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p221-231, 11p; Abstract: This study examines the trust in political institutions in Azerbaijan using the data from the survey Caucasus Barometer (CB) conducted by the Caucasus Research Resource Center (CRRC) in 2012–2013. Two hypotheses – cultural and institutional – were tested. The study partially confirms the previous findings that national culture, as well as individual socialization (macro and micro-cultural theories) are the main determinants of trust in Azerbaijan. Meanwhile, government performance and individual evaluation (macro-and micro institutional theories) did not affect much on the trust level in the country.; (AN 42982289)
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7.

University autonomy in Ukraine: Higher education corruption and the state by Osipian, Ararat L.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 p233-243, 11p; Abstract: Issues of university autonomy, self-governance, and centralization and decentralization are still at the forefront of higher education in Ukraine. This study of university governance suggests that the state is a major foe of university autonomy, though certainly not the only one. The system of centralized university governance is experiencing changes in its content, function, mechanisms, and approaches, while maintaining its unity and highly centralized structure. Thus, it is difficult to adapt and respond to free market forces and challenges brought to the fore by the Euromaidan political turmoil and the war that followed. Such phenomena as corruption in education and internal pressures, marketization of educational services and financial integrity, changing organizational and managerial structures of universities present challenges to university governance and force it to change. They may also facilitate strengthening of university autonomy. However, as long as the disease of corruption exists, all attempts to reform higher education are unlikely to be successful.; (AN 42639453)
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8.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2017, Vol. 50 Issue: Number 3 pIFC-IFC; (AN 43083054)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 36, no. 3, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

Overcoming the intelligence-sharing paradox: Improving information sharing through change in organizational culture by Maras, Marie-Helen. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p187-197, 11p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExisting organizational cultures among agencies in the intelligence community serve as barriers to information sharing. These cultures are characterized by secrecy and limited disclosure of information. Their practices of limited information distribution and existing extensive compartmentalization of information serve as impediments to information exchange between agencies in the intelligence community. To remedy this, changes in the organizational cultures of agencies in the intelligence community are required. Without a change in organizational culture, the culture of information sharing envisioned by the reforms that have occurred in the intelligence community post-9/11 will not be realized.; (AN 43057637)
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2.

Foreign policy decision making in Iran and the nuclear program by Kazemzadeh, Masoud. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p198-214, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyzes how foreign policy is made in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To do so, it analyzes the role of various state institutions, factions, and individuals in the formulation and conduct of foreign policy. Actual powers of various institutions in Iran have evolved greatly since 1979. The history and causes of such institutional changes are discussed briefly. Iran is not a one-man dictatorship. Rather, it is ruled by an oligarchy comprised of fundamentalist Shia clerics and lay fundamentalists. The ruling elite is composed of competing factions such as hard-liners, expedients, and reformists, as well as sub-factions such as pragmatic hard-liners and ultra-hard-liners. The oligarchy is deeply divided on many issues, including on foreign policy. This article presents, in great detail, the views and policy proposals of the top members of the oligarchy regarding Iran's nuclear program, relations with the U.S., and Iran's regional policies. Finally, this article applies the findings of this research to the case of Iran's nuclear program. Evidence shows that Iran has had a clandestine nuclear weapons program. This article analyzes the ruling oligarchy's responses to the global reaction to Iran's nuclear program.; (AN 43057639)
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3.

Stockpile stewardship in the light of national ignition campaign experience by Sharp, David H.; Wood-Schultz, Merri M.. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p215-227, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUncontrolled risk is inherent in any program that lacks a proven means for revealing improper system performance, and the U.S. Stockpile Stewardship Program (SSP) is no exception. The downside of uncontrolled risk has been illustrated by the outcome of the National Ignition Campaign (NIC), a part of the Inertial Confinement Fusion (ICF) Program that has long been characterized as a crucial adjunct to the U.S. nuclear weapons program. For most of its duration, the NIC utilized simulations and partial-system experiments at several facilities, adding full-system experiments at the National Ignition Facility (NIF) only at the very end of the program. Uncontrolled risk was present in the program while those experiments were absent. That risk materialized when failure to achieve fusion capsule ignition was repeatedly and conclusively demonstrated in full-system experiments. For the SSP, the corresponding risk is that expectations concerning the safety, performance, and reliability of weapons in the stockpile are significantly incorrect. The only proven way of controlling that risk—finding out whether the expectations are wrong—requires nuclear testing. In its absence, this risk is not controlled by the SSP. The ongoing presence of uncontrolled risk in the U.S. nuclear stockpile leads inevitably to uncertainty in the effectiveness of the U.S. nuclear deterrent. None of the potential consequences of that uncertainty, one of which is a decrease in the deterrent's effectiveness, are beneficial to the United States or those who rely on its nuclear umbrella.; (AN 43057640)
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4.

The occupier's dilemma: Problem collaborators by Hickman, John. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p228-240, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEvery occupying power recruits collaborators but potential recruits vary with respect to their acceptance by occupied populations. That matters because the legitimacy of the occupation regime facilitates securing the war aims of the occupying power. This article surveys the different reasons why collaborators often elicit popular contempt, a response which may inspire insubordination and resistance, to produce a conceptual stencil of the optimal rather than the ideal collaborator. Limited pools of potential recruits mean that occupying powers may not be able to recruit ideal candidates. The resulting conceptual stencil can serve a checkoff list for evaluating the utility of potential collaborators.; (AN 43057638)
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5.

Not completely blind: What dictators do to improve their reading of the world by Honig, Or Arthur; Zimskind, Sarah. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p241-256, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTCurrent literature holds that authoritarian regimes tend to misread the international environment, both because of information processing problems and the relative lack of incentives to learn. We argue that many dictators do learn over time how to better read the international environment. While there are certain qualities that autocracies cannot correct, they do often recognize other problems and take steps to address them (if it is not too politically risky). We identify the main steps dictators take to improve the quality of their debate in the inner circle and their understanding of the West, and shed light on the degree to which these steps actually help.; (AN 43057642)
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6.

Will the real security partner please stand up? Rhetoric and policy support for U.S. security goals in Daniel Ortega's Nicaragua and Porfirio Lobo's Honduras by Greene, Samuel R.; Hankins, Landon. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p257-270, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLiterature on security partnerships and alliance formation suggests that such partnerships are based on shared interests and performance rather than ideology. However, in Central America, Nicaragua has made greater contributions to the U.S. security agenda than its ostensible partner Honduras. Nicaragua is often portrayed as an antagonist toward the United States in both the rhetoric of its leaders and that of many elites in the United States, while Honduras self-identifies as a key partner and is portrayed as an important regional supporter of U.S. security priorities. Honduras also receives a much greater share of U.S. regional security funding. However, while Honduras provides some symbolic support for the U.S. in areas such as voting in IGOs, Nicaragua has more reliably advanced U.S. security interests, including action against narcotics trafficking, combating human trafficking, and supporting open economies. U.S. policies that prioritize support for Honduras and treat Nicaragua as an antagonist are based on ideology rather than practice and risk undermining the U.S. domestic security agenda.; (AN 43057641)
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7.

War in international society by Croce, Giulia. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p271-272, 2p; (AN 43057643)
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8.

Nuclear South Asia: Keywords and concepts by Walton, C. Dale. Comparative Strategy, May 2017, Vol. 36 Issue: Number 3 p272-273, 2p; (AN 43057644)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 17, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Counting the development costs of the conflict in North-Eastern Nigeria: the economic impact of the Boko Haram-led insurgency by Ikpe, Eka. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 5 p381-409, 29p; Abstract: AbstractNigeria presents an important case for examining the interaction between economic emergence and (in)security on account of the Boko Haram-led insurgency. This paper interrogates long-standing theoretical assumptions about the economic consequences of violent conflict in such a complex space. It analyses the cost of North-East Nigeria’s conflict on development by considering its impact on the economy at the national and subnational levels. Generalised assumptions about the ways through which conflict affects development appear to hold in some regards but not in others. Evidence suggests some disruption in fiscal adjustments at the macro level, trade and investment as well as agricultural production and commerce within the North-East but less so with regard to economic growth and foreign direct investment flows at the national level. The paper finds evidence of a dichotomy in terms of the impact of the conflict on the national and subnational economy. There is a high degree of containment of the repercussions of the conflict at the subnational level. However, there remains a degree of interconnectedness across these strata that are influenced by both domestic and international political economy dynamics.; (AN 43239814)
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2.

Water power: the domestic and geostrategic dimensions of Turkey’s GAP Project by Ozkahraman, Cemal. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 5 p411-428, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThe Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydogu Anadolu Projesi, GAP), which was designed for the socio-economic development of south-east Turkey, has multiple political and strategic dimensions. While GAP was intended to narrow the socio-economic gap between the south-east and the rest of Turkey through development of the region, and to secure Turkey’s future energy needs, the associated hydro-politics intertwine domestic and geopolitics in relation to water flow to downstream riparian states Syria and Iraq, securing Turkey a geostrategic position in the broader Middle Eastern context in terms of regional hydro-hegemony, while also impacting on relations with Kurds at home and in surrounding states.; (AN 43239815)
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3.

Repair, stigmatisation or tolerance? Former girl soldiers’ experience of their ‘homecoming’ by Tonheim, Milfrid. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 5 p429-449, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper examines how 12 former girl soldiers in eastern Congo experience their social reintegration back into their families and communities. A successful social reintegration process is conceptualised as one which involves repaired relationships characterised by positive emotions towards and social acceptance of former girl soldiers. Dijker and Koomen’s theory on social control mechanisms is used to analyse the data, and attitudes and treatment experienced by the girls are categorised as repair, stigmatisation or tolerance. Individual interviews with former girl soldiers paint a picture of a homecoming characterised by frequent stigmatisation, some repair and little tolerance both from family and community. Although some repair processes are taking place, many former girl soldiers experience being perceived as a threat to social norms as well as to health and safety. This may partly be explained by the devastating imprint war and armed conflict frequently leaves on people and societies. War appears to breed more authoritarian values and fearful responses to objectionable or deviant behaviour and conditions, and seems to put collective values of caring and sharing under pressure.; (AN 43239817)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 38, no. 2, May 2017

Record

Results

1.

The transformation of targeted killing and international order by Senn, Martin; Troy, Jodok. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p175-211, 37p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article introduces the special issue’s question of whether and how the current transformation of targeted killing is transforming the global international order and provides the conceptual ground for the individual contributions to the special issue. It develops a two-dimensional concept of political order and introduces a theoretical framework that conceives the maintenance and transformation of international order as a dynamic interplay between its behavioral dimension in the form of violence and discursive processes and its institutional dimension in the form of ideas, norms, and rules. The article also conceptualizes targeted killing and introduces a typology of targeted-killing acts on the basis of their legal and moral legitimacy. Building on this conceptual groundwork, the article takes stock of the current transformation of targeted killing and summarizes the individual contributions to this special issue.; (AN 42886043)
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2.

Targeted killings: Drones, noncombatant immunity, and the politics of killing by Gregory, Thomas. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p212-236, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe use of drones to kill suspected militants seems to provide a simple technical fix to a complex ethico-political problem: the need to discriminate between combatants and noncombatants. The technological ability of drones, combined with the rhetorical commitment to reducing civilian casualties, suggests that the principle of noncombatant immunity is firmly entrenched in debates about targeted killings. However, this article will argue that a peculiar effect of this enhanced technological capability has been to draw attention to the conceptual confusion that surrounds the distinction. Rather than assuming that it is a fixed feature of international law, I will argue that it should be viewed as a discursive formation that is contingent upon a precarious process of repetition and reiteration. Moreover, I will show how the laws designed to restrain the violence inflicted on civilian bodies have been invoked to render certain civilians vulnerable, constituting them as killable, their lives profoundly losable.; (AN 42886044)
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3.

Not completely the new normal: How Human Rights Watch tried to suppress the targeted killing norm by Jose, Betcy. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p237-259, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHow do human rights groups prevent the normalization of practices they find troubling? Existing international relations research provides insights into how states resist the new norms human rights activists introduce into the global arena. But it tells us less about how governments themselves promote norms and how activists push back against this advocacy. This article explores this issue by examining the interplay between Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the United States around the emerging norm of targeted killing. It argues that Bin Laden’s death opened a window of opportunity for the potential emergence of a targeted killing norm, with the United States as its norm advocate. To prevent its emergence, HRW deployed some of the same strategies states have used to suppress the emergence of norms they dislike. In illustrating these dynamics, this article helps us better understand why some norms rise, why some fall, and why they might change over time.; (AN 42886046)
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4.

Friction, not erosion: Assassination norms at the fault line between sovereignty and liberal values by Großklaus, Mathias. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p260-280, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTReframed as “targeted killing,” state-sponsored assassination is moving toward normalization. I maintain that this development can only be understood in the context of long-standing frictions between meta-norms. The regulation of assassination as an instrument of foreign policy is a normative amalgam that is connected to both state sovereignty and liberal thought. Those discursive links structure both the evolution of the norm and its transformation, as they can be invoked by actors in order to reinterpret and reshape it. As I argue, the prevalent “norm erosion” perspective fails to grasp such incremental processes in that it tends to limit its analytical view to single, narrowly defined norms and overemphasizes external shocks. I thus stress the need for a more comprehensive account of normative change that highlights the surrounding meta-norms that are able to connect single norms to their larger position within the international order.; (AN 42886045)
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5.

The evolution of targeted killing practices: Autonomous weapons, future conflict, and the international order by Haas, Michael Carl; Fischer, Sophie-Charlotte. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p281-306, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the potential use of autonomous aerial weapons for targeted killing purposes and, in doing so, looks beyond the now-familiar “global war on terror.” We argue that the combination of novel capabilities with the pre-existing military-theoretical frameworks of advanced Western states, within which autonomous weapons will be embedded, may be conducive to an expansion of targeted killings to scenarios other than military counter-terrorism. The confluence of autonomous weapons and targeted killing practices may therefore lead to a further weakening of long-standing norms regulating the use of force, including in interstate scenarios. We also find that international regulation is unlikely to forestall this outcome, and that political-military insistence on centralized operational control may mitigate—but not negate—the disruptive potential of these developments. As a result, the possible consequences for the international order of an evolution of targeted killing practices along these lines should not be underestimated.; (AN 42886047)
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6.

Targeted killing in international relations theory: Recursive politics of technology, law, and practice by Hurd, Ian. Contemporary Security Policy, May 2017, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 2 p307-319, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAs new technologies make possible new modes of war, they cause tension in the previously prevailing conceptual categories. This is evident, as the practice of targeted killing by governments has increased in frequency and prominence, largely due to the American use of armed drones around the world. The essays in this special issue explore how norms, rules, and laws that many people thought were settled have been roiled by new technologies of targeted killing. This includes rules on sovereignty, territory, due process, and the distinction between civilian and combatant. The essays sketch an implicit research program around the recursive relation between rules and practice. I draw these out into a more general model for scholarship at the boundaries between law and politics and between concepts and practices.; (AN 42886048)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 52, no. 3, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

For whom do local peace processes function? Maintaining control through conflict management by Millar, Gearoid. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p293-308, 16p; Abstract: Recent peacebuilding literature provides a sustained critique of externally designed conflict management processes and promotes instead local mechanisms. Such mechanisms, it is argued, will provide more ownership and agency to local actors and, thus, a more sustainable peace. But while there are many examples of local conflict management institutions, and many discussions of the hybrid outcomes of interaction between the global and local, the literature rarely explores exactly what transpires on the ground when international actors influence the operation of local peace processes; this article provides exactly this insight. The data presented illustrate how local conflict management institutions in rural Sierra Leone are subtly manipulated by actors – both international and local – to maintain and enhance existing relations of power. The article illustrates, therefore, the problems that arise when local conflict management institutions become interlaced with new forms of power and start themselves to serve as sites of contestation and resistance.; (AN 42915267)
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2.

The likelihood of local allies free-riding: Testing economic theories of alliances in US counterinsurgency interventions by Elias, Barbara. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p309-331, 23p; Abstract: In counterinsurgency interventions, free-riding by small, local allies is persistent. Yet, the literature on free-riding by small allies is largely limited to conventional multilateral partnerships, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, neglecting other types of asymmetric alliances. Using new data containing 144 US requests to local allies in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, this article tests the logic of economic theories of alliances in counterinsurgency interventions. I find even when small allies are explicitly asked to contribute to alliance-wide security goods, they are likely to free-ride almost half the time (45%), and the likelihood of free-riding is dependent on whether local allies can be excluded by larger allies. This conclusion upholds the logic of economic models, since shared defense goods that exclude local allies fail to meet the criteria of public goods.; (AN 42915272)
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3.

Could rebel child soldiers prolong civil wars? by Haer, Roos; Böhmelt, Tobias. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p332-359, 28p; Abstract: While we know why rebels may recruit children for their cause, our understanding of the consequencesof child soldiering by non-state armed groups remains limited. The following research contributes to addressing this by examining how rebels’ child recruitment practice affects the duration of internal armed conflicts. We advance the argument that child soldiering increases the strength of rebel organizations vis-a-vis the government. This, in turn, lowers the capability asymmetry between these non-state actors and the incumbent, allowing the former to sustain dispute. Ultimately, the duration of armed conflicts is likely to be prolonged. We analyse this relationship with quantitative data on child soldier recruitment by rebel groups in the post-1989 period. The results confirm our main hypothesis: disputes are substantially longer when rebels recruit children. This work has important implications for the study of armed conflicts, conflict duration and our understanding of child soldiering.; (AN 42915269)
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4.

Transporting and re-inventing conflicts: Conflict-generated diasporas and conflict autonomisation by Féron, Élise. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p360-376, 17p; Abstract: Like other types of diaspora groups, conflict-generated diasporas display a strong attachment to their countries of origin, and structure their identities and ideologies around discourses referring to their homeland. However, their inner cleavages, born out of the conflicts raging in their home countries, can run very deep. The maintenance of their ethnic, religious, linguistic or political divisions even generations after the migration process has taken place sometimes leads to conflict transportation processes, whereby the conflicts raging in their home countries are reproduced and maintained in countries of settlement. Incidents opposing rival diaspora groups are thus often interpreted as a prolongation or reproduction of core conflicts raging in their regions of origin. Against this assumption, this article argues that if transported conflicts often formally take the shape of core conflicts, and emulate them by using the same language, symbols and ethnic/religious/linguistic categories, they are also deeply transformed by the migration process itself. In this perspective, this article explores the transformation and reinvention of conflict-generated diasporas’ politics, and proposes to look at the autonomisationprocesses they display vis-à-vis the core conflicts, in terms of content but also of objectives, ultimately generating a drift at the political and organisational levels.; (AN 42915274)
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5.

Resolving international border disputes: The Irish experience by Coakley, John. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p377-398, 22p; Abstract: This article explores the value of a specific model of norm replacement in accounting for the circumstances leading to Ireland’s Good Friday agreement (1998), which formally and finally settled the long-running territorial dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK). Drawing on the theoretical literature, it identifies three phases in this process. First, from the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 until the civil unrest in Northern Ireland peaked in 1972 the irredentist norm was substantially unchallenged. It was embedded in the 1937 constitution, which defined the national territory as extending over the whole island of Ireland – including Northern Ireland, a part of the UK. The second phase, from about 1972 to 1998, was one of norm competition. The irredentist norm was severely challenged by new political realities in Northern Ireland, and was potentially destabilising for the state itself. It was increasingly challenged by an alternative ‘consent’ norm, one embracing in effect the geopolitical status quo. The third phase, from 1998 onwards, was one of consolidation of the new norm, now written into the Irish constitution to replace the wording of 1937. The article suggests that this model plays a valuable role in accounting for the changing status of the Irish border, but also that the Irish experience has implications for the broad shape of the model.; (AN 42915270)
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6.

Symposium on Stefano Guzzini’s (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe? Social mechanisms and foreign policy identity crises by Agnew, John; Checkel, Jeffrey T; Deudney, Daniel; Mitzen, Jennifer; Guzzini, Stefano. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p399-422, 24p; (AN 42915273)
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7.

Militarizing politics, essentializing identities: Interpretivist process tracing and the power of geopolitics by Guzzini, Stefano. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p423-445, 23p; Abstract: This reply to the Symposium on Stefano Guzzini (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe?, answers the criticisms by John Agnew, Jeffrey Checkel, Dan Deudney and Jennifer Mitzen. It justifies (1) its specific definition and critique of geopolitics as a theory – and not just a foreign policy strategy; (2) its proposed interpretivist process tracing; (3) the role of mechanisms in constructivist theorizing and foreign policy theory; and (4) its usage of non-Humean causality in the analysis of multiple parallel processes and their interaction. At the same time, it develops the logic of the book’s main mechanism of foreign policy identity crisis reduction.; (AN 42915268)
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8.

Book review: China’s International Relations and Harmonious World: Time, Space and Multiplicity in World Politics by Krolikowski, Alanna. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2017, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p446-448, 3p; (AN 42915271)
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9.

The Myrdal Legacy: Racism and Underdevelopment as Dilemmas by Wallerstein, Immanuel. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p1-18, 18p; Abstract: Wallerstein, I. The Myrdal Legacy: Racism and Underdevelopment as Dilemmas. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 1-18.The legacy of Gunnar Myrdal is in his having posed in very important ways two central questions: the explanations of, and practical solutions for, racism and under development ; the relationship between the scientist and his valuations and the objects of scientific enquiry. It is argued here that racism and underdevelopment are consti tutive of the capitalist world-economy as an historical system, and are not curable maladies within the system. It is further argued that social scientific theorizing is going through a great sea-change at present, along with the theory of physical science which is in the process of rejecting its previous Newtonian premises. Myrdal's views are as pertinent as ever.; (AN 42556796)
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10.

External Dynamics of the Korean Conflict: The Present Soviet Policy Reorientation by Skak, Mette. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p19-33, 15p; Abstract: Skak, M. External Dynamics of the Korean Conflict: The Present Soviet Policy Reorientation. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 19-33.Great power policy dynamics are decisive determinants for developments within the Korean conflict, and this contribution focuses upon Soviet Korean policy in the framework of the present overall policy reorientation of the Soviet Union. The 1984 rapprochement between the USSR and North Korea serves as the point of departure, because observers saw this as an ominous sign, i.e. as a stimulus for North Korean and/or Soviet militancy. The point is, however, that North Korea is dependent upon the USSR, and the analysis of the new Soviet leadership's interest perception and actual policy in relation to Korea suggests serious strains in the Soviet-North Korean relationship. Soviet conduct in connection with the Seoul Olympics and Soviet-South Korean economic contacts are obvious signs of this, as is the non-militant Soviet approach to regional conflicts. None of the great powers have a significant interest in a new war between the two Koreas, not even in a peaceful reunification of Korea (with the possible exception of China). All of them can be assumed to have a vital interest in an inter-Korean détente (Germanization), which is an argument that the wise reunification policy of the Korean nation is the tactical and incremental one.; (AN 42556799)
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11.

Greenland's International Fisheries Relations: A Coastal State in the "North" with Problems of the "South"? by Fløistad, Brit. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p35-48, 14p; Abstract: Fløistad, B. Greenland's International Fisheries Relations: A Coastal State in the "North" with Problems of the "South"? Cooperation and Conflict, XXIV,1989, 35- 48.Two questions are addressed in this article. One is whether Greenland, a fisheries state of the "North", can be said to have many of the features characterizing coastal states of the "South". The other question relates to whether any sign of "Nordism" can be found in the relationship between Greenland and her Nordic neighbours. Having formally left the European Community, Greenland's need for financial funding from the EC puts her in a situation characteristic of that of coastal states in the Third World, namely of having to sell the resources in the sea today in order to develop her national fishery tomorrow. Any sign of special considerations from Nordic neigh bours — "Nordism" — is found only when it supports, or at least does not come contrary to, these countries' foreign and security policy objectives.; (AN 42556797)
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12.

Book Review : Clive Archer & David Scrivener: Northern Waters. London & Sydney: Croom Helm for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London, 1986, 240 pp by Melby, Svein. Cooperation and Conflict, March 1989, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 1 p49-53, 5p; (AN 42556798)
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11

Current History
Volume 116, no. 792, October 2017

Record

Results

1.

The Empire that Dared Not Speak Its Name: Making Nations in the Soviet State by Suny, Ronald. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p251-257, 7p; Abstract: “The Soviet Union was an empire within which nations old and new developed, changed, and eventually became self-sufficient enough to opt out.”; (AN 43308831)
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2.

The Revolutionary Roots of Russian Foreign Policy by Friedman, Jeremy. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p258-263, 6p; Abstract: “Russia continues to be caught between a need to integrate itself into the West and a desire to maintain its independence from the West.”; (AN 43308832)
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3.

Everyday Life in Ukraine’s War Zone by Uehling, Greta. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p264-270, 7p; Abstract: “Violence is woven into the stream of consciousness as terrible and normal at the same time.”; (AN 43308835)
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4.

The Russian Orthodox Church’s Conservative Crusade by Stoeckl, Kristina. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p271-276, 6p; Abstract: “The Russian Orthodox Church has emerged as a powerful force for cultural, social, and political conservatism.”; (AN 43308833)
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5.

Climate Change Adaptation and Traditional Cultures in Northern Russia by Crate, Susan. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p277-281, 5p; Abstract: “Northern Russia’s physical vulnerability to climate change is at best severe, considering the underlying permafrost and the threat that warming presents to that foundation.” Second in a series on climate adaptation around the world.; (AN 43308834)
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6.

Perspective: A Perfect Storm: American Media, Russian Propaganda by Oates, Sarah. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p282-284, 3p; Abstract: The Russian state-sponsored campaign to spread disinformation abroad has found fertile ground in the United States, thanks to upheaval in the news media and politicians’ denigration of the press.; (AN 43308837)
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7.

Books: Broken Ties in the Ferghana Valley by Kamp, Marianne. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p285-287, 3p; Abstract: An anthropologist with long ties to a border town in Central Asia watched as nationalist sentiment turned what had been an informal boundary into a hard divide between erstwhile neighbors.; (AN 43308836)
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8.

The Month in Review: August 2017 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 p288-288, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in August, country by country, day by day.; (AN 43308838)
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9.

Map of Russia and Eurasia by History, the editors of Current. Current History, October 2017, Vol. 116 Issue: Number 792 pmap-map; Abstract: Map; (AN 43308839)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 28, no. 5, September 2017

Record

Results

1.

Educate or Adjudicate? Socioeconomic Heterogeneity and Welfare by Neyapti, Bilin. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p491-510, 20p; Abstract: I present a formal framework to explore the welfare and distributional effects of a government’s optimal choice over two types of public spending in a closed economy: domestic security (DS) and investment in social capital (SC). Production is characterized as a function of social and physical capital stocks that both vary across the regions. DS stands for total factor productivity, while SC stands for human capital and civic cooperativeness combined. SC accumulates via public spending on universal primary education, cultural, and civic events and such, and is exposed to regional spillover effects. Numerical simulations of the static solution of the government’s welfare maximization problem reveal that the optimal rate of spending on SC (m*) is negatively related with the income share of physical capital, SC spillovers and fiscal decentralization. Simulations also show that SC homogeneity is positively associated with both the level and equitability of aggregate income. The maximum attainable levels of income, welfare and social cohesion and the most equitable incomes are all observed to realize at some intermediate range of m*values.In case DS augments SC, however, social cohesion improves and welfare declines monotonously in m*.; (AN 43155312)
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2.

Noncognitive skills and job match: evidence from military applicants by Pema, Elda; Mehay, Stephen; Tick, Simona. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p511-533, 23p; Abstract: The study examines the effect of noncognitive skills on early career choices among young job seekers. Specifically, we analyze the influence of personality traits on the decision by military applicants either to choose the military or a civilian career option. We use a unique micro-level data-set of applicants to the US Navy and exploit the fact that many individuals who initially apply for military jobs eventually choose civilian careers instead. In this institutional setting, job candidates use new information to update their beliefs about the military job match. Personality traits are viewed as productive abilities that influence applicants’ expectations about the economic return to the job and occupational training offered by the Navy. The study finds that many of the 15 lower order personality facets associated with the Big Five traits are predictive of applicants’ job choices and provides suggestive evidence of a link between personality traits, job match expectations, and career choice.; (AN 43155310)
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3.

Military spending and budget deficits: the impact of US military spending on public debt in Europe (1988–2013) by Caruso, Raul; Di Domizio, Marco. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p534-549, 16p; Abstract: The aim of this paper is to study the relationship between military spending and sovereign debt in a panel of 13 European countries. In particular, under the assumption of the interdependence of military spending between US and European countries, we analyse whether US military spending affected European sovereign debt in the period 1988–2013. The empirical estimation is based on different steps: (i) a unit root test; (ii) an Arellano–Bond panel estimation and a linear fixed effect model; and (iii) a FMOLS estimation to highlight the long run relationship between debt and relevant variables. General results highlight that debt burden of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military burden and (2) negatively associated with average military burden of other European countries.; (AN 43155311)
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4.

Does military expenditure increase external debt? Evidence from Asia by Azam, Muhammad; Feng, Yi. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p550-567, 18p; Abstract: This article empirically explores the effect of military spending on external debt, using a sample of ten Asian countries over the years from 1990 to 2011. The Hausman’s test suggests that the random-effects model is preferable; however, both random-effects and fixed-effects models are used in this research. The empirical results show that the effect of military spending on external debt is positive, while the effects of foreign exchange reserves and of economic growth on external debt are negative. For developing countries caught in security dilemma, military expenditure often requires an increase in external debt, which may affect economic development negatively.; (AN 43155313)
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5.

Defense–Growth Causality: Considerations of Regime-Switching and Time- and Country-Varying Effects by Huang, Tsai-Yuan; Wu, Po-Chin; Liu, Shiao-Yen. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p568-584, 17p; Abstract: This paper develops a panel smooth transition vector autoregressive model to investigate the economic growth–defense causality. This model simultaneously resolves the estimation problems of endogeneity, heterogeneity, and nonlinearity. Empirical results support that the causality is bidirectional, nonlinear, time- and country-varying. Economic growth has a negative impact on military spending and vice versa. The larger the HDI, the smaller the negative causality. Evidently, the increase in the level of country development can reduce the negative impact of military outlays on economic growth. Reducing the ratio of military spending to GDP is beneficial for countries with low HDI scores; however, moderately increasing the share of military expenditure is favorable for countries with extremely high HDI scores. Policy authority needs to set optimal education, health, and economic development shares of GDP for purchasing a maximum economic growth rate.; (AN 43155314)
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6.

Measuring the Impact of Military Spending: How Far Does a DSGE Model Deviate from Reality? by Wu, Yi-Hua; Ho, Chih-Chin; Lin, Eric S.. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p585-608, 24p; Abstract: Dunne, Smith, and Willenbockel (2005) argue that the mainstream growth literature has not found military spending to be a significant determinant of economic growth, yet much of the defense economics literature has noted significant effects. This paper revisits this issue by using a DSGE-VAR approach, combining both theoretical and empirical methods. We present that the DSGE approach (estimated with the Bayesian technique) and the Bayesian VAR with the Minnesota Prior both lead to worse in-sample fit than our proposed DSGE-VAR framework. The DSGE-VAR approach reveals that a positive military spending shock boosts the U.S. economy, increasing per capita real GDP growth, consumption, inflation and interest rate. Our results are robust to alternative model specifications. Future investigations such as exploring an optimal military spending policy could adopt the approach in this paper to determine the best model – empirical, theoretical, or a combination of the two.; (AN 43155315)
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7.

The nexus between military expenditures and economic growth in the BRICS and the US: an empirical note by Zhong, Ming; Chang, Tsangyao; Goswami, Samrat; Gupta, Rangan; Lou, Tien-Wei. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 5 p609-620, 12p; Abstract: This empirical note re-examines the causal linkages between military expenditures and economic growth for the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and that for the USA during the period 1988–2012. Results of Granger causality tests show that military expenditures influence economic growth in the USA, economic growth influences military expenditures in both Brazil and India, a feedback between military expenditures and economic growth in Russia, and no causal relation exists between military expenditures and economic growth in China and South Africa. The findings of this study can provide important policy implications for the BRICS countries and also for the USA.; (AN 43155316)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 17, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Defence industries in the 21st century: a comparative analysis by Kurç, Çağlar; Neuman, Stephanie G.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p219-227, 9p; (AN 42881376)
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2.

Israel’s defence industries – an overview by Rubin, Uzi. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p228-241, 14p; Abstract: AbstractIsrael is currently one of the world’s leading exporters of defence goods and services. Its defence industries originated in the covert workshops of the Hagana and other resistance groups in the pre-independence era of the 1930s, supplying the pre-state armed forces with light weapons. Mainly relying on imported weapons, the French arms embargo in 1967 came as a shock to Israel’s leadership and public, causing a shift in policy towards self-sufficiency in major battlefield platforms (combat aircraft, armoured vehicles and warships) through indigenous research, development and fabrication. This policy of self-sufficiency was later modified to apply only to such weapons or systems that could not be obtained from abroad either for political or technical reasons. It can be expected that Israel defence industries now will focus more on sophisticated PGM’s and battlefield robotics, whilst the Government will strive to fully privatize the remaining state owned defence industries. How successful this will be remains to be seen.; (AN 42881378)
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3.

Commentary on The value of domestic arms industries: security of supply or military adaptation? by DeVore, Marc R.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p242-259, 18p; Abstract: AbstractFew issues are more important yet less understood than how the domestic production of armaments impacts military power. Scholars generally explain states’ drive to develop defense industries in terms of a quest for supply security. Technological changes are, however, rendering an “autonomy preference” increasingly unaffordable. This raises the question of whether states can still derive strategic value from their defense industries. This study addresses the issue by examining whether Israel’s and Serbia’s defense industrial bases contributes to either the traditional goal of supply security or the alternative objective of military adaptability. To preview the conclusion, the strategic value that most states can extract from domestic defense firms lies in enhanced military adaptability. This advantage is far from negligible. Since war is unpredictable, it is often the side that adapts most rapidly to unexpected circumstances that prevails. Domestic defense industries contribute significantly to adapt both because of their technical capabilities and their patterns of routinized cooperation with a states’ armed force. Supply security, by way of contrast, is today unattainable for all but the largest states.; (AN 42881379)
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4.

Between defence autarky and dependency: the dynamics of Turkish defence industrialization by Kurç, Çağlar. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p260-281, 22p; Abstract: AbstractTurkish defence industries have significantly improved their production capabilities since the 1980s. According to the official documents, Turkey reached 54% local production level in 2011. Encouraged by this impressive defence industrial development, the government of Turkey declared that defence industrial autarky, the country’s main goal since the 1980s, would be reached by 2023. This paper evaluates the possibility of Turkey’s defence autarky. Contrary to the existing approaches in the literature that assess technological capabilities and cost-effectiveness, this paper argues that Turkey’s search for defence autarky is hindered by the interplay of institutional deficiencies, dependency on foreign inputs, and the United States’ continuing influence over Turkish politics.; (AN 42881380)
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5.

Commentary on Assessing the Turkish defense industry: structural issues and major challenges by Mevlutoglu, Arda. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p282-294, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThe reform process of Turkish defense industry as launched in the last quarter of the twentieth century has seen several achievements, as well as downfalls, and passed through major milestones. The resultant industrial structure is unique, compared to the other sectors in the country. Dominated by the TSKGV (Turkish Armed Forces Foundation), the major goal of the sector has always been involved in attaining self-sufficiency, indicative of an import substitution-oriented industry policy. This strategy is evident in decision-making and execution processes of virtually all defense procurement programs. However, lack of an efficient mechanism for science and technology policy-making mechanism, is observed as a major obstacle toward sustainable development of the sector. Although benefited from the overall economic take-off during the 2000s, today the Turkish defense industry faces to the challenge of sustainability, which is heavily dependent on export performance. The forthcoming period will test the sector, revealing the necessary coordination and communication by and between the military and civilian bureaucracies.; (AN 42881377)
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6.

Asian arms industries and impact on military capabilities by Bitzinger, Richard A.. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p295-311, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAsia is a leading consumer of arms, and some of the most modern and most advanced armaments are finding their way into the inventories of Asian militaries. As a result, many Asian-Pacific militaries have experienced a significant, if not unprecedented, build-up over past several years, both in terms of quantity and quality. In addition to this trend, however, Asia has become an increasingly significant producer of armaments. Many nations in the region, if they can, have sought to supplant, or at least supplement, foreign arms suppliers with indigenous producers of needed weapons systems. However, for most Asian-Pacific militaries (the possible exception being China) indigenously produced weapons add only partial value to military capabilities. Consequently, imports of advanced weaponry remain a critical dependency for most of Asian-Pacific nations.; (AN 42881382)
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7.

Commentary on Asian arms industries and impact on military capabilities by Cheung, Tai Ming. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p312-316, 5p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper shows how alliance networks have affected defence industrialization policies and processes in countries in the Asia-Pacific region. In countries that enjoyed security assurances from the United States like Japan and South Korea, they are primarily focused industrialization and technology development in civilian sectors, and consequently, defence industrialization is a secondary priority. On the other hand, defence industrialization was/is of higher priority for states that face acute security threats such as China and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In contemporary industrialization processes, the paper concludes that the preference between commercial and defence industrialization is now closing, leading towards an integrated model from which both sectors can benefit.; (AN 42881383)
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8.

Conclusion: the need for continuous in-depth and comparative study by Neuman, Stephanie G.; Kurç, Çağlar. Defence Studies, July 2017, Vol. 17 Issue: Number 3 p317-325, 9p; Abstract: AbstractThe debate over the benefits and drawbacks of defence industrialisation, particularly for emerging states, is far from settled but, as the case studies in this symposium suggest, a growing number of these states are taking steps to advance their defence industrial capabilities. In this volume, we attempt to decipher the reasons why states make that choice and why they choose to adopt a particular defence industrial policy.; (AN 42881381)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 33, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Edmonds, Martin. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p191-192, 2p; (AN 43055494)
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2.

Nuclear deterrence and cyber warfare: coexistence or competition? by Cimbala, Stephen J.. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p193-208, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNuclear deterrence and cyber war seem almost antithetical in their respective intellectual pedigrees. Nuclear weapons are unique in their ability to create mass destruction in a short time. Information or “cyber” weapons, at least for the most part, aim at sowing confusion or mass disruption instead of widespread physical destruction. Nevertheless, there are some intersections between cyber and nuclear matters, and these have the potential to become troublesome for the future of nuclear deterrence. For example, cyber attacks might complicate the management of a nuclear crisis. As well, information attacks on command-control and communications systems might lead to a mistaken nuclear launch based on false warnings, to erroneous interpretations of data or to panic on account of feared information blackout. It is not inconceivable that future nuclear strike planning will include a preliminary wave of cyber strikes or at least a more protracted “preparation of the battlefield” by roaming through enemy networks to plant malware or map vulnerabilities.; (AN 43055495)
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3.

What is the global landpower network and what value might it provide? by Pernin, Christopher G.; O’Mahony, Angela; Szayna, Thomas S.; Eaton, Derek; Best, Katharina Ley; Bodine-Baron, Elizabeth; Mendelsohn, Joshua; Osoba, Osonde A.. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p209-222, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUS national security guidance, as well as the US Army’s operational experiences since 2001, emphasizes the importance of working closely with partner countries to achieve US strategic objectives. The US Army has introduced the global landpower network (GLN) concept as a means to integrate, sustain and advance the Army’s considerable ongoing efforts to meet US national security guidance. This study develops the GLN concept further, and addresses three questions. What benefits can the GLN provide the Army? What are the essential components of the GLN? What options exist for implementing the GLN concept? By developing the GLN concept, the Army has the opportunity to transition the GLN from an often ad hoc and reactive set of relationships to one that the Army more self-consciously prioritizes and leverages as a resource to meet US strategic objectives.; (AN 43055496)
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4.

US–Latin America’s security: moving through an inflection point? by Gouvea, Raul. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p223-241, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTRecent elections in Latin America, such as those of Mauricio Macri in Argentina, Horacio Cartes in Paraguay, and the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, point to a new direction in Latin American politics and away from the “hard left;” they also point to a new momentum in the security relationship between the US and Latin American countries. Former US President Obama’s 2016 trip to Cuba and Argentina was a clear demonstration of this new security paradigm and also a clear indication that there is a new momentum brewing in the US towards a rethinking and reshaping of security strategies and mindsets. This article will explore the multidimensional security relationship between the US and Latin American countries in light of recent changes in the US’ posture toward the region.; (AN 43055497)
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5.

Accounting for Lebanese Muslims’ perspectives on the Islamic state (ISIS): religious militancy, sectarianism and personal attributions by Haddad, Simon. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p242-262, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Islamic State (ISIS) which are measured using the hypotheses that commitment to political Islam, young age, education and occupational status would predict approval of ISIS. In view of the accentuated polarisation between Sunnis and Shiis along sectarian lines, it is proposed that dislike for the Shiis would enhance the level of support for ISIS. The study was based on a cross-sectional survey Lebanese Muslims (N = 302) administered during the fall of 2015.The suggestion is that adherence to the tenets of political Islam, sectarianism and educational attainment are major predictors of endorsement for ISIS.; (AN 43055498)
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6.

Postmodern warfare and the blurred boundaries between war and peace by Ehrhart, Hans-Georg. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p263-275, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTEach age has its own wars and its own forms of warfare. In today’s evolving world risk society warfare has entered a new development stage. The states of the “global North” adapt their forms of intervention. They increasingly practice postmodern warfare characterized especially by the role of influencing the information space, networked approaches, the incorporation of indirect and covert actions, and the special quality of new technologies. This practice furthers an increasing grey zone between limiting and de-bounding of warfare. The phenomenon of postmodern warfare raises some tough questions and offers a rich research agenda.; (AN 43055499)
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7.

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform by Westerman, Ian. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2017, Vol. 33 Issue: Number 3 p276-288, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.; (AN 43055501)
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15

Democratization
Volume 24, no. 7, November 2017

Record

Results

1.

Editorial Board Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 pebi-ebi; (AN 43360093)
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2.

Autocratic diffusion and cooperation: the impact of interests vs. ideology by Weyland, Kurt. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1235-1252, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis introductory essay argues that patterns of diffusion and cooperation among non-democratic regimes differ significantly in goal, mode, impulse, and scope. Autocracies that are guided by a dynamic, missionary ideology, such as interwar fascism and, less fervently, the Bolivarianism of Hugo Chávez, actively promote their new credo in a wide range of countries. Moreover, these messianic belief systems stimulate diffusion processes across the globe. A wide range of political leaders take inspiration from these missionary ideologies and emulate their values and ideas to a greater or lesser extent. By contrast, most authoritarian regimes in the contemporary era lack an expansive ideology and are driven mostly by political interests. International diffusion and cooperation among these regimes reflects mainly the defensive goal of immunization against Western efforts at democracy promotion. To guarantee regime survival, authoritarian great powers in the post-Cold War world, such as Russia and China, concentrate on fortifying their regional sphere of influence. Thus, targeted, calculated collaboration and instrumental learning prevail.; (AN 43360082)
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3.

Fascism’s missionary ideology and the autocratic wave of the interwar years by Weyland, Kurt. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1253-1270, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBecause fascism embodied a missionary creed, it exemplifies the ideology-driven cooperation and diffusion among autocratic regimes that the Introduction to this special issue discussed. The messianic promise that forceful charismatic leadership sustained by fervent mass support would guarantee domestic order and restore national grandeur was attractive to innumerable citizens, important political elites, and even to prominent intellectuals across the globe. Consequently, fascism exuded strong, wide-ranging contagion and demonstration effects. Moreover, Mussolini and Hitler actively promoted the new credo and sought support for their expansionary tendencies.; (AN 43360085)
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4.

Hugo Chávez and the diffusion of Bolivarianism by de la Torre, Carlos. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1271-1288, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the mechanisms of influence, learning, and emulation used by Hugo Chávez to diffuse Bolivarianism across Latin America and the world. Different from autocratic types of diffusion that are instrumental and motivated by self-preservation, Chávez promoted what he depicted as a superior model of democracy and a populist strategy of political transformation using constitution making, heavy state intervention in the economy, and anti-imperialism. Even though Chávez promoted his script for regime change across Latin America and the Caribbean, his model was emulated only when opportunities opened up in nations such as Bolivia and Ecuador that experienced crises of political parties and the institutional framework of democracy. Bolivarianism was not emulated in nations where political parties and democratic institutions remained functioning, and where the left and civil society valued democracy, pluralism, and liberal rights due to brutal autocratic experiences. Despite its democratizing promises Bolivarianism did not lead to the radicalization of democracy but to its erosion and its displacement towards authoritarianism. The fear of Bolivarianism also led to a coup against president Zelaya in Honduras. Bolivarian strategies of populist rupture crossed the Atlantic and were adapted by PODEMOS that became the third largest political party in Spain.; (AN 43360084)
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5.

Creating the enemy, constructing the threat: the diffusion of repression against the Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle East by Darwich, May. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1289-1306, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTOn 25 December 2013, the military-backed government in Egypt declared the Muslim Brotherhood to be a terrorist organization. A few months later, the Saudi Kingdom followed suit and attempted to build a regional coalition to counter this constructed enemy. Although the Saudi Kingdom, acting as an aspiring regional autocratic power, exerted pressure to compel other regimes to follow its lead, the recipient states varied in their willingness to converge. Whereas the United Arab Emirates followed the Saudi lead, Jordan, Kuwait, and Bahrain resisted the diffusion of repression against the Muslim Brotherhood to their domestic spheres. This article examines this variation in the (non-)convergence of repressive policies as an outcome of diffusion. While most explanations of how autocratic policies diffuse focus on either ideology or interest as drivers of state behaviour, this article provides a nuanced understanding of this phenomenon. Based on a neoclassical realist approach, I explore the variation in the convergence with fellow autocrats as the result of interaction between regional interests and regime autonomy vis-à-vis societal groups. By looking at autocratic diffusion of repression as a process lying at the intersection of regional and domestic spheres, this article contributes to the literature on the international diffusion of authoritarianism.; (AN 43360083)
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6.

Illiberal democracy in Hungary: authoritarian diffusion or domestic causation? by Buzogány, Aron. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1307-1325, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article analyses the democratic involution in Hungary, which was followed by the country embracing a pro-Russian policy in 2010. These processes came to be viewed as a rare case of authoritarian diffusion taking place towards an EU member state. Based on the discussion of interest versus ideational appeal as factors of authoritarian diffusion, the article develops a relational and dynamic framework to analyse the question of authoritarian diffusion. The framework underlines the importance not only of “sender state” attributes, but also those of receiver states. The analysis finds no empirical evidence for authoritarian diffusion; Hungary’s slide into illiberalism was not inspired or supported by Vladimir Putin. Instead, mutual interests are sufficient to understand Russo-Hungarian cooperation.; (AN 43360086)
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7.

The limited reach of authoritarian powers by Brownlee, Jason. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1326-1344, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAuthoritarian states often command tremendous resources, but their ability to fundamentally change regimes abroad remains in question. Proponents of an “authoritarian resurgence” have speculated that China and Russia are rolling back democracy around the world, much like fascist powers in the interwar period. By contrast, the introductory article of this special issue theorizes that current authoritarian powers are not catalyzing autocracy far afield. Rather, they are prudentially defending the surrounding political order. The present article applies this framework to make sense of cross-national trends in democracy and authoritarianism. The bulk of evidence supports the notion that authoritarian powers have regionallyshored up existing regimes, rather than globallysubverting democracy. Evidence from around the world indicates the number of electoral democracies has been growing, democracy has remained tenuous in lower-income countries, and democratic breakdowns have owed more to unfavourable local conditions than predacious external actors.; (AN 43360087)
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8.

The study of authoritarian diffusion and cooperation: comparative lessons on interests versus ideology, nowadays and in history by Bank, André. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1345-1357, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article outlines and discusses the central comparative findings on the role of interest versus ideology in the study of authoritarian diffusion and cooperation. It highlights the primacy of pragmatic interests in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, a finding that holds in diverse cases in Eastern Central Europe, the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa. Of particular importance here are negative findings that reflect the absence of ideological appeal. At the same time, the primacy of interest-based accounts needs to be qualified, both today (Bolivarianism in Latin America) and especially considering a longer historical perspective. As the experiences of fascism and communism suggest, there used to be autocracies with missionary ideologies that inspired emulation in a wide range of countries. Against this background, the article advocates a “moving back” to history to better account for the context-bound nature of authoritarian diffusion and cooperation. It also calls for a “moving down” the ladder of abstraction to study the more concrete mechanisms in which authoritarian diffusion and cooperation unfold.; (AN 43360088)
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9.

Anatomy of authoritarianism in the Arab Republics, by Joseph Sassoon by Hove, Mediel. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1358-1359, 2p; (AN 43360091)
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10.

The Turkish deep state: state consolidation, civil–military relations and democracy, by Mehtap Söyler by Wuthrich, Michael. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1360-1361, 2p; (AN 43360090)
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11.

Designing peace: Cyprus and institutional innovations in divided societies, by Neophytos Loizides by Trinn, Christoph. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1361-1363, 3p; (AN 43360089)
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12.

Cultures of democracy in Serbia and Bulgaria: how ideas shape publics, by James Dawson by Irwin, Zachary T.. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1363-1365, 3p; (AN 43360094)
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13.

Building the rule of law in the Arab world: Tunisia, Egypt, and Beyond, edited by Eva Bellin and Heidi E. Lane by Brown, Nathan J.. Democratization, November 2017, Vol. 24 Issue: Number 7 p1365-1367, 3p; (AN 43360092)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 25, no. 3, July 2017

Record

Results

1.

Protest and Legitimacy: Emerging Dilemmas in Putin’s Third Term by Flikke, Geir; Østbø, Jardar. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p205-207, 3p; (AN 42857037)
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2.

Searching for a Russian National Idea: Putin Team Efforts and Public Assessments by Willerton, John P. (Pat). Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p209-233, 25p; Abstract: Abstract:The crafting of a new national idea has been the most elusive of the four processes comprising Russia’s quadruple revolution in the wake of the failing state of the 1990s. However, the seven policy position papers of Vladimir Putin’s 2012 presidential campaign illuminate a Putin-contoured national idea of four primary components. Relying on the October 2014 ROMIR national survey results, augmented with results from other surveys, this article explores Russian public judgments that are connected with a new national idea. Russians are found to strongly support a key component of Putin’s national idea, the strong state, and their views accord with the hegemonic leadership position assumed by Putin. Russians view Putin’s strong state as a democracy, though their understanding of democracy and its key components varies from that of Westerners. Russians’ overall mixed assessments of key policy efforts by the governing team generally fit with Putin’s articulated preferences, but there are policy soft spots. Putin and his team confront a Russian public that is more supportive of their hegemonic political-institutional position and vision of a national idea than laudatory of the results of that team’s policy efforts.; (AN 42857361)
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3.

Putin and the Russian Mythscape: Dilemmas of Charismatic Legitimacy by Petersson, Bo. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p235-254, 20p; Abstract: Abstract:For decades now, President Vladimir Putin has consistently enjoyed markedly high approval rates and seemingly benefited from charismatic legitimacy, whereas systemic legal-rational legitimacy has remained low. This article discusses how, through the successful communication of political myth, legitimacy has become ever more personalized in Putin’s Russia, and considers some of the dilemmas inherent in non-democratic settings where legitimacy builds on grounds that are not legal-rational in the Weberian sense.; (AN 42857386)
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4.

Russia’s Presidential Domestic Policy Directorate: HQ for Defeat-Proofing Russian Politics by Pallin, Carolina Vendil. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p255-278, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:Russia’s political leaders maintain power through their ability to tailor domestic institutions and manage mechanisms as new challenges arise. The Presidential Administration’s Domestic Policy Directorate has become a headquarters for managing society and elites, not least in connection with elections. Instead of focusing on domestic policy, this directorate manages domestic politics. The main challenges facing the Kremlin are, first, overcoming the information deficit; second, keeping society in check and not allowing the emergence of a credible political alternative or criticism that could evolve into mass demonstrations; and, third, ensuring that elites do not build coalitions against the autocrat but instead participate in a power-sharing agreement. The focus and “curatorship” of domestic politics has changed with each person to hold the role of First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration, and also with the need for constant adjustment of the defeat-proofing structures within the system as new challenges arise or old ones become more acute.; (AN 42857333)
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5.

Between Opportunist Revolutionaries and Mediating Spoilers: Failed Politicization of the Russian Truck Drivers’ Protest, 2015–2016 by Østbø, Jardar. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p279-303, 25p; Abstract: Abstract:Russian truck drivers’ massive protest against new fees in late 2015 attracted wide attention in Russian liberal circles and abroad, with some movement entrepreneurs seeing it as the start of a democratic revolution in Russia. The regime was clearly taken aback by this challenge, which differed from previous Putinera waves of contention. Unlike the protests in 2005 and 2011–2012, the activists could apparently neither be bought off with partial concessions nor framed as isolated from “the people” and their everyday concerns. However, after hectic activity during the first month, the level of protest decreased drastically, and the strand calling for substantial political change became marginalized. This article analyzes the interaction between protesters and political actors in the initial, critical phase in order to show how the protest became drawn into the dynamics of the Russian hybrid political system. The sharp discursive divide between (legitimate) economic and (illegitimate) political protest made it difficult for “politicizers” to be accepted by the protesters, whereas the “systemic opposition,” through its active support, paradoxically prevented radicalization and rendered the protests largely toothless. Well-meaning arbiters such as the Presidential Council for Human Rights and Civil Society served mainly to channel discontent and stall the protests.; (AN 42857064)
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6.

“Monstrations for Mocracy”: Framing Absurdity and Irony in Russia’s Youth Mobilization by Flikke, Geir. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, July 2017, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 3 p305-334, 30p; Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes framing strategies and mobilization in the annual youth “monstrations” (Monstratsiia) in Russian cities. Examining the collective identity strategies and framing processes in these marches from their inception in 2004 and onwards to 2016, the article suggests that the monstrations represent an apolitical undercurrent, which explores the boundaries between articulation and politics in the context of authoritarian rule. Framing absurdity has a strategic aim: to derail traditional hybrid-regime defeat-proofing strategies by amplifying the inherent protest-code. Acting against monstrators, the regime becomes part of a performance of the absurd. This speaks to the centrality of culture for creative framing processes. Framing processes can transcend and defuse state-sponsored mobilization by utilizing punctuated, absurd and disruptive frames to challenge major cultural codes in Putin’s official nationalism.; (AN 42857248)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 10, no. 1, January 2017

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the Editorial Team Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 42847040)
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2.

A terrible beauty is born: teaching about identity salience and conflict by Asal, Victor; Griffith, Lewis. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p3-13, 11p; Abstract: AbstractTeaching students about the impact of identity and identity salience and its impact on conflict can be very challenging for many students who have not experienced discrimination, oppression or violent conflict. The two exercises laid out in this article can be used in classes to help students understand how identity can be formed by experiences with discrimination and violence and how these experiences can shape people's choices in politics as well as choosing to mobilize for causes. Our exercise first seeks to have students confront their own identity and its salience to themselves. The second part of the exercise utilizes highly mobilized identity rhetoric in the form of nationalist poetry to provide the students with an opportunity to sample, quickly but effectively, the impact and nature of identity politics in conflict cases. Using this exercise, students are able to grapple with their own identity formation, its potential salience and possibility for mobilization, as well as the power of identity mobilization writ large, in a powerful but controlled and relatively apolitical manner that supports teaching about identity as a political phenomenon.; (AN 42847044)
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3.

Assassination as a terrorist tactic: a global analysis by Mandala, Marissa. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p14-39, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThis study investigates what social, political, and economic conditions are associated with terrorist assassinations, and whether these conditions differ for suicide attacks. A series of negative binomial regressions are conducted across four two-year periods: 1995–1996, 2000–2001, 2005–2006 and 2010–2011. The dependent variables represent the count of total terrorist assassinations and suicide attacks taking place in countries worldwide. Independent variables measuring country-level conditions from various sources are used. Both assassinations and suicide attacks were found to be associated with some similar indicators. Certain indicators were uniquely associated with either assassinations or suicide attacks. Across most periods, countries that respect physical integrity rights experienced fewer assassinations and suicide attacks. During one period, politically stable countries experienced fewer assassinations and suicide attacks, while countries with a higher GDP per capita encountered more assassinations and suicide attacks. Across most periods, countries with more religious diversity experienced fewer assassinations, while countries with a high incidence of major episodes of political violence were associated with more assassinations. During one period, countries with more internally displaced persons experienced fewer assassinations, and more refugees originating from a country were related to more suicide attacks. Findings suggest that different terrorist tactics may stem from different underlying problems.; (AN 42847045)
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4.

The stability of the Islamic State (IS) narrative: implications for the future by Kuznar, Lawrence A.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p40-53, 14p; Abstract: AbstractQuantitative analysis of IS thought leader discourse is used to examine the extent to which the IS narrative has changed throughout its history, and the degree to which it has been similar to the rhetoric of other extremist organizations. The IS narrative has remained remarkably stable, indicating an ideological commitment to the narrative by its propagandists. Furthermore, the narrative has worked well for IS as a recruiting and inspirational tool. Therefore, their core narrative is predicted to remain stable, despite future manifestations of the organization. This stability has implications for how the narrative can be countered and the need for credible allies in that effort.; (AN 42847046)
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5.

Should conventional terrorist bombings be considered weapons of mass destruction terrorism? by Early, Bryan R.; Martin, Erika G.; Nussbaum, Brian; Deloughery, Kathleen. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p54-73, 20p; Abstract: AbstractSince weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are typically thought of as chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear (CBRN) weapons, the designation of conventional bombings as WMD terrorism under US law has generated controversy and can affect how policymakers plan for future attacks. Using quantitative data on terrorist attacks, federal planning documents, and the academic literature, we argue that placing the conventional terrorist bombings in the same legal category as CBRN terrorism confuses two distinct terrorist threats with different risks of occurrence, casualty profiles, consequences, and emergency response requirements. We explore the logical and practical reasons why such threat conflation could create policy problems. We conclude that the current definition of WMD terrorism under US law that aggregates conventional terrorist bombings with CBRN terrorism should be revised.; (AN 42847048)
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6.

Misunderstanding Terrorism by McCauley, Clark. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, January 2017, Vol. 10 Issue: Number 1 p74-77, 4p; (AN 42847047)
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