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Journal titles: ARMED FORCES & SOCIETY --- DYNAMICS OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

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1

Armed Forces & Society
Volume 45, no. 4, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Supersoldiers or Rulebreakers? Unpacking the Mind-Set of Special Operations Forces by Dalgaard-Nielsen, Anja; Holm, Kirstine Falster. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p591-611, 21p; Abstract: Special Operations Forces (SOFs) are increasingly central in national defense postures worldwide. The term “SOF mind-set” encapsulates the current political enthusiasm but is rarely explicitly defined or systematically studied. Based on a literature review, this article suggests a conceptual model of SOF’s mind-set, which is refined via a Danish case study. It discusses when and where this mind-set complicates collaboration with the wider military organizational environment and how SOF could navigate potential fault lines. By systematically unpacking SOF’s mind-set, the article aims to add nuance to polarized conceptions and stereotypes.; (AN 50872854)
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2.

Mental Health and Stress Among Army Civilians, Spouses, and Soldiers in a Closing Military Community by Thomas, Jeffrey L.; Adrian, Amanda L.; Wood, Michael D.; Crouch, Coleen L.; Lee, James D.; Adler, Amy B.. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p612-636, 25p; Abstract: When military community closure occurs, it can be challenging for service members and the surrounding community. Given that services and social networks disappear; this is particularly salient in overseas locations. Few studies have systematically assessed the impact of base closure on military community members. In the present study, 743 soldiers, 114 Army civilian employees, and 54 military spouses living in two closing U.S. military communities in Germany were surveyed about transformation stressors, mental health, and factors associated with better adjustment such as individual coping, leadership behaviors, and community cohesion. While individual coping was associated with fewer sleep problems, and individual coping and leadership were associated with less psychological distress, community cohesion generally overrode these effects in the final step of regression models. Thus, while coping and leadership are important, community connection appears to confer benefits to the affected individuals even in the context of base closure.; (AN 50872852)
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3.

Personality and Genetic Associations With Military Service by Miles, Matthew R.; Haider-Markel, Donald P.. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p637-658, 22p; Abstract: Existing literature connects military service to regional characteristics and family traditions, creating real distinctions between those who serve and those who do not. We engage this discussion by examining military service as a function of personality. In the second portion, we examine military service as predisposed by genetics. Our findings indicate there is a significant heritability component of serving in the military. We find a significant genetic correlation between personality traits associated with progressive political ambition and military service, suggesting that military service represents a different form of political participation to which individuals are genetically predisposed. We discuss the long-term implications of our findings for policy makers and recruiters.; (AN 50872853)
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4.

Intermarriage and the U.S. Military by Houseworth, Christina A.; Grayson, Keoka. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p659-680, 22p; Abstract: This article uses a comprehensive descriptive analysis to examine the determinants of racial intermarriage for native-born men and women using the 2012 American Community Survey. A comparison between military and civilian samples is the main focus of the article. We improve upon the existing literature by identifying the proximity of the respondent’s current residence to a military base and including an analysis of anti-miscegenation laws by state. Further, we provide a cohort analysis to parse out generational differences. We find that military members are more likely to intermarry, regardless of cohort, and that non-White military members have higher rates of education than their civilian counterparts. Black females in the military are more educated and have a significantly higher rate of intermarriage than their civilian counterparts. Additionally, the difference in intermarriage rates between civilian and military members is 31 percentage points higher for Black women than Black men.; (AN 50872858)
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5.

Politicians at Arms: Civilian Recruitment of Soldiers for Middle East Coups by Kinney, Drew Holland. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p681-701, 21p; Abstract: Why would politicians recruit soldiers for military coups d’état? The civil–military relations literature assumes politicians aspire to supremacy over the military; enabling praetorianism would risk their future rule. While civil–military relations widely recognizes the empirical fact of civilian participation in military takeovers, no study specifies or theorizes the topic. This essay examines the conditions in which politicians recruit soldiers to seize power by investigating the understudied processesof military takeovers. Using British Foreign Office documents, Arabic language memoirs, and Polity data, I find that civilian statesmen in Iraq (1936) and Syria (1951) could not tolerate their civilian rivals’ incumbency but were unable to challenge them peacefully, so they recruited like-minded officers for coups. This suggests that while politicians do not necessarily want the army in the chambers, they sometimes favor praetorianism to the continued rule of their civilian opponents.; (AN 50872859)
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6.

Hero, Charity Case, and Victim: How U.S. News Media Frame Military Veterans on Twitter by Parrott, Scott; Albright, David L.; Dyche, Caitlin; Steele, Hailey Grace. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p702-722, 21p; Abstract: Commenters often criticize the mass media for providing audiences a narrow and inaccurate representation of U.S. military veterans. This study examined the claim by researching how regional news publications in the 50 states represented veterans on Twitter. A quantitative content analysis documented the presence or absence of characteristics in 1,460 tweets that employed the terms veteran or veterans. Data were examined using cluster analysis. Three frames emerged. The most prevalent frame, labeled charity, highlighted instances in which veterans received assistance from charitable organizations and others. The second frame, hero, contained references to honor, World War II, and content that would elicit pride from audience members. The third frame, victim, highlighted the mistreatment of veterans by the military and/or society, mental health issues, politics, and the Gulf War. Results suggest U.S. news consumers are provided a narrow representation of what it means to be a veteran.; (AN 50872857)
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7.

Countering Boko Haram’s Violence: A Deterrence–Backlash Perspective by Dulin, Adam; Patiño, Jairo. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p723-745, 23p; Abstract: This article examines efforts to counter Boko Haram’s campaign of terrorism in Northern Nigeria from a deterrence–backlash perspective. Drawing from previous research, the authors develop hypothetical expectations for deterrence and backlash effects when counterterrorism policies are conducted at governmental and community levels. Using parametric survival analysis, the authors conclude that government policies designed to curb Boko Haram attacks resulted in backlash. Conversely, community-based efforts resulted in deterrence.; (AN 50872855)
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8.

Top Down or Bottom Up? Public Control of the Armed Forces in Post–Soviet Russia by Douglas, Nadja. Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p746-768, 23p; Abstract: This article engages in an analysis of contemporary relations between civic actors and state power structures, notably the military organization, in the Russian Federation. The main focus is on the complex tension and interaction between state-sanctioned forms of control of the armed forces and public control, exercised by grassroots actors. The underlying assumption is that an institutionalization of control of state power structures is taking place in Russia. The article seeks to understand whether these processes are prevalently a top-down or a bottom-up phenomenon, how public control as a “civic duty” can be effectively characterized, and what implications this has for Russian civic activism more generally.; (AN 50872856)
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9.

Acknowledgment of Reviewers Armed Forces & Society, October 2019, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 4 p769-771, 3p; (AN 50872860)
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2

Central Asian Survey
Volume 38, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Editorial by Reeves, Madeleine. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p307-309, 3p; (AN 50857857)
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2.

Practices of traditionalization in Central Asia by Beyer, Judith; Finke, Peter. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p310-328, 19p; (AN 50857858)
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3.

Women of protest, men of applause: political activism, gender and tradition in Kyrgyzstan by Beyer, Judith; Kojobekova, Aijarkyn. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p329-345, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTradition has come to play an important role throughout Central Asia in a number of new ways since independence, but has been predominantly investigated regarding nation building. In this article, we show how tradition is being used operationally in the context of activism and political conflict. We expose the various motivations and tactics pursued by aksakals (lit., whitebeards) and by a movement of mature women called OBON (lit., Women Units for Special Purposes) as they participate in politics, and the role tradition plays in these activities. We argue that aksakals actively draw on tradition even in the political realm to avoid being derogatorily labelled ‘elders on duty’, whereas OBON women position themselves as economic and political actors but are subjected to discourses and practices of tradition by others. While both aksakals and OBON women have been central to political action in Kyrgyzstan in the last two decades, this article is the first to compare and contrast these two categories of unusual activists. The comparison reveals a perpetuation of culturally recognized gender roles even when these actors go beyond their ‘traditional’ realms of competence.; (AN 50857859)
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4.

Traditionalization, or the making of a reputation: women, weddings and expenditure in Tajikistan by Cleuziou, Juliette. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p346-362, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article aims to show how traditionalization is enforced by women in Tajikistan in the realm of marriage, focusing on the economic dimension of life cycle rituals: ritual expenditure and gift-giving. It shows that from women’s points of view, performing ceremonial competition may itself be a resource to recover their reputation, for example when a matrimonial rupture has harmed it. Focusing on single mothers, it demonstrates how practices of traditionalization performed by women can be directed at addressing gender constraints and stereotypes, such as the normative relation between marriage and femininity, and how they may also secure women’s separate sphere of competence and relative financial autonomy.; (AN 50857860)
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5.

The body global and the body traditional: a digital ethnography of Instagram and nationalism in Kazakhstan and Russia by Kudaibergenova, Diana T.. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p363-380, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat is the power of social media in defining and policing sexual identities and bodily expressions, and what are their connections to understanding nation, power and self in authoritarian contexts? Through the study of popular Instagram accounts in Kazakhstan and Russia, I argue that these sites serve as spaces of visualization and re-creation of new forms of ‘acceptable’ behaviour and lifestyles, that on the one hand may lead to new globalized visions of sexual identity and the body while on the other promoting localized conflict and resentment online, triggered by online users’ fear of losing their ‘national culture’ in these global trends. While many resort to policing gender norms and heteronormative body images online, influencers and Instagrammers from Russia and Kazakhstan take an active part in resisting these frameworks and categories.; (AN 50857861)
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6.

The veterans’ gala: the use of tradition in an industrial labour conflict in contemporary Kazakhstan by Trevisani, Tommaso. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p381-399, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince its privatization in 1995, Kazakhstan’s largest steel mill has been in a restructuring process characterized by workforce reduction, augmented pressure on remaining jobs and labour conflict over wages, work conditions and corporate social responsibility. In 2013, in an attempt to re-establish harmonious relationships with workers, management invited the mill’s former labour aristocracy to join a newly established veterans’ council, a forum resembling traditional aksakalcouncils, to discuss the company’s difficult situation. In the context of a banquet in honour of the veterans, tradition became the contested terrain over which labour and capital struggled to endorse their own visions of the industrial future. As corporate capitalist visions of efficiency and professionalism, ethno-national concerns for harmony and stability, and practices rooted in the Soviet labour legacy clash, tradition is staged by actors as a practice which can either affirm or challenge industrial leadership in a labour conflict.; (AN 50857862)
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7.

Appropriating and contesting ‘traditional Islam’: Central Asian students at the Russian Islamic University in Tatarstan by Müller, Dominik. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p400-416, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBased on an ethnographic case study of an Islamic university in Russia, I examine how the state-implemented and bureaucratized traditionalization of Islam in Russia affects the everyday life of Central Asian students and how this project ‘from above’ is entangled with their coping strategies. I show how religious education has become a resource for the state as well as for young students and their parents. The Russian state uses these official religious institutions to control the Muslim population by creating and promoting a state-approved version of ‘traditional Islam’ and producing official religious specialists. For the young Muslim students, however, Islamic education provides, in addition to religious knowledge, access to networks, social security and new economic opportunities. It thereby offers a way to cope with the uncertainty caused by high unemployment rates and other socio-economic difficulties among young people.; (AN 50857863)
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8.

Traditionalization as a response to state-induced development in rural Tibetan areas of Qinghai, PRC by Ptackova, Jarmila. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p417-431, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe current state-induced and top-down-implemented development and modernization of the predominantly rural areas of western China can be perceived as a clear demonstration of Chinese power in Tibetan areas, resulting in the repression of expressions of minority culture. This article argues that the local population’s various practices of traditionalization, as demonstrated through an emphasis on the maintenance or (re)invention of representative cultural forms can be understood as efforts to counteract the socio-economic and cultural assimilation measures or even as a form of political resistance. At the same time, in the context of the economic opportunities brought on by the rapid development, in tourism for example, traditionalization has become an important economic asset for both the state and local Tibetans. These (revived) traditions could enhance cultural awareness among visitors to minority areas and strengthen local people’s sense of cultural security and their self-understanding as Tibetans.; (AN 50857864)
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9.

Central Asia in the era of sovereignty: the return of Tamerlane? by Rees, Kristoffer Michael. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p432-434, 3p; (AN 50857865)
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10.

Food and identity in Central Asia by Yapici, Sebile. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p434-436, 3p; (AN 50857866)
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11.

Sufism: a new history of Islamic mysticism by Schubel, Vernon James. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p436-438, 3p; (AN 50857867)
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12.

Silk, slaves, and stupas: material culture of the Silk Road by Benjamin, Craig. Central Asian Survey, July 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 3 p438-441, 4p; (AN 50857868)
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3

China Quarterly
Volume 239, no. 1, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

CQY volume 239 Cover and Back matter The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 pb1-b6, 6p; (AN 50950115)
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2.

CQY volume 239 Cover and Front matter The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 pf1-f5, 5p; (AN 50950130)
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3.

China's New Roles and Behaviour in Conflict-Affected Regions: Reconsidering Non-Interference and Non-Intervention by Hirono, Miwa; Jiang, Yang; Lanteigne, Marc. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p573-593, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChina's view on the sanctity of state sovereignty has slowly but inexorably been transformed, and the country has found it difficult to continue to adhere to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention with the same degree of rigour as during the Cold War era. This special section will explore what the principles mean to China today; why and how Beijing has become active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation; and what implication China's approach to the principles has for its position in the global liberal order. This article sets the scene by firstly demonstrating that defining the principles has always been a political act, and secondly offering new discussions about how China's expanding economic power forced the country to more actively engage in politics of conflict-affected regions. Finally, it offers a conceptual framework to explain why and how China has become increasingly active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation.; (AN 50950139)
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4.

That Is NotIntervention; That Is Interference with Chinese Characteristics: New Concepts, Distinctions and Approaches Developing in the Chinese Debate and Foreign and Security Policy Practice by Sørensen, Camilla T. N.. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p594-613, 20p; Abstract: AbstractThere is among Chinese international relations scholars an intense debate about how China can protect and promote Chinese global presence and interests while at the same time continue to adhere to the principle of non-intervention. New concepts, distinctions and approaches are developing as the debate progresses. The current Chinese foreign and security policy practice reflects a more flexible and pragmatic Chinese interpretation – and implementation – of the principle of non-intervention with different degrees and types of intervention. This article explores the search for “legitimate great power intervention” characterizing both the debate among Chinese international relations scholars and the current Chinese foreign and security policy practice, and uses this case as the departure point for a more general discussion of the drivers of change – and continuity – in Chinese foreign and security policy.; (AN 50950140)
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5.

China's Conflict Mediation and the Durability of the Principle of Non-Interference: The Case of Post-2014 Afghanistan by Hirono, Miwa. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p614-634, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChina's efforts in conflict mediation are an important test of the durability of the principle of non-interference. By analysing the approaches and means of China's post-2014 mediation efforts in Afghanistan, this article finds that China's behaviour shows it engages in medium-level interference in domestic affairs, but mostly with the host government's concurrence. This is because of the two forms China's mediation takes. In a bilateral context, China's mediation takes the form of “incentivizing mediation,” in which its economic power, and its omnidirectional foreign policy, provide incentives or leverage for warring factions to come to the negotiation table, but which also lets the warring factions formulate their own roadmap to peace talks. In a multilateral context, China sometimes engages in “formulative mediation,” in which the mediators, not the disputing parties, formulate a roadmap to peace talks.; (AN 50950141)
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6.

China's UN Peacekeeping in Mali and Comprehensive Diplomacy by Lanteigne, Marc. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p635-655, 21p; Abstract: AbstractChina's increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations reached a milestone in 2013 when Beijing agreed to send a large detachment of personnel, including combat forces for the first time, to support UN peacekeeping operations in Mali after that country fell into civil war. This commitment was also distinct in that unlike other African countries where Beijing has supplied peacekeepers, Mali is not a major trading partner with China. However, this mission has both cemented Beijing's greater commitment to building African partnerships as well as demonstrating its determination to move beyond “resource diplomacy” and towards a more comprehensive approach to engaging the continent. Although China has warmed to the principles of humanitarian intervention in civil conflicts, Mali has been a critical test of China's ability to participate in UN operations in a country which is still facing ongoing violence. The Mali mission is an important step in Beijing's turn towards greater realpolitik in Chinese Beijing's peacekeeping policies in keeping with its great power status. At the same time, participation in the Mali mission has been beneficial for China, not only in helping to build the country's peacekeeping credentials in Africa but also in underscoring China's increasingly distinct views on addressing intervention in civil conflicts.; (AN 50950143)
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7.

Treading with Caution: China's Multidimensional Interventions in the Gulf Region by Mansour, Imad. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p656-678, 23p; Abstract: AbstractThis article demonstrates the growing adaptability of Chinese foreign policy to Gulf states’ expectations around issues that implicate them directly or are relevant (such as relations with the US, and the wars in Yemen and Syria). Gulf states reacted positively because China's approach incrementally integrated local demands in its strategizing, especially by finding common ground with Gulf states despite their own differences; China has done so while not being tied to a “hegemonic idea” (i.e. it is not trying to control or define Gulf politics). China's incrementalist and non-hegemonic regional approach significantly increased Gulf states’ acceptance of its interventions, adapted to Gulf states’ expectations, and, crucially, has been altering what these states expect of major powers in general. The article concludes by proposing that unfolding Gulf politics in light of the June 2017 GCC crisis is very likely to present China with multiple opportunities to demonstrate the adroitness of its strategic choices vis-à-vis the region.; (AN 50950142)
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8.

Digital Media Experiments in China: “Revolutionizing” Persuasion under Xi Jinping by Repnikova, Maria; Fang, Kecheng. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p679-701, 23p; Abstract: AbstractWith the rapid decline of traditional media in China, the party-state faces the growing challenge of shaping public opinion online. This article engages with one response to this challenge – a state-sanctioned digital media experiment aimed at creating a new form of journalism that appeals to the public and helps to disseminate Party propaganda. We analyse the emergence of a national success story, Shanghai-based model media outlet Pengpai, and its diffusion across different regions. We argue that the synergy between local officials and media entrepreneurs has propelled Pengpai’s national fame. We further demonstrate that while there has been a cross-national attempt to diffuse this model, it has produced mixed results owing to a number of factors, including the superficial commitment of local officials and media professionals. These findings demonstrate that state-sanctioned decentralized experimentation can deliver unpredictable results in the sphere of media policy, and they further question the capacity of the party-state to effectively reinvent public persuasion in the digital age.; (AN 50950136)
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9.

Modernizing China's Tertiary Education Sector: Enhanced Autonomy or Governance in the Shadow of Hierarchy? by Jian, Hu; Mols, Frank. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p702-727, 26p; Abstract: AbstractThe Chinese government has acknowledged that in order to turn Chinese universities into world class institutions, it will have to grant them a greater degree of autonomy. However, the reforms that have been introduced to achieve this goal run counter to a long tradition of central government oversight. The question now presenting itself is how much actual control government has devolved to universities. The qualitative evidence presented in this paper, obtained through interviews with university presidents and Party secretaries, not only confirms that, as one might expect, Chinese universities continue to operate “in the shadow of hierarchy,” but also and more importantly that formal efforts to devolve authority are being rendered ineffective by informal pressures and control mechanisms. Discussion reflects on the state of play in Chinese public administration studies, and urges public policy researchers examining devolution in China to account for both formal reforms and everyday “lived experiences.”; (AN 50950137)
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10.

China's Asset Management Companies as State Spatial–Temporal Strategy by Ho, Sarah; Marois, Thomas. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p728-751, 24p; Abstract: AbstractChinese authorities created four new asset management companies (AMCs) in 1999. These have since undergone profound transformations which have been influential in China's contemporary integration into the world market. Conventional interpretations see these powerful AMCs in largely technical and asocial terms. By contrast, we employ a critical geographical analytical framework to understand the transformation of these AMCs as an expression of the state's spatial–temporal strategy to create conditions of political economic stability now by displacing the conditions of financial instability and crisis into the future. This strategy does not come without unintended and destabilizing consequences, nor is it without class-based social and political implications.; (AN 50950144)
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11.

Antidepressant Advertising in China and the UK: The Strengths and Limits of Policy Learning by Geyer, Robert; Wang, Fang. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p752-774, 23p; Abstract: AbstractChina is expected to become one of the largest markets for prescription drugs in the world and pharmaceutical advertising is becoming increasingly important, particularly in the socially and culturally contested area of mental health. This article briefly explores the background of drug advertising policies in China and the UK and focuses on the distinctive challenges of antidepressant drug regulation. Then, using tools of critical discourse analysis, it examines Chinese antidepressant adverts, and compares them with relevant British adverts. The findings indicate that, relative to the UK, Chinese antidepressant adverts are generally oversimplified, and the critical information concerning the concepts of caution, danger and adverse effects are underrepresented. However, there are many interdependent factors that contribute to the distinctive Chinese antidepressant drug regulatory regime. Hence, Chinese policymakers must maintain a delicate balance between learning from Western regulatory regimes, but also avoiding borrowing too heavily from them.; (AN 50950138)
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12.

Producing Chinese Urban Landscapes of Public Art: The Urban Sculpture Scene in Shanghai by Zheng, Jane. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p775-803, 29p; Abstract: AbstractThis article uses an “urban landscapes” perspective to examine the urban sculpture scene and its production system in Shanghai. It reviews both the national urban sculpture discourse and urban sculpture planning practices since 1949, and then focuses on Shanghai specifically. It examines three major stakeholders in urban sculpture development and their interactions. The main argument is that Shanghai's urban sculpture scene has evolved due to the proliferation of aesthetic and symbolic sculptures as opposed to traditional monuments; however, urban entrepreneurialism and globalization have been shaped by the continuity of the Chinese ideological framework, which has transformed urban sculptures from explicit into veiled political didacticism under the guise of caring for the people.; (AN 50950135)
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13.

Of Silk Roads and Global Transformations: China's Rise and its Impact on the Developing World by Strauss, Julia C.. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p804-812, 9p; Abstract: On a random Tuesday in May 2019, I found myself in Shanghai's Pudong International Airport, waiting in a fortunately short and quickly moving immigration line prior to a return flight home. Just to the right was an immigration desk with what appeared to be a new sign: a “Belt-and-Road” channel (Yidai yilu tongdao). There was no one behind the BRI desk. I was intrigued by this, but of course did not dare to take a photograph of the sign in a restricted zone. Twenty minutes later I attempted to log on from the airline lounge, and ended with failure. The relevant two-step process now involved a passport scan, the receipt of a registration number that required inputting an (overseas) mobile number and receiving SMS verification with further password. The juxtaposition of the fast-track but empty BRI immigration desk and the clunky double verification procedure to get online at all seemed to encapsulate much China's current position in the world.; (AN 50950124)
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14.

Book Review: From Accelerated Accumulation to Socialist Market Economy: Economic Discourse and Development from 1953 to the Present by Ash, Robert. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p813-814, 2p; (AN 50950122)
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15.

Book Review: Rethinking China's Rise: A Liberal Critique by Veg, Sebastian. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p814-816, 3p; (AN 50950117)
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16.

Book Review: Unmaking China's Development: The Function and Credibility of Institutions by Sun, Xin. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p816-818, 3p; (AN 50950133)
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17.

Book Review: China's Global Identity: Considering the Responsibilities of Great Power by Crookes, Paul Irwin. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p818-819, 2p; (AN 50950128)
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18.

Book Review: Polarized Cities: Portraits of Rich and Poor in Urban China by Ren, Xuefei. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p820-821, 2p; (AN 50950112)
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19.

Book Review: Social Mobilisation in Post-Industrial China: The Case of Rural Urbanisation by Yep, Ray. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p821-822, 2p; (AN 50950121)
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20.

Book Review: Negotiating Rural Land Ownership in Southwest Rural China: State, Village, Family by Oxfeld, Ellen. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p823-825, 3p; (AN 50950111)
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21.

Book Review: Chinese State-Owned Enterprises in West Africa: Triple-Embedded Globalization by Driessen, Miriam. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p825-826, 2p; (AN 50950126)
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22.

Book Review: Hypocrisy: The Tales and Realities of Drug Detainees in China by Ramsay, Guy. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p826-828, 3p; (AN 50950125)
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23.

Book Review: GMO China: How Global Debates Transformed China's Agricultural Biotechnology Politics by Giordano, Mark. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p828-829, 2p; (AN 50950123)
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24.

Book Review: The Battle for Fortune: State-Led Development, Personhood, and Power among Tibetans in China by Tenzin, Jinba. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p829-831, 3p; (AN 50950113)
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25.

Book Review: A Misunderstood Friendship: Mao Zedong, Kim Il-Sung, and Sino-North Korean Relations, 1949–1976 by Cheng, Xiaohe. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p832-833, 2p; (AN 50950119)
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26.

Book Review: Railroads and the Transformation of China by Rawski, Thomas G.. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p833-834, 2p; (AN 50950127)
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27.

Book Review: The Soldier Image and State-Building in Modern China by Setzekorn, Eric. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p834-836, 3p; (AN 50950134)
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28.

Book Review: At Home in the World: Women and Charity in Late Qing and Early Republican China by Lu, Hanchao. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p836-837, 2p; (AN 50950131)
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29.

Book Review: The Translatability of Revolution: Guo Moruo and Twentieth-Century Chinese Culture by Zikpi, Monica E. M.. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p838-839, 2p; (AN 50950129)
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30.

Book Review: Chinese Revolutionary Cinema: Propaganda, Aesthetics and Internationalism, 1949–1966 by Berry, Chris. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p839-840, 2p; (AN 50950118)
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31.

Book Review: Experimental Beijing: Gender and Globalization in Chinese Contemporary Art by Wang, Meiqin. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p841-843, 3p; (AN 50950132)
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32.

Book Review: Fashion in Multiple Chinas: Chinese Styles in the Transglobal Landscape by Tse, Tommy. The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p843-844, 2p; (AN 50950114)
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33.

Books received The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p845-846, 2p; (AN 50950116)
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34.

Notes on Contributors The China Quarterly, September 2019, Vol. 239 Issue: Number 1 p847-848, 2p; (AN 50950120)
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4

Civil Wars
Volume 21, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Exploring the Backstage: Methodological and Ethical Issues Surrounding the Role of Research Brokers in Insecure Zones by Eriksson Baaz, Maria; Utas, Mats. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p157-178, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe contribution and situation of research brokers problematically tend to be shrouded in silence in most research texts. In this article we probe into the particular ethical and methodological challenges that we may encounter when working with brokers in conflict settings, drawing upon existing literature and contributions of this special issue. Reposing on post-colonial perspectives, we problematize both the increasing securitization of conflict research with its one-sided focus on researcher safety and the notion of researcher responsibility. Moreover, we argue that the inequalities marking researcher-broker relations are often particularly glaring in conflict settings, thus increasing the risk for exploitation.; (AN 51054604)
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2.

On Brokers, Commodification of Information and Liberian Former Combatants by Käihkö, Ilmari. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p179-199, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article investigates research brokers and commodification of information. When combined with inherently asymmetric research relationships and successful gatekeeping, brokers create demand and become indispensable. Potential negative effects of brokerage and commodification of information are discussed through experiences studying former combatants in Liberia. There bargains with brokers who could facilitate access to this hidden population resulted in a vicious circle as brokers confirmed what researchers wanted to hear. The attention to this issue was first brought by subsequent ethnography and participant observation, which also offer the promise of an ethically defensible way of collecting information.; (AN 51054605)
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3.

Walking the Line: Brokering Humanitarian Identities in Conflict Research by Lewis, Chloé; Banga, Alfred; Cimanuka, Ghislain; De Dieu Hategekimana, Jean; Lake, Milli; Pierotti, Rachael. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p200-227, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIncreasingly, academic research in conflict-affected contexts relies on support from humanitarian organizations. Humanitarian organizations constitute sites of study in and of themselves; they partner with academics to roll out surveys or randomized program interventions; and they frequently facilitate security, logistics and transportation for independent researchers. We use a research partnership between IRC, the World Bank, and academic researchers in the UK, the US and eastern DR Congo, to explore the effects of humanitarian affiliation on conflict field research. In investigating when, how and under what conditions humanitarian identities are adopted by researchers (and how these affiliations shape research dynamics) we identify three paradoxes. First, “wearing humanitarian clothes” to facilitate research logistics can both facilitate and constrain access. Second, humanitarian affiliations invoked by researchers to ensure security and protection in volatile research sites can undermine the “insider” status of local staff. Finally, working through humanitarian organizations allows local and international researchers to benefit from the protections and privileges afforded to humanitarian employees without providing any of the services on which privileged access rests. In this article, we map out decisions faced by local and international researchers concerning when to adopt and discard humanitarian identities, and the fraught logistical, ethical and methodological consequences of these decisions.; (AN 51054606)
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4.

From Remote Control to Collaboration: Conducting NGO Research at a Distance in Tajikistan by Myrttinen, Henri; Mastonshoeva, Subhiya. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p228-248, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUsing a domestic violence-prevention project in Tajikistan as an example, we examine how international non-governmental organisations’ (NGOs) knowledge production-at-a-distance, working through in-country teams who in turn rely on their local brokers, raises questions around ownership, power and privilege. These include issues around language and translation; motivations and agendas; and the neo-coloniality of data extraction and analysis. Yet, long-distance approaches can also have an emancipatory dynamic, leading to new forms of coproducing knowledge, although the frameworks for this continue to be defined by the Global North, even if the categories of ‘Global North’ and ‘Global South’ are becoming increasingly blurred.; (AN 51054607)
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5.

Research Brokers, Researcher Identities and Affective Performances: The Insider/Outsider Conundrum by Parashar, Swati. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p249-270, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper reflects upon the role of brokers in facilitating research in conflict zones, which the researcher identifies as ‘native’ areas of research in the Global South. Researchers from the Global South, based in academic and research institutions in Western locations and having received funding from foreign agencies, conduct field research in conflict geographies which they maybe native to, or may have inhabited for long periods of time. Brokers facilitate research in these ‘native’ areas of research, leading to difficult encounters between the researcher, research subjects and brokers themselves. I analyze the intimate and uncomfortable affective encounters between researchers and research brokers from the Global South who share national or cultural identity, language and above all, spatial nativity and familiarity.; (AN 51054608)
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6.

Research Brokers We Use and Abuse while Researching Civil Wars and Their Aftermaths – Methodological Concerns by Utas, Mats. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p271-285, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this practitioners note I want, with a number of cases from my own fieldworks, highlight problems and possibilities of collecting first hand material about conflict with a specific focus on research brokers.; (AN 51054609)
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7.

Who’s at Risk? Reflections on In/Security When Working With/Through Military Brokers in Conflict Settings by Eriksson Baaz, Maria. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p286-295, 10p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this paper, I reflect upon my experience of working with active military officers-cum-research brokers in research on the Congolese (DRC) armed forces. Drawing upon the traditions of autoethnography and Narrative International Relations, I recount the story of an evolving relationship between one particular military broker and myself. It highlights how military research brokers, while frequently cast not only as capable of handling their own security, but as prime sources of insecurity, often share the general (civilian) research broker’s predicaments of insecurity. In doing so, the narrative also challenges dominant gendered, as well as racialized, ideas of who is at risk when conducting research in conflict settings.; (AN 51054610)
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8.

Overlooked Enemies of Peace: Understanding and Countering Criminalised Power Structures by Rossi, Norma. Civil Wars, April 2019, Vol. 21 Issue: Number 2 p296-301, 6p; (AN 51054611)
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5

Cold War History
Volume 19, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

General Lyman L. Lemnitzer and NATO, 1948–69: a deferential leader by Kaplan, Lawrence S.. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p323-341, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR), General Lyman L. Lemnitzer, was an unlikely hero who rose to the challenge of France’s expulsion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) from its territory in 1966. President de Gaulle’s action forced the Alliance to locate its new headquarters in another NATO country and move 800,000 tons of military equipment out of France in less than a year’s time. How to achieve this goal without irrevocably fracturing relations with France was the charge given to the Supreme Allied Commander, a man of equable temperament and – from the perspective of some of his peers – of modest talents. He lacked the authority of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the intellect of General Alfred M. Gruenther Gruenther, and the imperious temperament of General Lauris Norstad. But against the odds he succeeded in opening Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) headquarters in Belgium on 1 April 1967. This essay seeks to examine his long relationship with NATO and judge how successful he was in his leadership as Supreme Allied Commander in the 1960s.; (AN 50614915)
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2.

Early Cold War evolution of British and US defector policy and practice by Riehle, Kevin P.. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p343-361, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe British and US governments entered World War II without policies or defined practices for handling, interrogating, and disposing of Soviet defectors. This gradually changed, necessitated by a post-war surge of defectors and deserters. Although the United States and Great Britain initially took different paths toward defector policies, diverging and evolving at different rates, both countries ultimately arrived at nearly the same destination. By 1950 their policies were founded on two broad benefits of defectors: they were sources of valuable intelligence; and they presented opportunities for propaganda, hopefully positive, for the West.; (AN 50614916)
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3.

Italy, the developing world, and aid policy, 1969–1979: the ‘historic compromise’ and Italian foreign policy by Calandri, Elena. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p363-381, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPolitical support and economic cooperation with progressive developing countries was a key factor in the ‘historic compromise’, the cooperation between the Communist Party and the Christian Democrats that dominated Italy in the 1970s. Circumventing the so-called ‘conventio ad excludendum’, the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) gained a voice in Italian foreign policy which reached beyond the pro-Soviet camp, in particular in the Mediterranean, in the Horn, and in South-Eastern Africa. The real nature and the ultimate aim of this cooperation, in a country in which the borders between domestic and foreign policy were often blurred, remains a matter for historical debate.; (AN 50614917)
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4.

Neither for, nor against Mao: PCI-CCP interactions and the normalisation of Sino-Italian Relations, 1966–71 by Clivio, Carlotta. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p383-400, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis paper explores the Italian Communist Party (PCI)’s interactions with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the years immediately preceding the normalisation of Sino-Italian relations. The present work highlights three aspects of this dynamic: the PCI’s rewriting of its identity as a foreign policy making actor independent of the US and the USSR, and neither dismissive nor laudatory of Mao; the PCI’s establishment of partnerships with actors at home and abroad to allow for its China-policy blueprints to come to fruition; and the efforts of PCI-affiliated intellectuals toward making a rapprochement between the PCI and the CCP possible.; (AN 50614918)
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5.

Balancing between the COMECON and the EEC: Hungarian elite debates on European integration during the long 1970s by Germuska, Pál. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p401-420, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article intends to uncover the internal disputes about foreign and trade policy between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s, and to highlight the Hungarian motives in both Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) internal discussions and Hungary’s talks with the European Economic Community (EEC). The issue of concluding an agreement with the EEC became a home-front battlefield between the ‘hawks’ and ‘doves’ of the political leadership at the turn of the 1970s. The article argues that from the early 1980s, the genuine initiator of a foreign trade policy shift was the reform wing of the party, while the foreign trade apparatus remained firm on its standpoint of non-recognition.; (AN 50614919)
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6.

A lost chance for Balkan cooperation? The Romanian view on ‘regional micro-détente’, 1969—75 by Stanciu, Cezar. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p421-439, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Soviet-American détente raised many concerns among small states that Cold War bipolarity could be consolidated and that the superpowers’ dialogue was just another form of excluding other countries from having a say in international affairs. In order to neutralise the effects of bipolarity, many European governments advocated in favour of a multilateral détente. This paper argues that a similar process occurred in Eastern Europe and analyses the Romanian proposals for Balkan cooperation in the context of what was called a ‘regional micro-détente’. Bucharest called for a multilateral high-level meeting of all Balkan states with the aim of devising formulas for improving cooperation and limiting the influence of the superpowers in the region. As Romania was engaged in serious divergences with the Soviet Union and also had good relations with the Chinese at the height of the Sino-Soviet polemic, Moscow regarded the Romanian proposals as directed against its interests in the peninsula and opposed it. In spite of its lack of results, the Romanian project demonstrates that the commitment to multilateral détente existed on both sides of the Iron Curtain and reveals the increasing fragmentation of the Communist bloc in the context of détente and the CSCE process.; (AN 50614920)
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7.

The Middle East and the Cold War by Citino, Nathan J.. Cold War History, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p441-456, 16p; (AN 50614921)
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6

Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Volume 52, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

The transition from limited access orders to open access orders in the post-communist Europe by Legiedz, Tomasz. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p187-195, 9p; Abstract: This paper attempts to explain the process of institutional transition of post-communist countries applying conceptual framework proposed by D.C. North, J. J. Wallis, and B. R. Weingast. The first part of the article is devoted to outline the theory of North, Weingast, and Wallis. The second part the theory is used to analyze transformation processes in post-communist countries. An important conclusion of this paper is that cultural, religious and historical factors have crucial impact on formation of new coalitions of elites in the transitions countries. In the countries where Western values were present the transfer of the market and democratic formal institutions was easier. Also, the process of transformation was strongly influenced by external factors, especially the prospect of integration with the European Union, which encouraged elites to take action that benefited the opening of both political and economic markets. These observations suggest that, in general, the success of transformation in transition countries did not depend on the intentional actions of ruling elites.; (AN 50655931)
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2.

Historical origins of the party-army relations in the Soviet Union and China by Zhou, Luyang. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p197-207, 11p; Abstract: It is established that Party-army relation followed a "separated" pattern in the Soviet Union as opposed to an "infused" pattern in China. This article explores the historical origin of this difference in the revolutionary periods. By analyzing the biographies of communist military elites, it argues that this discrepancy took shape before the revolutionary takeover and resulted from the differentiated intensities of warfare across Russia and China. In China, the numerous civil wars and military defeats, radicalized the old military structure and boosted societal militarization; thus, eroding the mutual exclusion between the military and revolutionaries. The effect was lesser in Tsarist Russia than in prerevolutionary China, making the old military a conservative and professional corporate that the Bolsheviks could not completely subordinate to Party control.; (AN 50677201)
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3.

Economic effects estimation for the Eurasian Economic Union: Application of regional linear regression by Bayramov, Vugar; Breban, Dan; Mukhtarov, Elmir. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p209-225, 17p; Abstract: This paper aims to provide a coherent analysis of the economic impact accession to the Eurasian Economic Union has had on the economies of current member states and what affect membership would have on the economy of Azerbaijan. By applying a Linear Regression Model we find that membership to this regional bloc has yielded minimal financial benefits for the existing members. However, for most states, accession has increased the trade deficit with Russia and that a membership would likely produce a similar negative outcome for Azerbaijan in addition to undermining national economic and energy policy making.; (AN 50655929)
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4.

Lost in transition, found in recession? Satisfaction with democracy in Central Europe before and after economic crises by Vlachová, Klára. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p227-234, 8p; Abstract: For decades, research on democracy has produced evidence that the peoples of countries in Central Europe are less satisfied with the way democracy works in their countries than people in Western Europe. Using the data from the European Social Survey (ESS) I explore, how satisfaction with the way democracy works (SWD) changed in these countries between 2004 and 2014 and test the impact of satisfaction with the present state of the economy and trust in parliament on SWD. Results of the analysis reveal that people in Central Europe are still less satisfied with the democratic performance on average than people in Western Europe, but their satisfaction is on the rise especially in countries where the economy performs well, economic performance brings better standard of living, and people share a sense of economic optimism. Results also suggest that in countries where economic optimism is low, political evaluations of “crises in democracy” may play a larger role in explaining satisfaction with democratic performance.; (AN 50723131)
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5.

Ticket splitting, strategic voting and personal vote in the 2012 Mongolian elections by Maškarinec, Pavel. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p235-245, 11p; Abstract: This article examines ticket splitting under Mongolia's new mixed-member majoritarian system used for the elections in 2012, reaching several conclusions. First, we confirm that strategic ticket splitting depends on party size, as especially candidates of larger parties receive, on average, more district votes. Second, we show that strategic voting is not a universal phenomenon under the Mongolian mixed-member majoritarian system. Finally, as personal vote rather than strategic voting generally influences electoral behaviour of Mongolian voters at the district level, we hypothesize that institutional factors alone are not sufficient to explain both ticket splitting and strategic voting.; (AN 50790507)
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6.

Compartmentalized ideology and nation-building in non-democratic states by Kudaibergenova, Diana T.. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p247-257, 11p; Abstract: What are the mechanisms of legitimation in non-democratic and linguistically divided states? How do regimes in these states use and manipulate the ideology and nation-building for the purposes of regime legitimation? The article focuses on the concept of compartmentalized ideology in non-democratic regimes with substantial divisions in the so-called titular and minority group where socio-linguistic divide allows regimes to construct diverse audiences and even political communities with their own distinct narratives and discourses about the nation, state and the regime. The compartmentalized ideology is only sustainable under the conditions of the regime's power to control and facilitate these discourses through the system of authoritative presidential addresses to the nation and/or other forms of regime's communication with the polity. The shifting of these discourses and themes contribute to the regime stability but also may constitute its re-legitimation.; (AN 50655930)
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7.

Inconsistency between educational attainment and literacy: The case of Russia by Popov, Dmitry; Strelnikova, Anna. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p259-269, 11p; Abstract: From the moment when wide spread of large scale assessments in sociology and economics began, the most commonly used indicators of peoples’ qualifications are the number of years spent in education and the possession of a high school/college/university diploma. But what if these formal indicators are unreliable under certain conditions and do not reflect actual literacy and competency of people? This article, drawing on data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), questions accuracy of the basic educational indicators in Russia. There is a linear relationship between the possession of a formal graduation diploma and the measurement of PIAAC literacy of the able-bodied population in OECD countries, including the Eastern European ones. However, the analysis shows that in Russia there is an inconsistency between literacy and formal educational status. This fact in itself casts doubt on the effectiveness of formal education indicators in Russia. The social implications resulting from this inconsistency become apparent through an international comparison of research results. These ill effects have been documented in the areas of employment, education and social reproduction and in the social self-awareness of the Russian people.; (AN 50897166)
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8.

Democratization through education? Theory and practice of the Czech post-revolution education system and its reforms by Hornat, Jan. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p271-281, 11p; Abstract: The transformation process from an authoritarian/totalitarian system entails many institutional changes, however, the individual citizen is often being overlooked in this chaotic, fast-paced process and his or her “transformation” into a democrat is taken for granted. The changing socio-political system and its exigencies may lead to nostalgia and social frustrations, which in turn cause democratic backsliding. In order to cultivate a democratic society and avoid future backsliding, the post-communist states quickly set out to reform their educational systems, both in form and substance. By reviewing the reform process of the Czech educational system and discussing the prevailing legacies left by the communist regime, the article will show that through the “destruction” of the former system and its de-monopolization, decentralization and de-ideologization, the state deliberately lost significant means and power to transform Czechs from “homo sovieticus” to “homo democraticus” and is now left with a dependence on the highly autonomous schools and their propensity to foster democratic generations that will uphold the democratic state in the future. This paradox is reminiscent of the so-called Böckenförde dilemma, claiming that the liberal democratic state “lives by prerequisites which it cannot guarantee itself”.; (AN 50790508)
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9.

Let's have more Russian babies. How anti-immigrant sentiment shapes family leave policy in Russia by Kingsbury, Marina. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 p283-295, 13p; Abstract: This paper builds on scholarship of welfare chauvinism in Europe to present evidence of the relationship between xenophobia and family leave policies in contemporary Russia. I argue that popular anti-immigrant moods pressure government into providing more generous family benefits to Russian families while proposing restrictions to migrants. Findings are based on elite interviews, as well as content analysis of mass media, policy documents, public speeches, and party manifestos. I show that xenophobia is widespread in Russia among the public and policymakers alike, and find that xenophobia is embraced by policymakers to guide decisions regarding the allocation of social benefits.; (AN 50677200)
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10.

Editorial Board Communist and Post-Communist Studies, September 2019, Vol. 52 Issue: Number 3 pIFC-IFC; (AN 50897167)
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7

Comparative Strategy
Volume 38, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Twenty years after Operation Allied Force by Brown, David; Smith, Martin A.. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p407-408, 2p; (AN 51075572)
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2.

American leadership of the Atlantic alliance post-Kosovo by Sperling, James. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p409-425, 17p; Abstract: AbstractAlthough American leadership of NATO had been a constant over the entire postwar period, after the Soviet threat evaporated in the 1990s Americans began a process of reassessing the necessity and desirability of this leadership as well as the American return on its investment in NATO. Europeans, in turn, enjoyed a policy emancipation allowing them to follow the U.S. lead, resist (or reject) it when American policies violated European interests or, as a precautionary measure in the event of American abandonment, acquire strategic autonomy within the European Union. The persistence and credibility of American leadership of NATO after Kosovo, as well as episodic European challenges within and outside NATO, cannot be understood without reference to the structural and institutional factors preventing the American abdication of its leadership role within NATO or the European ability to reject it unconditionally. I find that material conditions for American leadership remain unimpaired, but the credibility of American leadership as it pertains to the confidence the allies have in U.S. willingness to fulfill its Article 5 commitment has suffered potentially irreversible damage. Yet it is institutional factors, particularly the institutional stickiness bonding the American foreign policy elite to a NATO-centric security system and the positive externalities attending institutional negentropy, that have played an outsized role in maintaining NATO’s cohesion and legitimacy. They have also raised the cost of substituting European strategic autonomy for American leadership or the abandonment of it. The Europeans have sought a precautionary defense autonomy to cope with non–Article 5 threats of peripheral interest to the United States but they have remained willing to follow the American lead on matters touching collective defense and deterrence in Europe. Future American grand strategy, currently undergoing vigorous debate inside and outside government, will have a fundamental impact on NATO’s centrality to U.S. foreign policy calculations as well as the desirability or necessity of U.S. leadership, independent of a European desire for or acquisition of strategic autonomy. The choice of strategy poses the greatest threat to NATO’s long-term cohesion, American willingness to remain entangled in European affairs, and American leadership in Europe.; (AN 51075573)
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3.

A legacy of conflict: Kosovo, Russia, and the West by German, Tracey. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p426-438, 13p; Abstract: AbstractNATO’s 1999 Kosovo campaign was a pivotal moment in Russia’s worldview and its post–Cold War evolution, prompting an enduring period of estrangement and alienation from the West. It has had a profound and lasting impact on Russian policy and strategic thought vis-à-vis the international system and the use of force, as well as the balance of power amongst different sections of the country’s foreign policy elite. This article focuses on the enduring consequences of NATO’s intervention for relations between Russia and the West, as well as on how the operation has shaped Russian strategic thought and its views on the character of conflict in the twenty-first century. It explores three themes that emerged in the wake of Operation Allied Force: questions over European security, specifically how it is provided and by whom, as well as Russia’s role; challenges to the existing liberal international order and the norms underpinning it; and the evolution of Russian military thought and defense policy post-1999.; (AN 51075574)
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4.

Kosovo traumas: How NATO got out of its depth in crisis management operations by Rynning, Sten. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p439-453, 15p; Abstract: AbstractNATO’s crisis management engagement came of age in the Kosovo crisis of 1999, as the alliance committed fully to this role in its 1999 Strategic Concept and consequently inscribed the engagement in the Euro-Atlantic security architecture it sought to refine in subsequent years. The war in Afghanistan brought change as NATO at first sought to implement its crisis management principles and then, when it ran into policy failure, accepted the Americanization of its strategy and ultimately sought to reformulate its principles in more modest terms. Where Kosovo lessons were initially seen in European security management terms, their subsequent limitations on the wider global stage impacted NATO’s broader transformation for twenty-first-century security and defense operations. NATO is today still coming to terms with the experience.; (AN 51075575)
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5.

Kosovo 1999: The false dawn of humanitarian intervention by Hehir, Aidan. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p454; Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that the optimism about the future of humanitarian intervention prevalent post-Kosovo in 1999 stemmed from a fundamental misreading of the underlying dynamics that impelled that intervention. The intervention in Kosovo was welcomed because it was said to have occurred due to a confluence of two factors, the leverage exercised by global civil society and the power wielded by the West. I argue that, while global civil-society activists unsurprisingly welcomed the intervention because it cohered with their normative vision of humanitarian intervention, the actual influence of global civil society on the decision to intervene was minimal. Likewise, the then prevalent belief in the immutable primacy of the West and its inherent commitment to the protection and promotion of human rights has proved mistaken in the years since, as Western power has waned and Western support for human rights has been selective rather than principled. Having highlighted how these two core features of post-Kosovo optimism have fared since 1999, I illustrate these trends through an examination of the fate of the responsibility to protect (R2P), which emerged as a direct result of the controversy surrounding the Kosovo intervention.; (AN 51075576)
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6.

Kosovo and Libya: Lessons learned for limited humanitarianism? by Brown, David. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p467-482, 16p; Abstract: AbstractDebates surrounding the appropriateness of “humanitarian intervention” remain a key feature of the post-Kosovo international security environment. NATO has attempted, in the past, to intervene on “humanitarian” grounds, both in Kosovo in 1999 and Libya in 2011. By systematically comparing both operations—analyzing three related phases, namely the pre-intervention justifications offered, the manner in which NATO, and particularly the United States, sought to intervene, and the level of commitment shown in the post-intervention phase—it is clear that the best that Western organizations and efforts can hope for is “limited humanitarianism,” even with the added boosts—in the case of Libya—of a cleaner international mandate from the United Nations Security Council and normative support from the relatively newly minted but already damaged concept of responsibility to protect (R2P). There are lessons for future operations of this nature.; (AN 51075577)
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7.

Taking stock after twenty years: The mixed legacy of Kosovo by Smith, Martin A.. Comparative Strategy, September 2019, Vol. 38 Issue: Number 5 p483-496, 14p; Abstract: AbstractOverall, there is mixed evidence of the enduring impact of the Kosovo crisis and Operation Allied Force (OAF) twenty years after the events. OAF and the follow-on deployment of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) in 1999 did consolidate and in effect make permanent a NATO and wider Western presence and set of interests in the Balkan region. NATO’s use of force against Serbia also caused the most serious rupture to date in its already-fragile institutional and diplomatic relationship with Russia, which revealed its fundamental weaknesses and limitations and from which it would never fully recover. On the other hand, and despite the widely perceived existential importance of its prevailing over Kosovo for NATO’s institutional credibility and effectiveness at the time, the longer-term impact of OAF and the KFOR deployment has proved transient and limited in terms of the institution’s ongoing post–Cold War evolution. This is evident not least in the failure to sustain and develop any distinct humanitarian dimension to NATO over the past two decades.; (AN 51075578)
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8

Conflict, Security & Development
Volume 19, no. 5, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Reconciliation in Mozambique: was it ever achieved? by Bueno, Natália. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 5 p427-452, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn his speech during the signing of the General Peace Agreement (GPA) in 1992, former president Joaquim Chissano announced that reconciliation was the ‘responsibility of all Mozambicans’, setting the tone of political discourses as well as of the GPA itself. A few years later, scholars and practitioners alike declared Mozambique reconciled. They suggested that the country’s formula for success resided in its original combination of amnesty, at the national level, with the traditional healing and cleansing rituals, at the community level. This article takes a step back and examines whether reconciliation ever took root in Mozambique. Drawing on specialised literatures on transitional justice and reconciliation, as well as newspapers, documents from intergovernmental organisations and semi-structured interviews, it revisits the development of reconciliation in the country from 1992 to 2015. The conclusions challenge the idea that Mozambique was once reconciled.; (AN 51107831)
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2.

Everyday realities of reintegration: experiences of Maoist ‘verified’ women ex-combatants in the aftermath of war in Nepal by K.C., Luna. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 5 p453-474, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTGlobal studies of women’s experiences in the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process have explored its implications for women in the post-war period. Scholars have also already pointed out that ex-combatants in Nepal are facing difficulties in the reintegration period. This paper examines in particular the consequences of the DDR process for so-called Maoist ‘verified’ women ex-combatants, those who were formally acknowledged as former Maoist combatants and have experienced the entire DDR process. The paper asks how they experienced this process and how it shaped their post-conflict options. The paper first problematises the idea of a ‘return to normalcy’ and, second, shows how female ex-combatants suffered multiple forms of marginalisation as they sought to give new shape to their lives. I argue that this is in part due to the lack of a gender-inclusive framework in the DDR policy in Nepal and the failure to take into account the voices of women ex-combatants.; (AN 51107832)
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3.

Post-war memorialisation as everyday peace? Exploring everyday (dis-) engagements with the Maoist martyrs’ gate of Beni Bazaar in Nepal by Lundqvist, Martin. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 5 p475-496, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe academic debates on post-war memorialisation and everyday peace tend to appear in relative isolation from one another. Yet, there is arguably much to gain from integrating them, by exploring how – and to what effect – post-war monuments are incorporated into everyday life. To this end, this article studies the everyday interactions that residents of Beni Bazaar, Nepal, have developed in relation to the recently erected Maoist martyrs’ gate. As such, narrative ellipsis, local co-operation and popular culture are identified as three distinct ways in which the gate has become entangled with everyday life in the city. I argue that these everyday interactions represent inherently political acts, which in subtle ways serve to destabilise the politically divisive ‘message’ of the post-war monument. Hence, it makes sense to think of these everyday interactions as a form of bottom-up peace-building in their own right – albeit to varying degrees.; (AN 51107833)
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4.

Towards violent peace? Territorial dynamics of violence in Tumaco (Colombia) before and after the demobilisation of the FARC-EP by Salazar, Luis Gabriel Salas; Wolff, Jonas; Camelo, Fabián Eduardo. Conflict, Security and Development, September 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 5 p497-520, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTColombia’s peace process with the FARC-EP has brought a significant reduction in the national levels of violence. Yet, in certain regions of the country the demobilisation of Colombia’s former largest guerrilla has been accompanied by rising rates of violence. The municipality of Tumaco in the extreme south of the country’s Pacific coast is a case in point. In this paper, we demonstrate that a historical and socio-geographic perspective on the shifting dynamics of the armed conflict helps shed light on current developments in Tumaco. In particular, the analysis reveals a specific co-evolution of the FARC-EP presence and of the drug economy in the region, which helps explain key features of violence in the contemporary post-conflict context. The study provides important insights into Colombia’s current peace process as well as, generally speaking, into the complex territorial dynamics of crime and violence during transitions to peace.; (AN 51107834)
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9

Contemporary Security Policy
Volume 40, no. 4, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

A hegemonic nuclear order: Understanding the Ban Treaty and the power politics of nuclear weapons by Ritchie, Nick. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p409-434, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe notion of a “global nuclear order” has entered the lexicon of nuclear politics. The 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons has prompted further questions about how we understand it. Yet missing from analysis of nuclear order and the “Ban Treaty” is a critical analysis of the power relations that constitute that order. This article develops a critical account of global nuclear order by applying Robert Cox's concept of hegemony and power to the global politics of nuclear weapons, drawing on the politics of the Ban Treaty. It theorizes a “nuclear control order” as a hegemonic structure of power, one that has been made much more explicit through the negotiation of the Ban Treaty. This fills a void by taking hegemony and power seriously in theorizing nuclear order, as well as explaining both the meaning of the Ban Treaty and its limits.; (AN 51015702)
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2.

Going it alone: The causes and consequences of U.S. extraterritorial counterproliferation enforcement by Arnold, Aaron; Salisbury, Daniel. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p435-458, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 2004, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 1540, which acknowledged the non-state acquisition of weapons of mass destruction as a security threat and called on member states to implement “appropriate effective” domestic trade controls. The United States, however, has both promoted the multilateral implementation of strategic trade controls but has also increasingly resorted to extraterritorial enforcement of its counterproliferation rules. How can a multilateral, norms-based international regime like 1540 contend with extraterritorial enforcement based on national interests? We argue that increased U.S. extraterritorial counterproliferation policies are a consequence of the inconsistent implementation of resolution 1540, adaptive and resilient proliferation networks, and a history of expanding legal interpretations of jurisdiction. We find that while U.S. extraterritorial enforcement can effectively disrupt networks hiding in overseas jurisdictions, doing so creates disincentives for states to implement 1540 obligations and undermines broader nonproliferation objectives.; (AN 51015703)
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3.

Does peacekeeping only work in easy environments? An analysis of conflict characteristics, mission profiles, and civil war recurrence by Gromes, Thorsten. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p459-480, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPeacekeeping is widely considered to be an effective means of preventing civil war recurrence. However, as peace has collapsed in a considerable number of cases despite peacekeeping efforts, we are left with the question which combinations of peacekeeping environments and peacekeeping missions lead to lasting peace. This article compares 22 peacekeeping missions between 1990 and 2012. While prominent United Nations documents assume that the success of post-conflict peacekeeping primarily depends on the features of the mission itself, the analysis shows that characteristics of the terminated civil war have a strong influence on whether peace endures. Restrained peacekeeping, defined by low troop density, non-robustness, and a lead nation that is not a permanent member of the Security Council, only succeeds in preserving peace in conducive environments. Inconclusive war endings, evenly distributed military capabilities at war’s end, ethnic conflicts, and high intensity create a particularly difficult context for peacekeeping.; (AN 51015704)
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4.

The Multi-National Joint Task Force and the G5 Sahel Joint Force: The limits of military capacity-building efforts by Dieng, Moda. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p481-501, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) and the G5 Sahel Joint Force are ad hoc counterterrorism task forces in the Lake Chad Basin and the Sahel region, respectively. These new task forces enjoy significant international capacity-building support, especially from France and the United States. This article shows that capacity-building actions, while fostering the operationalization of the MNJTF and the G5 Sahel Joint Force, nevertheless have several limitations. Capacity-building counterterrorism initiatives tend to favor security-focused strategies at the expense of efforts that could tackle the structural challenges that fuel terrorism. Such actions are also likely to incentivize dysfunctional practices on the part of security forces and political regimes in recipient countries. It is imperative for major outside players to work with African countries by promoting social and economic development projects, respect for civil rights and freedoms, as well as the community engagement of security forces.; (AN 51015705)
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5.

Renegotiating pariah state partnerships: Why Myanmar and North Korea respond differently to Chinese influence by Chow, Jonathan T.; Easley, Leif-Eric. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p502-525, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPariah status for violating international norms over decades increased Myanmar and North Korea’s dependence on China. Myanmar’s post-2010 reforms sought to reduce international sanctions and diversify diplomatic relations. North Korea pursued a diplomatic offensive after the 2018 Winter Olympics, but only after declaring itself a nuclear state. Why, despite both states’ politically unsustainable dependence on China, did Myanmar and North Korea pursue different strategies for renegotiating reliance? Unlike the Kim regime, Myanmar’s junta could step back from power while protecting its interests. Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi was a credible signaler of reforms, providing Western governments political cover to reduce sanctions. Myanmar used liberalizing reforms to address internal threats, whereas North Korea utilizes external threats for regime legitimacy. The theoretical underpinnings and empirical trajectories of these distinctions–as well as Myanmar’s backsliding on human rights–explain why reducing reliance on China may prove more difficult than shedding pariah status.; (AN 51015706)
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6.

Partisan views of Russia: Analyzing European party electoral manifestos since 1991 by Onderco, Michal. Contemporary Security Policy, October 2019, Vol. 40 Issue: Number 4 p526-547, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe connection between Russia and European political parties has been in the scholarly and popular spotlight recently. While scholars focus on the connection between the far right (and populist) parties and Russia, they have all but ignored the rapidly increasing literature on the role of political parties in foreign policy. This article provides an attempt to bridge these literatures. After analyzing a corpus of party manifestos, the results suggest that there is temporal variation in how European parties have seen Russia since the end of the Cold War. European parties tended to be mostly positive in their views of Russia prior to 2015. Geography and ideology were much less important as a factor in explaining party positions. While some ideological groups share attitudes across different borders, the overall influence of ideology on attitudes toward Russia is minimal.; (AN 51015707)
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10

Cooperation and Conflict
Volume 54, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

The (co)evolution of human rights advocacy: Understanding human rights issue emergence over time by Park, Baekkwan; Murdie, Amanda; Davis, David R. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p313-334, 22p; Abstract: How does the discussion of human rights issues change over time? Without advocates adopting a human rights issue in the first place, international ‘shaming’ cannot occur. In this article, we examine how human rights discussions converge and diverge around new frames and new issues over time. Human rights norms do not evolve alone; their prevalence, framing, and focus are all dependent on how they relate to other norms in the advocacy community. Drawing on over 30,000 documents from dozens of human rights organizations from 1990 to 2011, we provide a temporal overview and visualization of the ebb and flow of human rights issues. Using our new dataset and state-of-the-art methods from computer science, our approach allows us to quantitatively examine (a) how new issues emerge in the advocacy network, (b) the relationship of these new issues to extant human rights advocacy and information, and (c) how the framing and specificity of these issues change over time. By focusing on the process by which a new issue gets incorporated into the work of advocates, we provide an empirical assessment of the first step in the causal process connecting shaming to improvement in human rights practices.; (AN 50715076)
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2.

Upside down: Reframing European Defence Studies by Meijer, Hugo; Wyss, Marco. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p378-406, 29p; Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the study of European defence has been dominated by a ‘Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)-centric’ approach, while largely neglecting the comparative analysis of national defence policies. This article makes a conceptual and empirical case for turning the dominant research prism of European defence studies upside down by returning the analytical precedence to the national level. This approach privileges the comparative analysis of national defence policies and armed forces, before focusing on the trans-/supra-national level. The case for this analytical turn is made in three steps. Firstly, it addresses the different historical stages in European defence integration and the transformation of national armed forces and thereby brings to light the recent renationalization of defence in Europe. Secondly, it questions the predominance of the CSDP in the scholarly literature on European defence. Finally, it seeks to demonstrate the fruitfulness of such a démarche by empirically substantiating common patterns and intra-European divergences in the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces since the end of the Cold War. After having shown the need and added benefit of turning the analytical lense of European defence studies on its head, the conclusion suggests future avenues of research on national defence policies and armed forces in Europe.; (AN 50715074)
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3.

The European Union and natural resources that fund armed conflicts: Explaining the EU’s policy choice for supply chain due-diligence requirements by Vlaskamp, Martijn C. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p407-425, 19p; Abstract: Natural resources can be an important source of funding for warring parties in armed conflicts. Curbing the trade in these so-called conflict resources is, therefore, part of the European Union’s conflict management policies. The article explores the EU’s policies in this field and asks, specifically, why the EU is using supply chain due-diligence measures to achieve this goal. The author argues that they are the response to enforcement problems of most existing multilateral and unilateral sanction regimes because of state weakness in the targeted regions. This approach results from a broader idea from the EU that transparency can improve resource governance and, therefore, safeguard both its political and economic interests in conflict zones, such as the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, when the issue becomes specific—as in the EU Conflict Minerals Regulation—translating this idea into concrete policies becomes more contentious as the EU institutions set different priorities for the final policy design.; (AN 50715075)
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4.

The emergence and evolution of an external actor’s regional role: An interactionist role theory perspective by Klose, Stephan. Cooperation and Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 54 Issue: Number 3 p426-441, 16p; Abstract: The regional roles external actors play, such as ‘China’s role in Africa’ or ‘the US role in East Asia’, have long been popular subjects of analysis in the international relations literature. Yet, the emergence and evolution of these roles remains remarkably under-theorized. While some ‘new regionalist’ scholars have discussed the dynamics of an external actor’s regional involvement by referring to the concepts of ‘penetration’ and ‘socialization’, neither concept, this article argues, is sufficiently equipped to capture how external actors come to aspire and realize their regional roles. To address this shortcoming, the article employs an interactionist role theory perspective, which draws on the work of social psychologist George Herbert Mead. In following this perspective, the article argues that external actors develop regional role aspirations as they draw on their creativity and reflexivity to overcome experienced uncertainties. To realize these aspirations, the article suggests, external actors seek to cast significant others into corresponding roles. Alter-casting, the article argues in this context, is critical for understanding the (re)constitution of an external actor’s regional role, and thus a region’s social structure.; (AN 50715073)
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11

Current History
Volume 118, no. 810, October 2019

Record

Results

1.

Russia’s Incoherent State by Morris, Jeremy. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p251-257, 7p; Abstract: “[T]he bureaucracy seeks ways to enrich itself in the manner of one big state corporation, and everyone else finds themselves in positions of vulnerability or dependency.”Second in a series on ways of governing.; (AN 51043852)
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2.

Belarus’s Winding Path to a Post-Soviet Identity by Bekus, Nelly. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p258-264, 7p; Abstract: “Some of the state’s recent initiatives have sought to reappropriate ethno-cultural and pre-Soviet history and tradition, shaping a new politics of identity.”; (AN 51043853)
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3.

Azerbaijan’s Missed Opportunities by Guliyev, Farid. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p265-270, 6p; Abstract: “The consequences of this missed opportunity are serious and will be felt in the not-so-distant future when the oil deposits have drained away.”; (AN 51043854)
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4.

Social Change Unsettles Kazakhstan by Bissenova, Alima. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p271-275, 5p; Abstract: “Despite all of its symbolic continuity, Kazakhstan is a society in transition.”; (AN 51043855)
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5.

Repression and Quiet Resistance in Xinjiang by Harris, Rachel. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p276-281, 6p; Abstract: “[T]he entire Uighur population is now regarded as a problem in need of an aggressive solution.”; (AN 51043856)
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6.

Perspective: Latvia’s Russian Questions by Platt, Kevin M. F.. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p282-284, 3p; Abstract: Many ethnic Russians in the Baltic state are still excluded from full citizenship and tend to be susceptible to Moscow’s influence through cross-border media.; (AN 51043857)
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7.

Books: The Price of Excluding the ‘Unworthy’ by Wanner, Catherine. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p285-287, 3p; Abstract: A medical anthropologist explains how a popular view of drug addicts as devoid of morality and autonomy has contributed to an HIV/AIDS epidemic in Ukraine.; (AN 51043858)
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8.

The Month in Review: August 2019 by History, the editors of Current. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 p288-288, 1p; Abstract: An international chronology of events in August, country by country, day by day.; (AN 51043859)
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9.

Map of Russia and Eurasia by History, the editors of Current. Current History, October 2019, Vol. 118 Issue: Number 810 pmap-map; Abstract: Regional map; (AN 51043860)
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12

Defence and Peace Economics
Volume 30, no. 6, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature by Peksen, Dursun. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p635-647, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThere is growing policy consensus in Washington and other Western capitals that economic sanctions are powerful tools to cope with major foreign policy crises. Are sanctions, particularly targeted sanctions, really the potent instruments optimists suggest? Under what circumstances do punitive economic measures induce policy change in sanctioned countries? To probe these queries, in this article I outline the conditions that have been identified as more likely to lead to successful sanctions outcomes in the literature. I also discuss four major shortcomings of existing scholarship. First, the sender-biased interpretation of sanctions effectiveness renders the treatment of the ‘ineffective’ cases with negative outcomes the same as those cases that induce no discernable change in target behavior. Second, the prevalent use of static data from existing sanctions databases reduces the ability of researchers to study various time-specific factors affecting the probability of sanctions success. Third, the dominant state-centric bargaining model in the literature offers limited insight into contemporary coercive measures directed at non-state actors. Fourth, the study of sanctions in isolation of other instruments that frequently accompany them, such as incentives and diplomatic pressure, leads to a partial understanding of the specific role sanctions play in shaping the outcome of key foreign policy initiatives.; (AN 51079198)
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2.

Making Dictators’ Pockets Empty: How Do U.S. Sanctions Influence Social Policies in Autocratic Countries? by Cho, Wondeuk. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p648-665, 18p; Abstract: AbstractThis work examines how U.S. economic sanctions affect social welfare spending in authoritarian countries. U.S. economic sanctions play a role of leading autocratic targets to change social policy through two theoretical channels. First, U.S. economic sanctions may reduce autocrats’ resources to buy off supports from ruling elite groups and so force autocrats to reallocate government expenditure in favor of their supporting groups. Consequently, autocrats facing longer U.S. sanctions are likely to cut spending on public goods and services, especially on education and health care spending. Second, the impacts of U.S. sanction duration on social spending vary according to political variables such as autocrats’ pseudo-democratic institutions. The empirical findings show that, even when U.S. sanctions last a long time, autocrats under nominal democratic institutions cut spending on education and health to a lesser degree than do autocrats with no such institutions. In contrast, autocrats relying on pseudo-democratic institutions reduce social security spending a little more than did non-institutionalized autocrats.; (AN 51079199)
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3.

Emotions, Risk Perceptions and Precautionary Actions of Citizens During a Military Operation Using a New Defence Technology: The Israeli Case of the Iron Dome by Lahav, Eyal; Shahrabani, Shosh; Benzion, Uri. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p666-686, 21p; Abstract: AbstractThe current field study used unique data collected in Israel in July 2014, during a military operation that the Israel Defence Forces (I.D.F.) conducted in the Gaza Strip, in reaction to the thousands of missiles launched from there into Israel. During this operation, the new Iron Dome anti-missile defence system was used to protect Israelis exposed to missile attacks. The study examined factors that correlate with decisions to comply with I.D.F. defence instructions regarding behaviour during missile attacks. In addition, the study examined the relationship between attitudes towards the Iron Dome technology and emotions, risk perceptions, and the decision to comply with I.D.F. defence instructions. The results indicate that stronger positive opinions towards Iron Dome were correlated with lower levels of fear and anger, and beliefs that participant’s chances of being injured by a missile were lower than they had been during previous military operation. In addition, better compliance with I.D.F. defence instructions correlated with being more fearful, angrier at Hamas, living closer to Gaza Strip, and having more positive opinions about Iron Dome. The findings also indicate gender differences with respect to factors correlated with risk perceptions, opinions regarding Iron Dome, and precautionary actions during attacks.; (AN 51079200)
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4.

Jihad Against Palestinians? The Herostratos Syndrome and the Paradox of Targeting European Jews by Azam, Jean-Paul; Ferrero, Mario. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p687-705, 19p; Abstract: AbstractThis paper addresses the waves of mass killings recently perpetrated by individuals with a weak or nonexistent ideological motivation, whose acts either appear to contradict their purported political cause or are admittedly driven by a quest for notoriety. Examples range from killers who have been waging jihad against European Jews to unattached mass killers such as the Germanwings pilot to the perpetrators of mass school shootings in America and worldwide. We argue that these phenomena can be understood as instances of the Herostratos syndrome, which has been known for thousands of years as characterizing the behavior of people who seek to survive in the collective memory by excelling in their infamous acts. We provide a model of hybrid killers which accommodates the Herostratic motive alongside a political motive and characterize a well-behaved Nash equilibrium where Herostratic killers are competing with one another with a view to make a name for themselves in infamy. The policy implications point towards reducing the publicity the killers enjoy, thus frustrating their quest for notoriety.; (AN 51079201)
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5.

Better is the Neighbor? by Liu, Tie-Ying; Su, Chi-Wei; Tao, Ran; Cong, Han. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p706-718, 13p; Abstract: AbstractThis study applies the Sequential Panel Selection Method (SPSM), to investigate the convergence properties of the military expenditure of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during the period of 1990–2015. Compared to the traditional methods, SPSM considers fundamentally general spatial homogeneous and heterogeneous relationships with countries and examines the evolution of military expenditure. We find that four-fifths of NATO member countries have been convergent with the UK, but no country’s military expenditure is convergent with the US. This means that there is no significant linkage effect in the US for NATO military expenditure. While they are allies of the US, the majority of NATO member countries’ military expenditures are consistent with UK military expenditure. The main reasons are due to the geographical space layout and the international relationship convergence. The results indicate that more than four-fifths of NATO member countries have been coordinated with convergence theory and spillover effect.; (AN 51079202)
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6.

Allocating the U.S. Department of Defense Budget: Revisiting the ‘Incremental/Fair Share Model’ by Seki, Hiroyuki. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p719-732, 14p; Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the ‘incremental/fair share model’ that was proposed by Alex Mintz in 1988 concerning the budget allocation of the U.S. Department of Defense. Although Mintz was unable to confirm the correctness of his model, this study demonstrated it to be statistically significant. In the statistical analyses, I used the two-stage least squares method and Durbin’s h-test to better scrutinize the model’s adequacy. Few previous studies have addressed the allocation of the U.S. defence budget; consequently, the incremental/fair-share model should constitute a starting point for further research on the U.S. defence budget allocation.; (AN 51079203)
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7.

The Effects of Terrorism on Turkish Financial Markets by Aksoy, Mine; Demiralay, Sercan. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p733-755, 23p; Abstract: AbstractIn this research, we analyzed how Turkish financial markets and foreign investors in the stock market reacted to the terror attacks in Turkey. Our analysis, which was performed using the terror index for the stock market and the foreign exchange market, revealed that returns, abnormal returns, and cumulative abnormal returns were not affected by the terror attacks; however, foreign investors in the stock market were affected. When the geographic regions of the terror attacks were analyzed, the findings showed that foreign investors were negatively affected mainly by the terror attacks that occurred in southeast Anatolia. Attack type and target type were important only for foreign investors. An evaluation of the interaction between the terror attacks and the markets with the involvement of the terrorist organizations indicated that only the foreign investors in the stock market were affected by Al-Qaeda and PKK-linked terror attacks. An evaluation of the effect of terror attacks in foreign countries on Turkish financial markets revealed no effect on the domestic stock market and foreign exchange markets. We also examined the volatility spillovers from the terror index to the stock market and found that terrorist attacks increased the volatility of the stock market.; (AN 51079204)
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8.

Economie Militaire/Militärökonomie by Bellais, Renaud. Defence and Peace Economics, September 2019, Vol. 30 Issue: Number 6 p756-757, 2p; (AN 51079205)
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13

Defence Studies
Volume 19, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Power, polarity, and prudence: the ambiguities and implications of UK discourse on a multipolar international system by Blagden, David. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p209-234, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat do UK policymakers mean when they say that Britain’s strategic environment is returning to “multipolarity”? In realist international theory, polarity is a specific causal concept; the number of powers capable of balancing even the most capable other state(s) in the international system (“poles”) is taken to determine the system’s stability. Does the post-2017 appearance of polarity references in British security policy documents therefore reflect some unexpected UK renaissance of realist thought? Or is something else going on, as recent work by Ben Zala suggests? This article will demonstrate that, while UK official usage of the “multip–” word has indeed flourished recently, the term is actually being used in a more elastic, less bounded way than realism prescribes in order to generate other kinds of political effect. Specifically, “polarity” (and its “multi-” prefix) is used to characterise the behaviour of those major states that oppose Western-preferred international order, to elide Britain’s own relative power/status tensions, and to capture an expansive laundry-list of perceived international dangers. The article then discusses five ways in which a shift in polarity could negatively affect Britain; important consequences that merit preparatory contemplation, yet that an imprecise, catch-all understanding of “multipolarity” too readily obscures.; (AN 50765273)
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2.

Trilateral defence cooperation in the North: an assessment of interoperability between Norway, Sweden and Finland by Møller, Joakim Erma. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p235-256, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNorway, Sweden and Finland have proclaimed a willingness to cooperate militarily in a future crisis or conflict despite their diverging alliance affiliation. This article assesses their ability to do so through various elements affecting their interoperability, with Arctic Challenge, a multinational military exercise, as an empirical basis. The analysis finds that the NATO/non-NATO-divide has a negative impact on the trilateral defence cooperation, especially on exchange of information and aspects related to command and control. At the same time, Finland and Sweden have become largely NATO-standardized through their active partnership with the Alliance. This has affected interoperability aspects, such as communication, culture, and the compatibility of technical solutions, in a positive manner. Through agreements with the Alliance, as well as domestic legal changes, the two NATO-partners have facilitated receiving military assistance from Norway and other NATO-members during a crisis. Other agreements between the Nordic countries, however, have been limited to peacetime.; (AN 50765274)
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3.

Coordination as showcasing: the establishment of Norway’s Afghanistan Forum by Ekhaugen, Lene. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p257-276, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn complex operations such as the interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, where multiple government ministries are involved in putting together a state’s contributions, the use of national-level coordination bodies has become more widespread. Research has taken for granted that the rationale behind these bodies reflects their declared aim – enhanced coordination as a means to improve mission effectiveness. However, they appear to have had modest effect on coordination. That notwithstanding, they seem to remain popular. This prompts us to ask why such bodies are actually established. This article – based on in-depth interviews and archival records – critically explores the establishment of Norway’s ad hoc, inter-ministerial, political-level Afghanistan Forum. Distinguishing between a structural-instrumental, a cultural-institutional and an environmental perspective from organizational theory to structure the analysis, this article shows that the declared purpose of the forum, inter-ministerial coordination, proved less important than showcasing coordination efforts and keeping the coalition together. In addition, national traditions in handling coordination challenges in the central government apparatus and powerful international reforms helped bring the forum about. This has implications for research on the rationale and effectiveness of these bodies, and also for understanding their policy relevance.; (AN 50765275)
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4.

Military autonomy: its origins, limits, and the politico-military dialectic of war by Campbell, Peter. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p277-296, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMilitary officers often oppose political interference in the conduct of war. Political leaders respond by citing Clausewitz’s contention that “war is the continuation of politics with the addition of other means.” Scholarship in security studies and civil-military relations argues that civilians are right to oppose military autonomy because it serves the parochial interests of the military. However, through the dialectical relationship between the violent essence of war and its political nature, Clausewitz provides an alternative explanation for military demands for autonomy. He shows that military and political leaders are prone to an incomplete understanding of war that can undermine strategy and policy.; (AN 50765276)
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5.

Why they fight? Reconsidering the role of motivation in combat environments by Pawiński, Michal; Chami, Georgina. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p297-317, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe current combat motivation model based on primary group thesis assumes that the main force behind motivation is peer-bonding or otherwise known as unit cohesion. Cohesion is perceived as an all-encompassing factor that leads to satisfactory (or unsatisfactory in lack thereof) military effectiveness and performance in conflict environments. However, the article identifies three main problems with this perspective: 1. mono-dimensional view of motivation; 2. motivation based on heteronomy, and 3. self-reporting bias. The current model does not consider motivation as a separate entity from cohesion; it does not place motivation as fundamental human value; lastly, it takes motivation as granted by-product of socialization. The article proposes a new combat motivation model based on The Self-Determination Theory. The theory maintains that human motivation requires satisfaction of three psychological needs of competence, relatedness, and autonomy. The degree of satisfaction of those three needs leads to different types of regulated motivations – a continuum from intrinsic to extrinsic – each of which has specifiable consequences for learning, performance, and well-being of an individual.; (AN 50765277)
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6.

From first to third stream activities in higher education: the case of the Spanish Defence University centre by Callado-Muñoz, Francisco José; Utrero-González, Natalia. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p318-333, 16p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe paper adds to the debate on the relationship between military spending and economic growth by analysing the contribution of a military university centre to regional economic development. It goes beyond traditional economic impact studies by including research related effects and integrating “third stream” activities. Conceptualization and categorization are carried out to thoroughly analyse the different dimensions of knowledge and “third stream” actions. The analysis is performed from its settlement and during its first 5 years of existence which allows showing how the strategy of community engagement is developed. The conclusion suggests that, as traditional military roles extend, and military education institutions become higher education institutions, a comprehensive evaluation should be taken into account to enrich the public debate on government spending.; (AN 50765278)
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7.

The handbook of European defence policies & armed forces by Becker, Jordan. Defence Studies, July 2019, Vol. 19 Issue: Number 3 p334-335, 2p; (AN 50765279)
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14

Defense and Security Analysis
Volume 35, no. 3, July 2019

Record

Results

1.

Land power in the age of joint interdependence: toward a theory of land power for the twenty-first century by Johnsen, William T.. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p223-240, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis essay outlines a theory of land power. After explaining the absence of such a theory, the article establishes the modern context for such a theory, specifically within the concept of joint interdependence. The analysis defines key terms and premises behind the theory, to include a definition of land power. The argument then outlines the national elements of power that contribute to a theory of land power. The analysis next applies the theory to the fundamental purposes of military power: defeat, deter, compel, assure, shape and support to the nation. The analysis then tests key definitions, supporting premises, and utility of the theory. The essay argues that historical experience validates the applicability and utility of the theory, and offers a solid basis for extrapolating the validity of the theory into the near future.; (AN 50756257)
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2.

Sharing the load: factors in supporting local armed groups in insurgencies by Cline, Lawrence E.. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p241-260, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMost counterinsurgency campaigns have featured the use of some form of local defense forces. Such forces have had a somewhat mixed record, both in their usefulness in actually countering insurgents and in their longer-term impact on internal security. This article focuses on historical cases that provide lessons for the best operational and strategic uses of local defense forces and measures to control their activities.; (AN 50756258)
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3.

Fighter aircraft acquisition in Croatia: failure of policy delivery by Watkins, Amadeo. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p261-282, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe possibility for Croatia to obtain new fighter aircraft is not new, as this option has been publicly debated for at least a decade. A sudden decision to advance the acquisition of a limited number of fighter aircraft was made in 2017 with an international tendering process concluding in early 2018. Through open source material, this paper will look at this procurement process by examining the relationship between policy and strategic thinking on the one side, and policy delivery on the other, and evaluate why the tendering process failed in achieving envisaged results. The paper concludes that the problems facing the Croatian aircraft acquisition process stem from at least two interrelated factors: firstly, at the operational level, the failure of the procurement was the direct result of mismanaged tendering procedures linked to the wider public administration reform process; and secondly, at the strategic level, inherently complex civil-military relations and related cultural aspects which have not been adequately addressed over the past decades. The result was a failure to deliver on government policy, something which this paper argues will need to be addressed over the medium to long term.; (AN 50756259)
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4.

Success and failures of the Gripen offsets in the Visegrad Group countries by Lazar, Zsolt. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p283-307, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe Soviet-led Council for Mutual Economic Assistance member, Central European countries found themselves in a difficult political and economic situation after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Three post-Eastern Bloc countries formed the Visegrad Group to strengthen their ties to the West, but the need for foreign investment, job creation and technology transfer was urgent.This is when military modernisation also came into the picture and the counter-trade—as known as offset—as a tool to help these economies. A trade practice which was meant to energise these economies via defence acquisitions linked economic programmes.Two Visegrad Group member countries, Hungary and the Czech Republic decided to sign offset agreement with the defence firm SAAB to license Gripen fighter aircrafts. This study intends to analyse if these deals were able to help governments to reach their objectives or the two countries were unable to take advantage of the offset programmes.; (AN 50756260)
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5.

The Russian hybrid warfare strategy – neither Russian nor strategy by Fabian, Sandor. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p308-325, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFollowing Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its initial actions in eastern Ukraine in 2014, the term hybrid warfare has received much public attention. Many have argued that the Russian actions we saw in Ukraine were part of a completely new strategy while others have suggested that there was nothing new in Russia’s actions. This article takes a critical look at these claims. Through the assessment of the history of the term hybrid warfare and a rigorous analysis of the so-called Gerasimov doctrine, this study finds that the Russian hybrid warfare strategy is rather a western myth than a formal comprehensive Russian strategic concept. Additionally, through the assessment of the Russian use of information operations and the way she has utilised the cyberspace in several recent conflicts, the study finds that against all claims Russia did not make these areas its main battlefield, but rather has been using them in support of its traditional concepts.; (AN 50756261)
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6.

Revisiting the justification for an all-volunteer force by Amara, Jomana. Defense and Security Analysis, July 2019, Vol. 35 Issue: Number 3 p326-342, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn 1968, President Nixon established the Commission on an All-Volunteer Armed Force, or the Gates Commission, which served as the impetus and justification for an All-Volunteer Force (AVF). At the end of its deliberations, the commission recommended abolishing the draft and transforming the U.S. military into a force of volunteers beginning in 1973. Interestingly, the debate regarding the merits of both systems appeared to be largely economic – with cost–benefit analysis playing the primary role. Lately, we are beginning to see a new, politically-motivated impetus for returning to a “system of national service.” The ideas spurring this debate are many: the need to reaffirm the nation state, the commitment of citizens to the state, political ownership and oversight of the forces, the need for social equity in serving the nation, limiting the support for armed conflict by burden-sharing among citizens, and equitably spreading the personal cost of war.; (AN 50756262)
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15

Democratization
Volume 26, no. 8, November 2019

Record

Results

1.

Rethinking the repression-dissent nexus: assessing Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood's response to repression since the coup of 2013 by al-Anani, Khalil. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1329-1341, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the repression-dissent nexus in Islamist social movements. Several studies have overwhelmingly focused on the effects of repression on protest volume, level, and tactics. However, understanding the responses of individual members to regime repression and how they relate to the movement's collective response is rarely discussed. By analysing the response of the Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood to regime repression since the coup of 2013, this article explains the effects of repression on opposition movements. It argues that to understand the impact of repression on these movements, we need to differentiate between the collective and individual responses to repression. These two levels of analysis are crucial to better understand the repression-dissent nexus. Also, the article contends that collective and individual responses to repression cannot be explained by focusing solely on the structural and institutional factors (i.e. organization, ideology, leadership, etc.). Members’ personal experiences, memory, emotions, and trauma play a key role in shaping their response to repression. The article thus accounts for both the formal and informal effects of repression on Islamists.; (AN 51151417)
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2.

Who are the targets of familial electoral coercion? Evidence from Turkey by Toros, Emre; Birch, Sarah. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1342-1361, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe unfettered expression of electoral choice is an important democratic right; however, in many contexts voters are pressured by others to cast their votes in certain ways. Electoral coercion is a topic that has received increased attention from researchers in recent years as part of the wave of research on electoral violence, yet there is little consensus in the literature as to who the targets of coercion are most likely to be. This article uses a list experiment embedded in a survey fielded following the Turkish general election of 2018 to identify the targets of coercive electoral practices within families and among close friends. The analysis reveals familial electoral coercion to be strongly conditioned by partisanship and disadvantaged demographic characteristics, but finds no evidence that women are more likely than men to be coerced.; (AN 51151418)
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3.

Not the only game in towns: explaining changes in municipal councils in post-revolutionary Tunisia by Clark, Janine A.; Dalmasso, Emanuela; Lust, Ellen. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1362-1381, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis study sheds light on the relationship between local and national elites during political transitions. Examining local councils in post-revolutionary Tunisia (2011–2013), it examines why and when the composition of councils changed in the absence of local elections. The study yields two important lessons. First, changes in councils resulted from a power struggle between national and local elites. Councils were more likely to remain in place when local parties and unions helped council members resist pressures from above. The interplay of local and national actors, and not the council’s competencies, explains when changes took place. Second, all councils became politicized in the process. Far from being caretaker councils impartially addressing local needs, the councils were institutions playing important roles in the struggles between local and national political elites. Councils were arenas in which political power, and notions of legitimate representation, were contested in the absence of elections. The argument is supported by quantitative analyses of original data and four comparative case studies based on qualitative fieldwork. The findings highlight the importance of local councils in transition processes and provide a basis for further work exploring local-national engagement in democratization.; (AN 51151419)
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4.

The evolution of authoritarian rule in Algeria: linkage versus organizational power by Hill, J. N. C.. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1382-1398, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article draws on the Algerian regimes of Chadli Benjedid and Abdelaziz Bouteflika to critically evaluate Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s dimension of linkage. The paper shows that, despite the intensification of the country’s ties to the European Union (EU) from one regime to the other, the willingness and ability of Brussels to put democratizing pressure on Algiers decreased rather than increased. This development challenges Levitsky and Way’s thesis and the importance they place on linkage in relation to their other dimensions of leverage and organizational power. The article concludes that: strengthening linkage does not always result in greater EU or Western democratizing pressure; the balance of importance Levitsky and Way strike between their dimensions is open to question; and, the EU has grown less willing to press for political change in Algeria.; (AN 51151420)
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5.

On the front lines of democracy: perceptions of electoral officials and democratic elections by Garnett, Holly Ann. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1399-1418, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTElectoral officials play a crucial role in instilling confidence in elections and democracy. They are involved in the most important tasks of running elections, from registering voters to counting the ballots. This article employs survey data from 35 countries from the sixth wave of the World Values Survey (2010–2014) which asks respondents about their perceptions of electoral integrity and the quality of democracy in their country. The analysis demonstrates the relationship between perceptions of the fairness of electoral officials and two important outcomes: confidence in the fairness of the vote count, and perceptions of the overall quality of democracy. It additionally considers under which circumstances this relationship is most pronounced and shows that the relationship between an individual’s perceptions of electoral officials and perceptions of electoral integrity is more pronounced in countries where there is a low liberal democracy index.; (AN 51151421)
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6.

Elite coordination and popular protest: the joint effect on democratic change by Sato, Yuko; Wahman, Michael. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1419-1438, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAuthoritarian elections offer a window of contestation where a democratic opposition may increase the pressure on authoritarian regimes to implement democratic change. Pressure may come either from popular protest (vertical threats), or from a coordinated counter-elite (lateral threats). Previous research on electoral authoritarianism has emphasized the importance of both lateral and vertical threats for democratization, but have not theorized how these two threats interact to promote higher levels of democracy. We argue that the effect of vertical threats is contingent on the existence of lateral threats. Popular mobilization is more likely to promote democratic change if a unified opposition translates popular grievances to democratic demands. Conversely, a mobilized population increases the probability that a unified opposition will enhance democratic change by increasing the reputational and organizational costs of repression and electoral manipulation. Our theoretical claims are corroborated by statistical analysis of 169 elections, held in 74 electoral autocracies around the globe 1991–2014.; (AN 51151422)
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7.

An assessment of democratic vulnerability: regime type, economic development, and coups d’état by Schiel, Rebecca E.. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1439-1457, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTPrior research has not established a clear relationship between democracy and insulation from coups d’état, with very few studies illustrating robust findings on the subject. I contend that the lack of attention paid to the conditional influences of democracy on coups has resulted in these mixed findings. I posit that insulation from coups occurs at higher levels of economic development in both autocracies and democracies. However, the vulnerability present at low levels of economic development is significantly greater in democracies. Poor democracies lack the coercive capacity associated with authoritarian states, suffer from relatively weaker patronage networks, and have smaller pots for public goods provision, all making them less capable of maintaining elite loyalty. An assessment of 165 states for the years 1950–2011 offers strong support for the argument. Democracies are indeed an important part of the coup story, but only when simultaneously addressing their level of economic development.; (AN 51151423)
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8.

Populism and democratic crisis in semi-presidential countries by Tsai, Jung-Hsiang. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1458-1474, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates how different political opportunity structures in semi-presidential countries either enable or inhibit the overreach of populist presidents. In Turkey, for example, political leverage has been used to hamstring the opposition and transform a democratic regime into an authoritarian one. In Bulgaria, democracy also faded under a populist prime minister. Ukraine’s democracy had a checkered history, with frequent changes of power culminating in presidential breakdown. The Czech Republic introduced popular elections for the president to strengthen legitimacy, but that exposed the regime to conflict between the president and the prime minister.; (AN 51151424)
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9.

Income inequality, distributive unfairness, and support for democracy: evidence from East Asia and Latin America by Wu, Wen-Chin; Chang, Yu-Tzung. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1475-1492, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConcern about rising economic inequality is widespread among ordinary citizens, academics, and policymakers. In particular, income inequality not only intensifies the conflicts between the rich and poor citizens but also leads to political instability. In this article, we investigate how income inequality is related to people’s support for democracy by including both objective and subjective measures of inequality. Using data collected from 28 democracies in East Asia and Latin America during 2013 and 2015, we demonstrate that inequality, measured in either a subjective or objective way, decreases with people’s satisfaction with democracy. In addition, we find that in East Asian countries, subjective measures of inequality, perceived unfairness of income inequality in particular, provide a better explanation of people’s dissatisfaction with democracy than the Gini index, a commonly used objective measure of inequality. Our findings are robust to different model specifications and offer micro-level evidence suggesting that unfair income distribution undermines the consolidation of democracies.; (AN 51151425)
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10.

Capture the flag: local factionalism as electoral mobilization in dominant party Uganda by Wilkins, Sam. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1493-1512, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article addresses a question relevant to many non-democratic regimes: how can a successful dominant party be an institutionally weak one? President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) have dominated Ugandan politics since coming to power in 1986. However, the NRM does not possess many of the institutional endowments that other dominant parties use to control mass and elite politics, such as central control of candidate selection, autonomous mobilizing structures, or dispensation of sufficient political finance to its candidates. Instead, the party secretariat has no real institutional power independent of the personalist Museveni regime, and its local branches house fierce internal competition each election in which most incumbents lose office. This article argues that the NRM mobilizes so well for Museveni despite its institutional deficits due to the precise nature of the competitive process its local elites go through to win its nomination (or “flag”) and the subsequent general election. This process sees self-organized and self-financed candidates and their factions rejuvenate the party and mobilize votes for the concurrent presidential election as a by-product of their competition with one another. The article makes this argument with qualitative data from three districts gathered during the 2016 elections.; (AN 51151426)
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11.

Can the descriptive-substantive link survive beyond democracy? The policy impact of women representatives by Forman-Rabinovici, Aliza; Sommer, Udi. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1513-1533, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThat women offer substantive representation in democratic systems is well established. However, can they do so in partial or non-democracies? As less than half of the women in the world live in democracies, analysing female representation outside of the democratic context is crucial. We hypothesize that even in non- and partial-democracies, women exercise substantive representation. Neutralizing the confounding effects of international constraints or a general positive approach towards gender equality, we create a framework that observes the relationship, proposing and testing several scenarios to identify substantive representation. We observe correlations over time between the share of women representatives and policies female representation typically influence: reproductive rights, health spending and education spending. Our evidence shows that substantive representation appears in non- and partial democracies, and not just in democracies.; (AN 51151427)
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12.

Egypt in a time of revolution: contentious politics and the Arab spring by Mitra, Sandipan. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1534-1536, 3p; (AN 51151428)
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13.

Rethinking the value of democracy: a comparative perspective by Bogaards, Matthijs. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1536-1537, 2p; (AN 51151429)
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14.

Muslim democratic parties in the Middle East: economy and politics of Islamist moderation by Azgin, Bilge. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1538-1539, 2p; (AN 51151430)
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15.

Political institutions and democracy in Portugal: assessing the impact of the Eurocrisis by Lima, Valesca. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1540-1541, 2p; (AN 51151431)
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16.

Communism’s shadow. Historical legacies and contemporary political attitudes by Gherghina, Sergiu. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1541-1543, 3p; (AN 51151432)
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17.

Rightwing populism. An element of neodemocracy by Greven, Thomas. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1543-1545, 3p; (AN 51151433)
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18.

Life after dictatorship: authoritarian successor parties worldwide by Horschig, Doreen. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1545-1547, 3p; (AN 51151434)
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19.

Authoritarianism: three inquiries in critical theory by Regilme, Salvador Santino F.. Democratization, November 2019, Vol. 26 Issue: Number 8 p1547-1549, 3p; (AN 51151435)
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16

Demokratizatsiya
Volume 27, no. 2, April 2019

Record

Results

1.

Flexible Memory Narratives in The Physical Landscape: A Case Study of Tbilisi, Georgia by Storm, Karli. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p131-161, 31p; Abstract: Abstract:Although the state and its constituent bodies have expended greater effort to make room for Georgia's national minorities in official identity narratives since the Rose Revolution of 2003, subsequent changes to Tbilisi's built environment embody an incoherent conception of "Georgian-ness"—one that, despite evidencing certain civic elements, is still predominantly primordialist in nature. This article identifies the dominant national identity narratives propagated by Georgian state leaders since independence and examines the ways in which leaders have imprinted these narratives upon the physical landscape of Tbilisi. More so than his predecessors, Mikheil Saakashvili rigorously began transforming the country's built environment following the Rose Revolution of 2003. The subsequent changes both reflected and propagated particular narratives of national identity and focused primarily upon Tbilisi. Paying particular attention to the post-Rose Revolution development of Tbilisi, the author identifies three particular flexible memory narratives as having been influential since independence: 1.) foreign aggression and oppression, 2.) uniqueness through antiquity, and 3.) Georgia's "return to the West". These narratives, alongside those of common descent, language, and faith, are selectively applied by top state leaders in Georgia in ways that solidify and legitimate the position of the titular Georgian nation within the territorial state.; (AN 49881979)
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2.

Hegemony of the European Project in Georgia: From Foreign Policy Initiative to the Logic of State Building and Development by Gamkrelidze, Tamar. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p163-185, 23p; Abstract: Abstract:This article examines the hegemony of the European project in Georgia established by the United National Movement government between 2004 and 2012. The puzzle is: how did President Saakashvili, in spite of continuous criticism for being less than democratic, achieve progress in taking Georgia further toward European integration? In contrast to most of the existing literature, the article claims that by foreclosing political channels for legitimate and illegitimate dissent, President Saakashvili ensured the hegemony of the European project as the sole roadmap for Georgia's national development, thus entrenching a preference for Europe in the country once and for all.; (AN 49882399)
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3.

Democratic Culture in Belarus: Insights on Democratic Citizenship, Trust, and Participatory Intentions among Adolescents by Sianko, Natallia. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p187-213, 27p; Abstract: Abstract:This study explores the democratic culture in Belarus by describing how adolescents view norms of democratic citizenship, how they perceive societal institutions, and whether they intend to participate in civic and political life. Using survey data from 207 students from public schools in a southeastern region of Belarus, the study identified elements of a nascent democratic culture while also pointing out potential barriers to democratic consolidation. Overall, the majority of participants identified with norms of democratic citizenship, with students from urban schools seeing social movement democratic citizenship as more important than did their counterparts form rural schools. Adolescents' attitudes toward democratic citizenship and trust in societal institutions predicted their intention of taking part in electoral activities. However, neither institutional trust nor perceived importance of social movement citizenship explained variation in adolescents' intentions to take part in political life.; (AN 49882227)
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4.

Russian Center-Periphery Relations from Khrushchev to Putin, 1957-2018 by Moses, Joel. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p215-236, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:From Khrushchev to Putin, Soviet and Russian political leaders have determined who governs the Russian regions. A comparison of all 791 regional leaders who led the current 83 Russian regions between 1957 and 2018 finds that locals, through their origins and prior careers, have made the major difference in center-periphery relations in Russia since 1991. Currently, these local regional leaders are the political legacy of the Boris Yeltsin presidency. A significant decline in the number of locals serving as regional leaders is also the most likely change to be sought by President Putin in his efforts to eradicate the Yeltsin legacy and attain even greater political dominance over Russia in his fourth term (2018-2024).; (AN 49882087)
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5.

Perspectives Roadblocks: Georgia's Long Road to NATO Membership by Kyle, Joe. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p237-247, 11p; (AN 49882270)
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6.

The Georgian Dream? Outcomes from the Summer of Protest, 2018 by Oravec, Phillip; Holland, Edward C.. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p249-256, 8p; (AN 49882364)
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7.

Tribute to Joyce Poole Horn, 1939-2019 by Stoecker, Sally W.; Shelley, Louise; Arias-King, Fredo. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, April 2019, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p257-259, 3p; (AN 49882348)
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17

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
Volume 12, no. 3, September 2019

Record

Results

1.

Letter from the Editor by Ligon, Gina Scott; Logan, Michael. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p183-184, 2p; (AN 51089203)
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2.

Examining extrajudicial killings: discriminant analyses of human rights’ violations by Sommer, Udi; Asal, Victor. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p185-207, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTExtrajudicial killings are cases where a government kills citizens with no judicial oversight. We offer first-of-its-kind analyses of this phenomenon that by now is widely discussed in the context of international politics. The theoretical framework proposed here underscores the importance of two pillars: an independent judiciary and violent conflicts. Ordered logistic regression models and GEE time-series cross-sectional analyses with data for 146 countries from 1981–2004 lend support to our theory. Furthermore, the analyses compare extrajudicial killings as a political phenomenon with other phenomena they are often associated with or even lumped together with in empirical analyses. Those include political imprisonment and political disappearance. We find that in various ways extrajudicial killings are indeed unique.; (AN 51089204)
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3.

Friends in high places: state support for violent and non-violent ethnopolitical organizations by Asal, Victor; Ayres, R. William; Kubota, Yuichi. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p208-222, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTStates seek to influence or alter political outcomes in other states by supporting non-governmental groups located within their rivals or enemies. While a dyadic-relation model explains much of state support for non-governmental ethnopolitical organizations, its static view fails to capture the changing nature of their relationships. By bringing violent and non-violent organizations into the same analysis, and examining data across different international systemic periods, we add new empirical evidence to previous studies, arguing that the external support for resistance is influenced by a specific context in the post-Cold War period as well as the behaviour and characteristics of the organizations vying for support. Analysing the Middle East Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior (ME-MAROB) dataset, we find that violent organizations are more likely to obtain external support than those organizations adhering to the principles of non-violence in both the Cold War and the post-Cold War periods. However, organizational popularity, capability, and kinship with the state sponsor encourage state support only after the end of the Cold War. This suggests that the shift in the international system caused by the collapse in bipolarity encouraged state actors to reconsider their behaviour in supporting ethnopolitical organizations inside other states.; (AN 51089205)
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4.

Keeping threat at arm’s length: counter-revolutionary interventions by third-party states in support of governments by Linebarger, Christopher; Nichols, Angela D.; Enterline, Andrew J.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p223-241, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the 1970s the military juntas in South America engaged in a cross-national campaign of repression, code-named Operation Condor, targeted against leftist militant groups inspired to action by the Cuban Revolution. This case illustrates an understudied motivation for third-party intervention in domestic conflict: counter-revolution. We therefore formulate a theory in which revolutions shock the international system by empowering new revolutionary regimes that, in turn, inspire dissidents abroad to take up arms. Status quo elites in foreign states seek to staunch this diffusion of revolution by engaging in international repressive campaigns, manifested as third party intervention in civil conflict. We test this expectation on a global sample of intervention opportunities for the period 1975–2004, and assess the threat that revolutionary regimes pose to status quo governments in two ways: (1) the geographic proximity of a revolutionary state to pairs of status quo states; and (2) the geographic proximity of internal-armed conflicts featuring rebels that are supported by a revolutionary states. We find evidence that status quo states respond to the proximity of a revolutionary state, but not to the proximity of support for rebels.; (AN 51089206)
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5.

Terrorist assassinations and societal unrest in Africa: a research brief by Bell, Laura N.. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p242-256, 15p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis exploratory research brief examines social unrest in Africa in the aftermath of terrorist assassinations. Assassination is a tactic of violence in modern terrorist campaigns and assassinations are interwoven across the African continent with social conflict events such as demonstrations and riots. Utilizing survival analysis, this article finds variation in the likelihood of social unrest across five African subregions and tests for the type of event most likely to occur after a terrorist assassination. Analyses of data on thirty-seven African states drawn from the Global Terrorism Databaseand Social Conflict Analysis Databasefrom 1990–2015 suggest that demonstrations may be more likely than riots in the aftermath of a terrorist assassination in Africa and that these events are more likely to be spontaneous, rather than organized, in nature.; (AN 51089207)
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6.

Explaining insurgency progression in Iraq, 2003–2011 by Black, Michelle. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, September 2019, Vol. 12 Issue: Number 3 p257-281, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTMany have attempted to answer the questions of “what went wrong in Iraq” arguing that insurgency developed because there was a lack of security. However, on the ground observations and empirical data collection are proving this to not necessarily be the case. This paper tackles what went wrong in Iraq and explains why we saw violence escalate into an insurgency during postwar reconstruction. This paper argues that individuals have certain expectations within a postwar environment, and those unmet expectations will lead certain individuals to join an insurgency. The argument of this paper empirically tests and supports the theoretical framework of relative deprivation, providing a clear explanation of what “actually” led people down a path towards insurgency. Finally, the empirical contribution of this paper is the presentation of primary data demonstrating that it was, in fact, a lack of services, followed by a lack of security, that motivated individuals towards insurgency.; (AN 51089208)
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